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https://openalex.org/W2749188279 | A Unified Competitive Palestinian Strategy | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C182306322"
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"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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"Israel"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W617871538",
"https://openalex.org/W2013681984",
"https://openalex.org/W2079509876"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2749188279 | Palestinians need a strategy that will lift them out of their seemingly unending dilemma of prolonged Israeli settler-colonial occupation. Palestinian strategy needs to be re-positioned, to be part of a published strategic vision for a lasting solution that needs a national consensus on the requirements.The Palestinian struggle to achieve a viable independent state can be attained by engaging in a contest of credibility generating a long term sustainable advantage responding to the opportunities and threats, to achieve our objectives through capturing international political signals; or as Edward Said described it “Capturing the Imagination of the world”.The purpose of strategy is to gain some form of advantage; to maintain or protect assets or interests. Strategy is about gaining or maintaining an advantage or denying an advantage to the Israeli Occupation.To set a strategy, one usually employs past experience tactics whereby future probabilities, gains and losses are approximated in a given situation (game theory). A strategy is not routinely changeable or is quickly reversible. Nevertheless, a strategy must not stand still in the face major international events. On the contrary, a solid strategy must be capable of responding to changing events[1] in a manner whereby tactical threats could be turned into gains or opportunities. It is also necessary that a strategy ought to be, when formulated, based upon the strengths whist remaining mindful of weaknesses in order for it to deal with arising threats or challenges.For over two decades, since the signing of the Oslo Accords between the Palestinian Liberation Organization and Israel, the Israeli military occupation, land confiscation and destruction, expansion of settlements, denial of Palestinian right to self-determination and control over natural resources remain in place.Israel continues with its settler-colonial project undeterred by the Palestinian resistance or the condemnation of most countries in the world. That has undermined the so-called “Peace process” and its ultimate objective of a two-state solution, leaving the Palestinians with a prospect of prolonged occupation, which leaves them helpless and hopeless. | [
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"display_name": "Studies in Asian social science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210237732",
"type": "journal"
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https://openalex.org/W1484351240 | Battlefield Air Interdiction In The 1973 Middle East War And Its Significance To NATO Air Operations | [
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"display_name": "Bruce A Brant",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1484351240 | Abstract : This study is an historical analysis of battlefield air interdiction during the 1973 Middle East War. Its purpose is to draw conclusions, based on the historical findings, about the best way to employ BAI in the airland battle. Although conclusions come from a Middle East War over ten years ago, they are examined in terms of the NATO environment. The tactical and technological developments of Arab and Israeli air forces during the years 1967-1973 are examined in order to explain how both sides arrived at the doctrine they employed in the 1973 War. The Arabs established an intensive air defense network to deny the Israelis their strongest and most flexible weapons system. The Israelis believed that Air Force would destroy Arab ground forces as it did in 1967. The confrontation of both doctrines had significant implications for the ground forces parti cularly the relative value assigned close air support and battlefield air interdiction. The study concludes that close air support is not the best use of air assets in a high density air defense environment. Battlefield air interdiction is more effective to the operational ground commander. Localized control of air defense systems is needed to allow the use of air to ground assets. The final conclusion is the suppression of enemy air defense systems is a joint service responsibility. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W241352226 | Israeli Strategy after Desert Storm: Lessons of the Second Gulf War | [
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"display_name": "Chun Chung Chan",
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"display_name": "Storm",
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{
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W241352226 | ISRAELI STRATEGY AFTER DESERT STORM: Lessons of the Second Gulf War by Aharon Levran. 166 pages. Frank Cass and Co., Portland, OR. 1997. $47.50. In his book Israeli Strategy After Desert Storm, author Aharon Levran examines the changes Israel discovered it needed in its defense strategy during Operation Desert Storm. The book's unifying theme is Israel's need to rethink its deterrence strategy based on three key challenges: the increased surface-to-surface missile (SSM) threat, the potential of information technology and precision weapons and the need for accurate and timely intelligence on a potential threat. Levran identifies the SSM threat (especially missiles armed with chemical or biological systems) as both a psychological weapon and one that reduces Israel's strategic depth. For Israel to regain the initiative over potential enemies, it must either extend its offensive capability to eliminate such threats or develop the necessary active defense, including theater-missile defense, measures to defeat such threats. While the former option is still viable, it is increasingly constrained by world political opinion and the need to expand an exponential amount of resources to keep up with the ever-increasing SSM ranges. The latter option also faces many technical difficulties and requires Israel, with the United States, to invest a significant proportion of its declining defense budget to develop an SSM defense system capable of meeting its operational needs. The success of the allied air campaign using a combination of advanced information technology and precision targeting during Desert Storm is further validation of Israel's investment in technology to overcome its inherent manpower and resource constraints. But the success of such weaponry also creates greater awareness and desire in Israel's potential enemies to also acquire such technologies. Hence, Israel's challenge to maintain qualitative military superiority has become more acute. This invites a larger question. Can the strategy of the continuous introduction of more advanced weaponry into the region ever promote peace and allow the development of a military balance acceptable to all, or does it merely enmesh the potential adversaries in a vicious circle of arms escalation? Although Israel has a well-established intelligence service and modem imagery technologies, it faces the challenge of accurately assessing its potential threat's intention. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2624394004 | The Search for Suitable Strategy: Threat-Based and Capabilities-Based Strategies in a Complex World | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "John A. Christianson",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5085515259"
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2624394004 | Abstract : Since the end of the Cold War, capabilities-based military strategies have become increasingly common. The complex nature of the international environment has driven many militaries to focus on a set of capabilities to deal with a multitude of ill-defined threats rather than using a traditional threat-based military strategy. This leads to the inevitable question: Which form of strategy is better? While theory suggests that threat-based strategies are the more complete model, both can be ill-suited to the problem at hand if based on incorrect assumptions. Historical case studies of the Franco-Prussian War, the United States in the interwar years, and Israel in the 1973 Arab-Israeli War show that the true path to suitable strategy is a measure of forethought and theoretical planning exercises to shape habits of thought and identify risks or shortcomings inherent in a chosen strategy, whether threat-based or capabilities-based. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306533988",
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|
https://openalex.org/W333421368 | Meeting Future Army Reconnaissance and Security Requirements | [
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"display_name": "David Sanders",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C190989730"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778007780"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776211767"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
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{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W333421368 | Abstract : This paper explores how the Army of 2020 should organize and equip itself to execute reconnaissance and security (R&S) operations against hybrid threats. The paper begins with a historical review of the enduring requirement for dedicated reconnaissance and security capabilities, and when the lack of focus on reconnaissance made the difference in battle or had strategic implications. These historic examples include the battle of Gettysburg, in which General Robert E. Lee's misuse of his cavalry and General George Meade's doctrinal use of his cavalry had strategic implications for both sides. Additional historical examples include the Vietnam War and the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in 2006. The paper then describes future hybrid threats and enemy capabilities, and how the enemy will fight. There are gaps in the U.S. Army's ability to conduct R&S operations against a hybrid threat. The U.S. Army lacks properly organized, equipped, and dedicated organizations to meet R&S requirements in the future. To fix its R&S gaps, the Army should focus its efforts and resources on its building block for combat operations, the Brigade Combat Team (BCT), by reorganizing, manning, and equipping the Reconnaissance, Surveillance and Target Acquisition Squadrons within the BCT. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3185121067 | 국가안보전략차원 대북 억제의 발전방향에 관한 연구 | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "양준혁",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5050794530"
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] | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C60643870"
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{
"display_name": "Diplomacy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C557252395"
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{
"display_name": "Military strategy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C118813454"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Computer security",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C38652104"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3185121067 | Although the ROK has been trying to deter North Korea’s military provocations, ROK’s deterrence strategy hasn’t been effective because of it’s focus on military means. From a different viewpoint, the purpose of this thesis is to suggest directions for the development of deterrence strategy against North Korea’s military provocations as a national security strategy based on the analysis of the changes in the recent strategy.
This thesis presents an operational definition of ‘Adaptive deterrence’ and analysis framework, which arrange pre-planned Diplomacy, Intelligence, Military, and Economy’s measures for deterrence according to the type and intensity of each threat through the analysis of the changes in the recent strategy. Also, it presents implications throughout the case study of Israel and Poland, which are similar to ROK security environment Furthermore, based on the analysis framework of adaptive deterrence, it evaluates the ROK’ past deterrence strategy against North Korea’s military provocations.
As a result of the study, it proposes several directions for the development of the ROK’s deterrence strategy. First, the ROK must consider distinct characteristics of North Korea such as inheritance of the regime and Kim Jung-un era’s character. Second, the ROK has to intensify it’s Diplomacy, Intelligence, and Economy’s deterrence measures in parallel with military ones. Third, various Diplomacy, Intelligence, Military, and Economy’s deterrence measures have to be integrated with a focus on it’s effect Finally, it emphasizes strategic communications and intelligence operation to receive support from the people in order to increase the likelihood of putting it into practice.
A new and comprehensive approach to deterrence against North Korea such as adaptive deterrence is highly significant in developing a deterrence strategy of the ROK. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306493989",
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|
https://openalex.org/W223148725 | Hybrid Warfare: A Military Revolution or Revolution in Military Affairs? | [
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"display_name": "Thomas Bjerregaard",
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W223148725 | Abstract : In the last decade, a new term, hybrid warfare, has been surfacing amongst scholars of warfare. The latest Swedish Military Strategic Doctrine also uses the term. Proponents of hybrid warfare use the term to describe the area in which regular warfare and irregular warfare intersect and blend to create a new form of warfare. This thesis uses the Williamson Murray and McGregor Knox definitions of Military Revolution (MR) and Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) to determine whether hybrid warfare falls under MR or RMA. As necessary, insights from other sources will further help define Murray and Knox's concepts of MR and RMA. Section 2 of the thesis, a literature review, presents the views of some of the most prominent writers on hybrid warfare, namely, Frank G. Hoffman, Thomas M. Huber, David Kilcullen, Bill Nemeth, John J. McCuen, and Nathan Freier. Chapter 3 is an indepth look at the definitions of hybrid warfare, MR, and RMA. Chapter 4 is a case study of the 2006 Hezbollah war with Israel, and how that war supports whether hybrid warfare falls under MR or RMA. Chapter 5 presents conclusions and recommendations. The purpose of this thesis is not to settle an argument about the validity of the concept of hybrid warfare, nor to verify whether there are grounds for using the term hybrid warfare in Swedish Military Strategic Doctrine. The thesis simply tries to analyze a concept brought forward in recent theoretical military discourse. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1603418627 | Book Review: British Counterinsurgency in the Post-Imperial Era | [
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] | [
"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1603418627 | Reviewed by: British Counterinsurgency in the Post-Imperial Era Raffi Gregorian British Counterinsurgency in the Post-Imperial Era, by Thomas R. Mockaitis. London: Macmillan, 1995. xvi, 165 p. $69.95/Cloth. In Mockaitis’ previous work, British Counterinsurgency, 1919–1960 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990), the author laid out the origins, evolution, and codification of British counterinsurgency doctrine and elucidated three basic principles of the British approach: minimum force, civil-military cooperation, and tactical flexibility. He argued that these principles, when applied with the appropriate mix of “hearts and minds” activities and conducted within the framework of a workable political solution, produced counterinsurgency successes for the British. It was not until the Malayan Emergency of 1948–1960 that all three principles were properly applied in combination. The principles, which until that time had been transmitted through word of mouth based on regimental experience, were then finally set down in a written counterinsurgency doctrine. In his sequel to that volume, British Counterinsurgency in the Post-Imperial Era, Mockaitis attempts in part to disprove critics of British success in Malaya who have argued that it was due mostly to unique and favorable circumstances. To them, victory was a foregone conclusion based on British sovereign authority in Malaya, lack of external support for the insurgents, and the fact that an overwhelming majority of the guerrillas were ethnic Chinese, which made isolation of the insurgents from their support groups immensely easier. In his rebuttal, Mockaitis has provided a chapter each on the four main counterinsurgency campaigns fought by the British in the post-imperial era: Konfrontasi between Malaysia and Indonesia (1962–1966); the struggle against Arab Marxists in South Arabia (1963–1967) and in the Dhofar region of Oman (1965–1975); and the continuing struggle in Northern Ireland (1969-present). He concludes the study with a chapter on the development of counterinsurgency doctrine in the British Army and a final chapter on the relevance of the British experience to second-generation peacekeeping and “operations other than war,” a term adopted from the US military. The four campaigns were not simply chosen for heuristic purposes, as they are the four largest campaigns in the post-1960 period. Thus the [End Page 192] record is somewhat mixed: Malaysia and Oman were decided successes, whereas South Arabia and Aden were complete failures. In Northern Ireland, the British Army initially tried to apply doctrine from the Malayan Emergency, only to find it politically and practically inappropriate in a largely urban environment that is part of the United Kingdom. By abiding by the three principals and having the ability and time to adapt, the security forces in Ulster have managed to maintain “an acceptable level of violence.” The author is right to point out that the chief failure of Britain in both South Arabia and Northern Ireland was largely in the political sphere, not in the military. In Aden the costs were too high and the British left. In Ulster, the price of leaving is too high, but in the absence of a political solution, the security forces can only mitigate, not eliminate the violence. The case study chapters are concise and useful reading, focusing for the most part on the counterinsurgency principles and techniques which appeared in each campaign. Although a reader with no contextual knowledge may be at a disadvantage, there is enough background provided to support the author’s analysis and convince the reader. The case studies do suffer from a lack of primary source research, especially when compared to Mockaitis’ extensive archival research in his first book. The author rightly points out, however, that while the relevant documents are not yet open, many of the key officials who were involved in the operations are still alive. They may not survive long enough to be consulted in conjunction with the relevant documents; hence the author’s use of interviews. But due to the sensitive nature of some of the information and the penalties of the Official Secrets Act, the interviews were not for attribution. Indeed, I could find no citations of any interviews in the book; the reader is left to guess at the extent to which the interviews provided data. The author presents interesting... | [
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