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The ability to provide services is often reliant on funding from outside sources and its continuation is based not on the needs of those being served, but on what they can find funding to provide. Often an organization's decision to cease operations in a country has more to do with a lack of financial support than the successful completion of their programming. There are certainly other issues with over reliance on NGO services, such as the fact that their services often don't solve the underlying infrastructure issues that will reemerge once the NGO presence is reduced. Many NGOs do not remain in-country for the post-conflict period. In effect, services are provided and once the initial emergency is over, the NGOs are gone and those still displaced must find a health provider somewhere else.
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Nepal was embroiled in a bloody civil war from 1996 until 2006. Surprisingly, however, they are still on track to meet 16 of the 19 Millennium Development Goals by 2015.
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It is important to note that regardless of the underlying targets, MHUs must not be viewed as permanent solutions, due to the limitations in numbers of services provided and high operating costs. In other words, MHUs are not viable stand-alone units that should be viewed as a part of the country's health infrastructure. MHUS are specifically to be used when there is no other option, and retired once the situation has stabilized. There are many other considerations which are important to be aware of when deciding how and when to use MHUs. Du Mortier and Coninx highlight a few of these.
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In Nepal, the NGOs tended to keep a low profile which might have helped in this case. Of course, the bigger issue is involvement by both sides of the conflict. The idea that both sides will choose not to interfere with healthcare provision is simply unrealistic in many areas of the world.
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Most of these organizations were never allowed back into the Sudan, leaving much smaller NGOs to take over programming for health and education services, which they were not equipped for. Similarly, in 2009 Ethiopia suspended the operations of around 40 NGOs, (mostly smaller organizations) for operations "outside of their mandate". While these sorts of situations occur infrequently, it does point to one of the real issues with the reliance on NGOs in conflict situations. If the government does not support their mission, they can be kicked out, leaving vulnerable populations without access to basic health care.
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When collaboration with the government does not exist, NGOs can find it impossible to work. In March 2009, in response to President Omar Al-Bashir's indictment by the International Criminal Court, 13 major aid organizations were kicked out of the country, including Medecines Sans Frontiers, OXFAM, CARE, Save The Children, and the IRC. This expulsion left 1.5 million people without access to healthcare, according to the UN.
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Treatment for patients in the acute stage is not a recommended primary strategy for MHUs, largely due to the fact that they are only intermittently available for any population to access. Obviously, MHUs will deal with acute illnesses in many cases, but this is not their strength and should not be viewed as a primary acute care tool in the planning stage. This focus on preventative care is an important takeaway, and its usefulness in preventing communicable disease through screenings and vaccinations is a clear asset of this model.
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Du Mortier and Coninx are also very careful to state that MHUs should not be viewed as an evaluation tool. MHUs do not provide assessments as to the state of health in an area, but are a treatment intervention ONLY. As evidenced by Mortier and Coninx, MHUs are useful tools for providing some basic preventative and (barring any other options) acute health care when access is otherwise unavailable. It is important to reiterate that MHUs should be viewed as a last resort in providing medical services during conflict, not as a first option, which may often be the case when planning for interventions in conflict situations, due to their perceived flexibility.
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Devotka and van Teijlingen identify multiple reasons why Nepal was successful even during such trying times. Neither side purposely disrupted health systems during the conflict. Though the conflict led to a decrease in service utilization, due to access problems, the rebels overall looked favorably on health services and made no efforts to deny access to citizens during the fighting. The rebels made an effort to ensure health clinics in their area were still sufficiently staffed and supplied. Most clinics in rebel-held areas were sufficiently staffed and had supplies.
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While utilizing the existing healthcare infrastructure as Nepal was able to do would be ideal, in genocides, such as in Rwanda or the Sudan, expecting both sides of the conflict to make efforts not to impede healthcare access is unrealistic. In addition, Nepal's situation was unlike many countries dealing with internal conflict and IDPs.
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So what are the takeaways from the Nepal case study?
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Programming for the elderly and indigent was increased, and many traditional female "attendants" saw their role increased. GDP in the country continued to rise during the extended conflict, and infrastructure improvements likely also contributed. These factors likely helped the country stay on track for the MDGs.
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As stated by Du Mortier and Coninx:. Du Mortier and Coninx go on to say that in their experience, patients will likely refuse transport to a clinic due to fears about where they are going and their ability to return to their families, but the option to receive further treatment is important for the clinic to be viewed as a legitimate healthcare option.
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MHUs are often more successful for vertical programming. More specifically, MHUs are extremely good at screening and vaccinating for serious conditions that are slow to develop.
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This support often is vertical and often doesn't take the full IDP situation into account. In fact, over 50% of African countries did not mention their IDPs in their HIV National Strategic Plans and Global Fund proposals indicating a lack of awareness of the need to build capacity for this portion of the population within their borders.
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As an anecdotal example, the WHO cited one of the failings with the Kenya emergency response in 2007 to be that the emergency response plan was only 28% funded. In response to some of these issues, the World Bank has issued grants for a number of projects that include micro-financing for healthcare services in IDP situations. Generally these grants pay to rehabilitate the physical structures, often in conjunction with schools and other buildings that offer similar services.
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However, these sorts of grants generally are post-conflict. Effective financing mechanisms during conflict to ensure access for the most vulnerable is largely done through grants and donations to NGOs or UN services where the country's health infrastructure is insufficient. In many conflict zones, NGOs "pick up the slack" in providing healthcare services to citizens and IDPs.
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In Mueller's study, referrals to MSF in the Mindanao region of the Philippines were tracked, with 96% of those treated for emotional distress reporting a traumatic event, ( 54% home evacuation, 26% conflict, 5% destruction of property). The patients were tracked throughout brief psychotherapy sessions, and the results showed a marked improvement (via their scores on a self-reporting questionnaire). What are the implications of this study?
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Firstly, increasing preventative care is of clear importance, as was also seen in the discussion of using MHUs in IDP situations. Vaccinations and screenings can do much to stop the spread of infectious diseases before a full-fledged outbreak of malaria occurs. In addition to preparation and disease monitoring, flexibility in these sorts of volatile, unpredictable situations is a clear priority.
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In addition, the international organizations that responded by providing services kept a low profile. The one issue identified here, however, is the lack of clarity coming from the country level to all actors. While provisions were made for free care to poor citizens, criteria as to who qualified was not laid out to clinics.
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One area that is of particular concern is that of providing reproductive health in IDP and refugee situations. Due to the ever-changing US government stance on the "Mexico City Policy," also known as the "Global Gag Rule," which is the refusal to fund organizations involved in any sort of abortion programming, reproductive health can be a difficult area for many NGOs reliant on USAID funding to work in.
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Was this situation an aberration, or can health status continue to improve event during armed conflict within a country? Devkota and Teijlingen think that the lessons learned by analyzing Nepal's approach towards health systems during civil war can indeed be applied elsewhere, and for good reason. At the end of the day, the primary takeaway message is that of coordination, a common theme even in the most stable of countries when discussing health systems. Coordination among the Ministry of Health and community offices, passing off duties when appropriate. Coordination between the Ministry of Health and international agents, such as the UN or NGOs.
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The sorts of special considerations in Afghanistan and the Sudan should not be viewed as insurmountable obstacles. In an ideal world (more Nepal than some of the other cases) conflict would not affect citizens' access to healthcare and qualified health workers. However, as seen, there are real consequences that can be expected when internal conflict erupts (geographic and financial barriers and the brain drain). The international community has certainly worked hard at establishing frameworks for working in these sorts of situations, but there is still work to be done in developing plans to mitigate the long-term effects of some of these issues.
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This goes largely back to the issue of location. IDPs are often in inaccessible areas where governments don't have health programs and don't have the funds to initiate them. In addition, countries have a basic responsibility to care for refugees, based on the 1951 refugee convention but no such mandate exists for IDPs.
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The infrastructure improvements (roads and electricity) likely improved access for many citizens. There are clear lessons for developing a health systems strengthening approach in other conflict situations here.
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Du Mortier and Coninx stress in their document that MHUs should not be used to substitute Ministry of Health programming, but to supplement those services only in exceptional situations where access is restricted, as a last resort, if you will. They identify very specific targets that MHUs can be used to accomplish. Substitution: As described in the example above, where federal health programming is unable to reach citizens and IDPs, MHUs can be viewed as a temporary stopgap measure.
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In this case, the organization is acting as a replacement of services for leaders. Support: In these cases, MHUs are used as a supplemental clinic to help officials meet their goals. This generally entails the establishment of common objectives between the government and the NGO which can realistically be supplemented in part by the use of MHUs.
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While they are unlikely to meet the reproductive health targets, some of the goals Nepal is on track to meet include under-five and maternal mortality targets and disease-specific goals (halting the spread of HIV and malaria). The question is, how was Nepal able to meet these targets even when dealing with civil conflict and internally displaced people?
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While many of the clinics were operated without trained health professionals, they still received regular training and supplies. Key actors increased coordination in response to the conflict, while maintaining a low profile. Regular meetings continued between the Ministry of Health (MOH) and community officials.
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Mobilization: In these cases, services are provided without the direct input of government officials. Support is developed among third parties that can exert pressure on government officials to take over and provide services.
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The critical point is that the Ministry of Health must coordinate among those organizations. Much of the focus on healthcare provision during emergency and conflict situations revolves around the use of Mobile Health Units (MHUs). Mobile Health Units are, at their most basic, mobile service units that usually provide specific forms of both preventative and curative care.
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Not only is the provision of mental healthcare during conflict situations feasible, but it is proven to be effective. The WHO has recommended incorporating mental health as one of the screening services offered by MHU, with referrals to trained mental health professionals as seen fit. It seems that adding mental health screening to MHU tasks has been shown in programming to be an effective tool for the future. Clearly, immediate conflict response focuses on morbidity and mortality, and rightly so.
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As indicated by the mention of triage above, staff in MHUs must be highly trained. In addition, access to a nearby clinic for referral is critical.
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The international community, however, has correctly identified mental health as an important and under-appreciated aspect of conflict response and is taking steps to ensure those aspects are addressed moving forward. In light of the many issues that make health service provision so difficult in IDP settings, it is useful to identify successes amid the confusion. In Understanding effects of armed conflict on health outcomes: the case of Nepal, Bhimsen Devkota and Edward R van Teijlingen find one such case.
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MHUs are limited in the number of services they can provide and the frequency at which they are available to any one community. These considerations must be kept in mind when formulating a plan as to how to use MHUs in any conflict or emergency setting. Du Mortier and Coninx describe their use of MHUs with the International Committee of the Red Cross during the conflict in Columbia in 2005. In this case, the rebel forces refused to allow access to the Ministry of Health in the country to citizens in areas they held.
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Namely, commitment from both sides of the conflict to not disrupting the health provision infrastructure in the country is key. Ensuring clinics still run and funds are in place can help to minimize the effects of access and migration. In addition, the government must be able to hand off some of the management to provincial or community levels, especially in rebel-held zones where they have limited access.
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Similarly, communication between the MOH and international organizations was not identified as a strength of the program. Public health and more traditional service providers also increased their efforts during the conflict. In addition, community clinics were handed over to the communities to manage, as the federal government did not have adequate resources to manage them during the conflict.
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The effect of the continued growth of the national GDP cannot be understated, as the relationship between increased GDP and increased health indicators (such as the MDGs Nepal is on track to meet) is quite close. While internal conflict would certainly mitigate some of the expected improvements due to GDP, those increases, as well as the infrastructure investments, likely played an important role in helping health status continue to improve through the ten year war. There are some takeaways from Nepal and the other literature reviewed that can be applied to all conflict situations, however.
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However, the conflict in Nepal had its own set of rules that likely don't exist in other areas. In Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, NGO workers are regularly held hostage or killed due to their perceived western ties. In many conflicts aid organizations are often viewed as a target.
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In addition, According to N Hakamies, "Although material and human resources are significant constraints on agencies, the main challenge is to tackle ideological, managerial and policy barriers, and those related to donor influence." Finding funding for family planning services continues to prove difficult for NGOs, and as a result they often do not exist or cannot meet the need levels of their constituencies. Reproductive Health funding problems underscore a larger issue with a reliance on NGO services, as can often be seen in IDP situations.
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This affects a country's capacity to rebuild post-conflict as well as their ability to provide services while the rebuilding effort is underway. Another issue is the added levels of coordination that occur when working with multiple aid groups to ensure healthcare service coverage. NGO involvement in IDP aid is a fact of life, however.
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In addition, the only aid group they allowed to enter the region was the ICRC. For these reasons, it was clear that they needed the mobility the MHUs afforded them to ensure basic services were offered to as many citizens in the occupied areas as possible. The point above is reiterated multiple times in Du Mortier and Coninx's article: the reason why MHUs were deemed acceptable in this case is because they were used as the only option.
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They are generally expensive, however, and the fact that they only provide services intermittently tends to affect when they are appropriate for use. According to Stephane du Mortier and Rudi Coninx, "In situations of armed conflict, the range of PHC services that can be provided is severely restricted. This means that, in any given situation, it is essential to select the priority services among the spectrum of PHC services".
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This is reliant on government cooperation and funding, whether via grants or private funding. In these frequent situations, coordination between agencies is of the utmost importance, as is earning the trust and commitment of country leadership.
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The importance of providing mental health care, and screening for IDPs suffering from emotional issues is important for many reasons, one of which is the high rate of prevalence. While it may seem obvious, survivors of conflict situations often have very specific mental health needs. Medicines Sans Frontiers (MSF) has integrated mental healthcare into their emergency response module. Community level workers are "trained to identify and refer cases of mental disorders and epilepsy to the MSF mobile health clinics where the mental health team provided proper diagnosis and treatment."
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Identity theft occurs anytime someone uses personally identifying information to open fraudulent accounts or commit crimes. As many as 9 million Americans have their identities stolen each year. Most victims know the person who stole their identity, after all, who else would know your mother’s maiden name, city of birth, date of birth, and address?
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The minute your identity is stolen, you can report it to the FTC, disable the accounts in question, and catch the identity thief. Most of the damage of identity theft is done over time. An identity thief might open an account this week, another account in a month, and then subscribe to a cell phone plan three months from now.
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This objection is partially overruled as the newest edition of the Firefox browser makes prevalent a "Do Not Track Me" option said to be the response to this and other similar bills. FBI Wants to Expand Internet Wiretapping. The FBI, in an effort to keep up with the changing landscape of the Internet, is calling for a push to expand its capabilities in intercepting online evidence. Citing advances in "webmail, social networking sites, and peer-to-peer services," the FBI’s general counsel, Valerie Caproni, addressed Congress to discuss the increasing difficulty in tracing electronic communication in ongoing cases.
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This is usually due to a programmer error, but these are often overlooked when many individual programmers work on a single piece of code. More novice hackers read the latest security reports from Microsoft and simply attack unpatched computers before the computers have a chance to install the updates.
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By clicking on the Public Profile link on LinkedIn, you can change privacy settings that control what information is displayed on your profile to users who are not connected to you in any way on LinkedIn. It is best to make your public profile visible to everyone but only show your name, industry, location, number of recommendations, and headline. This will make it possible for people who are looking specifically for you to identify you and send you a connection request and will also limit the amount of information harvesting that can be done by people you do not know.
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Readers can take immediate steps to protect online privacy and prevent government efforts to scour social networking sites for your personal details. MyID and Personal Information Privacy. With MyID monitoring your personal information privacy, you can be sure that none of your personal details will leak out across the Internet. MyID can help configure settings to maximize privacy on social networks and stop online ad tracking.
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Choose passwords that have uppercase and lowercase letters, symbols, and numbers. It is also good to have a different password for each of your financial accounts. This way, if an identity thief does gain access to one account, they will not be able to use the other one.
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If potential employers acting in a business capacity were the only people who could see your resume, it would be fine to post your contact information on LinkedIn, and, on LinkedIn, you can protect your privacy through the use of the LinkedIn social network privacy settings. The Accounts & Settings section of LinkedIn allows you to choose how your information is displayed.
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He knows enough to open accounts in your name, and he has the motive to hurt you. If you’ve just broken up, you’ll want to take extra care in checking your financial statements to ensure that he or she didn’t make away with one of your credit cards. MyID Identity Theft Protection.
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Want to see how private you are on the Internet? Visit Panopticlick, at https://panopticlick.eff.org/, and see just how much information your browser reveals to the Web sites you visit. Each and every computer has a browser fingerprint based on one or more points of identifying information, from the exact version of the browser that you use, to the fonts you have installed, to the resolution of your screen. Web sites use these details to enhance your browsing experience, but if a Web site stores this information about you, it can be effective at tracking where individuals go on a site.
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Whether or not the FBI is having trouble catching criminals who conduct their illicit business over the Internet, the Internet Wiretapping laws need a complete overhaul to ensure privacy protection, not an expansion, which will further limit personal information privacy. A new survey reports that the average American is worried about personal information privacy. For good reason, too – newly declassified files detail massive FBI efforts at data-mining.
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MyID provides instant fraud notifications any time your identity is used to open a new account. Our patented "Is This You?" Verification service notifies you via text or e-mail any time a new credit card, bank account, or bill is taken out in your name. We sort through millions of incoming reports every day from credit card companies, utilities, and banks, filtering for patterns that might correspond to identity theft.
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The MyID Theft Risk Score gives you actionable insight into the risk of you becoming a victim of identity theft. Your ID Theft Risk Score is a quick and easy way to gain insight into whether your personal information is at risk of misuse. Your ID Theft Risk Score uses patented technology to identify suspicious or unusual access to your identity. Our statistical formulas use hundreds of variables that affect your unique, individual risk of identity theft.
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Identity thieves will even send emails claiming to be from a company that needs you personal information for financial purposes. Remember that no reputable company or business would ever contact you through email asking for this type of information.
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Here are some simple steps for protecting your personal reputation online. First, be sure to secure your accounts from unauthorized access. If your ex had any of your passwords, be sure to change them immediately (and don’t give them away next time – your e-mail is none of their business). You should also set up Google News alerts for your own name, so that you know when you pop up in blogs and news stories.
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It also discovered that members of a Pakistani terrorist group were working in Philadelphia as taxi drivers. And, when the United States government lost track of terror suspects during the Hurricane Katrina aftermath, the system was able to track down and find them across the entire southern half of the United States. Many, including the Electronic Frontier Foundation, believe that this kind of data-mining is the first step toward an Orwellian control over the population. The EFF cites a National Research Council paper that concluded "data mining is a dangerous and ineffective way to identify potential terrorists, which will inevitably generate false positives that subject innocent citizens to invasive scrutiny by their government."
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Next, you should do some deep cleaning with tracking cookie removal. To Remove Tracking Cookies in Internet Explorer, Open Internet Options by clicking the Start button, clicking Control Panel, clicking Network and Internet, and then clicking Internet Options. Click the General tab, and then, under Browsing history, click Delete.
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Use anti-virus and anti-spyware software. This is one of the most important things you can do to keep identity thieves from accessing personal information that is stored on your computer. Identity thieves use viruses and spyware to gain access to the passwords, files, and browsing history on your computer.
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Make sure that items you do not wish to delete are unchecked and click Clear Now. To Remove Tracking Cookies in Google Chrome, click on the wrench icon on the browser toolbar.
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Carl Caldwell, the president of Right-to-Know, released the following statement: "FBI files can begin with records as simple as bankruptcy, Veteran Administration activities to income tax difficulties and passport and visa problems. More than 200 classifications like these are given to the files the FBI considers confidential, secret or top secret.
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According to a survey by Javelin Research, as many as half of identity thefts can be attributed to someone that the victim knew. These are some potential identity thieves that you may know. Unemployed with rich lifestyles.
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Smart-phone users collect apps, especially the free ones. But, as the adage goes, there’s no such thing as a free lunch.
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This sort of passive monitoring of your reputation should be in everyone’s online reputation management toolbox. According to Radically Transparent: Monitoring and Managing Reputations Online, the reason that Facebook smears can be so damaging to an online reputation is that Facebook ranks highly in search engines.
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Monitoring Your Financial Accounts with MyID Identity Theft Solution. MyID can monitor your financial accounts for financial identity theft and notify you if it believes you have been compromised. Protect against identity theft with instant fraud notifications. It’s painful but true: most identity thieves are people that you know – neighbors, friends, relatives, or co-workers.
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The FBI databases contain tens of thousands of records from car-rental companies, hotels, and national department stores. Such a system can correlate data from different sources to automatically identify terrorists. The system was used to locate a suspected Al Qaeda operative who was hiding in Houston.
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With soapboxes like Facebook and personal blogs, a vengeful ex often has the motivation and opportunity to irrevocably damage your reputation. These days, first impressions are made online. According to author Michael Fertik, "The first ten Google results on a search of your name are now your resume." Online reputation management can be difficult, but not impossible.
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The black hat hackers are the criminal element, doing things that are illegal or immoral in order to make money or simply for vandalism. White hat hackers are often individuals hacking for the fun or the challenge with no intention to harm any of the computers they compromise.
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These laws date back to a time when users fetched their mail from a single computer almost daily, so e-mail that had been on a server for six months was considered abandoned. In the age of webmail, users keep most of their emails forever.
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The EFF is a non-profit with a stated goal to protect online privacy. The FBI hopes to add more sources of information to their database, including airline manifests from the Department of Homeland Security, the Postal Service’s change of address database, the national Social Security number database, and 24 other unidentified databases whose names were redacted in the released report. Whether or not sacrificing personal information privacy is worth it to catch terrorists is up to the reader to decide.
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Depending on how much personal information you post on your blog, you can choose to change privacy settings to a high level in order to protect your privacy. If you’d like to make a particular post private so that only you or a bunch of people you choose can see it, all you need to do is head to the post editor and click on Visibility in the Publish pane. You can choose to make the post either password protected, in which case you’ll need to supply a password, or private, which means only that you or other blog contributors will be able to see it. Click OK and that will be made effective immediately.
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Choose secure passwords. Online banking accounts and credit card accounts are very common, and it is important to choose secure passwords for these types of accounts.
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Select Options, then the Under the Hood tab. Click Content Settings, then Cookies. To delete all cookies, select Remove All.
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Under Cookies, click Delete cookies, and then click Yes to confirm that you want to delete them. Click Close, and then click OK. To Remove Tracking Cookies in Firefox, click on the Tools menu and select Clear Recent History.
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Even if you can’t eliminate identity theft, you can get instant fraud notifications any time your identity is used without your knowledge. Prevent identity theft with MyID.
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According to the report, the big offenders are not the kind of underbelly-scale applications you might expect. Angry Birds and Pandora are two of the biggest offenders.
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You should also sign up your own name as a domain name, ensuring that you have that address before your angry ex can register it. Domain names rank highly in search results.
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Many white-hat hackers end up working as security consultants for organizations such as these. The "Do Not Track" bill introduced in the House of Representatives would ban advertisers from tracking the behavior of users who opt-out of ad tracking for marketing purposes.
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Building on this robust database of information, events and patterns surrounding your personal information privacy can lead to an increase or decrease in your ID Theft Risk Score. To check your ID Theft Risk Score, you are required to submit a Social Security number, Name, Address, Home Phone number, and Date of Birth. Additional details such as a Cell Phone number, E-mail address, and IP address can improve precision and add further insight into your risk level.
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MyID Identity Theft Monitoring and Identity Theft Protection software provides identity theft alerts any time your identity is used to open a new account. Instant fraud notifications like the "Is This You?"
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Infiltrating a computer system often requires the hacker to practice on similar machines for many hours. In many cases, the hacker will read through the actual programming code that the machine uses until something sticks out as wrong.
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Track how your ID Theft Risk Score changes on a day-to-day and month-to-month basis with MyID identity theft monitoring. MyID Monitoring sends monthly reports with your current risk score, last month’s risk score, a report of circumstances that increased or decreased your risk score for the month, and the ability to access your risk scores for the previous 36 months. The end of a relationship can be a high-strung time.
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Even apps one might suppose were mindful of concerns about personal information on the Internet, like the CBS News app, routinely send location and identification details to undisclosed third parties. The best-in-breed of these apps include Facebook, YouTube, and ESPN ScoreCenter, which transmit no data to third parties and only send limited data to their parent company. The privacy settings of some apps, like the bi and gay social networking app Grindr, is appalling. Grindr sends age, gender, location, and identification information to various third parties for marketing purposes.
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The vast majority of hackers are from China or Russia. These nations serve as a breeding ground for criminals of every kind, not just computer criminals.
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An individual’s attempts to retrieve this information are often thwarted by the complexity of the system itself." Caldwell continues, "As the government gains access to more and more aspects of a private citizen’s life in the name of preventing terrorism, more ordinary people will unknowingly become targets of investigation, and more files will be gathered on the innocent."
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identity verification ensures that you’ll never be caught unaware by an identity thief. Identity thieves use a number of different ways to steal an individual’s personal information, and many of them use the internet to get this information. With technology advancing at the speed it is, it is crucial to know how to protect your financial information online. Do not put personal information in e-mails.
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UNITA would have to depend on its other regional ally, Zaire, for continued support against the MPLA. Sharing a large border and deep cultural ties that went back to the Kongo kingdom, Zaire and Angola were strongly connected. Throughout the liberation war, Zaire served as a base of operations for the Bakongo-dominated FNLA and provided it significant military assistance. Besides the solidarity showed to their Bakongo kin, Mobutu’s Zaire had other important reasons for fighting the MPLA.
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Without Cuban and Soviet backing, the MPLA would have never been able to defeat its opponents, who also had the support of foreign superpowers. The initial reasons for United States intervention in Angola were primarily economic. American oil companies were well established there since the discovery of oil in the 1950s, and in order to protect these interests, the US supported the Portuguese during the liberation war. By the time the Portugal was preparing to leave the continent in 1974, the threat of communist takeover by the MPLA with Cuban and Soviet support influenced the US to fund alternative groups to prevent a communist victory.
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Becoming an assmilado meant showing a certain degree of educational attainment and financial security, in addition to adopting the Portuguese language and culture. The criteria for entry into the assimilado class were regulated by the Portuguese colonial authorities.
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To do this, the old system of indirect rule through mestiço and African allies had to be replaced by direct Portuguese control and white settlement. Though European settlement continued at a relatively slow pace through the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, restrictions were gradually made on which civil service and military positions Africans or mestiços could occupy.
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The past eight years have been relatively peaceful for Angola and the economy has been growing at a rapid rate, though much of this is due to oil revenues and expansion of the oil industry. A fledging democracy is forming.
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Savimbi’s charisma and previous training in China helped him build an effective fighting force that challenged the MPLA for over twenty-five years. However, the fact that UNITA was built around Savimbi meant that after his death the movement disintegrated. Through the entire course of conflict in Angola from 1961 to 2002, foreign powers were involved in various degrees, from direct military assistance to monetary and diplomatic backing of one or more of the internal movements.
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Though Africans continued to enter the assimilado class, the stringent restrictions on assimilation and the reluctance of many Africans to give up their African culture meant that less than 1% of Angola’s population was ever formally assimilated. In the post-WWII period white immigration to Angola reached new highs as industrialization brought about massive rural unemployment in Portugal.
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Chief among the regional powers involved in Angola were Zaire and South Africa. Both countries had strong motivations for their presence in Angola and importantly the means to affect the course of the war. The rise of Black Nationalism and the decolonization of many countries in the region posed a major threat to the survival of the apartheid régime of South Africa. Politically and economically based on a persistent system of racial oppression and exploitation, South Africa, as well as the other remaining settler colony, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), was under heavy international pressure to grant rights to its African majority and faced various boycotts and trade embargos as a result.
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They further stated that an independent Angola under the MPLA would be dominated by urban mestiços and assimilados, effectively transferring power from one class of colonial masters to another.
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While the MPLA espoused multi-racial and cosmopolitan views, Mobutu was a black nationalist with strong ideals of African authenticity. Starting in 1975, Zaire sent several battalions of regular soldiers as well as commando units into Angola, after unsupported FNLA guerillas proved ineffective. Even with significant weapons provided by the US and other Western nations, the Zairians were decisively defeated by the MPLA and their Cuban allies.