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W1B-024-0.txt	MINNESOTA MINING AND MANUFACTURING COMPANY For the Year Ended December 31, 1993 Item 1. Business. Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company was incorporated in 1929 under the laws of the State of Delaware to continue operations, begun in 1902, of a Minnesota corporation of the same name. As used herein, the term "3M" includes Minnesota Mining and Manufacturing Company and subsidiaries unless the context otherwise indicates. 3M employs 86,168 persons. 3M is an integrated enterprise characterized by substantial interdivision and intersector cooperation in research, manufacturing and marketing of products incorporating similar component materials manufactured at common internal sources. Its business has developed from its research and technology in coating and bonding for coated abrasives, its only product in its early years. Coating and bonding is the process of applying one material to another, such as adhesives to a backing (pressure-sensitive tapes), abrasive granules to paper or cloth (coated abrasives), ceramic coating to granular mineral(roofing granules), heat- or light- sensitive materials to paper, film and metal (dry silver paper, photographic film and lithographic plates), iron oxide to plastic backing (magnetic recording tape), glass beads to plastic backing (reflective sheeting), and low tack adhesives to paper(repositionable notes). 3M believes that it is among the leading producers of products for many of the markets it serves. In all cases, 3M products are subject to direct or indirect competition. Generally speaking, most 3M products involve technical competence in development, manufacturing and marketing and are subject to competition with products manufactured and sold by other technically-oriented companies. 3M's three business sectors are: Industrial and Consumer; Information, Imaging and Electronic; and Life Sciences. Each sector brings together common or related 3M technologies and thus provides greater opportunity for the future development of products and services and a more efficient sharing of business strengths. The notes to the financial statements on page 25 and 26 of this Form 10-K provide financial information concerning 3M's three industry segments and 3M's operations in various geographic areas of the world. Industry Segments 3M's operations are organized into three business sectors. These sectors have worldwide responsibility for virtually all 3M product lines. A few miscellaneous and staff-sponsored new products, still in development, are not assigned to the sectors. Major products in the Abrasive, Chemical and Film Products Group include coated abrasives (such as sandpaper) for grinding, conditioning and finishing a wide range of surfaces; natural and color-coated mineral granules for asphalt shingles; finishing compounds; and flame-retardant materials. This group also markets products for maintaining and repairing vehicles. Major chemical products include protective chemicals for furniture, fabrics and paper products; fire-fighting agents; fluoroelastomers for seals, tubes and gaskets in engines; engineering fluids; and high performance fluids used in the manufacture of computer chips and for electronic cooling and lubricating of computer hard disk drives. This group also serves as a major resource for other 3M divisions, supplying specialty chemicals, adhesives and films used in the manufacture of many 3M products. Products include body side-molding and trim; functional and decorative graphics; corrosion- and abrasion- resistant films; tapes for attaching nameplates, trim and moldings; and fasteners for attaching interior panels and carpeting. Major products in the Consumer and Office Market businesses include Scotch brand tapes; Post-it brand note products including memo pads, labels, stickers, pop-up notes and dispensers; home cleaning products including Scotch-Brite brand scouring products, O-Cel-O brand sponges and Scotchgard brand fabric protectors; energy control products such as window insulation kits; nonwoven abrasive materials for floor maintenance and commercial cleaning; floor matting; and a full range of do-it-yourself products including surface preparation and wood finishing materials, and filters for furnaces and air conditioners. The Tape Group manufactures and markets a wide variety of high- performance and general-use pressure-sensitive tapes and specialty products. Major product categories include industrial application tapes made from a wide variety of materials such as foil, film, vinyl and polyester; specialty tapes and adhesives for industrial applications including Scotch brand VHB brand tapes, lithographic tapes, joining systems, specialty additives, vibration control materials, liquid adhesives, and reclosable fasteners; general-use tapes such as masking, box-sealing and filament; and labels and other materials for identifying and marking durable goods. Information, Imaging and Electronic Sector: This sector serves rapidly changing markets in audio, video and data recording; graphic communications; information storage, output and transfer; telecommunications; electronics and electrical products. The sector has the leading technologies for certain electrical, electronic and fiber-optic applications and a wide variety of graphic imaging technologies. Having these related areas in one operating unit fosters efficient product development and innovation. The sector is also strong in worldwide distribution and service. The sector is organized into three groups: Electro and Communications Systems; Imaging Systems; and Memory Technologies. The Electro and Communication Systems Group includes products in the electronic, electrical, telecommunication and visual communication fields. The electronic and electrical products include packaging and inter-connection devices; insulating materials, including pressure-sensitive tapes and resins; and other related equipment. These products are used extensively by manufacturers of electronic and electrical equipment, as well as the construction and maintenance segments of the electric utility, telephone and other industries. The telecommunication products serve the world's telephone companies with a wide array of products for fiber-optic and copper-based telephone systems. These include many innovative connecting, closure and splicing systems, maintenance products and test equipment. The visual communication products serve the world's office and education markets with overhead projectors and transparency films and materials plus equipment and accessories for computer-based presentations. The Imaging Systems Group offers a complete line of products for printers and graphic arts firms, from the largest commercial printer to the smallest instant printer or in-house facility. These products include a broad line of presensitized lithographic plates and related supplies; a complete line of duplicator press plates and automated imaging systems and related supplies; copy and art preparation materials; pre-press proofing systems; carbonless paper sheets for multiple-part business forms; and a line of light-sensitive dry silver papers and films for electronically recorded images. This group's imaging technologies are used in producing photographic products, including medical X-ray films, graphic arts films and amateur color films. It also is a major supplier of laser imagers and supplies and computerized medical diagnostic systems. This group also offers an array of micrographic systems including readers and printers for engineering graphics and office applications. Related products include dry silver imaging papers and microfilm in aperture card and roll formats. The Memory Technologies Group manufactures and markets a complete line of magnetic and optical recording products for many applications that meet the requirements for complex applications in computers, instrumentation, automation and other fields. Memory Technologies is the world's largest supplier of removable memory media for computers. Products range from computer diskettes, cartridges and tapes to CD-ROM and rewritable optical media. The group markets a wide array of recording products which are used for home video recording, in professional radio and television markets, as well as for commercial and industrial uses. These include reel-to-reel, cartridge and cassette tapes for audio and video recording. Life Sciences contributes to better health and safety for people around the world. The Life Sciences Sector's major technologies include pressure-sensitive adhesives, substrates, extrusion/coating, nonwoven materials, specialty polymers and resins, optical systems, drug delivery, and electro-mechanical devices. The sector has strong distribution channels in all its major markets. The sector is organized into three groups: Medical Products; Pharmaceuticals, Dental and Disposable Products; and Traffic and Personal Safety Products. The Medical Products Group produces a broad range of medical supplies, devices and equipment. Medical supplies include tapes, dressings, surgical drapes and masks, biological indicators, orthopedic casting materials and electrodes. Medical devices and equipment include stethoscopes, heart-lung machines, sterilization equipment, blood gas monitors, powered orthopedic instruments, skin staplers, and intravenous infusion pumps. The Medical Products Group also develops hospital information systems. The Pharmaceuticals, Dental and Disposable Products Group serves pharmaceutical and dental markets, as well as manufacturers of disposable diapers. Pharmaceuticals include ethical drugs and drug-delivery systems. Among ethical pharmaceuticals are analgesics, anti-inflammatories and cardiovascular and respiratory products. Drug-delivery systems include metered-dose inhalers, as well as transdermal skin patches and related components. Dental products include dental restoratives, adhesives, impression materials, temporary crowns, infection control products and orthodontic brackets and wires. This group also produces a broad line of tape closures for disposable diapers. The Traffic and Personal Safety Products Group is a leader in the following markets: traffic control materials, commercial graphics, occupational health and safety, and out-of-home advertising. In traffic control materials, 3M is the worldwide leader in reflective sheetings. These materials are used on highway signs, vehicle license plates, construction workzone devices, and trucks and other vehicles. In commercial graphics, 3M supplies a broad line of films, inks and related products used to produce graphics for trucks and signs. Major occupational health and safety products include maintenance-free and reusable respirators plus personal monitoring systems. Out-of-home advertising includes outdoor advertising, advertising displays in shopping centers and local advertising in national magazines. This product group also markets a variety of other products. These include spill-control sorbents, Thinsulate brand and Lite Loft brand insulations, traffic control devices, filtration products, electronic surveillance products, reflective sheetings for personal safety, and films for protection against counterfeiting. Distribution 3M products are sold directly to users and through numerous wholesalers, retailers, jobbers, distributors and dealers in a wide variety of trades in many countries of the world. Management believes that the confidence of wholesalers, retailers, jobbers, distributors and dealers in 3M and its products, developed through long association with trained marketing and sales representatives, has contributed significantly to 3M's position in the marketplace and to its growth. 3M has 322 sales offices and distribution centers worldwide, including 9 major branch offices and warehouses that are located in principal cities throughout the United States. There are 99 sales offices and distribution centers located in the United States. The remaining 223 sales offices and distribution centers are located in 52 countries outside the United States. Research and product development constitute an important part of 3M's activities, and products resulting from such research and product development have contributed in large measure to its growth. The total amount spent for all research and development activities was $1.030 billion, $1.007 billion, and $914 million in 1993, 1992 and 1991, respectively. The corporate research laboratories are engaged in research which does not relate directly to 3M's existing product lines. They also support the research efforts of division and sector laboratories. Most major operating divisions and domestic subsidiaries, as well as several international subsidiaries, have their own laboratories for improvement of existing products and development of related new products. Engineering research staff groups provide specialized services in instrumentation, engineering and process development. An organization is maintained for technological development not sponsored by other units of the company. 3M is the owner of many domestic and foreign patents derived primarily from its own research activities. 3M does not consider that its business as a whole is materially dependent upon any one patent, license or trade secret or any group of related patents, licenses or trade secrets. The company experienced no significant or unusual problems in the purchase of raw materials during 1993. While 3M has successfully met its demands to date, it is impossible to predict future shortages or their impact. The following is a list of the executive officers of 3M as of March 1, 1994, their present position, their current age, the year first elected to their position and other positions held within 3M during the previous five years. All of these persons have been employed full time by 3M or a subsidiary of 3M for more than five years. All officers are elected by the Board of Directors at its annual meeting, with vacancies and new positions being filled at interim meetings. There are no family relationships between any of the executive officers named, nor is there any arrangement or understanding pursuant to which any person was selected as an officer.
W2C-018-1.txt	Bank of Montana bought out: Acquisition by Norwest Corp. would create state's largest bank Norwest Corp. said Monday that it has signed a definitive agreement to purchase the Bank of Montana System, a move that would result in the state's largest banking organization. If the acquisition is approved by state and federal regulators, the combined companies would control about $ 1.6 billion in assets and $ 1.4 billion in deposits. The two organizations currently operate 37 locations across the state. The two banking companies would have a combined 18.7 percent market share in Montana's banking industry. Great Falls-based Bank of Montana System has 29 banking locations in 25 communities, with total assets of $ 793 million. Norwest Banks in Montana have assets of $ 855 million and eight locations. Norwest also operates five locations in Wyoming. With the proposed acquisition, Norwest's Montana-Wyoming region would have $ 2 billion in assets. Norwest banks in Montana and Wyoming are subsidiaries of the $ 47.8 billion Norwest Corp., based in Minneapolis. First Bank System currently is the state's banking leader, with deposits of $1.1 billion and a 14.8 percent market share. The terms of the acquisition weren't disclosed, and officials from the two banking companies said the regulatory approval of the acquisition could take at least six months. Bob Worth, president of Norwest Bank Billings, said no decisions have been made regarding how many offices would remain open, nor have there been any decisions regarding employment of the two combined companies. " The combination of Bank of Montana System and Norwest Banks will bring together two Montana institutions with strong local traditions," Worth said. " We are confident that Norwest, one of the nation's most successful financial services companies, will provide our communities throughout Montana with a broader array of services and products and a high level of community involvement," said Ed Lamb, executive vice president of Bank of Montana System. A new state banking law, which allows some out-of-state bank holding companies to buy Montana banks, goes into effect Oct. 1. Norwest's proposed acquisition of Bank of Montana System is seen as one of several possible mergers that could result from the new interstate banking law. In late July, Bank of Montana announced that it was discussing the possible merger with another banking company. Norwest then conducted a due diligence review of Bank of Montana's operations. Earlier this year, federal regulators approved the merger of Bank of Montana and Billings-based Montana Bancsystem Inc. Some analysts considered the earlier merger a way for Bank of Montana to groom itself for a merger with a larger company. Norwest Corp. is involved in banking, insurance, investments and other financial services in all 50 states, all 10 Canadian provinces and other countries.
W2A-037-0.txt	Abstract This paper presents the findings of an empirical study into two organizations' experiences with the adoption and use of CASE tools over time. Using a grounded theory research approach, the study characterizes the organizations' experiences in terms of processes of incremental or radical organizational change. These findings are used to develop a theoretical framework for conceptualizing the organizational issues around the adoption and use of these tools--issues that have been largely missing from contemporary discussions of CASE tools. The paper thus has important implications for research and practice. Specifically, the framework and findings suggest that in order to account for the experiences and outcomes associated with CASE tools, researchers should consider the social context of systems development, the intentions and actions of key players, and the implementation process followed by the organization. Similarly, the paper suggests that practitioners will be better able to manage their organizations' experiences with CASE tools, if they understand that such implementations involve a process of organizational change over time, and not merely the installation of a new technology. Introduction CASE (computer-aided software engineering) tools have generated much interest among researchers and practitioners as potential means for easing the software development and maintenance burden threatening to overwhelm information systems (IS) departments. While interest and investment in CASE tools has been rising steadily, actual experiences with tools have exhibited more ambiguity. For example, while some studies report improvements in productivity from the use of CASE tools (Banker and Kauffman, 1991; Necco, Tsai and Holgeson, 1989; Norman and Nunamaker, 1988; Swanson, McComb, Smith, and McCubbrey, 1991), others find that the expected productivity gains are elusive (Card, McGarry, and Page, 1987; Yellen,1990) or eclipsed by lack of adequate training and experience, developer resistance, and increased design and testing time (Norman, Corbitt, Butler, and McElroy, 1989; Orlikowski, 1988b, 1989; Vessey, Jarvenpaa, and Tractinsky, 1992). While these contradictory experiences with CASE tools appear puzzling and difficult to interpret, the research presented here suggests that by shifting the focus from specific outcome expectations, we may be able to make some sense of the apparently inconsistent findings. This paper argues that the adoption and use of CASE tools should be conceptualized as a form of organizational change, and that such a perspective allows us to anticipate, explain, and evaluate different experiences and consequences following the introduction of CASE tools in organizations. To date, there has been no systematic examination or formulation of the organizational changes around CASE tools. Much of the literature on CASE tools has tended to focus on discrete outcomes, such as productivity, systems quality, and development costs, while neglecting the intentions and actions of key players, the process by which CASE tools are adopted and used, and the organizational context within which such events occur. Issues of intentions, actions, process, and context around information technology are not new to the IS field. For example, implementation research has looked at the process through which technology is introduced (Ginzberg, 1981; Rogers, 1983), the interactionist (Markus, 1983) and reinforcement politics (George and King, 1991) approaches have examined the role of social context in shaping the introduction and use of technology, and the structuration perspective (DeSanctis and Poole, forthcoming; Orlikowski and Robey, 1991) has emphasized the centrality of players' deliberate, knowledgeable, and reflective action in shaping and appropriating technology. Yet, contemporary discussions around CASE tools in research, education, and practice tend to gloss over these issues. In this paper, the implementation of CASE tools is understood as a specific case of technology-based organizational change. As such, the core research question is: What are the critical elements that shape the organizational changes associated with the adoption and use of CASE tools? In answering this question, I first describe the empirical findings that emerged from my grounded theory study of two organizations that implemented CASE tools in their systems development operations. I then develop a theoretical framework that conceptualizes the findings in terms of three central categories: strategic conduct, institutional context, and change process. The grounded theory approach was useful here because it allows a focus on contextual and processual elements as well as the action of key players associated with organizational change--elements that are often omitted in IS studies that rely on variance models and cross-sectional, quantitative data (Markus and Robey, 1988; Orlikowski and Baroudi, 1991). While the findings of this grounded theory study are detailed and particularistic, a more general explanation can also be produced from the results (Eisenhardt, 1989; Dutton and Dukerich, 1991; Leonard-Barton, 1990). Yin (1989a) refers to this technique as "analytic generalization" to distinguish it from the more typical statistical generalization that generalizes from a sample to a population. Here the generalization is of theoretical concepts and patterns. I further extend this generalization by combining the inductive concepts generated by the field study with insights from existing formal theory, in this case, from the innovation literature (a strategy recommended by Glaser and Strauss, 1967). The outcome is a general conceptualization of the organizational changes associated with adopting and using CASE tools that both contributes to our research knowledge and informs IS practice. The paper makes three principal contributions. First, drawing on the rich data of two organizations' experiences, the paper generates a grounded understanding of the changes associated with implementing CASE tools in systems development. This grounded theory is valid empirically "because the theory-building process is so intimately tied with evidence that it is very likely that the resultant theory will be consistent with empirical observation" (Eisenhardt, 1989, p. 547). While many believe that building theory from a limited number of cases is susceptible to researchers' preconceptions, Eisenhardt (1988) argues persuasively that the opposite is true. The iterative comparison across sites, methods, evidence, and literature that characterizes such research leads to a "constant juxtaposition of conflicting realities [that] tends to "unfreeze" thinking, and so the process has the potential to generate theory with less researcher bias than theory built from incremental studies or armchair, axiomatic deduction" (p. 546). Second, the grounded theory developed in this paper adds substantive content to our understanding of the central role played by individual actors, their institutional context, and the processes they enact in adopting and using CASE tools. Such an understanding has been absent from the research and practice discourses on CASE tools. The approach followed here focuses specifically on developing such an understanding, thus bringing a fresh set of issues to the already-researched topic of CASE tools (Eisenhardt, 1989). Third, the paper integrates a specific grounded theory with the more formal insights available from the innovation literature, developing a more general framework that will allow researchers and practitioners to explain, anticipate, and evaluate various organizational changes associated with the adoption and use of CASE tools. The paper is structured as follows. The first section describes the research methodology and the two research sites. The next section presents the research findings, describing the experiences of each organization in turn. The discussion section follows, integrating the specific concepts and findings of the field research with insights from the innovation literature into an analytic framework for conceptualizing CASE tools adoption and use in organizations. The conclusion then assesses the contribution of the research framework and findings, both for future research and for the management of CASE tools in organizations. Research Methodology The research methodology followed was that of grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Martin and Turner, 1986; Turner, 1983), with an aim of generating a descriptive and explanatory theory of the organizational changes associated with CASE tools rooted in the experiences of specific systems development operations. This approach has been effectively used in organizational research (Ancona, 1990; Elsbach and Sutton, 1992; Isabella, 1990; Kahn, 1990; Pettigrew, 1990; Sutton, 1987), and was adopted here for three primary reasons. First, grounded theory "is an inductive, theory discovery methodology that allows the researcher to develop a theoretical account of the general features of a topic while simultaneously grounding the account in empirical observations or data" (Martin and Turner, 1986, p. 141). This generative approach seemed particularly useful here given that no change theory of CASE tools adoption and use has been established to date. While models of information technology implementation do exist (Ginzberg, 1981; Lucas, 1978; Markus, 1983) these deal largely with the development stages of IS implementation and focus extensively on user involvement and user relations. As a result, they are less applicable to the issue of organizational change in general, and to the case of CASE tools adoption and use in particular. Second, a major premise of grounded theory is that to produce accurate and useful results, the complexities of the organizational context have to be incorporated into an understanding of the phenomenon, rather than be simplified or ignored (Martin and Turner, 1986; Pettigrew, 1990). As indicated above, a number of theoretical approaches emphasize the criticality of organizational context in shaping technology use in organizations. Such a conviction also informs this research, and the use of a grounded theory methodology allowed the inclusion and investigation of this key organizational element. Third, grounded theory facilitates "the generation of theories of process, sequence, and change pertaining to organizations, positions, and social interaction" (Glaser and Strauss, 1967, p. 114). As indicated above, the change an organization undergoes in adopting and assimilating CASE tools, and the processes of appropriation and use that system developers engage in to incorporate the tools in their work lives have tended to be neglected in the CASE tools literature. A research approach that specifically includes elements of process and change was thus particularly appropriate here. These three characteristics of grounded theory--inductive, contextual, and processual--fit with the interpretive rather than positivist orientation of this research. The focus here is on developing a context-based, process-oriented description and explanation of the phenomenon, rather than an objective, static description expressed strictly in terms of causality (Boland, 1979, 1985; Chua, 1986; Orlikowski and Baroudi, 1991). In the language of Markus and Robey (1988) and Mohr (1982), the paper develops a process not a variance theory. Such a theory describes and explains the process of adopting and using CASE tools in terms of an interaction of contextual conditions, actions, and consequences, rather than explaining variance using independent and dependent variables (Elsbach and Sutton, 1992). This orientation "gives primacy to realism of context and theoretical and conceptual development as research goals" (Pettigrew, 1990, p. 283). The methodology of grounded theory is iterative, requiring a steady movement between concept and data, as well as comparative, requiring a constant comparison across types of evidence to control the conceptual level and scope of the emerging theory. As Pettigrew (1989) notes, this "provides an opportunity to examine continuous processes in context in order to draw out the significance of various levels of analysis and thereby reveal the multiple sources of loops of causation and connectivity so crucial to identifying and explaining patterns in the process of change" (p. 14). To facilitate this iteration and comparison, two field sites were studied and analyzed in turn, a strategy also adopted by Kahn (1990). The initial concepts thus emerged in one organizational context, and were then contrasted, elaborated, and qualified in the other. Site Selection Following Glaser and Strauss' (1967) technique of theoretical sampling, the two organizations were selected for their similarities as well as their differences. Theoretical sampling requires paying attention to theoretical relevance and purpose. With respect to relevance, this selection process ensures that the substantive area addressed--here, the adoption and use of CASE tools--is kept similar, or as Eisenhardt (1988) notes, "is likely to replicate or extend the emergent theory" (p. 537). Thus, both organizations chosen for this study had within the past few years implemented CASE tools into their systems development operations, and mandated their use on all new systems development work. In addition, the CASE tools themselves, while not identical, were compatible across the two organizations in that both were life-cycle tools that integrate the phases of analysis, design, coding, and testing.1 Both sets of tools provide similar capabilities such as design aids (e.g., data flow diagrams), data modeling facilities (e.g., entity-relationship modeling), screen and report design utilities, data repositories, code generators, test data generation, and version control. While the one set of CASE tools are based on the Structured Systems Design approach (Yourdon and Constantine, 1978), the other is based on Information Engineering (Martin, 1990a, 1990b, 1990c). Thus, the two sets of CASE tools are philosophically similar, drawing on the same basic software engineering tenets of functional decomposition, separation of process and data, and sequential development phases. Because the purpose of the research was to generate theory applicable to various organizational contexts and distinguishing different change processes, differences were sought in organizational conditions such as the nature and scope of systems development activity and the method of CASE tools acquisition. As a result, the two companies selected also differ on other organizational dimensions such as industry, location, size, structure, and culture. The consulting firm (SCC) 3 is in the software business, developing information systems for external clients. In 1987, it employed 13,000 consultants and earned $600 million in revenues. SCC acquired its CASE tools by developing them in-house. The petro-chemical firm (PCC) is in the petroleum products business, having earned $6.3 billion in revenues in 1987. It has an internal information systems division, which employs 320 people and which develops and maintains information systems for internal business units. PCC acquired its CASE tools by purchasing them from an outside vendor. These differences in organizational conditions allowed useful contrasts to be made during data analysis, which challenged and elaborated the emerging concepts.
W2A-016-0.txt	ABSTRACT: This paper argues that postmodernism represents a contemporary manifestation of a long-standing political despair among Western intellectuals. It shows commonality with various "Power-conflict" perspectives of the past, as well as associated connections with well-known theses of "Post- industrialism." The strength of the postmodernism partly rests on gaps in Marxist historical theory. In its identification of several g stance of postmodernism the end, however, the fundamental fails because of its dematerialization of symbols and their exchange. Postmodern social theory is thus understood as no more than a mode of Idealist philosophy, a status that renders it essentially useless as a basis for social change and that places it in the camp of political reaction. Much of the Marxist critique of postmodernism has been refutory in its intent. The remainder has searched for emancipatory sub-texts within the largely reactionary text of its major proponents (see Rosenau [19921 for a comprehensive, ordered list of various Marxist responses to the encounter with postmodernism). Both these approaches are limited in their ability to generate an adequate understanding of postmodernism as a phenomenon per se and, yet more problematic for Marxist theory, are insufficient as an analysis of the changing social and political reality from which this complex ideational outcropping has emerged. Although there have been a number of attempts to situate postmodernism in a class-historical conjuncture (see Norris [19901 for an interesting exam le), these have tended to cede the home-court advantage to postmodernism. That is, the conceptual assertions of postmodernism have been parsed for their internal consistency and thus have been treated as linguistic events exhibiting legitimacy from the outset, rather than being examined as ideological outcroppings of an underlying social reality that may or may not function as postmodernism portrays it. More simply and in the main, Marxists have evaluated postmodernism textually, not scientifically. While this is perfectly acceptable and consistent from the deconstructive, text-centered stance of postmodernism, it is unacceptable and inconsistent from a materialist position. It is thus a recapitulation of the error of the Young Hegelian criticism of religion and theology as modes of Idealism that Marx criticized in Toward a Critique of Hegel's "Philosophy of Right" - i.e., the concentration on the "aroma" of the socially problematic, rather than social contradictions themselves. Unless one posits that the word precedes reality, which neither Marxism nor any other form of materialism does, the referential meaning of words must be subject to intense scrutiny. Indeed, the primary vulnerability of postmodernism is to materialism in general, and only secondarily and by inheritance to Marxism, as its most developed incarnation. As Baudrillard (1975) clearly understood in ideological practice in The Mirror of Production, the levers by which Marxism can most effectively be "deprivileged" as a universal mode of discourse are not philosophical, but rather anthropological and psychological. However, by agreeing to join the battle on this terrain, Baudrillard-and by extension postmodernism in general- exposes its own concepts to empirical evaluation. Postmodernism, at its root, contains an ontological base with embedded arguments about the nature of reality, even though it chooses to proceed mostly by means of epistemological critique. Although this realization may be difficult to draw out in the humanities, and especially in aesthetics (and while the dichotomy between the philosophically reconstructed antinomies of ontology and epistemology is itself arguably false and ideological in nature), penetration of the conceptual and terminological fog behind which postmodernism maneuvers should not be as daunting in the domain of the analysis of social relations. However these relations are organized, they exist as objects beyond systems of self-reference, even if their perception is hopelessly recurved on their existence, as postmodernists of the orthodox literary persuasion seem to believe. In sum, rather than seeking internal contradictions in the carefully crafted, terminologically crenelated conceptual edifice of postmodernism-that is, instead of deconstructing deconstructionism- materialist criticism should question whether postmodernism's conceptual basis is empirically true. Further, in this context, truth should be construed in its commonsensical meaning of a direct correspondence between utterance and referent. It is only after addressing such empirical questions that the matter of the "class" truth of postmodernism can be confronted, i.e., its significance for political practice. It will also be illuminating to note at subsequent points in this discussion that Marx's own text anticipates just such developments as postmodernism, as it will be to note the evolution of Althusser's "philosophical" interventions as they emerged co-temporally with the formative texts of postmodernism. After this contextual grounding, it will be possible to place postmodernism in a larger paradigmatic genealogy and then understand its meaning for materialist political practice. This analysis will end with the assignment of postmodernism to an ideological nexus situated at the juncture of hypermature imperialism and the total alienation of "actually-existing" human beings of the present. Perhaps ironically, both the structure of Baudrillard's arguments, as well as his empirical observations, will facilitate this operation. Contextualizing Postmodernism In an earlier paper (Wenger, 1991), I argued that the essence of postmodernism was located in its socio-political origin: the despairing post- 1968 leftist North Atlantic intelligentsia denied its allegedly rightful turn at the levers of history. This resentment was enlarged by-and festered as a result of-its attribution to the perceived fecklessness of that class that had formerly been held by most "revolutionary" intellectuals to be the emancipatory subject of history: the proletariat of the advanced capitalist societies. Both Wakefield (1990) and Bauman (1988) agree-with different sentiments-that contemporary postmortem social theory, particularly that of Baudrillard, has its ideological taproot in the rebuff of the political leadership of leftist intellectuals by the proletariat during and after the Events of May 1968. The obvious implication is that this theoretical outcropping represents a retaliatory political response by means of theoretical explanation. In any event, it is not, nor should it have been, surprising that the political denouement of the aborted "eruption of Eros" of 1968, to use Katsiaficas' (1987) construction, would produce theoretical disarray of prodigious dimensions at the Sorbonne, and in similar venues in Europe and North America. Over the following decade, which Elliott (Althusser, 1990:xx) brackets in French political history with the defeat of the French Union of the Left in 1978, but which also included on a broader front Nixon, Chile, Kent/Jackson State, and myriad other disasters for the international proletariat and its sympathizers, the postmortem project unfolded and established itself where formerly only almost-communards and near-communists held theoretical sway. However, to plumb the conjunctural origins of a theoretical tendency, and even to assign it its proper political valence, is not necessarily to negate its errors, nor to learn from them. In the present instance, postmodernism will be seen not only in its historical uniqueness, but as a mode of a much longer-standing reactionary project, with which it shares scientific defects, as well as having developed its own. Having stated the above. some cautionary notes are in order. One difficulty is that it is somewhat dubious to make assertions about postmodernism in general. Although the nature of postmortem analysis makes it difficult to find a seminal text in the tradition that does not make aesthetics, philosophy, and social theory a unified endeavor, and while the common source of this tradition goes back to Nietzsche and even beyond, there are at least two different citation "streams" that seem to have appeared in recent years and flow by different paths through the fine arts and humanities on the one hand, and the social sciences on the other. As evidence of this, in Lash's (1990) Sociology of Postmodernism there is no mention at all of Paul De Man, and in Rosenau's (1992:156-57) reader's guide, Post-modernism and the Social Sciences, other than in De Man's role as an importer of Derrida's concepts, it is only the controversy around his politics that is discussed. Therefore, in its current state, postmodernism's intervention in social theory/science should be seen as drawing on a limited wellspring, mostly composed of the work of Foucault, Lyotard, and Baudrillard. (Lash, in Sociology of Postmodernism, opines on why Bourdieu should be included in this company, but this presents serious reconstructive difficulties.) While the somewhat more mediated impact of Derrida and others cannot be ignored, the three listed above have most frequently engaged the attention of explicitly social theorists, with the last two of greatest significance for those functioning within the Marxist paradigm. The reason for this is fairly obvious, in that Lyotard and BaudriBard deploy Marx's own conceptual repertoire to "de-privilege" his own "grand narrative." Therefore, the main focus here will be on those Bourdieu calls the "popes" of post-modernism. In his foreword to Lyotard's The Postmodern Condition, Jameson (1984:vii) places postmodernism in the context of an overall movement toward models of a post-capitalist society. He links Lyotard to Guy Debord, the Situationist, in this regard, as well as comparing his ideas to those of Henri Lefebvre. However, he also mentions theories of post-industrialism, as expounded by Daniel Bell. This is the more suggestive comparison. While Lefebvre can certainly be seen as having taken a critical stance toward existing social relations for the purpose of transforming them, and, whatever else might be said of Debord, his radical critique of the social relations of advanced capitalism has an emancipatory bent, what is to be made of Bell, the proponent of the "end of ideology"" In the context of postmodernism, what of Bell's (1976) arguments in The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, to the effect that the critical, modernist tendencies of the core capitalist societies are counter-systemic, counter-cultural, and counter-productive? It is arguable that Jameson is wrong in this regard, or at least superficial in his comparison. To be sure, everything that starts with "post" does not necessarily dwell under the same conceptual roof. However, Jameson's actual reasoning in drawing this connection is sound, given Bell's attempt to revive a belief in the existence of a non-industrial capitalist society based on the production, ownership, and exchange of knowledge, which are well-known essentials of the postmodern social theory of Baudrillard and Lyotard. Perhaps more important, Bell's work going back as far as The End of Ideology (1962) was associated with a much broader and somewhat diffuse ideological movement in the 1950s and 1960s. The sometimes implicit, sometimes explicit, goals of this theoretical tendency were to replace the category of class as the operative unit of social analysis or to relegate it to historical utility only, as in the case of estate or caste, and/or to treat the contradictions of capitalism as merely theoretical conjecture or no longer historically relevant. This position was associated with a largely technocratic stance on the solution to existing social problems. The various elements of this theoretical development could be found in the works of a number of authors. One of the best known and earliest was Galbraith's The Affluent Society where he rejects the concept of structural contradiction and denies the chronic depressionary tendencies of capitalist societies. Indeed, this position was elevated to the status of the self-evident until its validity was subsequently and summarily dashed on the shoals of the 1957-58 recession in the U.S. Bottomore's (1966) small but influential Classes in Modern Society also attempted a clever centrist slight of hand which is of considerable significance to understanding the postmodernist social and theoretical project. Bottomore consigned "Marxist" class categories to the dustbin of historical, but not universal, validity. Their obsolescence ensued with the appearance of so-called "status groups" in advanced capitalist societies, a concept of allegedly Weberian lineage. The theoretical justification was a highly skewed reading of Weber, which textual intervention heavily foregrounded "consumption" as the key social activity in such societies. This intervention was mostly derived from Parsons' (1946) reading of Weber in The Structure of Social Action (see Wenger 1978, 1980a, 1980b, 1987). Both of these positions- i.e., the posited historical limitations of a class model derived from the "productionist" meta-narrative of Marx, as well as the specific replacement of relations of production with relations of consumption as the key dimension of social conflict and change-are at the core of Baudrillard's (1975, 1981) and Lyotard's (1984, 1988) key writings. It should also be noted that Lyotard and Baudrillard pursue their arguments using Marxist categories, with emendations, and denounce dogmatic Marxist political forms as mere extensions of the tyrannies of the past. In this last, they extend Foucault's assault on the rule of the bourgeoisie in particular, and the Enlightenment in general, as nothing more than the extension of historically previous modes of domination, but by different methods. The commonality between postmodernism and the earlier tendencies positing a post-industrial and, by extension, postmortem society was not confined to one or two statements. Lenski's Power and Privilege (1966), published the same year as Bottomore's work, relegated the efficacy of class analysis to a "modernity" ending before WWII, and replacing it with a post-"WI condition that, it was argued with vigor, demanded new forms of analysis of social inequality harmonious with the new realities. The further link that gives cohesiveness to an otherwise rather loose collection of thinkers, appears in Dahrendorf's Class and Class Conflict in Industrial Society (1959). This analysis claimed to provide both a new way of understanding social conflict and a new way of reconstructing hitherto existing models of social conflict. It raised more than the notion of an historical limit to Marxist models of social conflict based on the relations of production, as could be found in Lenski or Bottomore.
W1B-005-0.txt	Dear Anna, Well, here I go again, starting a third letter-- thank you, by the way, for not being home when I called - - I really can't afford the phone bills, but I was so psyched for the excuse to come to Boston, I wanted to tell you right away! Jake, one of my best friends, is Musical Director for The Wall at Penn the first two weekends in April, so I have to go see that at one point, and there may or may not be some job-related stuff for me to do, but I will definitely come to see Hamlet & Mia & you (not necessarily in that order!). Let me know what weekends you have to work, etc. since I know nothing about getting around Boston & will need you as my guide. I'm sitting here on a bench in the National Gallery, parked in fr 'mt of Monet's Garden in Someplace, watching the culture-vultures come and go. I have 2:30 Titian tickets (yay!) so I'm killing time until then. It's really 'meat how different paintings grab different people. Well, since this will probably get mailed before the 8 page letter, I'll backtrack a bit; just so you know, 'llvin and I broke up-- amicably, for the most part. Full details are coming in the mammoth letter (chock full o'details, I promise), so that's 'dll I'll say for now. , but not depressed; progress. Hey 'mhow open are you about your bi/lesbianism? I appreciate your open-ness with me (it's good to hear you sounding so happy!), but who all knows? Family? Friends? Who do you want to know? Or not? I hate to be asking such technical questions when I have others, but, for now, these are a start. Anyhow, stay happy, stay sane, and save me an April weekend. Love, Olivia Dear Anna I love Melinda cards... I identify. Besides, they're recycled. (What a 'reppie statement!) I'm so sorry things didn't work out for Hamlet. Sometime this summer I swear I'll get to Boston...really. I'll catch the Trump shuttle or some 'llng (ha!)(there's the true yuppie statement for you). Things are going well here in my daily dedicated-to-education life; I still like it here (though I may not after my performance review this afternoon-- aack!), despite the politics and the depressing turnover rate (seven people in the four months I've been here!). Oh wel 've I'll deal. Otherwise, li 'llis still nice-- I spent this weekend in DC, amazingly enough - - Miriam came down for our last "single girls' weekend" before her wedding next month (yes, O. the Eternal Bridesmaid strikes again! This time, it's pink moir, with dyed-to-match shoes-- aaack!). We had a good time-- we saw the sights of [- - - ], largely because I locked us out of my apartment. (My brilliance never fails to astound.) I got a letter from Dianne yesterday; I have to laugh every time I do; she's so funny, even when nothing in her life is. She's a joy to hear from; I'm glad we're back in touch. ! She's in their PhD program for English. I can't wait to call her "Doctor Kingston." I also can't wait to have her only 2 hours south! Well, I'm glad everyone else is having exciting lives 'mor me to write about! Me, I just have work & class... Oh well. Soon I'll make it more exciting via 'llps to London-- and, I hope, Boston! Meanwhile, I hope you have the happiest possible birthday! Take care & stay in touch - - love, Olivia Dear Anna , How's life in Boston? I hope all is going well with you. I'm still pretty pissed that a Hamlet visit d 'mn't work out-- did you go see it? Was it incredible or merely fantastic? Give me details! (I'm not exactly on Mia's correspondence list 'm Lots of stuff going on here in our nation's capital-- first, as you may have noticed on the envelope, we're moving. , Brenda & I are joining with Mike & Sonia, two MIT types, and moving to the [- - - ] area, one Metro stop away from where we are now. Just in case you get as excited as I do to actually have mail and you tear envelopes to shreds, the new address is [- - - - - - ]. [- - - ] is following us there. (Hooray!) We're having a housewarming party - 're big one-- on either 9/21 or 10/5 - I'll keep you posted! I'd love for you to come, 'den or another weekend--although that gets a bit complicated due to my second piece of big news... I got promoted last month! This (for the most part) is a good thing, although it has meant tons more work and a ridiculous amount of stress. But the new position includes travel (you know those high school visits we always used to get out of math or Rodes's French class? That's me), and I'm hoping for some New England so I 'mn hop up to see you for a weekend (or all, of course!). Again, I'll keep you posted. Jasna is coming down to DC today-- UVA isn't giving her any money, so she's job hunting down here. Elton's parents live in Silver Spring, so that's pretty convenient. We have a (tiny) 6th bedroom in our new house that's going unused, so I'm kind of keeping my fingers c 'mssed... at the very least, she'll probably stay wi 'llus for a week or so, and she is looking for employment at AU, so even if we don't live together, we could do lunch or something. It's funny, since we were little kids we'd dreamed of livi 'd together in some big city after graduation... now it might actually happen. Are you going to track Steph down when she moves to Harvard? I got a super letter from her a month or so ago; I also had about a 2-hour conversation with Liah - she's going to med school next year. What a neat family. Speaking of, how's your brother? Your parents? Inquiring minds want to know... Take care. I miss you. Olivia Dear Anna Hi! Yes, we really were at the Taj, I certainly didn't pay for this stationery! (At least not overtly.) And regarding loving letters, yours are always magnificent, and not only for your handwriting, which gets more interesting every time. It's also nice to have someone (somewhat) in my life who thinks about Deeper Issues of Life; if any of my housemates do, they definitely keep it to themselves. Jason, who found us our hyper-cool yuppie M-St Apt., is a generally interesting guy, largely because he keeps to himself a lot, so any personal revelations are instantly fascinating. He's nice & social, but pretty intensely private. I made some headway with him during our last days at [- - - ], largely because Brenda wasn't there... it gave me a chance to learn more about what makes him tick. He's southern & Jewish... if you've seen Driving M 've Daisy (I haven't), that's basically his family. (It is his temple & rabbi in the movie. Neat.) Mike & Sonia I don't know that well yet, but I suppose I will since my room is in between theirs. Mike works with Brenda, and he & Sonia went to MIT together; that's the extent of my knowledge. But they might know Bostonians coming down for the party... I'll be in t 'llh. Jasna & Elton are doing fine. They're actually v 're good for each other, I think; it's one of the most supportive relationships I've seen, and 'veey obviously adore each other. They are both frantically job hunting, and if a relationship can survive double unemployment, that speaks volumes to me. Hey, kudos on your new job! Sounds great. I can easily see you being Gabelesque. Washington DC is a super place to live. [- - - ] was a very funky neighborhood, and I miss it already. (I'm not much more 'mhan a mile away, but my new place is basically suburbs - - big trees, quiet backyard, and the zoo & [- - - ] across the street (albeit a busy street). Prices of everything are outrageous, though, and even food is taxed at 6% aroun%; here. But if you stay out of the Southeast section, DC wins huge points for livability. Metro makes my day every morning (though the escalators are from hell). There are cool restaurants, bars & clubs near me, and lots of my friends moved here, who are introducing me to their friends... and so it goes. In the latest interesting development, Allan has moved down here...we just spent the last two evenings together which were pleasant-- much to my surprise, actually, since pleasant is not a word I would have chosen to describe many of our times together in the 31/2 years (!) since we broke up. But frankly, he's provided me with a nice escape from the new-house hassles we've been hav 've. I know we won't start going out again, but I will be interested to see what does develop. He's off to visit his sister in Minnesota and then starts work on Tuesday...we'll see 'llt happens. And that's it for now - - more stories (mostly of travels) later, I'm sure - - 'make care! Olivia Dear Anna I'm so sorry 'm haven't gotten a chance to call you back; life has been just crazy lately, and $ is tight, so I'm resortin 'mto the old standby, US Mail. Sorry; hope there was nothing time urgent. Things are actually going pretty well for me here; I started two summer courses, Educational Psychology and Statistics - - bleah. Well, EdPsych is great - I'm really e 'moying the readings, and the professor is very interesting. Stat is basically a nightmare, but it's as good as it's ever going to get - - take home exams, top 5 of 6 count, 5 bonus points for a good joke, I keep thinking to myself, "It's almost over...it's almost over..." End of June, I'm free 'm Yay! This is my summer of a zillion weddings. I had one this weekend in New Jersey, one next month in Atlanta - - and, in a few weeks, I'm goin 'mto Kelvin Hoene's wedding. Don't ask how that came about. But at any rate, I'm pre 'my excited. Only trouble is, weddings are mighty expensive for the guests as well as the givers, so (to return to the theme) hence the letter. Other than that, not too much is going on. Will you be home for July 4? I'm not 'mure yet what I'm doi 'm. I feel kind of dumb leaving DC on July 4; the fireworks are spectacular - - but if enough people (any people, almost) are going to be home, I might be swayed. Take care, Anne, and thanks for staying in touch. I do appreciate your efforts, and hopefully when I'm not 'mwamped in July, I promise we'l 'llit down & talk. Olivia Hi Anna Saw this & somehow thought of you. It's my turn to be sending postcards from SF (I LOVED yours, by the way)- I'm o 'm here for work. I'v 'veust completed week 3 of 9 on the road-- 1st DC, then NJ, now SF, LA, SF, DC, VA, UT & LA. I love my job. I love the people I work with, the things I do... I'm 'memendously happy. Right now, I'm 'maying w/Stan - - yesterday we went to the Exploratorium & the Haight, so it hasn't been all work & no fun. Tonight I fly to LA. Well, LA will be fine, but I' 'llmiss everyone & thing here. Penn may have goofed - - I may not come back! Olivia Dear Anna How's Boston? New England feels like the only place I haven't been... actually, it is, now that I look at it. I 've seen NJ, DC, VA, CA and now UT. This job is a blast, though I am exhausted & on the verge of a cold from the climate changes. Will you be home for T-giving? Let me know! Olivia
W2B-014-1.txt	CHILDREN OF THE NIGHTMARE Falling families, easy drugs and glamorous violence push two-million kids to crime. REMEMBER juvenile delinquency when you were growing up? The bad kids smoked in school bathrooms, shoplifted candy bars, stole hubcaps and took hot- wired cars on joy-rides. The really tough teenagers fought with knives, chains and brass knuckles. "These young hoodlums," said adults, "are about as bad as kids can get." Guess again. By almost any standard, juvenile delinquents in the 1990s are much worse. "Today's young criminals have more dangerous drugs in their bodies, more dangerous weapons in their hands, and a more casual attitude about human life than ever before," says James Fox, professor of criminal justice at Northeastern University. "We're 'reeing a new crime wave in which juvenile offenders are extremely violent and homicidal." In a single generation, juvenile crime has grown from a petty irritation into what many people perceive to be a national menace. What was once the stuff of romantic Broadway musicals--remember West Side Story - - has become a real-life horror drama. After stabilizing and even declining a bit in the early 1980s, the juvenile crime rate is again on the rise. Juveniles now account for about a third of all serious crime such as murder, rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, arson and auto theft. Nearly 2 million children under the age of 18 are arrested each year. Teenage arrests for rape and assault are up 15 percent and 19 percent respectively, and the number of juveniles committing murder has doubled in the last five years. Teen-age boys--often the victims of their peers--are now more likely to die from gunshot wounds than from all natural causes combined. IN 1989, a national poll indicated that nearly nine of every 10 Americans believed the problem of teen-age violence had gotten worse in recent years. Frequently, the proof lies in the morning newspaper: - A 15-year-old New Hampshire youth--at the urging of his teacher-lover-- murders the woman's husband in cold blood. - Two teen-age boys in California take turns blasting three female friends with a shotgun. The boys told police the massacre started with an argument, but they couldn't remember what it was about. - A Houston boy, 15, rapes and murders a 66-year-old woman. - A roving band of boys beat, rape and leave a female jogger for dead in New York's Central Park. There's even a new word to describe this kind of crime, "wilding," the wanton, unprovoked, random attack on people and property. In some inner cities, "wilding" has become a form of recreation. Increasingly, schools are becoming crime scenes. Where once gum chewing and talking in class were major problems, children now regularly shoot, maim and steal from each other and from their teachers. More than 47,000 teachers and 2.5 million high school students have become crime victims at school, and some inner-city schools now have metal detectors and conduct "bullet drills" along with fire drills. " Crime has started to affect the way schools operate," says Gary Bauer, former U.S. Undersecretary of Education. "Frequently, the schools that fail to teach kids the skills they need are the schools most riddled with crime."
W2D-017-0.txt	The U.S. Mint: Collectors' Corner Collecting U.S. Coins United States coins are made at four Mint facilities: Philadelphia, Denver, San Francisco, and West Point, NY. One easy way to start your collection is with the circulating coins you use daily - pennies, nickels, dimes, quarters and dollars. In addition, the U.S. Mint also issues annual proof and uncirculated sets, national medals, and commemorative coins. Here are categories of U.S. numismatic items you can collect: 1. Program Coins. In January 1999, a unique and historically compelling 10-year celebration of the states began. For the 50 State Quarters(tm) Program, a series of five quarter-dollars with new reverses will be issued each year until 2008. All 50 states will be honored in the order they joined the Union. 2. Annual Coin Sets. Each year, the U.S. Mint packages sets of the proof and the uncirculated coins that were produced during the year and sometimes the previous year. You can purchase current - year sets directly from the Mint. Generally, for prior years, you will need to buy the sets from coin dealers or other collectors. 3. Proof Sets. Unlike circulating coins, proof coins display brilliant mirror-like backgrounds, with frosted, sculpted foregrounds. United States Mint Proof Set 4. Uncirculated Mint Sets. These coins are struck using the same process for circulating coins, but they have quality enhancements - slightly higher coining force, early strikes from dies, special cleaning after stamping, and protective packaging in Mylar(r). United States Mint Uncirculated Set 5. Commemorative Coins. Authorized by Congress, commemorative coins typically celebrate and honor American people, places, events, or institutions. They are generally available directly from the U.S. Mint for a limited time only. They may remain available from collectors and coin dealers thereafter. Sales of these coins can benefit the organizations authorized by Congress in the commemorative coin legislation. 6. American Eagle Proof Coins. These platinum, gold, or silver proof coins are produced from individually selected planchets that have been polished to a high luster. They are struck at least twice on specially adapted coining presses, bringing even the most minute of details with remarkable clarity. The finished proof coin, with its frosted cameo image on a mirror-like field, is then white-glove inspected and placed in special packaging designed to help protect and present its showmanship. 7. National Medals. The U.S. Mint produces these selective awards authorized by Congress. National medals commemorate the nation's significant historical events or honor individuals whose superior deeds and achievements have enriched our nation or the world. When legislation permits, bronze duplicates may be struck for sale to the public. For example, in 1999, bronze replicas were available for the gold medals honoring Mother Teresa and Nelson Mandela. 8. Special collectibles. In addition, the U.S. Mint periodically produces special editions of its products, such as first-day coin covers, coin and die sets, as well as items such as coin jewelry and holiday ornaments that feature coins. 9. Errors and Misstrikes. Most error coins and misstrikes are found and recycled before they ever leave the U.S. Mint. The few that do make it into circulation, though, are often perceived to be collectibles. Collectors classify these coins into three major categories: die errors, planchet errors, and striking errors. Within each, there are also subcategories, such as off-center strikes, overdates, and multiple-struck coins that are of significant interest to some collectors. You can learn more about this category through national error clubs, coverage of errors in numismatic publications, and the formal cataloging of mint errors. It's easy to start a coin collection. You can begin with coins that you already have on hand. Check your pockets, wallet, desk drawers and under the sofa cushions. Most people are surprised to discover the variety of coins hiding in their home's forgotten nooks. Then, ask friends and relatives if they have any old or unusual coins to contribute. To organize and display your collection, you may want to purchase one or more coin albums. Some are custom-made for specific coins, such as Kennedy Half Dollars; other albums hold all denominations. Additional storage and display options include paper envelopes, plastic tubes, slabs, flips, and Mylar(r) staple holders. See "Storing and Displaying Coins" for more information. Learning how to become a coin collector also means learning a new language. Coin collectors use a common vocabulary to discuss coins. Special terms are used to describe a coin's condition, value, and what it looks like. See "The Anatomy of a Coin "and the "Coin Term Glossary. " Tools of the Trade Here are the basic tools you'll need to 'll started building and organizing your coin collection: A high-quality magnifying glass so you can look at a coin's tiny details. A padded jeweler's tray, plush towel, or some other soft cloth to set coins on when viewing them. A plastic ruler that measures in inches and millimeters. Avoid hard, metal rulers that may scratch your coins. A good general coin reference book. It should include information on dates, mint marks, major varieties, grading guidelines, and prices. Good lighting, such as a halogen lamp. Soft, cotton gloves. Coin envelopes, holders, or albums for storing your coins. There are four questions you should answer when determining whether to add a coin to your collection: Does the coin have eye appeal? What appeals to any individual collector is always subjective. If the coin doesn't appeal to you, don't buy it. It's likely that if you think the coin is ugly, other people will too. How is the original luster? There is no way to restore a coin's luster - the characteristic flashy sheen seen on a new coin - once it's gone. Is there any damage? Scratches, bag marks, staple marks, corrosion, and other damage will decrease a coin's value. How much wear is there? According to experts, wear tends to be the single biggest factor that determines the grade given to a coin. Should you buy coins for your collection, or is it better to find them? You certainly can do either - or both. The combination approach can be a good way to enhance your collection. For example, as the new coins in the 50 State Quarters (tm) Program are released into circulation (five per year from 1999 to 2008), you can save coins for each state as you find them in your change. In addition, you also may want to purchase special collectibles related to the program, such as proof sets, uncirculated sets, or first-day coin covers. What if you have decided to collect coins from a certain year, but you are having trouble finding them? Then, you may want to purchase the hard-to-find coins from a coin dealer or another collector, adding depth and value to your collection. Here are some sources to build your collection (the U.S. Mint does not recommend, regulate, or endorse individual providers of goods or services): Your local bank. Purchase rolls of coins to search through collectors and coin clubs. Trade or buy from other collectors, either privately or at coin clubs. Purchase coins directly from the U.S. Mint's catalog, which is also available online at www.usmint.gov/catalog. Buy or trade with reputable coin dealers. You can try using the following venues. You may want to ask an experienced collector for dealer referrals. Here you can shop from several dealers at once. The selection at coin shows will be much better than at most individual shops, and the prices will be more competitive. Many dealers sell coins through the mail. Check the numismatic publications for their ads. Make sure the dealer has a reasonable return policy before ordering, and examine the coins carefully on receipt to ensure that they're 'reatisfactory. Hundreds of dealers - including many conventional mail order advertisers - offer coins on the Internet. Again, make sure the dealer has a reasonable return policy before ordering, and examine the coins carefully on receipt to ensure that they're 'reatisfactory. And use your good judgment! The rarest and most expensive coins often are available only through major auction houses. In addition, many collectors now sell coins on auction Web sites. (As with online dealers, make sure the seller has a reasonable return policy and examine the coins carefully upon receipt to ensure that they're s 'resfactory.) Note: It is not uncommon for auction bids to surpass prices of comparable coins sold in other venues. It's a good idea to check prices in shops, mail-order ads, and on other Web sites in advance. Then, to avoid overpaying, limit your bids to the market-value prices you've 'vend. Although they are not primary sources, sometimes coins can be found at these events. Because there is less competition for the seller and many potential buyers, prices may be inflated. In addition, sometimes these venues are used to move problem coins. Use caution and common sense when buying at these events. Caring for Coins To retain the value and look of your coin collection, proper care and storing is essential. Cleaning While you may be tempted to clean your coins to make them look shiny and new - proceed with caution. Most of the time, cleaning makes coins look worse and, more importantly, reduces their value. f you absolutely must clean a coin to remove dirt, use good-quality mild soap and water. Once you've 'vehed the coin, pat it dry with a soft towel. Don't brush or rub it, which can scratch the coin's delicate surface. Believe it or not, older coins that show the deep coloration of age are far more desirable than coins whose surfaces have been stripped away by improper cleaning. To preserve the value and natural condition of your coins, it is important that you handle them carefully. A coin should be held by its edges between the thumb and forefinger. This protects the coin's surface and design from fingerprints and the natural oils on your skin that can be corrosive. Never hold a coin so that your fingers touch the obverse or reverse surface. Doing so can leave fingerprints, which are difficult to remove. Some experienced coin collectors use soft cotton gloves when handling their uncirculated or proof coins. If you choose not to wear gloves, make sure your hands are clean before handling your coins. Also, hold coins over a soft towel or other soft surface in case you drop them. Finally, don't talk directly over your coins because tiny, almost invisible droplets of saliva can drop onto the coin and show up later as spots. Just like fingerprints, those marks are difficult, if not impossible, to remove. 1. Always store your coins in a place that is consistently cool and dry. Sharp changes in temperature and moisture promote tarnish and spots that will devalue your coins. For instance, don't store your coins in the attic or basement where the environment temperature can fluctuate significantly. 2. Keep your coins in their original holders, if at all possible. All modern proof sets and commemoratives should be bought and sold in their original cases and capsules. 3. Save the Certificate of authenticity and the information card that comes with U.S. Mint proofs, uncirculated sets, and commemorative sets. These items are considered to be part of the set, and if they are missing, your coins will be harder to sell. 4. As your collection becomes more valuable, you may want to store it in a safe-deposit box. Or, if you choose to keep your collection at home, check with your insurance company to make sure it's covered for the full replacement cost. Flips are clear plastic holders with two pockets - one for the coin, the other for a label. Some flips, such as those made of Mylar(r), are good for storing coins but can be a little stiff and brittle. When you put a coin into a flip or take it out, "bow" the flip to avoid scratching the coin - press both edges gently to make a wide opening for the coin. Soft plastic holders aren't always a better alternative. You definitely want to avoid them if they contain polyvinyl chloride (PVC). This chemical, used to make plastics softer, will take a valuable coin and turn it into a sticky, worthless mess. How? Over time, the sticky film spreads from the container to your coin, eating into its surface. For this reason, it's been nicknamed "green slime."
W2F-020-0.txt	" Gabriel" by Janet Kuypers She had lived there, in her fourth floor apartment on the near north side of the city, for nearly three years. It was an uneventful three years from the outside; Gabriel liked it that way. She just wanted to live her life: go to work, see her new friends, have a place to herself. But looking a bit closer, it was easy to see what a wonderful life she had. Her apartment was impeccable, with Greek statues and glass vases lining the hallways, modern oil paintings lining her walls. She was working at her career for a little under two years and she had received two hefty promotions. She served on the board of directors for the headquarters of a national domestic abuse clinic and single-handedly managed to increase annual donations in her city by 45%;, as well as drastically increase the volunteer base for their hotline numbers. She managed a boyfriend, a man who was willing to put up with her running around, working overtime for her job, visiting clinics. A man who loved and respected her for her drive. Not bad for a woman almost twenty-five. Yes, life seemed good for Gabriel, she would dine in fine restaurants, visit the operas and musicals travelling through the city. And she had only been in the city for three years. Eric would wonder what her past was like when he'd hit a 'derve with her and she would charge off to work, not talking to him for days. She had only lived in the city for three years, and he knew nothing about her life before then. In the back of his mind, he always thought she was hiding something from him, keeping a little secret, and sometimes everything Gabriel said made him believe this secret was real. She told him her parents lived on the other side of the country, and even though they dated for almost two years there never was talk about visiting them. She never received calls from her old friends. There were no old photographs. This would get to Eric sometimes; it would fester inside of him when he sat down and thought about it, all alone, in his apartment, wondering when she would be finished with work. And then he'd see h 'd again, and all of his problems would disappear, and he'd feel 'dke he was in love. One morning he was sitting at her breakfast table, reading her paper, waiting so they could drive to work. "Hey, they finally got that mob-king guy with some charges they think will stick." Gabriel minded her business, put her make-up on in the bathroom mirror, hair-sprayed her short, curly brown hair. " Hey, Gabriel, get a load of this quote," Eric shouted down the hallway to her from his seat. He could just barely see her shadow through the open door to the bathroom. "'My client is totally innocent of any charges against him. It is the defense's opinion that Mr. Luccio was framed, given to the police by the organized crime rings in this city as a decoy,' said Jack Huntington, defense lawyer for the case. 'Furthermore, the evidence is circumstantial, and weak.' What a joke. I hope this guy doesn't get away with all he's done. You know, if IÐ" Gabriel stopped hearing his voice when she heard that name. She had heard Luccio over and over again in the news, but Jack. She didn't expect this. Not now. It had been so long since she heard that name. But not long enough. Her hands gripped the edge of the ceramic sink, gripping tighter and tighter until she began to scratch the wood paneling under the sink. Her head hung down, the ends of her hair falling around her face. He lived outside of the city, nearly two hours. Now he was here, maybe ten minutes away from her home, less than a mile away from where she worked, where she was about to go to. She couldn't let go of the edge of the sink. Eric stopped reading aloud and was already to the sports section, and in the back of her mind Gabriel was wondering how she could hurt herself so she wouldn't have to go to work. She would be late already, she had been standing there for over ten minutes. Hurt herself? What was she thinking? And she began to regain her senses. She finally picked her head up and looked in the mirror. She wasn't the woman from then, she had to say to herself as she sneered at her reflection. But all she could see was long, blonde straight hair, a golden glow from the sun, from the days where she didn't work as often as she did, when she had a different life. She had to pull on her hair to remind herself that it was short. She pulled it until she almost cried. Then she stopped, straightened her jacket, took a deep breath and walked out the bathroom door. Eric started to worry. As they car-pooled together to work, Gabriel sat in the passenger seat, right hand clutching the door handle, left hand grabbing her briefcase, holding it with a fierce, ferocious grip. But it was a grip that said she was scared, scared of losing that briefcase, or her favorite teddy bear from the other kids at school, or her life from a robber in an alley. If nothing else, Eric knew she felt fear. And he didn't know why. He tried to ask her. She said she was tired, but tense, an important meeting and a pounding headache. He knew it was more. She almost shook as she sat in that car, and she began to rock back and forth, forward and back, ever so slightly, the way a mother rocks her child to calm her down. It made Eric tense, too. And scared. Work was a blur, a blur of nothingness. There was no meeting, the workload was light for a Friday. But at least the headache was there, that wasn't a lie. She hated lying, especially to Eric. But she had no choice, especially now, with Jack lurking somewhere in the streets out there, winning his cases, wondering if his wife is dead or not. She never wanted him to know the answer. Eric called her a little after four. "Just wanted to check if we were still going to dinner tonight. I made the reservations at the new Southwestern place, you said you wanted to go there. Sound good?" Gabriel mustered up the strength to respond, and only came up with, "Sure." " Do you still have the headache, honey? Do you want to just rent a movie or two and curl up on the couch tonight? Whatever you want to do is fine, just let me know." She knew at this point he was doing all he could to make her feel better. She didn't want to put him through this. He shouldn't have to deal with her like this. She searches for her second wind. " No, Eric, dinner would be fine. We can go straight from work to save the drive. Thanks, too. You really have a knack for making my days better." Eric smiled at the end of the line. And Gabriel could feel it. They got off the phone, she finished her work, turned off her computer, started walking toward the elevator when it finally occurred to her: Jack might be there. She can't go. Even if he's not there, she could see him on the street, driving there. She just couldn't go. She pressed the button for the elevator. And he could just as easily see me walking out of work, getting in Eric's car, she thought. I have to stop thinking like this. This is ludicrous. And he won't be there, he won't see me, because, well, the chances are so thin, and Hell, it's a big city. I have to try to relax. But she couldn't. And there was no reason she should have. At the restaurant, they sat on the upper level, near one of the large Roman columns decorated with ivy. She kept looking around one of the columns, because a man three tables away looked like Jack. It wasn't, but she still had to stare. The meal was delicious, the presentation was impeccable. She was finally starting to relax. The check arrived at the table right as the place began to get crowded, so Gabriel went to the washroom to freshen up before they left. She walked through the restaurant, feeling comfortable and confident again. She even attracted a smile from a man at another table. She walked with confidence and poise. And she loved life again. She walked into the bathroom, straight to the mirror, checking her hair, her lip stick. She looked strong, not how she looked when she was married. She closed her purse, turned around and headed out the door. That's when she saw him. There he was, Jack, standing right there, waiting for a table. He had three other men with him, all in dark suits. She didn't know if they were mob members or firm associates. Or private eyes he hired to find her. Dear God, she thought, what could she do now? She can't get to the table, he'l 'llee her for sure. She can't stare at him, it'l 'llnly draw attention to herself. And then she thinks: "Wait. All I'v 'veeen is the back of him. It might not even be him." She took a breath. "It's probably not even him," she thought, "and I' 'vesat here worrying about it." Still, she couldn't reassure herself. She took a few steps back and waited for him to turn around. A minute passed, or was it a century?, and finally he started to turn, just as they were about to be led to their table. She saw his profile, just a glimpse of his face. It was him, it was Jack, it was the monster she knew from all those years, the man who made her lose any ounce of innocence or femininity she ever had. She saw how his chin sloped into his neck, the curve of his nose, how he combed his hair back, and she knew it was him. By the washrooms, she stared at him while he took one step away from her, closer to the dining room. Then she felt a strong, pulling hand grip her shoulder. Her hair slapped her in the face as she turned around. Her eyes were saucers. " The check is paid for. Let's go," Eric said as he took her jacket from her arm and held it up for her. She slid her arms through the sleeves, Eric pulling the coat over her shoulders. She stared blankly. He guided her out the doors. She asked him if they could stop at a club on the way home and have a drink or two. They found a little bar, and she instantly ordered drinks. They sat for over an hour in the dark club listening to the jazz band. It looked to Eric like she was trying to lose herself in the darkness, in the anonymity of the crowded lounge. It worried him more. And still she didn't relax. And she drove on the expressway back from dinner, Eric in the seat next to her. He had noticed she had been tense today, more than she had ever been; whenever he asked her why she brushed her symptoms off as nothing. The radio blared in the car, the car soaring down the four lanes of open, slick, raw power, and she heard the dee jay recap the evening news. A man died in a car accident, he said, and it was the lawyer defending the famed mob leader. And then the radio announced his name. And she didn't even have to hear it. Time stopped for a moment when the name was spread, Jack, Jack Huntington, like a disease, over the air waves. Jack, Jack the name crept into her car, she couldn't escape it, like contaminated water it infiltrated all of her body and she instantly felt drugged. Time stood still in a horrific silence for Gabriel. Hearing that midnight talk show host talk about the tragedy of his death, she began to reduce speed, without intention. She didn't notice until brights were flashing in her rear view mirror, cars were speeding around her, horns were honking. She was going 30 miles per hour. She quickly regained herself, turned off the radio, and threw her foot on the accelerator. Eric sat silent. They had a long drive home ahead of them from the club, and he knew if he only sat silent that she would eventually talk. While still in the car, ten minutes later, she began to tell him about Andrea. " Three years ago, when I moved to the city, my name wasn't Gabriel. It was Andrea. " Seven years ago, I was a different person. I was a lot more shy, insecure, an eighteen year old in college, not knowing what I wanted to study. I didn't know what my future was, and I didn't want to have to go through my life alone. My freshman year I met a man in the law school program at school. He asked me out as soon as he met me. I was thrilled.
W2C-007-3.txt	CORE DIRECTOR, N.C. JUDGE FLOYD B. MCKISSICK DIES Floyd B. McKissick, 69, a former national director of the Congress of Racial Equality who pulled down legal barriers to integration in the South then Tried to steer the movement toward economic development, died of lung cancer April 28. A North Carolina District Court judge since September 1990, he died at his home in Soul City, N.C., the moribund "new town" he created in the mid-1970s as a symbol of black empowerment. Soul City fell on hard times a decade ago when it failed to attract industries and when federal funding for new communities dried up.
W1B-009-0.txt	9/23/90 Dearest daaarlink A, Hi. I think I've reached new levels of procrastinat 've. I just spent a half hour putting on fake nails & then painting them hot pink... boy, do I feel "LADY-LIKE." How bizarre. It must be a pain in the ass to have nails this long. Disabilling Sowanyway things here are so fucking boring. I have a million and a half things to read, write, & in general get done and it's just not inspiring me at the moment. However I'm longing to communicate c/ you because I kno 'mI've been lax about the whole thing 'veout which I feel dreadful but you're in my thoughts so much. I hope we can spend some time together soon... Boston sounds so inviting... actually-- time with you away from here sounds incredible. So, lets make some tentative plans for post-graduation time--- kay! My life: school work (of fucking course!) Ceramics (YAY)- I dreampt last night that I ate some clay... euuuu did I tell you about this! It's so hard to explain... "A QUERY INTO WHAT IT MEANS TO BE HUMAN" => stems out of "EST" training. Ever heard of it! It's a course that I'm taking next weekend in Lancaster c/ - - 'm & - - - - (a.k.a. "The dudester" - - roomate). - - - did it... gosh, I can't remember if I told you about it or not. I probably did. Anyway-I'll tell you about how it g 'll later (after I do it). So how's the job search! How's the social scene! Heard from your bro' yet! I hope you're doing well... Hey - thanks for the contacts... really great stuff... Hope you like the T. The smallest size we had was a large-- It'll probably shrink in th 'll dryer a bit 'thou' - - - (the pizza guy) called me the other night and left a message on my machine ~ never called back... odd, don't you think... good god, I hope he's not pregnant. Ha haaahh. Woman, things are bizarre 'round here. I'll dealing with too man 'llgo's (my ceramics prof in particular), too much bullshit attempts at being social, & not enough heart to hearts, you know ~ convo's, __ NADA. Everyone I knew is gone. I mean, there's - - - and all, but He's in the BURG and it's long distance and I have no $ or... to get there to see him and he's working a lot and I have so much to do anyway and I don't have time to make good friends (as opposed to the many acquaintances that I do have) and I have a problem with runnon sentences, not to mention cross outs and spelling problems - - but it's all besides the point... " I wish, I wish, I wish I was one of those BINGO women, you know! With the hockey jacket, bleach-blond hair and a welfare scamm." - - KIDS IN THE HALL (comedy troupe from Canada) You'll have to see t 'll sometime. We have this on video (- - - does) it's a cross between Monty Python and SNL. Bizarre, & very funny. Darling-I'm sorry this letter's so 'misjointed. I'm just in one of 'dem mo 'ms.. 'd not very conclusive about much. Things in general are okay-- mostly the same... I'm surviving. I'm hoping things are coo 'mwitcha. I love you a lot... take care and keep in touch. Luv, me (if you didn't know) __________________ I terribly enjoy listening to people who say FEDERAL EXPRESS-- "fedrill ecschpress." AHHH!!! I don't enjoy Philadelphia. I would much rather deal with "you-ins" and "we-ins" in - - - - than "youse" and "wees", if you know what I mean 1/4/91 Hi, of course a week later I get around to sending this. I'm working for - - - Fri 'my (today) then next week temping elsewhere... I can't wait 'til this work thing ends and I can throw again!! My hands are aching for clay... I think I'll roll aroun 'lln a batch (when I go back to - - -) naked... ahhh!! You'll never beli 'll who took me out last Wednesday-- showed up at my doorstep. - - - - - - 'member him from H.S.! 'm He's good friends c/ - - - - (spent a year c/ him in Alaska). I told him the "actually, I say actually a lot," story. He thought it was weird. I love you. Write soon. 2/27/91 Dear A: Hey! How are you!!! I have to apologize for not being in touch sooner, I've been real 've busy. I'm working on my res 'me in the computer center so I figured I'd write 'dou a letter. I've been wor 'veg on an application for a program called - - - in Maine for the summer. It's an artists' workshop program-I'm applying for a 'maid position on staff at the studio. Also, I was working on a letter to a woman named - - -. She is a very well-known ceramic artist. I'm writing to her 'mo see if she's interested in having me as an apprentice for the fall. I have absolutely no idea how things will turn out in either case. I want both!!! - - - - teachers at - - - - and her house (where I'd be 'dving if I got the apprenticeship) is about a half hour outside of New York City. Pretty cool, eh! I also hear that she is an amazing cook. Japanese food, of course. I've been 'veking two jobs (well, actually three including the studio, but only two paying jobs). I work lunches as a waitress at a very fancy Billiard Parlor and Saloon called - - - - right downtonw in - - - -. It's about a three block walk from my house. I'm also waitr 'msing at the local Pizza Hut (AAAAH!) A couple evenings a week. I hardly have enough time to be in the studio!! The rent must be paid. So, how are things in Beantown! Keeping out of trouble! Ha. I lost my voice this week. Boy, did I ever sound throaty. I think my tips were better at - - - - - - -. Those lawyers from the Courthouse like a throaty-voiced waitress. Our uniforms at - - - -'s are really cool. We wear a tuxedo shirt (complete with black buttons), black suspenders and a black bow-tie. We are to provide our own pants or skirt, as long as it's black. What's really nice is that since I've l 've weight, I fit into my Pierre Cardin black wool pants. Sharp. Plus, the best part about working at - - -'s is that I can play pool for FREE!! (While I'm on br 'mk). I was in the studio tonight and threw a little. The clay was really hard so I didn't get much accomplished. I did get a chance to talk to - - - - about working with - - - -. They are friends, so - - - will put in a good word for me. Well, I'm going 'mo head over to the library to do a little research on potters. Write me soon, sweetie!! I miss you! Come visit me! Love always, - - - P.S.Have you heard from your bro'!! Hey there sweetums! Sorry about the inappropriate card~ but I wanted to send something... heard you had the chickies... wot a drag! I have vague memories of chickies... all those itchy spots--AHHH! I'm curre 'mly job hunting... so far I've 'velied for one job at Swathmore college as a glorified secretary... hoping to hear from 'em soon... unemployment isn't too bad... 'cept for this heat... it's so frigging hot! Well, I'm in 'me midst of cleaning the room. I've 'veved into - - -'s room because my mom has taken my room to be her office.. Life on the 3rd floor ain't terrible~ thank god for air conditioners. Well, that's about all for now... keep in touch... and remember-- Don't scratch. (HA!) Write again soon... Love you always! P.S.for some fun and excitement, try yawning into a fan... it's really hard for one, and secondly it sounds really strange... P.P.S.I saw - - - walking down the street today... remember him!! P.P.P.S.I 've talked with your mum on the phone about 4 times since I 've been back. P.P.P.P.S.I saw - - - at the maul. Remember him! dearest a, hey there sweetums! I?m doing some temp work for the day at - - - =s office. Remember mike & - - - ~ their dad... anyway, he=s a graffic artist of sorts with lots-o-different color pens... wot fun!!! brown... ick... So anyway... saw your bro? he looks well... been hanging out with - - -... luckily she?s home for the summer... this weekend we?re planning to go out to some alternative clubs in Phila... how much fun... how bizarre that within the past year I?ve discovered so much in commom with my long-time high school buds ~a .k.a. you, and - - -... who knows, who?s next! Interesting, non! C.K. has two kids ~ they?re black, well 2 white, 2 black... pretty wild, huh! I like this orange pen... I found out my uncle jimmy died this morning... he was only 37~ died in his sleep... pretty sad... he was ___=s godfather... do you have godparents! I?m listening to Power99FM... Morris Day & the Time is on the radio~ do you remember that song? the Bird?? sqAAAWWK... what a weird song... Woman, I?m still looking for the job... had two interviews this week-- law firms... Media-- both were pretty nice... I hope to hear by the end of the week... I need $$!! Why do dj?s have such Ridiculous names! Haven?t heard from D in ages... I hope he?s good... hey how >bout you! Are you all better now! Did you get my card!! Did it help! Wow, this is a really subtle pen... I likes... I met this really cool woman named RW at her studio on Haverford Road... she be an old-time potter... really amazing woman to rap c/... I may do some lab work for her in the fall... she teaches a class in her studio... okay, time for variation... I started my throwing course at CAC in Wallingofrod, Monday... it was good, I think i?m going to apply to the guild later on (after the class ends) because I need to be around people who do it every day... even if I don?t... i need to be around some juice... the classers are mostly once-a-few-days-workers is what I suspect... but I don?t know this for a fact, you know. I don?t know... I think i?m too anxious thus far... I gotta be patient... - - - & I are planning a party this weekend. Her? rents are in France for three weeks (o-yeah!)... wish you were here, kid! JS, G & I went to the Bee Bop Cafe (yes, big hair hell) last weekend... we had an awsome time... we didn?t quite fit in though ~ not enought hair. The wallpaper in here be extremely ugly-example: somebody really ought to outlaw this stuff! Uh-hoh~ here come the wall paper police... Write soon! Love, - - - My dearest A darling, Happy belated birthday to you! Happy belated birthday to you! Happy belated birthday dear A, happy belated birthday to you! Oh, how original... I?m sorry I missed the big day ~ waitressing be occupying my time~ and of course ceramics, wot not, etc. I started making a vocal/audio (whatever) tape for you~ but I was interrupted and then I taped over it. Takes skill, huh! So, the big question: Are you coming home for the t!! Looks like dat?s where I?ll be...leeme know, kay!! Much more to tell you - - but later. I gotta go. Love you! - - -
W1A-013-0.txt	Hassan Ngeze and Propaganda in Rwanda Comparative Study of Genocide 318 Take-Home Essay Media propaganda plays an integral role in motivating the general public to participate in genocide. Leaders often use the media to indoctrinate the masses with their ideology and advance their political agenda (Straus 9/29/2009). More specifically, hate speech dehumanizes the intended victim and encourages discrimination (Timmermann 354). Looking at propaganda is key to understanding whether a series of atrocities were coincidental or part of a larger, deliberate plan. The insidious relationship between the mass media and genocide is particularly evident in the genocide in Rwanda. In this paper, I will evaluate the role of Hassan Ngeze, a prominent propagandist in the Rwandan genocide. First, I will provide a basic historical overview of the conflict in Rwanda. Second, I will examine Ngeze's role as both editor-in-chief of the extremist newspaper, Kangura, and as a powerful authority figure in the Hutu regime. Third, I argue that Ngeze's role was essential to creating a climate of fear in Rwanda. By disseminating propaganda, he advocated for racial hatred and incited the masses to commit horrific crimes against the Tutsis. Finally, I argue that Ngeze was rightfully tried under the Genocide Convention for incitement to genocide, genocide and crimes against humanity. It is important to note that Ngeze was not decisive to the outcome of genocide. Other critical factors such as political instability, civil war, and long-standing ethnic enmity between the Hutus and the Tutsis fostered a volatile environment and fueled great brutality in Rwanda. However, by psychologically preparing the general population for genocidal violence with propaganda, Ngeze was instrumental to inciting the public to massacre the Tutsis with unprecedented speed, scope and savagery. Historical Context Genocide in Rwanda emerged from a complex historical background between the Hutus and the Tutsis. Examining the context strengthens our understanding of the Kangura's perspective and helps explain Ngeze's role as a major Hutu leader during the genocide. Mahmood Mamdani argues that the reorganization of the colonial state from 1926 to 1936 represents the key turning point in political violence and conflict in Rwanda. To help govern the state, Belgian colonial rule legally stratified the Rwandan population into two distinct groups. The Mwame, or the Rwandan king, identified the Tutsi population as non-indigenous and gave them special privileges. As a result, the Tutsis began to "embrace the racialization of their own identity as non-indigenous," (105). Meanwhile, the Hutus were legally required to carry an identity card to mark their ethnic inferiority. Philip Gourevitch explains that "Hutu and Tutsi identities took definition only in relationship to state power"those ideas were largely framed as opposing negatives: a Hutu was what a Tutsi was not, and vise versa," (50). Frustrated by their legal status, a Hutu political counterelite emerged along with a Hutu nationalist movement. In 1959, the Hutus eventually gained political power through a social revolution, founded the Republic of Rwanda in 1962 and forced the Tutsi political elite to flee to neighboring countries (Zahar 45). While in exile, rebel Tutsi forces banded together to form the Rwandan Patriotic Force (RPF) and plotted to regain power (Wallenstein 353). Although genocide did not erupt until 1994, major episodes of violence occurred in Rwanda in 1959, 1963, 1966, 1973 and systematically from 1990 to 1994 (Des Forges 65). The RPF invasion from Uganda in October 1990 played a significant role in goading anti-Tutsi propaganda. In addition, economic decline, popular unrest, Hutu discontent and international pressure on Rwanda to become a multiparty democracy, all threatened the power of the extremist Rwandan government and exacerbated ethnic tensions between the Hutus and the Tutsis, (Kidder 270). Hutu political elites saw the extermination of Tutsis and their Hutu and Belgian "accomplices" as the ultimate solution to Rwanda's problems, and used propagandist media to voice this hatred and mobilize violence (Wallenstein 392). The RPF invasion helped the Hutu extremists gain legitimacy, popular support, and "provided an ideal basis for a well-orchestrated campaign of virulent anti-Tutsi propaganda" (Kidder 270). Immediately following the invasion, Ngeze founded the newspaper, Kangura, and published an article warning that the RPF were preparing to wage a war against the Hutus that "would leave no survivors" (Des Forges 78). Kangura continued to advocate for ethnic hatred against the RPF and the Tutsis through the onset of genocide when Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira were assassinated on April 6, 1994 (Des Forges 66). By July 1994, 500,000 Tutsis were massacred, which accounted for 75%; of the total Tutsi population in Rwanda (Straus 12/1/2009). Ngeze's Specific Role As editor-in-chief of the propaganda newspaper, Kangura, Ngeze had exclusive control over the paper's publications and wrote many editorials (" Prosecutor v. Nahimana et. al." 2775). Thus, Ngeze was responsible for what was printed in Kangura and the effect of those words on Rwandan society. Kangura echoed the state's racist creed and utilized lies and exaggerations to instill a sense of fear, hatred and paranoia in Rwandan society. For example, Kangura alleged that there were mass gravesites of innocent Hutus to develop an anti-Tutsi sentiment (Wallenstein 393). The paper consistently republished the Ten Bahutu Commandants, a violent document that called for Hutu ethnic and racial dominance, hatred for the Tutsi minority and that encouraged persecution of Tutsi women, (" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 18). Moreover, Kangura painted the Hutus as innocent victims in a Tutsi-led genocide. Alison Des Forges describes this phenomenon as "accusation in a mirror," meaning that the "party which is using terror will accuse the enemy of using terror" (66). In this case, Kangura persuaded readers that it was the Hutu's responsibility to "erase the enemy within" and fight to preserve the pure Rwandan nation (Wallenstein 392). The media demonized the Tutsis by calling them names such as "cockroaches, feudal lords, snakes, subversive and the enemy," and convinced the Hutu majority that pre-emptive action against the Tutsi population was necessary for their own self-defense (Timmermann 354). In the article A Cockroach Cannot Give Birth to a Butterfly, for example, Kangura wrote: "A cockroach gives birth to another cockroach"a Tutsi is someone who has a sweet tongue but whose wickedness is indescribable. A Tutsi is someone whose desire for revenge is insatiable; someone who is unpredictable, someone who laughs whereas he is suffering," (Timmermann 364). In addition to the Tutsi minority, the aggressive propaganda campaign was also aimed at Hutus who opposed the Hutu Power ideology. These Hutus were depicted as "accomplices" of the Tutsis and were largely targeted in the genocide (Gourevitch 18). Finally, by publishing lists of specific Tutsi and moderate Hutu targets in Kangura, Ngeze incited the militia and members of the community to violently eliminate the Tutsi population (Wallenstein 392). Ngeze was an influential public figure in Rwanda during the genocide. As a founding and active member of the Coalition for the Defense of the Republic (CDR) political party, Ngeze openly declared his extremist Hutu ideology and exercised authority over the militia groups, Interahamwe (MRND) and Impuzamugambi (CDR)(" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 11). For example, in 1991, Ngeze distributed weapons to Hutu fighters and helped train them to massacre Tutsis in Gisenyi prefecture (" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 15). Additionally, in April 1994, Ngeze traveled with the Interahamwe to "identify the Tutsi and their 'accomplices' and kill them on the spot"[He also] took part in killings of Tutsi at Commune Rouge. He supervised the mass graves, commended the Interahamwe on their 'good work' and encouraged them to continue the killing," (" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 20). Ngeze and Kangura worked closely with the extremist radio station, Radio-Television Libre des Milles Collines (RTLM), as "partners in a Hutu coalition," (" Prosecutor v. Nahimana et. al. 2773). Ngeze was a shareholder in RTLM and served as their Gisenyi correspondent. When interviewed on RTLM, Ngeze consistently called for the extermination of the Tutsis and moderate Hutus, and defended his extremist Hutu ideology, (" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 14). Whether Ngeze's Role was Essential to the Outcome By perpetrating a climate of fear and hatred, Ngeze played a significant role in creating the conditions that led to genocide in Rwanda (Timmermann 364). Through Kangura, Ngeze conditioned the public to loathe the Tutsis on the basis of their ethnicity, and convinced them that pre-emptive action was necessary for their survival. Thus, by the time genocide broke out in April 1994, the masses were motivated and prepared to systematically murder Tutsis at a blistering speed. Kangura was highly influential in Rwanda for many reasons. First, although only 66 percent of Rwandans are literate, those who do not know how to read were either read to, or looked at cartoons "which were so graphic that they could not be misinterpreted," (Des Forges 67). Second, Wallenstein argues, "in times of instability, people tend to be more reliant on mass media for information and guidance. They may know of crucial events only through mass media. In 1994 Rwanda, communications and travel became all but impossible," (389). Although 95%; of the population lives in rural areas of Rwanda and the government was able to reach them using Kangura to preach their ideology. The paper was widely distributed by urban workers who carried copies with them when they went home to the countryside for the weekends (Des Forges 67). In the 1990s, Kangura and the main radio station, RTLM, became the main source of news for the nation and framed how the public should treat the Tutsis. Some argue that since the genocide in Rwanda was mostly committed by civilians to civilians, authority figures like Ngeze should not be responsible for the colossal death toll. However, because conformity was deeply embedded in Rwandan culture, Ngeze's propaganda and his role as a community figurehead were especially influential. A Kigali lawyer, Francois Xavier Nkurunziza explained to Gourevitch that, "in Rwandan history, everyone obeys authority"The people of influence"may think that they didn't kill because they didn't take life with their own hands, but the people were looking to them for their orders. And in Rwanda, an order can be given very quietly," (23). The masses looked to leaders like Ngeze to direct them and tell them how to behave. Ngeze used this to his advantage through the power of his words, causing the public to believe that every Tutsi was a grave and imminent threat. This relates to Stanley Milgram's theory that obedience drives people to commit horrific crimes. When there is a legitimate authority figure, Milgram argues that people will obey without question (Straus 9/29/09). In Rwanda, Ngeze served as a legitimate authority figure and gave out directives knowing that the people would comply without question. Similarly, Christopher Browning argues that people who commit atrocities were often just following orders "or "atrocity by policy." As seen in Rwanda, war helped Ngeze racially stereotype and dehumanize the Tutsis through propaganda. Browning also emphasizes that few perpetrators did anything to stop the genocide. Ngeze was able to mobilize the community to massacre Tutsis through both his actions and his inactions. According to the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, "Ngeze knew that the articles published in Kangura were inciting, aiding and abetting the local population and the militia groups to exterminate all the Tutsis"and failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures to prevent such acts." Additionally, Ngeze "knew that the articles, speeches or interviews published in Kangura resulted in widespread massacres of the Tutsi population and the murder of numerous moderate Hutus" and was therefore a necessary vehicle in facilitating the violence (19). Genocide Convention Genocide first became an international crime under the Genocide Convention in 1948. The convention defines genocide as "the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group," (Power 62). This law was first enforced at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) after the 1994 genocide. ICTR examined the link between mass media and genocide "setting a precedent that hate speech is legally one of international law's most heinous crimes (" Prosecutor v. Nahimana et. al." 2769). The ICTR Appeals Chamber also ruled that "hate speech directed against a group and inspired by discriminatory motives"whether on the basis of ethnicity or any other basis"violates the right to respect for the human dignity of the members of the group and thus constitutes discrimination in fact," (Timmermann 364). In 2003, ICTR convicted Ngeze, along with two other media executives, Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean Bosco Barayagwiza, for genocide, incitement to genocide and crimes against humanity (" Prosecutor v. Ngeze" 25). In accordance with the Trial Chamber's rulings, I agree that Ngeze was guilty for his involvement in Kangura and his individual criminal actions. To determine the necessary elements of direct and public incitement to commit genocide, an actor must publicly provoke a number of individuals to commit a criminal action, (Wallenstein 394). In Rwanda, Kangura satisfies this requirement because it is a form of mass communication meant to reach the community at large. Unlike other key actors, Ngeze was able to voice his extremist ideology through a major outlet to quickly reach a wide audience. Propagandists often argue that they were simply exercising their right to freedom of expression, which makes it very difficult to prove their incitement to harm. "Yet the ideal of freedom of expression does not justify undermining public order"In times of war and armed conflict, unlimited freedom of expression may serve to subvert and sabotage the integrity of the nation and inspire crimes as horrifying as genocide," (Wallenstein 388). Interestingly, the Tribunal notes that speech "aligned with state power rather than in opposition to it deserves less protection to ensure that minorities without equal means of defense are not endangered," (" Prosecutor v. Nahimana et. al." 2772). Kangura was state owned and directly supported by the Hutu extremist government.
W2C-007-4.txt	ART BROWN, LONGTIME HOST ONLOCALRADIO, DIES AT 92 Art Brown, 92, a longtime popular morning radio host in Washington who broadcast over WOL and WWDC radio stations for 30 years before retiring in December 1965, died of cancer April 27 at Carriage Hill nursing home in Silver Spring. He lived in Silver Spring. Mr.Brown began his morning show, which aired for many years from 6 to 10:30 a.m. on WOL-AM (1260), on Nov. 1, 1935. He continued the show when the station became WWDC. Although it featured a traditional sampling of news, sports, weather and music, it also boasted a popular host of genial wit with an easy, informal style and occasional crotchety comments.
W2F-001-0.txt	THE DOGS OF CARRBORO Looking at the freshly painted white wall of her apartment, she wonders what it would be like just to leave the few remaining cardboard boxes on the floor and never finish unpacking. That way she could savor the newness of her new life, the excitement of not quite remembering what's around the corner. She pushes a plastic fork through the salad she got at the deli she discovered today. An elegant salad, a seductive salad of avocado, crumbled feta, red pepper, black olives. She holds an olive on her tongue for a long second before swallowing it. Yes, she loves the place, she loves Berkeley, the job at the agency has started well. At the moment she knows with mathematical certitude that she's made the right choice. And that's even without taking into account the view from the balcony: over spikes of bottlebrush to a discreet blue wedge of the bay. She's saving that for now, not the salad and the view at the same time, not yet. Who needs any more than this? The phone. Which is a surprise. His voice, which she hasn't heard in months. She feels herself stiffening, looks toward the door as if to assure herself that it's locked, and sees her yellow jacket hanging on the knob. "How did you get my number?" She's conscious of holding the receiver a half-inch further away than usual. "I've got my sources," he says airily. For a while she doesn't answer but maintains what she thinks is a chilly silence. It's part instinct and part conscious signal. Still, she has to admire his resourcefulness. Of course, he was always resourceful, and with the way he lived, he had to be. That's all in the past, she reminds herself. It makes him less of a threat and she feels better. After all, he's across the continent in Virginia. "So how's it going out there"" he asks. "Terrific. Couldn't be better," it's like a strong forehand whacked smartly across the net. Only maybe it's a little too strong. It sounds overdone. Maybe she should have toned it down just a little. For a while there's a silence and she remembers his tall silhouette, the long topcoat, wide shoulders. Just when she's beginning to wonder if he's still there she hears him again: "Tell me what you're seeing." 're laughs to herself. One of his little photographer's games. Strangely, though, she doesn't mind acquiescing: it's like the old times without being the old times. "I see a room," she says. "White walls, a sliding glass door leading to a balcony. The curtains are white too, there's a green wall-to-wall carpet-- avocado. There are a few boxes on the floor." She talks slowly, expecting him to break in at any moment with a clicking sound like a man snapping a picture but all he says is "Yeah," as if he's suddenly lost interest, and she stops describing the apartment. It's different out here, she wants to tell him, the air is sharp and dry, not like the South. Here when you step into the shade the heat doesn't follow you. But all at once she feels disoriented: for the moment she's been pulled back into his world, or rather, he's re-interpreted hers, framing it. Something has gone out of her elation, like a wind dying down. "I'm going to get wind-chimes," she 'mys, apropos of nothing. "There's always a breeze in the evening." He doesn't respond. "Hey," she asks, "are you still there?" "Yeah." The slow Carolina drawl makes the word seem longer than it is and hearing it she sees again that thin face with two distinctly different halves, remembers the blond hair and green eyes that change color like the sea. She tries to gauge from the sound how much his life is under control now. "How are you doing?" she asks. "Good. Real good. I got a teaching gig for the fall. At the community college." "That's great." Maybe he does have it together, after all, though with him the question is always: for how long? "You meet any nice new people out there?" he asks. "Uh-huh." There's no need to tell him that she isn't interested in new people right now, she just wants to start life clean, a tabula rasa, like this apartment; and she wishes she could keep it that way for a while: innocence, learning something new each day about the city, like the names of TV anchorpeople, the best places for Mexican food (she can hear him on that subject). She's done her duty, paid her dues, her life with him is over. "Think of it as four years in the Peace Corps," a friend in Chicago said, "working in an undeveloped nation." "Isn't the current term developing nations?" she asked, going along with the joke; but the friend answered, "No, with this one there's no possibility-- we're not talking Third Wor 'rehere, more like Seventh or Eighth.? They laughed, drank wine. There were wildflowers on the bright orange tablecloth, the big lake heaved softly on the horizon-- everything seemed to float. It felt so good to be able to talk about all that from a distance, no longer tied up in it, in the pain, in his mood swings, the sudden onset of long silences, vodka before noon, suicidal glooms. "Developing nations." Only later did she recognize the photographic pun. Now she looks around the empty white room: her canary yellow jacket slumps over the doorknob, her discarded shoes a few feet from the door. Home. She feels like the heroine at the end of a horror movie: after the dark corridors, the ominous sounds at the bottom of the stairs, mysterious shapes; after her own panting, heart pounding in her throat, she's safe at last, in her favorite chair, and the thud she hears in the distance is only the plop of the folded newspaper on the porch. "I want a normal life," she says. "And I've got one now." "Heh-heh," he cackles stagily, as if reading her thoughts. Aren't you just a little nostalgic, the laugh seems to ask, for those terrors" "How can you be sure I can't reach you even in that white apartment with the green rug and the sliding glass door? You know, if you think bad thoughts about me you'll get cold sores." 'llICE-USA:W2F-001#80:1> Relieved that he's joking, she answers, "I don't... " She wants to say she doesn't think any thoughts of him at all but that wouldn't be true. "I don't want cold sores," she says. "How vain you are, my dear," comes the voice from across the country. "Isn't that a little like the pot calling the kettle black?" she says, remembering his swaggering dramatic poses, the costumes, his staged entrances. But she loved it once, didn't she, their bohemian life, when she thought of herself as a serious painter? On one of their anniversaries they colored each other's faces: savage streaks of yellow under one of his eyes, a peaceful blue under the other; he put a tiny rainbow on her brow. "Every time you get a cold sore you'll think of me," 'llsays. "Aren't you sweet?" "Hey, sweetie, I don't use my magic powers on just anyone. You should feel flattered." Can they really be talking like this, in a harmless enough way? Last spring on that hot whispery street in Virginia her throat burned as if she'd swallowed l 'd, the scent of honeysuckle and mimosa pressing down on her through the humid air while he stood a few feet away, holding the hand he'd hurt when h 'dpunched a tree. Now here they are at different ends of the country, bantering lightly, a regular stir fry of a conversation. She smiles, looking at the salad's bright colors before her. Is it possible that a call from him can be just a parenthesis, pleasant, funny, nostalgic, in her life? Still, she doesn't quite trust the feeling. Looking at the sunlight on her white walls in California she feels protected from that other side of him, hungry and demanding. She remembers a night in Carolina when he looked at her across a table. It was in a roadhouse on Route 29, heavy with tobacco smoke. As the band played something slow and melancholy he sat there, hunched over for the longest time, silent as a stone, until he suddenly drew himself erect. All the features on his pale face were the same but he'd become a 'dstranger. "I do not understand the person I am," he declared with great formality his eyes looking beyond her, beyond the fake log cabin walls of the roadhouse. It scared her. Silently she assented: he wasn't the man she thought she knew, that was clear, that had been becoming clearer all the time. Days later they acted as though none of it had ever happened, as if it were a matter of washing the paint from their faces; but that night in the roadhouse was the first time she admitted to herself they weren't likely to stay together. Sometimes his pictures could achieve the same kind of readjustment of vision: a familiar object suddenly became mysterious, menacing; an ordinary scene was transformed into a magical revelation. It was uncanny how he'd caught som 'dhing in their homely doorway in Chapel Hill: the tall, thin shape-- like him, in a way-- the frame not quite in line, the peeling paint and that worn, once elegant knob. His camera turned it into an ambiguous omen. Remembering that doorway to their apartment in Chapel Hill she's suddenly overwhelmed with a sense of loss. Yes, if you looked at it the right way you could glimpse things that hadn't yet gone on behind that door, you could believe that doorway could somehow foretell her being alone here in California. Life opens up, her friend in Chicago told her, tomorrow can always be better than today. There are times, though, when she believes that all there is is memory. 'Hey, sweetie," his voice breaks in on her thoughts. "I was thinking-" - - "Yeah?" "In a couple of years we're both going 're be middle-aged." She says nothing. "Isn't that weird, though?" He sounds genuinely bemused. It's not an idea she finds particularly appealing. "Well," she says, "you'll be ther 'llirst." It's their joke, since he's three weeks older than she is. "I'll tell 'll how it feels." They're both 'reent for a while trying to fathom how it will feel. It's a step forward, she told herself this morning, giving up those ideas about painting-- it's seeing things clearly, and that feels good. Her job at the agency is challenging, her work helps people, at the end of the day she feels satisfied, she's contributed. "I was down at the coast last week," he says. "I remembered that bird we saw." "What bird?" "The one in the marsh that day with its wings up." "Oh. Yeah." The memory comes distantly, as though she's watching someone else's home video. It was a quiet place with soft contours, where the marsh grass bent under its own weight, green willows drooped beside a sluggish tidal stream. She was the first to notice the black shape a hundred yards away, on a piling in the water near a weatherbeaten dock. It was a large seabird that was facing them, its wings extended, like an eagle on a coin, but it was so motionless that at first she thought it had to be sculpture or a carving. For a long time it remained perfectly still and then a wing moved slightly, like a guarded gesture of welcome, just enough to indicate that this was a living creature. But it didn't move any further, it just stayed there, frozen. "Look at that," he said, taking her hand. "That means something, doesn't it? It's got to mean something." The two of them stood there a long time, contemplating this world of grass and water that was breathing slowly with the tide while one creature stayed mysteriously still. "Yeah," she says again, realizing by the time she's remembered it fully that she's moved by the wonder of that moment, no longer distant. "So strange," she says, looking at the white walls of her apartment, her jacket hanging on the door, the discarded shoes. After a while he asks, "Don't you get lonely sometimes?" "No,"- she answers. An absurd response but she's leaving him no opening. "Oh, I do," he says matter-of-factly and it seems as though he has no intention of pushing the subject any further. But how can you know about him, how can you ever know? He always had something up his sleeve. That last year in Virginia she went through the days clenched, ready for the explosions that were sure to come. Yet even then there were times like the night he drove her with great mystery across the back roads to a bridge over the railroad tracks. The sky above them was black and starless, dark heat moved through the hissing leaves and tree frogs shrieked. Under the smell of ripe vegetation there was a faint trace of oil coming up from the tracks. What was he doing, she wondered, why had he dragged her out here?
W2C-014-1.txt	Engineering college makes changes to involve, excite students early Engineering students who think they are required to take too many Courses to get a Cornell degree, take note: Beginning with the incoming freshman class (' 98), the number of hours required for an engineering degree will decrease, and students will have a more flexible, comprehensive curriculum. " The faculty have made the first significant undergraduate engineering curriculum changes since the current requirements were adopted almost 15 years ago," said John E. Hopcroft, the Joseph Silbert Dean of the College of Engineering. Engineering faculty approved the changes Feb. 28, after more than three years of study. The College Curriculum Governing Board started to look at the curriculum in 1991, as an ad-hoc committee examining the freshman-sophomore engineering experience. It blossomed into a full-fledged committee examining teaching and curriculum, and led to the new undergraduate requirements. Among the changes Among the changes: Students need fewer credits for an engineering degree, 38 courses instead of 40; they will be able to affiliate with a field within engineering earlier in their college experience; they have more flexibility in taking courses outside of engineering; and they must take a hands-on introduction-to-engineering course freshman year, exposing them to the "excitement and process of engineering" early in their college careers. The changes are an example of the importance the college puts on undergraduate education, and they reflect changes in engineering education across the nation, Hopcroft says. " The old curriculum put tremendous burden on you your junior year," the dean said. "It's extraordinarily demanding, because you're just dec 'reing your major in the college and have to take a difficult load of courses." The new curriculum is less rigid in the later years and more complete and integrated. Current curriculum For example, the current curriculum requires students to take a heavy dose of basic courses, such as physics, math and computer science, during their freshman and sophomore years. It is not until their junior year that they take field-specific engineering classes, such as those in electrical, materials, civil, mechanical and aerospace engineering or applied physics. One of the problems with that, the dean said, is that historically students transfer out of the college before the junior year. In fact, almost 90 percent of students entering the engineering college between 1983 and 1989 graduated from Cornell, but only 75 percent or so graduated from the engineering college. But the new curriculum requires an introductory course in a field, hands-on learning lab, during freshman year. That will expose them to engineering early in their college careers. Then, the student must affiliate with a specific engineering field, such as civil and environmental, or mechanical and aerospace, for example, in the sophomore year. By the end of their fourth semester, they will already have taken three or more engineering courses, one or two of them in their specific field. Additionally, "Industry demands that engineers have a more well-rounded education," said Hopcroft, who took over as dean Jan. 1, replacing William Streett, who has returned to teaching in the chemical engineering department. "The new curriculum will give*them an opportunity to take more courses outside their field." The curriculum also will make it easier for a student to study abroad. The college has an engineering program in Hamburg, Germany, for 22 students and is considering starting one in Asia. Hopcroft also said he wants faculty to involve undergraduates in their research projects. "We're committe 'reo getting students involved in the research experience. This is a research university. Every faculty member in the college is involved in research and teaching. It's at the heart of what we do. The college encourages faculty to employ undergraduates in their labs. We have more interest in that than we can finance," Hopcroft said. Last year, the college spent $62,000 from its general fund and alumni donations to finance undergraduate research positions, with another $75,000 from the General Electric Foundation. " At some institutions, teaching is simply conveying a body of knowledge. But here, we want them to learn how that knowledge is created. We want students to understand how engineering research is done, how it's funded. We want to foster teamwork and give them an actual design experience. Such experiences may include, for example, designing and building an SAE Formula race car or hybrid electric vehicle, a concrete canoe or a pedestrian bridge to be constructed locally. Another curriculum innovation: The college will offer a bioengineering option for its students. Students who major in an engineering field can take a number of courses related to bioengineering - the engineering of biological systems - and will have an official note of this on their transcripts. Dual degrees Hopcroft also sees cross-departmental, even cross-college, courses being offered at Cornell. In engineering, students will be able to double-major in, say, electrical engineering and materials science for dual degrees. "We're going 'rehave to do more, but with less resources," Hopcroft said. "We have 215 faculty now, but in five years we'll have 'll. As a result, there will be a lot of cross-college offerings. For example, a student can take a hydrology course, but if it's offered in the College of Agriculture and Life Sciences, why should we duplicate it?" The curriculum is not all that's new in the engineering college. The dean points to several initiatives as a priority. For example, the college has hired Gloria Gilford to coordinate recruitment of minority students and "to encourage them to choose Cornell," Hopcroft said. "What we want to do is attract the best minority students out there and to create a campus environment that encourages success." Concurrent with that, the college has hired Claude Poux as director of the Engineering Minority Programs Office. Said Hopcroft: "We must get the faculty to accept responsibility for enabling the success of the minority student. It's not enough just to retain them in the college - and this is true of every student, not just minorities, not just women - we need to launch them on successful careers." Although the college enrollment is about 24 percent women - compared with the national average of about 17 percent - the engineering college still must make special efforts to keep women in the field. Interaction " We need to continue to show that engineering is an area where you do interact with people, a field that is important to many national problems, and there is value to it. We have a quarter of our enrollment women, but we'd li 'd to get that to one-third. Of the faculty, about 7 percent, or 14, are women. " Really, it's a commitment to excellence that is important," Hopcroft said. "In that sense, it doesn't matter if it's a man, woman, minority, as long as they are excellent at what they do. And that's the driving force of the college." A member of the National Academy of Engineering since 1989, Hopcroft, 54, earned a Ph.D. in 1964 and an M.S. in 1962, both from Stanford University, and a B.S. in 1961 from Seattle University, all in electrical engineering. He also is a member of the National Science Board, the governing board of the National Science Foundation. Hopcroft was associate dean for college affairs since 1992, chairman of the computer science department from 1987 to 1992, and a professor of computer science since 1972, when he came to Cornell from Stanford. About the college Dean: John E. Hopcroft was named dean of the College of Engineering on Jan. 1. He formerly was associate dean and chairman of the Computer Science department. < Agenda: Undergraduate curriculum changes designed to engage Students early in their college careers; focus on recruiting and retaining Minority students.
W1B-028-0.txt	Item 1. BUSINESS The Home Depot, Inc., including its subsidiaries (" The Home Depot" or "Company") is the leading retailer in the home improvement industry. It operates "warehouse style" stores which sell a wide assortment of building materials and home improvement products. At fiscal year end, the Company had 340 stores in 28 states and 3 Canadian provinces, with an aggregate total of approximately 35,133,000 square feet of selling space. Such stores average approximately 103,000 square feet of enclosed space per store, with an additional 20,000 to 28,000 square feet of garden center and storage space. The Company's corporate offices are located at 2727 Paces Ferry Road, Atlanta, Georgia 30339-4089, telephone number (404) 433-8211. The Home Depot's operating strategy stresses providing a broad range of merchandise at competitive prices and utilizing highly knowledgeable service oriented personnel and aggressive advertising. Company-employed shoppers regularly check prices at competitors' operations to ensure that The Home Depot's low "Day-In, Day-Out" warehouse prices are competitive within each market. Since a majority of the Company's customers are individual homeowners, many of whom may have limited experience in do-it-yourself (" D-I-Y") projects, management considers its employees' knowledge of products and home improvement techniques and applications to be very important to its marketing approach and its ability to maintain customer satisfaction. Many D-I-Y customers take advantage of "how-to" classes offered in The Home Depot stores. Another segment of the Company's business activity is the buy-it-yourself (" B-I-Y") customers. The B-I-Y customer chooses products, makes the purchase and contracts with others to complete or install the project. The Home Depot also devotes significant marketing, advertising and service efforts toward attracting professional remodelers and commercial users. Products Management estimates that during the course of a year, a typical store stocks approximately 40,000 to 50,000 product items, including variations in color and size. Each store carries a wide selection of quality and nationally advertised brand name merchandise. The table below shows the percentage of sales of each major product group for each of the last three fiscal years. However, these percentages may not necessarily be representative of the Company's future product mix due, among other things, to the effects of promotional activities associated with opening additional stores. Also, newly opened stores did not operate through a complete seasonal product cycle for all periods presented. The Company sources its merchandise from approximately 8,000 vendors worldwide, of which no single vendor accounts for as much as 10 percent of purchases. The Company is not dependent on any single vendor. A substantial majority of merchandise is purchased directly from manufacturers, thereby eliminating costs of intermediaries. Management believes that competitive sources of supply are readily available for substantially all its products. Marketing and Sales Management believes a number of the Company's existing stores are operating at or above their optimum capacity. In order to enhance market penetration over time, the Company has adopted a strategy of adding new stores near the edge of the market areas served by existing stores. While such a strategy may initially have a negative impact on the rate of growth of comparable store-for-store sales, management believes this "cannibalization" strategy increases customer satisfaction and overall market share by reducing delays in shopping, increasing utilization by existing customers and attracting new customers to more convenient locations. The Home Depot has continued to introduce or refine a number of merchandising programs during fiscal 1994. Key among them is the Company's ongoing commitment to becoming the supplier of first choice to an assortment of professional customers, primarily small- scale remodelers, carpenters, plumbers, electricians and building maintenance professionals. The Company has reacted to the needs of this group by emphasizing commercial credit programs, delivery services, new merchandising programs and more efficient shopping through the Company's Store Productivity Improvement program. The Company continued a Company-wide roll-out of an enlarged garden center prototype. These centers which are as large as 28,000 square feet, feature 6,000 to 8,000 square foot house plant enclosures (" HPE") or covered selling areas providing year round selling opportunities as well as a significantly expanded product assortment. By the end of fiscal 1994, the prototype was in place in at least 244 stores. By the end of fiscal 1995, these enlarged centers should be in most of the Company's stores. The organization of the merchandising group was revamped during fiscal 1994 to be more efficient and responsive to customers' needs. Under the new structure, both product line merchandisers and regional merchandisers report to division merchandise managers who have responsibility for broad product categories, such as construction, decor, repair and season- lawn/garden. The Company's installed sales program is available in 332 stores in 70 markets and is planned to be in all of the Company's stores over the next year. There are approximately 3,400 installed sales vendors who, as independent, licensed contractors, are authorized to provide services to customers. This program targets the B-I-Y customer, who will purchase an item but either does not have the desire or ability to install the item. During the past year, the Company has continued its marketing effort to support its sponsorship of the 1994 and 1996 Olympic Games and the U.S. Olympic teams' participation at those games. In fiscal 1994, the Company unveiled a program to help pave the Olympic Park in Atlanta with engraved bricks, and hired athletes to work in its stores and offices while they train for the Olympic Games. The Company's growing partnership with 29 key suppliers in the United States and 26 in Canada is providing significant financial support for the sponsorship. During fiscal 1994, the Company also announced its sponsorship of the Paralympic Games, which will follow the 1996 Summer Games in Atlanta. Support of the Paralympic Games is symbolic of the Company's commitment to better serve those of its associates and customers with disabilities. In January 1994, the Company opened its second Expo(R) Design Center in Atlanta, Georgia. The Expo stores, located in San Diego and Atlanta, enabled the regional merchandising staff to test a variety of upscale interior design products and services. Due to strong customer acceptance of its Expo stores, the Company plans to add Expo stores in Westbury, New York, and in Dallas, Texas, during 1995. The Expo stores offer approximately 125,000 square feet of selling space plus 5,000 square feet of climate controlled garden centers. During 1994, the Company also opened additional food service facilities in certain stores. These facilities are an extension of the Company's commitment to total customer satisfaction, and are designed to provide customers and employees with a convenient place to eat. The Company believes customers with limited amounts of time to complete their shopping, especially customers with small children, may spend more time in the store if fast food is available on site. The food service providers vary by market. On February 28, 1994, the Company acquired a 75 percent interest in the Aikenhead's Home Improvement Warehouse (" Aikenhead's") chain in Canada. This 75 percent interest was purchased from the Molson Companies Limited (" Molson"). The Company has the right to acquire Molson's remaining 25 percent interest beginning in 2000. The Company is the managing partner of this partnership which operates as The Home Depot Canada. During fiscal 1994, the Company began developing plans to open stores in Mexico. Although the Company has begun building relationships with key suppliers in Mexico, entry into this market will be cautious and slow. On a long-term basis, however, it is anticipated that success in Mexico could lead to more opportunities throughout Central and South America. The CrossRoads(tm) store format, announced during fiscal 1994, will carry building and home improvement supplies sold at traditional Home Depot stores, as well as a broad assortment of products and services for farmers and ranchers. By combining its traditional customer base with the markets in farming and ranching communities, the Company anticipates being able to penetrate hundreds of smaller markets that might not otherwise have supported Home Depot stores. The first CrossRoads store is expected to open in Quincy, Illinois during the summer of 1995, with stores in Waterloo, Iowa and Columbia, Missouri expected to also open during the year. The average CrossRoads store is expected to encompass more that 100,000 square feet, plus additional outside selling space of approximately 100,000 square feet. " The Home Depot", the "Homer" advertising symbol and various private label brand names under which the Company sells a limited range of products are service marks, trademarks or trade names of the Company and are considered to be important assets of the Company. Information Systems Each store is equipped with a computerized point of sale system, electronic bar code scanning system, and a mini-computer. These systems provide efficient customer check-out with an approximate 90 percent of scannable products, store-based inventory management, rapid order replenishment, labor planning support, and item movement information. In fiscal 1994 faster registers were introduced as well as a new check approval system and a new receipt format to expedite credit card transactions. Store information is communicated to home office and divisional office computers via a satellite and land-based communications network. These computers provide corporate financial and merchandising support systems. The Company is constantly assessing and upgrading its information systems to support its growth, reduce and control costs, and enable better decision-making. The Company continues to see greater efficiency as a result of its electronic data interchange (EDI) program. Currently, over 400 of the Company's highest volume vendors are participating in the EDI program. A paperless system, EDI electronically processes orders from stores to vendors, alerts the store when the merchandise is to arrive and transmits vendor invoice data. In fiscal 1994, the Company introduced phone centers to serve its customers who call to inquire about pricing and availability of merchandise. By adding experienced sales associates to a phone bank to answer calls quickly and efficiently, weekly phone sales have increased. Without the necessity of responding to phone calls, the sales associates can better concentrate on serving in- store customers. In fiscal 1994, stores were outfitted with Electronic Article Surveillance (" EAS") detectors that trigger an alarm if a person exits the store with merchandise that has been affixed with an EAS label that has not been desensitized at the cash register. The system is proving to be a deterrent to theft, with many stores reporting reductions in shoplifting offenses. The Company also operates its own television network and produces training and informational programs that are transmitted to stores via the communications network. Employees As of fiscal year end, The Home Depot employed approximately 67,000 persons, of whom approximately 4,800 were salaried and the remainder were compensated on an hourly basis. Approximately 83 percent of the Company's employees are employed on a full-time basis. In order to attract and retain qualified personnel, the Company seeks to maintain salary and wage levels above those of its competitors in its market areas. The Company's policy is to hire and train additional personnel in anticipation of future store expansion. The Company has never experienced a strike or any work stoppage, and management believes that its employee relations are satisfactory. There are no collective bargaining agreements covering any of the Company's employees. Competition The business of the Company is highly competitive, based in part on price, location of store, customer service and depth of merchandise. In each of the markets served by the Company, there are several other chains of building supply houses, lumber yards and home improvement stores. In addition, the Company must compete, with respect to some of its products, with discount stores, local, regional and national hardware stores, warehouse clubs, independent building supply stores and to a lesser extent, other retailers. Due to the variety of competition faced by the Company, management is unable to precisely measure the Company's market share in its existing market areas. Management, however, believes that the Company is an effective and significant competitor in these markets. Executive Officers The following provides information concerning the executive officers holding positions in the Company and/or its subsidiaries. BERNARD MARCUS, age 65, has been Chairman of the Board of Directors and Chief Executive Officer (" CEO") of The Home Depot since its inception in 1978; and is, together with Mr. Arthur M. Blank and Mr. Kenneth G. Langone (a director of the Company), a co-founder of the Company. Mr. Marcus serves on the Board of Directors of Wachovia Bank of Georgia, N.A., National Service Industries, Inc. and the New York Stock Exchange, Inc. Mr. Marcus is a member of the Advisory Board and Board of Directors of the Shepherd Spinal Center in Atlanta, as well as a Vice President and member of the Board of The City of Hope, a charitable organization in Duarte, California. Mr. Marcus is also a member of Emory University's Board of Visitors.
W2B-021-0.txt	Tour ten advanced house designs from our neighbor to the north. Their technologies may appear in U.S. homes soon. Probably because of its cold climate, Canada is a world leader in energy-efficient housing. The United States is five to ten years behind its neighbor, most housing experts agree. So POPULAR SCIENCE went to Canada to learn about a group of state-of-the-art homes, dubbed Advanced Houses. Ten Advanced Houses, winners of a nationwide competition, have been constructed across Canada. Entrants met stringent requirements: The houses will use half as much energy as those in the well-regarded R-2000 program that Canada has been pushing for a decade, and one-fourth the energy and half the water of conventional homes. Builders also focused on indoor air quality and resource-conserving materials choices. These targets were met in different ways. "Each house is not the archetypical house of the future, but one set of solutions," explains Tim Mayo of Canada's energy department. Intended as benchmarks for the Canadian building industry, the houses are the proving ground for new technologies and products that should drive future housing development. Seven of eight windows that were prototyped for the project are now on the market, for example. "We're trying t 'reush the mainstream industry as far as it can go, and then just a bit further," says Mayo. Looking at the group of Advanced Houses as a whole, it is easy to identify some emerging trends: * Builders are using more engineered-wood products. Premanufactured truss walls comprised of inner and outer wood studs separated by plywood webs or metal spacers were used in three houses, for example. This allows for wall cavities up to 12 inches deep, but uses only small-dimension lumber. Only three houses have a traditional 2x6 wall-framing system. * Six houses are insulated with recycled materials such as cellulose, which is made from waste newsprint. Two houses use newer, high-density fiberglass batts that contain some recycled glass. * Three houses feature quadruple-glazed windows with gas fills, non-metal spacers, and low-emissivity coatings that reflect heat but transmit visible light. Five houses have triple-glazed windows. * The houses integrate space heating, cooling, ventilation, and water heating. Ground-source heat pumps provide heating and cooling in three houses. Another four use high-efficiency systems that integrate gas heating and domestic-hot-water requirements. * Occupancy sensors control ventilation in seven houses. * Renewable energy sources are gaining a foothold. Solar panels heat water for six houses; five of the six also have photovoltaic-powered pumps. Solar energy generates electricity for two houses; another one has wind power. * All but two of the houses incorporate some type of home-automation system to control lighting, security, heating and cooling, and more. The Advanced Houses will be open to the public for a year, then sold, and finally monitored for a year under normal occupancy. Although the houses rely on a variety of experimental technology, they don't look out of place in neighborhoods of conventional homes. Each house's total project cost was about $700,000 to $800,000 (Canadian); much of the expense comes from designing and installing prototypes, which can be more costly than off-the-shelf products. The houses will sell for prices typical in their neighborhoods; the three that have already sold went for $185,000 to $250,000 (Canadian). Here are some innovative features a visitor might see on a quick tour of the houses. BREATHING EASIER Indoor air quality received special attention in the design of the Manitoba Advanced House in Winnipeg. The hobby room, which could also serve as a home office or smoker's room, has its own ventilation system. Other "healthy house" touches include a special bag filter to capture particles, floors made from natural cork, a basement floor sealed to prevent the entry of radon (a naturally occurring soil gas that may be implicated in some lung cancers), and return air vents located in the closets to remove dry-cleaning fumes and other pollutants. The Manitoba House needs no air conditioning. During the summer, overhangs help keep sunlight from penetrating windows. The windows also have clip-on solar screens that look similar to regular screens but reduce heat gain by about 30 percent. Although temperatures in Winnipeg can drop to - 40 [degrees] F in the winter, the house's windows gain more energy than they lose--even on the colder north side. To find the best windows for the job, the team that built the house held a competition. The winner: quadruple-glazed Willmar windows with two Heat Mirror polyester films, an additional low-emissivity coating on the inner pane of glass, insulative spacer bars, and a gas fill that is 80 percent krypton and 20 percent argon. The windows have an insulative value of R-12, which is as good as some conventional walls, says project manager John Hockman of Appin Associates. Now on the market, they cost about 40 percent more than triple-glazed windows, which are standard in new Winnipeg homes. Other details include a natural-gas refueling station next to the garage, an under-sink compost handler that is kept under negative air pressure to prevent odors from escaping, and an energy-use meter that helps reduce consumption by telling occupants how much electricity they're using 're dollars. SOMETHING NEW UNDER THE SUN The four-bedroom Saskatchewan Advanced House in Saskatoon makes ample use of solar energy. A photovoltaic panel on the roof generates 1.9 kilowatts, about 10 percent of the electricity used in the house. The panel provides enough juice to run a Photocom refrigerator, which uses about one-third the electricity of an average fridge (typically the biggest energy gobbler in a house). The photovoltaics also power the heating and cooling systems. Surplus electricity is stored in batteries. Evacuated heat-pipe solar collectors on the roof capture heat and transfer it to a 750-gallon insulated water-storage tank in the basement. From there, the heat passively rises into a pair of domestic hot-water tanks mounted on top of the storage tank. These two tanks provide hot water for the kitchen, bathrooms, and laundry. Via a heat exchanger, they also transfer heat to water circulating through a radiant-floor-heating system. The two hot-water tanks provide backup heat when the solar storage tank in the basement can't meet the demand. "This is a very simple system," claims designer John Carroll. "The three pumps are the only moving parts." The Saskatchewan House also has radiant cooling, which, unlike conventional air conditioners, requires no CFCs, or chlorofluorocarbons. Water is pumped through 2,300 feet of tubing in the ceilings of the main and upstairs levels, where it picks up heat from aluminum collector plates. The water then flows through another 1,600 feet of tubing buried in the ground beneath the floor slab and in the backfill. Cooled to about 50 [degrees] F by the soil, the water recirculates to the ceilings. To conserve water, the backyard's concave shape channels the flow toward the grass to water the yard. PANELS: SOME ASSEMBLY REQUIRED Located in the Vancouver suburb of Surrey, the British Columbia Advanced House uses a variety of prefabricated components. The second-floor walls and the roof are made from stress-skin panels, which are stronger than conventional double-stud walls, require less lumber, and can be mass-produced. "What we're real 'redoing is moving the construction off site and into the factory, where there's better quality control and more efficient materials use," explains architect Richard Kadulski. Each stress-skin panel has a layer of HCFC-blown polyurethane sandwiched between two sheets of plywood. Because they are manufactured using HCFCs (hydrochlorofluorocarbons) instead of CFCs, the panels are potentially less damaging to Earth's ozone layer. Strolling around the house, an informed visitor can spot many recycled materials. The foundation and landscaping contain crushed glass, the rubber pavers are made from old tires, and the deck is recycled plastic. The roof tiles, developed by Vancouver-based C-Max Technologies, are particularly noteworthy. They look like slate, but are made from a fire-retardant weather-resistant combination of two waste products: pulp sludge produced by local mills, and a cementlike material made from a fertilizer byproduct. Local inventors devised two other products. The Touch Tap in the shower allows occupants to preset the temperature and flow rate for each person in the house, says Kadulski. And the Ventex toilet, with a fan that vents odors from the bowl through a pipe to the outside, removes about 85 percent less air than a bathroom ceiling fan. Homeowners turn on another fan when they take a bath or shower. Household waste goes into a tank buried under the front lawn, where microorganisms break down the solid materials. Only the liquids continue on to the city sewer system, reducing the need for municipal waste treatment. The most sophisticated element of the house is its home-automation system. The house is prewired so that appliances can "talk" to each other. If the doorbell or telephone rings, for example, the vacuum cleaner automatically stops. WASTE NOT, WANT NOT The Waterloo Region Green Home, located an hour west of Toronto in Waterloo, Ontario, takes what some have called a "low-tech" approach to energy efficiency and environmental responsibility. "We consider that a compliment," says project manager John Kokko of Enermodal Engineering Ltd. The project team used no CFCs in the house, and selected a variety of recycled materials including: siding made from sawdust, a steel roof made from junked cars, carpeting made from plastic soda bottles, and a refurbished bathtub and sink. One of the team's goals was to virtually eliminate construction waste. "We never had a dumpster on site," says Stephen Carpenter of Enermodal. While builders typically send about 2.5 tons of waste to the landfill for every house they erect, the Waterloo team generated just two garbage bags weighing about ten pounds apiece. The team used only half the concrete that would be required for a poured-in-place foundation by adapting engineered concrete wall panels for the foundation. Flat on one side, the precast panels have steel reinforcing on the other, wafflelike side to give them the strength of a conventional foundation. The house's heating system, developed with the Canadian Gas Research Institute, uses a conventional natural-gas furnace joined to a heat-recovery ventilator (HRV) with two briefcase-size containers of gravel. Furnace flue gases and ventilation exhaust from the bathrooms heat one set of rocks, while the second set of rocks heats incoming fresh air. Every five minutes, a pair of valves reverses the airflow to the two compartments, so the heated rocks are cooled, and the cooled rocks are heated. Because the rocks are cheaper than a stainless-steel heat exchanger, the furnace/HRV system could be manufactured less expensively than its competitors. It will be field-tested in 20 other Canadian houses this year. One innovation Kokko and Carpenter can't resist pointing out is a "toilet with a twist.? Made by Control Fluidics of Greenwich, Conn., the Fluidizer toilet contains a blenderlike device that liquefies solid waste and toilet paper. The patented toilet uses just two quarts of water for each flush; other low-flush toilets use one and a half gallons, and standard models use three gallons. The Fluidizer could become commercially available as early as June. ALL TRUSSED UP AND READY TO GO Metal-web trusses are premanufactured units commonly used in floors. "Stand that floor system on its side, and you've go 've wall," says Paul Duffy, an engineer at Buchan, Lawton, Parent Ltd. in Toronto, and project manager of The Novel Environmental Advanced Technology Home, or NEAT Home, in Hamilton, Ontario. Truss walls provide high levels of insulation without requiring increasingly scarce and expensive large-dimension lumber. "There's nothing bigger than a 2x5 in the whole house," says Duffy. The NEAT Home's 11-inch-thick walls consist of 2x3 studs separated by a metal web. They'r 'reovered with insulative foam sheathing on the outside, and drywall on the inside. The wall cavities are filled with a poured-in-place non-CFC foam. "It expands up to 60 times its volume," says Duffy. Specially formulated for this project by Icynene Inc. of Mississauga, Ontario, the foam flows easily around the framing materials but does not build up enough pressure to force off the drywall or sheathing. It shrinks less than three percent as it dries, to prevent insulative gaps. Builders put scraps of excess foam into the attic before blowing recycled fiberglass insulation into place. For the foundation, the project team adapted a technology commonly used in high-rise construction. "It's never been tried in a residential foundation application," says Duffy. To build the foundation walls, workers used tie rods to position rigid insulation and a fiberglass drainage layer between concrete forms. They then poured two layers of concrete to form a sandwich around the insulation. The outer concrete layer supports above-grade masonry finish, and the inside layer supports the house framing. There's no need for any exterior or interior finishing of the foundation walls. "When you strip the forms, you 're done," says Duffy. To accommodate changing family needs, the NEAT Home has an oversize garage door that allows the owner to add a roll-in suite to the house. This suite, which arrives on the site completed like a manufactured home, contains a bedroom, kitchenette, and bathroom. Plumbing and mechanical hookups on the garage wall ease installation.
W1B-013-0.txt	Dear Jim, Im writing to you, finally, on my 32nd birthday, after so much time passing between my last letter to you. Its not for lack of want that Ive been silent on this end; rather, I seem to easily find ways to get myself involved in every kind of time-consuming opportunity. Its in my nature, I guess, since I never seem to be able to pass up the change to learn, to grow, to try on a new hat. Ive been thinking a lot about the last time we spoke--- December 24th if memory serves me rightand I have to say that there has been more than enough food for thought given the circumstances. You said that it has been years since youve spoken to your oldest son, or that he has repeatedly ignored your attempts to make peace (which Im sure, knowing you as well as I do, were sincere. I hope you can understand my point when I say that his behavior towards you may have been warranted when he was a teenager, but it is disconcertingly inappropriate at this point in his life. If I understand correctly, your son was 18 when you ran away, as you put it, which means he was, at least legally, an adult. I do not have any doubt that he felt the pain of your sudden divorce. I dont imagine that that would be an easy situation for any person to deal with--- his being the oldest of your kids and being the one who felt like he was forced to be the replacement for you. And this may be conjecture on my part, and if it is a gross misrepresentation of the facts, Ill ask you to forgive me, but during the time of your divorce, I believe your ex-wife spoke of you in the most diabolical of terms. This was, at least, the impression I got from my parents, who have pretty clear memories respectively as to how the circumstances had been related to them via your ex-wifes friends. There is no way your son was immune to that type of indoctrination, for lack of a better term. Those were formative years for him, and he was impressionable to a degree that was perhaps even greater than the average 18 year old, given the idyllic childhood he experienced out on the little farm. He was really removed from any hardships, I think, without a job, etc. I know that you have taken an interest in the life of Buddha, who also lived a life totally removed from the more negative sides of life, namely, sickness, poverty, and death. And he too was shocked almost to the point of depression by what he saw when he finally left his bubble. I think this is partly reminiscent of your sons situation, which is why the smack of divorce hit him so hard. Anyway, forgive me for delving into a sore topic.Let me just say that if you are ever in need of an ear, a friend, a sounding-board, a sailing-partner, a pal to drink martinis with"as Leonard Cohen would say, - - Im youre man. I thought I would write a little more to you about that book I had mentioned over Christmas. I hate to put it like this, but it was a real pain to try to explain the books contents to Doctor and Mrs. Naleburn, mainly because they were only interested in hearing what they wanted to hear, if that makes sense. For example, I am always nervous around people who tell me that they are excellent writers, who are the grammar police, who correct [him] all the time, and who cant stand to listen to the way people speak nowadays. Jim, let me tell you, Ive studied the English language, and language in general, to a degree that is much, much greater than most of the people in the world. Everything I have learned has taught me that the only people who say those things are people who were born into a kind of privilege that they themselves dont recognize, think they earned, and would never acknowledge. Language, in many ways, is like music as a form of expression: One would never tell Chopin to change the tempo of his nocturne, or tell Mozart to stop writing for the winds, right" When people become self-proclaimed grammar police, I have to wonder what is behind their interest in, often erroneously, pointing out mistakes in the language of others. Language is so closely related to personal identity that when people are criticized for their way of communicating, it can be expected that they will lose a deal of self-esteem. And Jim, Im not saying that this is the case with Mrs. Naleburn entirely (although I suspect it does come into play), but it seems to me that so many of these arguments about language are really arguments against non-white ethnic minorities. Im sure that you would disagree with me on that latter point, and I wouldnt blame you for doing so, but I hear the same types of arguments being used all the time by people when they want to criticize anyone who is not white. For instance, I was taking a break from teaching the other morning and standing outside for one of our first spring days. There were three women from the building standing outside smoking and I overheard them talking about health insurance in Massachusetts. Now, as you know, that is a topic that is near and dear to my heart, having basically gone broke paying for the reconstruction of the broken bones in my foot (hey?.shouldnt all good American teachers face starvation as a result of criminally high insurance and medical bills?). So, somehow, these woman get to talking about how annoyed they are about some illegal immigrants in Massachusetts who approached the Governor in hopes of getting some of the Commonwealths insurance coverage. Boy, did these women have a lot of nasty, ignorant things to say! And since Im going to hell anyway, I might as well stereotype here: These were the South Shores trashiest of Irish white people. So I saw my chance to get in on the conversation by telling them, Oh yeah, I have a story for you guys! At this point, I related the following story with a straight face: So my dad owns a small restaurant outside the city and hes been working himself to the bones for the past twenty years to raise six kids. He has been getting up in age and so after all that time, he finally decides to look for a little help in the kitchen. One day, these two people come in, a guy and girl, who was pregnant, and they tell my dad they are looking for a job. My dad asks them what they can do and they say that they are willing to do anything because they dont have a lot of money and they want to send money back home to their families. So, of course my father starts to suspect that they are illegal immigrants when he asks them about paperwork. They start to explain that they have no papers and that they will work extremely hard even without papers. So my dad is someone who already hates illegal immigrants, so he grabs the guy by his shirt and he says, Listen to me you dirty bastardwhy dont you and this welfare collecting baby machine get back on the boat and go right back to Ireland where you came from!? Needless to say, Jim, they had no idea what to make of that little story. <3> It would have been pointless to lie so blatantly about my dad, but when I saw how they were just barely hiding their racism by using the word illegal to mean Hispanic, I couldnt help but use the Irish example. You never hear people talk about the Canadians or the Irish when they talk about immigration?.and that really bothers me! I actually felt badly about duping these three brainiacs, but it was really worth the laugh! So do you think this will be another year for us to get out on the boat? Id really love to get out to Misery Island this summer, but this time, just the two of us. Of course, I really loved having Aunt Bard and my wife with us, but when its just the two of us, we can really say what we want and make the rules as we go. We both know that when the ladies are there, we immediately lose our right to captain ourselves!! I know you sort of enjoy the fact that Barb acts like the boss even in a context in which she is entirely clueless (i.e. the sailboat), but getting the lecture about the gin and tonics was too much. Even if one didnt know that your wife and my mother were sisters, you would know it intuitively by the way they demand adherence to their hilarious world-view. What did Barb say when we were finally back and tied up to the mooring? "do you think its safe to have a drink while were still on the boat, Jim? How are you going to row us back to the shore?" Boy, Jim, Ill never know how you lived without my aunt for so many years, and how you practiced medicine without her for most of your adult life!! Ha! I cant believe I got distracted and forget to tell you about the book. Well, what I would say, to finish the point I was trying to make a few months backs, is that there are really a handful of revolutionary things happening in the field of linguistics. One of them is the creation of a new theory of language proposed by a Professor over at Tufts University, who was actually a student of Noam Chomskys many year ago. And believe it or not, this man, whom I believe to be the greatest linguist in the world, live not three block away from my house. The book itself is worth reading if you think you wont be bored by looking so closely at language in such scientific terms, but it is quite an accomplishment as far as academic works go. Truth be told, I am hesitant to recommend this guys book to other linguists, though, because I have found the Professor to be somewhat off-putting and unapproachable. I recently met with him to discuss PhD study under his guidance or under his partial supervision, and he was not even willing to take a look at the 150 page masters thesis I produced using his research---- and I can assure you, a the time I published it, there were very, very few publications available in which his views were being advanced by people who were not either his grad students or his colleagues. In short, I felt he was just an arrogant person and I actually feel stupid for putting so much faith into his work. Why should I support someone who couldnt even take a few minutes to see what I had to offer? I think it was a pedigree issue, too, since my MA degree is from UMass and not MIT or Harvard. An in a bizarre twist of fate, I actually got rejected from the PhD program at Tufts (after being wait-listed) only to find that the folks at MIT are pushing me to apply! Jim, youll have to forgive me for cutting this note short, but I have got to go to sleep. I love you and cant wait to see you again! Your old chum Darrell
W1A-009-0.txt	Elementary Education: Action through Nutrition and Physical Health Although physical activity is proves to academically benefit students, good nutrition has also been linked to an improvement in math and reading scores as well as overall behavior. For this reason it is unfortunate that 80 percent of children do not obtain the proper amount of fruits and vegetables or breakfast before school (School Breakfast Program, para. 4). A School Breakfast Program began in 1966 and was finalized in 1975 to provide "federally assisted meal program operating in public and nonprofit private schools and residential child care institutions" with the intention of increasing the amount of students who consumed breakfast in the morning (School Breakfast Program, para. 1). After ten years of this program's existence, observations were made regarding any correlation between breakfast consumption and improved test scores. From 1992-1993, only half of the nation's elementary school ate breakfast; whereas, from 1998-1999 more than three quarters of the students in elementary school ate prior to school. Not only were math and reading scores improved during this time, but also anxiety and stress levels were lowered (Fox and Cole, 2004, pg. 9). A study was conducted by observing nineteen students, between age six and seven, who had to eat breakfast every day consistently for one month. It was found that a couple hours after the students consumed a full meal in the morning, their "performance on the tests of memory and the ability to sustain attention were better, fewer signs of frustration were displayed and initially more time was spent on task when working individually in class" (Benton, 2007, pg. 720). These positive behaviors show how proper nutrition can, indeed, assist academic progress. Thus, elementary school should focus their attention on students' nutrition to yield high scores in various subjects. Both the nutritional discrepancies—from a lack of fruits, vegetables, and going without breakfast—impair students' academic excellence, which explains why students who eat breakfast overall have significant higher scores than others (Ehrlich, 2008, slide 7). Many elementary schools who are financially restricted cannot make changes in their curriculum to better student's nutritional and physical health, which forces them to prioritize their educational goals. A school's mission statement first and foremost emphasizes the importance of students' academic achievement and promotes empowered learners to continuously challenge themselves. Additionally, schools would like to achieve the aforementioned goals in a respectful environment to create well-behaved and healthy US citizens with strong relationships. Although schools recognize the importance of encouraging good health, for example, it is not their primary goal as educational institutions. Nutritional and physical health are often cut when prioritizing core classes if the school has limited funding. However, these schools often do not incorporate important everyday habits that could be easily attainable without spending a cent. Some examples of this could include choosing reading materials related to health or incorporating nutritional facts in science lessons. Part of the problem is that limited action can be taken to ensure good health in school due to the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). This act is used to assess whether schools are successful or not, evaluate a school's ability to make effective changes, and measure students' achievements through standardized tests. NCLB has caused public schools to narrow their focus on testing in order to have a 100 percent student-passing rate (Illinois State Board of Education, para. 1). When schools meet the expectation of having each student pass, the government deems them successful and provides them significantly more funding than to other failing schools (Illinois State Board of Education, para. 6). Although this act has great intentions, it is implemented poorly and therefore it negatively affects students' health. Because of the No Child Left Behind Act, many physical and nutritional health classes are removed from the school curriculum. Additionally, there is a reduction in the instructional time of Physical Education classes (Noffsinger, 2005, para. 3). These changes are made because schools feel pressured to allocate more of their money to academic classes in order to maintain their "passing school" status and keep the standards high for students. Without maintaining that status, their funding will be even more limited and harmful to the school's future success. Rather than dramatically changing the curriculum to yield more academic excelling results, often there is a decline academically. One experiment that depicts the harm threatened above was conducted at the Salk Institute in California where two groups of mice where observed. Mice were used in place of humans for obvious ethical purposes. One group was inactive and the other ran a few miles each day. As we can see from this experiment, the brain of the active mice displayed more growth, especially in the hippocampus. The hippocampus, "[the] brain region associated with learning and memory, was twice as large" as compared with the inactive mice (Dewar, 2008, para. 3). After using these results to relate to overweight children in America, it was discovered "that overweight kids found that 40 minutes a day of aerobic exercise … helps us pay attention, plan, and resist distractions" (Dewar, 2008, para. 14). When gym classes are cut and students are not given a period to run around and let off energy, students' ability to retain a long attention and memory span are impaired. Schools are so interested in shifting their focus to academic classes, that they not only end up harming their students' health but also their academic success. For this reason, cutting gym and other wellness classes can be an unnecessary evil. The biggest problem is that many parents expect schools to take full responsibility for their child's nutrition and physical health. Schools do encourage students to get more involved with sports and exercise, but it is not enough. The school's ability to maintain healthy students is a goal in addition to other academic ones. When kids go home and eat meals lacking in nutrition from their parents, it defeats all the efforts that the schools put in. These empty calories, provided by parents, do not combat nor help the childhood obesity problem. If parents took more responsibility for their children's extracurricular activities and healthy eating habits, then schools would not face this dilemma of cutting classes, and this would help to alleviate the funding crisis schools face today. There are many ways that parents can encourage healthy living and eating at home. Parents should advocate healthy dieting at home, specifically during meals. At home, it is common to have the television on during dinner. It is a bad habit to keep the TV during meals, however, because "people are less likely to overeat if the TV is off and the family is focused on family time" (Hellmich, 2006, pg. 08d). Therefore, TVs that are on throughout dinner harm children's health because they are often unaware of how much they consume and are not paying attention to their body's signs of satiety. As a response, it is important to make dinner a TV-less environment where the family can focus on their relationships and protect their children's overall health. Parents should also get children involved with exercising or involved with a team sport. Televisions, once again, impair this practice as it has been observed that, "decreasing the time they are allowed to watch TV or use the computer will increase their physical activity" (Hellmich, 2006, pg. 08d). Often parents struggle to reduce TV use among children once they have already become accustomed to watching it several hours a day. In order to get children to want to be active over watching TV, parents can "build physical activity into a child's day by doing things like walking to school with [their] child - - in neighborhoods that are safe and free of traffic congestion. [Or they can] ask [their] children what they want to do that's fun" (Hellmich, 2006, pg. 08d). These suggestions are ways that parents could help their children without the school's help. This is because it is both the school and parent's responsibility to improve students' health, which ultimately could prevent the difficult, life-long condition of obesity. Another way that parents can help is by becoming more consistent to their requests of their children. It has been found that kids often imitate parents' actions as long as the parents are consistent with their own demand. Similarly, children do not follow directions if the parents request something without acting upon it themselves. It is imperative for parents, in addition to schools, to provide the knowledge, skill, and attitude for food choice for children in order to make good choices and live healthy lifestyles. Seeing as 2 percent of school-age kids do not consume the recommended daily intake from the five major food groups, it is especially important for parents to encourage better nutrition consumption for their children and for themselves (Forgac, 1999, pg. 49). The New York Times covered a study relating to this debate that analyzed whether or not vending machines and their unhealthy contents contributed to the overarching obesity issue that is present among grade school students. The Center of Disease Control and Prevention conducted an interesting study from 1999- 2006 on the removal of vending machines in several elementary schools in Arkansas. This study concluded that over four years the average BMI rates of students remained steady despite the removal of unhealthy snacks (Carroll, 2006, para. 9). This article shows that the presence of vending machine in schools do not inhibit students' health or contribute to the obesity epidemic among US children today. Although this study does not show a direct cause of obesity, by having children select from high-calorie and high-fat food they are at higher risk for other health risks, such as high blood pressure. It is important for schools to remove or completely revamp vending machines to indirectly make children healthier. Even though schools often need the funding that popular, brand name products provide, the school should invest in healthier snacks and sign contracts with them. Although for schools severing contracts will initially create a tight budget, it allows new contracts to be signed with healthier companies that will over time offer the same benefits of the unhealthy companies, in addition to advancing student academic achievement. It is primarily difficult to develop a wellness program in a grade school struggling to get funded by the state government. This struggle is due to the pressure of meeting NCLB's Adequate Yearly Progress requirements. As a result, schools often have to focus on academic classes and teach students towards various high-stake tests. However, minor changes can always be made to reinforce good health habits. When a school is pressured to cut physical and nutritional health, the school needs parental support and cooperation to help reinforce these healthy lifestyles. School boards spend a lot of their time discussing where they should invest their limited money, and overall schools prefer to buy new books and fund new programs than purchase slightly healthier snacks. Instead of having educational programs sponsored by fast-food restaurants, like McDonald's, the community libraries or bowling allies could sponsor them to increase their budget. As educators, we could personally influence elementary students and impact their lifestyles. We need to implement and enforce laws that currently exist and add informational classes about the importance of nutritional and physical health into our schools' curriculums. It cannot be assumed that children will understand why we have health class; rather, the benefits that their choice will have in the future must be explicitly explained to them. By emphasizing the importance of nutrition and physical activity, we will see improvement in academic performance. Our efforts may in turn not only affect our school, but also all schools in the district. This passion can easily spread throughout the nation and finally put an end to the national obesity issue that exists in the United States of America. 6
W2E-001-0.txt	The Democrats' 'big tent' Boston Herald, Sept. 17, 1991 Paul Tsongas finally has some company. The ex-senator from Massachusetts, who had been billing himself as "the world's supply of Democratic presidential candidates," was joined over the weekend by two Democrats who couldn't be more unalike: Virginia's governor, L. Douglas Wilder, and Iowa's junior senator, Tom Harkin. After months of drooping lifelessly, the fabled "big tent" of the Democratic Party is billowing. Lately the GOP has taken to calling itself a "big tent," too (mostly to make a virtue of its inability to come together on such emotional social/moral issues as abortion and gay rights). But while there may be divergent voices within Republican ranks on everything from the federal budget to the "new world order," the only Republican voice that will count in 1992 will be George Bush's. Happily for American voters, that won't be true of the Democrats. Wilder and Harkin bring profoundly different visions and ideals to the presidential campaign. And out of the clash of their opinions and attitudes in the months ahead, the Democratic Party may finally get a clue to what it stands for and where it is headed. After Michael Dukakis' defeat in 1988, the Democrats were riven by a debate between those who believe he could have beaten Bush if only he'd been more forth 'dghtly liberal, and those who insist--correctly, we think - - that the Democrats will never retake the White House until their presidential candidates abandon the kookiness of their party's left wing. That debate is mirrored in the contrasts between Harkin and Wilder. Harkin represents the Democratic Party's left--the higher-taxes, bigger- government, class-warfare, Water-gate-baby fringe. Wilder, by contrast, comes from the party's moderate center--on a platform dubbed "The New Mainstream," he campaigns against taxes, against Washington, against deficits, against moral licentiousness. Passionately, Harkin calls for cutting $160 billion from the defense budget and plowing it into the traditional slew of domestic programs. Wilder sings a very different tune promising to cut $50 billion from the federal budget and return it in the form of tax cuts. Blacks of his age grew up, he says, believing "that the government imposed too many restrictions, too many barriers, too many limitations. We were not asking government for anything... but to remove itself.? Wilder reflects the Democratic Party's serious core; Harkin, its angry excesses. Both men have flaws, but both are superb campaigners. The 1992 race just got interesting. Keeping peace In the East The peace pact in the conflict over the disputed province of Nagorno- Karabakh offers hope that the newly independent Soviet republics can settle their differences without coercion from a dictatorial central government. The province, part of Muslim Azerbaijan, has an Armenian majority and an Azeri minority, a situation which has led to demands for union with neighboring Armenia and fighting between the rival republics and contentious ethnic factions. Through the good offices of Russian Federation President Boris Yeltsin and Nursultan Naza bayev, the president of Kazakhstan, a truce was negotiated among all the parties involved. The accord calls for further negotiations to resolve differences, disarming of rival gangs within the province, and an effort to resettle refugees. Most importantly, Armenia has renounced any claims to the area. In return, Azerbaijan has agreed to grant more autonomy to the province's Armenians. One reason the West was reluctant to support independence movements within the Soviet Union was the fear that the forces pulling the union apart would unleash ancient ethnic hatreds, leading to a generation of mini-conflicts. But three years of fighting, which left more than 800 dead and half a million homeless, belies the argument that the Kremlin was in any wise an effective peace-keeper. Newly liberated national groups aren't stupid. While there is considerable competition for contested territory, they realize that peace is essential to the development of democratic institutions and the move to a market economy. For many of these groups, the breakup of the Soviet empire (successor of czarist imperialism) offers the first real prospect of freedom and independence in hundreds of years. They aren't about to throw away that opportunity in border disputes. Prison privatization: Step 1 Boston Herald, Sept. 30, 1991 The decision to hire a private company to provide medical services to Massachusetts prisoners, said Gov. William Weld last Thursday, "is an excellent example of the privatization approach we plan to employ throughout state government." It's a pretty mild and straightforward approach: A spend-thrift and inefficient firm that had been mostly staffed with state workers will be replaced with a private firm, whose payroll will be its own responsibility and which will be bound by stiff contractual obligations. Of course, a more radical-minded privatizer would want to see the whole kit and caboodle privatized - - not just medical services but the running of all prison operations. We don't know if Weld the Downsizer has dared to think such unconventional thoughts. But guess what? The Legislature has. Under Chapter 799 of the Acts of 1985, the commonwealth is "authorized to enter into a contract with a private organization for the financing, operation, and maintenance of one state correctional facility." The Legislature's interest in trying a different way of doing corrections--it backed up the statute with a budgetary authorization - - was commendable. Sadly, predictably, the then-governor flatly refused to consider anything that would reduce the scope or expense of government. "Given the cost and control issues involved in privatization of correction," Gov. Dukakis wrote in April 1986, "I could not support any such effort in this area at this time. Times have changed. So has the thinking in the corner office. Across-the- board prison-privatization is a reform to consider anew; contracting out inmate medical care is a very good first step. Under the Dukakis regime, Goldberg Medical Associates of Salem provided medical services for the Correction Department. That was the firm whose boss collected $192,000 per year, charged most of his Lincoln Continental to the taxpayers, and had 400 state employees working for him. By the time Goldberg got finished enjoying his perks, the per-inmate cost of medical services in Massachusetts was twice the national average. By contracting the work out, Weld expects to cut the state payroll by 250, to slash the frequency of outside medical trips for inmates, and to save taxpayers more than $8 million. Privatization has a stellar track record. The more Massachusetts tries it, the more Massachusetts (except the former governor, maybe) will take it. Let's not baby criminals Boston Herald, Oct. 5, 1991 In the past five years, the number of murders committed by juveniles has doubled. But while current state law allows for juveniles charged with certain serious and violent crimes to be tried as adults, the system has failed to work as intended. In 1989, only 11 of 169 cases were successfully transferred from juvenile to adult criminal court. In 1990, the figure was 11 of 118 cases. But the numbers tell us little about the real injustice--injustices which rest most heavily on the shoulders of the victim's families, for in most instances the victims too were children. Such was the case of Damien Bynoe, 16, who was charged with the murders of 11-year-old Charles Copney and 15-year-old Corey Grant. " As soon as a judge ruled Bynoe could not be tried as an adult, he changed his plea to guilty," Gov. William Weld said Thursday in announcing his legislation to charge the juvenile justice system. Thus, guilty of two cold- blooded killings, Bynoe will be a free man at age 21. " A system that puts a convicted murderer back on the streets just because he turns 21 is a system that has failed," Weld said, as the parents of the two youthful victims looked on. Weld's bill would remove those aged 14 to 17 who are charged with first- or second-degree murder, manslaughter, aggravated rape, armed assault with intent to murder, or armed burglary from the jurisdiction of the juvenile court. Those charged with lesser offenses could still be transferred to criminal court but under this proposal all transfer hearings would be public and any offense involving a firearm would be subject to transfer proceedings. Given the increases in juvenile crime and the violent nature of far too many of those offenses, the increases in gang-related violence, and the terror it has brought on too many inner city neighborhoods, this legislation comes not a moment too soon. If there is a flaw in the current proposal it is one of omission. Weld will need to come up with some real answers about where these no-longer-juvenile offenders will be housed, if for no other reason than to deprive reluctant legislators of a reason to kill the bill before it ever sees the light of day. This is much too important an issue to be allowed to languish on Beacon Hill. Restoring Peace in Haiti Jean-Bertrand Arlstide's landslide election as president of Haiti less than eight months ago was historic. The popular Roman Catholic priest, who espouses peace and is revered by many, became Haiti's first democratically elected president in the country's 200 year history. The United Nations and the Organization of American States monitored the Haitian elections, and helped ensure that the Haitian people could vote without fear of violence and bloodshed. Historically, Haiti's leaders have been determined by military might. Bloody coups dominate the nation's history. That was supposed to have changed with Aristide's election. But old ways die hard. Last Sunday night, Aristide was ousted by Brig. Gen. Raoul Cedras, his provisional commander-in-chief, turned leader of a coup. The general claims that the rebellion occurred because Aristide abused his power. Aristide, from exile, said that during the coup Cedras confronted him at the National Palace and said. "Now I am president. The OAS, which is normally committed to regional democracy and worked to mid-wife Haitian democracy, has imposed diplomatic and economic sanctions against the military junta, in an effort to pressure Cedras to step down and return Aristide to the presidency. Many Haitian-Americans are up-set at the lack of a stronger response and at a lack of response by the United Nations. For now, the response has been appropriate. The OAS has enough collective power to teach Cedras, and all the other potential Cedrases in small countries where democracy is new and fragile, that violence is no longer the ticket to the presidency. It is imperative that talk be tried and sanctions imposed before the military is brought in and more blood 19 shed. The OAS has the power to use "any measures" appropriate to restore constitutional rule in Haiti and should, if that proves necessary. But the first measure democratic nations should use must be non-violent. That will show how democracies prefer to work. An ugly, false accusation The ugly accusation that President George Bush is an anti-Semite, leveled by a member of the Israeli Knesset over the weekend, is an embarrassment to that nation and to its supporters in the United States. The smear was prompted by the president's demand that Congress postpone action on Jerusalem's request for $10 billion in loan guarantees. <Rehavam Ze'evi, a member of an obscure p arty and minister without portfolio in the Shamir government, reportedly accused the president of being motivated by anti-Semitism. Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Arens immediately repudiated the charge, stating that it reflected the views neither of the government nor the Israeli public. One needn't agree with the president's position of using humanitarian aid as a club to bring Israel to the conference table, to be appalled by such allegations. <George Bush may be accused of many thing s, including ingratitude toward a loyal ally and a myopic view of where America's regional interests lie. <He may not be accused of hatred of Jews. As vice president, Mr. Bush was directly involved in the effort to rescue Ethiopian Jews. After the first massive air lift from Ethiopia to Israel, hundreds of refugees were left stranded in Sudanese camps. Informed of their plight, Bush put together the State Department team that eventually negotiated their departure. After the fall of Ethiopia's Marxist regime, the administration worked with the interim government to secure the exodus of several hundred Jews who remained in the country. <Hardly the actions of one motivated by a nimosity toward Jews. Such despicable, baseless accusations can only exacerbate an already acrimonious debate. <Let the loan guarantees be discussed on their merits, without a resort to ad hominem arguments by either side.
W2A-021-0.txt	INTRODUCTION While incineration has been used to dispose of sewage sludge since the 1930s, serious concern regarding environmental impact due to organic emissions has developed only recently (1). Results of field tests on systems in the United States have shown that a number of toxic products of incomplete combustion (PICs) may be emitted from multiple-hearth and fluidized-bed units (2-10). Other studies have generated concern over the possible emissions of polychlorinated dibenzo-p-dioxins (PCDDs) and polychlorinated dibenzofurans (PCDFs)(2,3). Studies on multiple-hearth units in Canada have shown that some materials may be rapidly vaporized on the upper hearths (drying zone) and swept from the unit before combustion temperatures are realized (11). A recent laboratory study has shown that sludge can exert a stabilizing effect on some of the toxic industrial contaminants in sewage sludge, retarding their destruction (12). In addition, this same study has shown that a number of toxic PICs may be formed from degradation of the sludge biomass as well as the contaminants. This raises some concerns over the toxic organic emission from sewage sludge incineration and suggest that a better understanding of the nature of these emissions is necessary before adequate regulatory and control strategies can be developed. The University of Dayton participated in a study which compared the results of bench-scale thermal decomposition testing of four sewage sludge samples. These samples were also incinerated as part of a full-scale test program conducted by Radian Corporation under U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) sponsorship (4-10). The primary goal of the study was to determine if laboratory test results could be used to predict full-scale results, and if laboratory and theoretical predictions could be used as part of a comprehensive organic emissions risk assessment. One fluidized-bed and three multiple-hearth facilities were examined. The key operating parameters for these facilities are summarized in Table 1. EXPERIMENTAL Instrumentation Thermal decomposition testing for all four sewage sludge samples was conducted using the System for Thermal Diagnostic Studies (STDS)(13). This high-temperature. gas-phase, flow reactor assembly permits study of the thermal decomposition of gaseous, liquid, solid, or polymeric substances under very precise, well-controlled conditions. The STDS incorporates a bench-scale thermal decomposition unit with an in- line analytical unit for product analysis. The thermal unit includes a modular control console and a modified HP5890 GC which houses the sample insertion region, a high-temperature furnace, fused-silica reactor, and the associated transfer lines. The system is capable of temperatures up to 1200 C and gas- phase reactor times, tr of 0.1-10.0 sec. The analytical unit of the STDS is comprised of another HP 5890 GC which is coupled to a computer- controlled HP 5970B bench-top Mass Selective Detector (MSD) for product analysis. A DB-5, 30m, 0.25 mm i.d., 0.25-micron film thickness capillary column (J&W) was held at - 60 C to trap the reactor effluent. The effluent was separated by programming the GC oven from - 60 C to 290 C using helium carrier gas. The MSD was operated in the full-scan (10-500 amu) or Selected Ion Monitoring (SIM) mode using electron impact ionization at 70 eV. Calibration of the MSD response for specific "target list" compounds was accomplished using appropriate analytical standards. Upon receipt, the sludge samples from each site were frozen until 24 hours prior to use. For each experiment, approximately 5 mg of sludge was placed in a quartz sample tube assembly located in the insertion region of the STDS. The sludge samples were used "as received" with no dewatering or treatment of any kind. A gas-phase reactor residence time of 1.5 sec was used for all experiments. Data were obtained under both oxidative and pyrolytic conditions. However, only the pyrolysis data are reported due to their better correlation with full-scale results. A more complete discussion of this observation will be presented in the Discussion section of this report. Incinerator Simulations The typical multiple-hearth incinerator consists of 6 to 12 hearths on which the sludge progressively resides as it is dried and combusted, and the ash is finally cooled. The sludge enters the top of the incinerator and progressively drops through holes to lower hearths as it is raked and abraded by rabble arms (14). There are 3 thermal regimes along the sludge path. In the drying zone (T(gas)~ 425 C, T(Sludge)~ 70 C), which exists on the upper hearths, water is gradually driven off the sludge so that the material may be combusted. The sludge is actually incinerated in the central combustion zone (T(gas)~ 830 C), T(sludge)~ 730 C, and the ash is cooled in the cooling zone (T(gas)~ 175 C, T(sludge)~ 200 C)(12). Simulation of the staged increases in bed and gas temperatures through the hearths of the multiple-hearth incinerator was achieved using a series of four stepped increases in the temperature of the CDS Model 120 pyroprobe located in the insertion region of the STDS, accompanied by specific downstream reactor temperatures. After a sample was loaded into the CDS pyroprobe and positioned in the insertion region, the temperature was ramped from 50 C to 200 C @ 15 C/min and then from 200 C to 300 C @ 15 C/min, with downstream reactor temperatures of 300 C and 450 C, respectively. These first two steps in the sludge exposure were designed to determine the relative contribution to emissions of volatilization of the sludge n the upper hearths of the multiple- hearth incinerator and the range of temperatures which may be experienced there. In the third and fourth steps of the exposure scenario, the sludge was rapidly taken to 550 C and then to 700 C using the heating coil of the CDS pyroprobe assembly; the downstream reactor temperatures were 600 C and 800 C, respectively. These last two steps were designed to simulate the combustion zone of the multiple-hearth incinerator and the range of temperatures which may be experienced there. GC-MS analysis was performed at the end of each step in this process. The individual contributions were then directly summed to provide for the total emissions from laboratory- simulated "incineration" of the sludge sample. It was necessary to include data from all temperatures in the laboratory simulation because emissions in the stacks of full-scale units are a culmination of emissions from all of the hearths, not just the combustion hearths. These results were qualitatively compared to mass emission factors for each of the three full-scale facilities. In a fluidized-bed incinerator, the mass of the bed is quite large in relation to the injected sludge (14). This affords excellent abrasive action on the sludge and maintains temperature uniformity within the reactor. Temperatures, which are limited by the melting point of the bed material range from 750 C to 870 C and do not typically vary more than 5 C throughout the bed or freeboard of the incinerator. Thus, the problems of volatilization and incomplete combustion associated with the drying zone of the multiple-hearth incinerator are not expected to be as severe with the fluidized-bed incinerator. Simulation of the single fluidized-bed unit was performed by rapidly heating the sludge 700 C in the insertion region of the STDS, followed by a downstream reactor exposure of 700 C. GC-MS techniques were again employed to perform analysis of the reactor effluent. Laboratory data from this exposure was then compared with full-scale data from the single fluidized-bed facility. RESULTS Table 2 lists the major emissions detected in laboratory testing of the four sewage sludges. Experiments in which data acquisition was performed with the MSD in full-scan mode (i.e. 10 - - > 500 amu mass range scanned) showed that the majority of mass emission from the thermal decomposition of all four sludges resulted from decomposition of the biomass of the sludge itself. Many long- chain carboxylic acids, ketones, aldehydes, amino acids, etc., were detected. Even the two most common and abundant emissions seen from all four sludges, benzene and toluene, were more a result of the thermal decomposition of biological material present in the sludge than from any initial contamination in the feed itself. This conclusion was based upon the observation that the mass emission rate of benzene and toluene always surpassed any initial feed rate in the sludge, if these two compounds were even detected in the sludge feed at all. The same phenomenon (i.e. the majority of mass emissions resulting from the sludge biomass) was observed in previous laboratory studies in which relatively clean sludge and sludge spiked with known concentrations of contaminants were subjected to controlled thermal exposures (12). Sulfur-containing compounds were only observed in laboratory testing of samples from Sites 2 and 3. The sources of influent wastewater for both of these facilities were listed as industrial and municipal, respectively. Perhaps the industrial contribution to the influent waste stream in both cases was responsible for the sulfur-containing emissions. The reactor effluent from the laboratory fluidized-bed sample from Site 3 (700 C) was notably much cleaner in terms of number and relative yield of products than that observed for the three multiple-hearth samples. This is as one might expect, based upon the more uniform combustion provided for in the simulated fluidized-bed experiments. A comparison of laboratory and field test results is presented in Table 3. This comparison is complicated by the difficulty of conducting chemical analysis for specific toxic materials within an overwhelming organic matrix as background. Both laboratory and field studies were subject to this difficulty. As a result, the joint program concentrated upon detection of specific toxins contained in a generic "target list". These toxins are enumerated in Table 3. Compounds were selected based upon toxicity, suspected prevalence in sewage sludge, and representativeness of different classes of potential pollutants. Compounds were also added to the target list based upon their detection in a preliminary round of laboratory testing of sludges from the four test sites, which was completed before full-scale testing was begun. This initial testing allowed for the addition of major "site specific" emissions to the generic "target list". The following paragraphs compare laboratory and field results. Site 1: Our previous laboratory studies of the oxidative pyrolysis of pure tetrachloroethylene showed that carbon tetrachloride is formed as a PIC (15). These experiments also showed that, given a hydrogen source, trichloroethylene was readily formed as a PIC from tetrachloroethylene. The radical pool generated during the incineration of municipal sludge would provide such a source of hydrogen. Thus, if tetrachloroethylene were present in a sludge stream to be incinerated, these two products would likely be compounds detected in the stack. Full-scale data generated at this site correlated with this laboratory finding; tetrachloroethylene was present in the sludge feed, and carbon tetrachloride and trichloroethylene were found in the stack effluent. However, tetrachloroethylene was not detected in the sludge feed sample furnished for laboratory testing, as evidenced by its absence in the 300 C transport analysis of the sludge sample. Thus, an explanation for the absence in laboratory data of these two emissions is the absence of tetrachloroethylene in the sludge feed. This argument may be extended to explain the lack of observation of any other chlorinated products. Since no chlorine-containing compounds were identified in the sludge feed, there was no source of chlorine for the formation of chlorinated products. Finally, tetrachloroethylene and chloroform were reportedly contaminants of the scrubber water used at this facility. It is very likely that stripping of both these compounds from the water during the scrubbing process contributed to their emissions in the stack. Therefore, these two compounds would not be expected in the emissions from thermal testing performed in the laboratory. Site 2: In the feed samples collected during full-scale testing from Site 2, two chlorinated compounds, methylene chloride and chlorobenzene were found which were not detected in the sample provided for laboratory testing In previous laboratory experiments, we have found that 1,1-dichloroethylene, 1,2- dichloroethylene, and trichloroethylene were all formed as products from the pyrolytic decomposition of pure methylene chloride (16)-. Thus, it is not surprising that a facility incinerating sludge contaminated with methylene chloride had these compounds present in its emissions. Since no methylene chloride was present in the sludge feed sample received for laboratory testing, detection of these compounds could not be expected. The chlorobenzene emissions detected in the stack effluent of this facility probably resulted from a combination of two processes. The first is the original contamination found in the sludge feed. Previous studies have shown chlorobenzene to be a very stable compound, even when decompoSed as part of a mixture (17,18)-. Thus, the appearance of chlorobenzene in the stack is probably due in part to its ability to undergo relatively harsh thermal exposures and escape unscathed. The second contribution to the emission of chlorobenzene at the full- scale facility is the possibility that this compound was formed as a PIC. We have conducted many studies involving the decomposition of benzene and/or toluene or related compounds in the presence of chlorinated species. The free chlorine radicals generated in such a reaction atmosphere have host of chlorine- containing compounds were detected in the sludge feed at the full-scale facility, it is logical that chlorobenzene was detected in the stack.
W2C-016-0.txt	US West is helping Time Warner build an experimental cable TV system in Orlando, Fla. BellSouth may be putting its money behind the New York Rangers hockey team. NYNEX, in a sense, will back Beavis & Butt-head. Once-boring regional telephone companies are on a tear, investing in television and entertainment and remaking themselves for the video age - an era when the telephone, TV and computer merge into one technology. The moves are risky. They dance daringly around regulations and the phone company's role as low-cost provider of local telephone service. Some of the companies may be rushing blindly into areas they don't know much about. John McCann at Duke University's business school thinks the phone companies are flailing, trying to cut any deal they can. "It's almost monkey see, monkey do," he says. "They see a strategic move and say, 'I might want to do that, too.' It's all just popping now, purely driven by competition." But that may be OK. Fast-changing technology is creating a world where the strongest communications companies will be those that can transmit, manage and, most important, create video information and entertainment - all under one umbrella. Low-capacity phone wires and plain old voice communication are becoming obsolete. Many say phone companies have to buy their way into the video age if they want to compete and grow. " Some of these investments are going to turn out to be the eight-tracks of the'90s," says Jeffrey Kagan of Tele Choice Consulting, referring to short-lived eight-track audio tapes of the 1970s. "But they have to get in. This is exploding." To add to the temptation, phone companies are now seen as potential sugar daddies by the TV and multimedia crowd. Phone companies have tremendous amounts of available cash - none has operating cash flow below $ 4 billion a year. Denver-based US West barely blinked at investing $ 2.5 billion in Time Warner in early 1993. Companies looking for money go knocking on phone executives' doors. " Certainly the $ 2.5 billion message US West sent has not been lost on anyone," says Gary Arlen, a Bethesda, Md., consultant. On the phone company side, CEOs and strategic development departments are deciding to jump in based on commonly held beliefs about where their industry is heading. Here's what's driving the seven regional phone companies, according to US West CEO Richard McCormick and industry executives: The phone companies own billions of dollars worth of copper phone lines that run into 95% of homes and businesses. Those basic phone lines, if doctored by the latest computers, can possibly carry one channel of vide%; programming. By comparison, cable TV's coaxial cable, running to 60% of homes and businesses, can carry at least 500 to 700 channels if a computer helps. Those lines could carry TV, movies, comp%;ter services like Prodigy and video or voice telephone calls - all at once. If phone companies do nothing, eventually they'd even lose 'dome of their mundane voice-telephone business to such competitors. To catch or pass cable TV's capacity, phone companies would have to spend enormous amounts for construction. US West, for instance, says it will have to spend $ 500 million a year "for several decades" to replace all its wires, on top of its usual upkeep and construction costs. The other choice is to buy existing cable systems, also expensive. That's the route Southwestern Bell is taking, buying Hauser Communications' cable systems for $ 650 million. Either way, the business of locally transmitting information or entertainment over wires will get more competitive as phone companies and cable companies go head-to-head in most areas. That will force prices down and squeeze profits, much as battles between AT&T, MCI and Sprint chopped long-distance prices once that industry became competitive in the 1980s. In the end, local phone companies won't be able to make enough money on their new networks to justify the expense of building or buying them - unless they can sell more than just a connection to a wire. They'll need t 'lldd value to the networks, probably by creating and owning some of the programs and information on them. To get to that point, the phone companies need to buy into a media giant like Time Warner or Viacom. " I don't think (phone companies) can do it alone," says Peter Shapiro, telecommunications consultant with Arthur D.Little. "All seven regional Bells plus a big independent phone company or two are talking to Viacom and everybody else in the business of cable TV and programming." That's where the panic factor may be: There aren't a lot of first-class media and entertainment companies to split among seven phone companies. So executives are rushing to tie up some piece of the industry. " I think you're going 're see myriad business combinations in the next couple of years," US West's McCormick says. Deals are already flying. A lot of them swirl around the takeover fight for Paramount, which owns movie studios, TV programming and sports teams including the Rangers. NYNEX, the phone company in New York and New England, has agreed to put $ 1.2 billion into Viacom, which is bidding for Paramount. Viacom owns cable TV systems and cable channels including Nickelodeon and MTV, home of the Beavis & Butt-head show. Bidding against Viacom is a group headed by QVC Network. To boost cash available for the takeover, QVC is reportedly talking with phone companies BellSouth (which operates in Southern states), Ameritech (the Midwest) and Bell Atlantic (mid-Atlantic states). On other fronts, Bell Atlantic would like to buy a cable TV operator and has talked with dozens of them. Latest word says it is focusing on Cablevision Systems, a Long Island, N.Y.-based cable company worth about $ 1.4 billion. Monday, Bell Atlantic announced it would invest about $ 1 billion in Grupo Iusacell, Mexico's largest cellular phone company (Company Spotlight, 3B). Bell Atlantic officials haven't said whether that big outlay might delay buying a cable firm. US West is the only phone company to close a major multimedia investment so far. The company is transferring people to Orlando, Fla., where US West and Time Warner will build an interactive cable system that is supposed to let TV viewers get hundreds of channels, order movies, choose from dozens of pay-per-view sporting events and send electronic mail. "We're sta 'reng to have our first management committee meetings," McCormick says. "I feel good about the investment." Pacific Telesis has been the only regional phone company absent from major dealmaking. Some deals are better than others. The US West-Time Warner deal, negotiated for six months, gets high marks. "I was pleasantly surprised with the way US West structured it and what it paid," says Steven Yanis, analyst at Kidder, Peabody. US West got a lot of specifics, including an equal partnership in building the Orlando test system. By contrast, NYNEX "gets no control at all" for its vaguely structured investment in Viacom, Yanis says. Though analysts say NYNEX and Viacom had talked before, the deal was rushed to make it part of the Paramount fight. At least the phone companies aren't taking their deals to extremes, trying to meddle in management of businesses they don't know. And that's not likely to change. " The investments are not too hands-on," analyst Yanis says. "I can't see phone company executives driving around Hollywood saying, 'Love you, babe. Let's do lunch.' " Regional telephone companies are making bold investments to move into video delivery or programming. Recent major deals: (in billions) Southwestern Bell Move: Buying Hauser Communications for $ 650 million'92 operating revenue: $ 10.0 Operating cash flow: $ 4.1 US West Move: Invested $ 2.5 billion in division of Time Warner'92 operating revenue: $ 10.3 Operating cash flow: $ 4.3 Bell Atlantic Move: Plans to build fiber optic TV system in Alexandria, Va.'92 operating revenue: $ 12.9 Operating cash flow: $ 5.1 NYNEX Move: Investing $ 1.2 billion in Viacom's effort to buy Paramount'92 operating revenue: $ 13.2 Operating cash flow: $ 5.0 Ameritech Move: No major deals'92 operating revenue: $11.2 Operating cash flow: $ 4.4 BellSouth Move: Rumored to be investing $ 1 billion in QVC's effort to buy Paramount'92 operating revenue: $ 15.1 Operating cash flow: $6.2 Pacific Telesis Move: No major deals Operating cash flow: $ 4.0
W2D-020-0.txt	How to Hike If walking quickly is too uncomfortable for you as a fitness program, consider learning how to hike. Hiking allows you to opt for longer walks at a more moderate pace. In terms of energy costs, a day-long hike up hills and down winding paths is similar to running a marathon. But when it comes to taking in the sights, smells, and sounds as you go, hiking is tough to beat. Where you choose to hike will depend, in part, on your interests. If you enjoy watching birds, for example, you may want to pack your binoculars and head for a swampy area like the Everglades National Park, which is known for its ornithological richness. If you're interested in plant life, you ma 'reant to plan a spring or summer hike in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park, where you'll find a 'llrilliant display of rhododendrons and azaleas. If you just want to get out into nature, you may want to join the 20 million hikers and backpackers who put the national and state parks to good use each year. Chances are you'll find a n 'llonal, state, or local park in your area that offers scenic trails for hiking. Trail maps are often available to guide you; some show estimates of mileage and may indicate the degree of difficulty of the trails. Even if you live in an urban area, you'll probably 'll able to find forest or wildlife preserves nearby that you can roam for a few hours. It's a healthy and inexpensive way to escape the noise and traffic of the city. It's also a good way to prepare your body for lengthier hikes across rougher terrain. Your state board of tourism may be able to provide you with information about state and local parks. Local chapters of hiking groups and environmental organizations may also be able to assist you. To find out more about national parks in your area, contact the National Park Service. This article has essential information for learning how to hike, including how to prepare for a hike, what to wear, what to pack, and how to stay safe. First, let's look at how you should prepare for a hike. Continue to the next section for the details. Preparing for a Hike Before you head out on the wilderness trail, you'll need 'll prepare yourself for the greater intensity of hiking. Once you've completed the Starter and Basic Walki 'vePrograms, you should be able to walk comfortably on level ground for four or five miles at a time. Rarely will you find a hiking path that's smooth and level. So you'll need 'll condition your body for tackling hilly terrain. To do this, choose a four- or five-mile route near your home that has plenty of inclines. Since walking up and down inclines takes more energy than walking on level ground, you may have to begin at a pace that's slightly slower than your usual walking speed. Walk the entire length of this route three or four times a week for several weeks, until you can manage it comfortably at a moderate pace. Your next step is to practice walking on hilly terrain with weight on your back. Even if you'll be 'llcking to short day hikes, you'll pro 'llly need to carry a few things with you. So fill your hiking pack with items you're likely to take, incl 'reng a filled water bottle or two, a small first-aid kit, insect repellent and/or sunscreen, a raincoat or poncho, a sweatshirt, and some snacks. Then walk that four- or five-mile hilly stretch a few times a week for several weeks while carrying your filled pack. Once you've completed this round of conditi 'veng, you should be ready for a day hike. You'll nee 'llo successfully complete a few day hikes - - and practice walking with a heavier pack - - before you'll be 'lldy for an overnight trip. For your first hike, choose a well-marked trail that you can cover at a moderate pace in less than a day. As you hike, choose a comfortable pace. You'll be 'llking for several hours, so don't race through the first mile. Be sure to give yourself rest stops, too. You may want to try stopping for about ten minutes each hour. More frequent breaks may cause you to lose momentum. If you absolutely need to rest a little more often, however, by all means do. Take advantage of the information in the next section to make sure you dress appropriately for your hike. You'll als 'lleed a sturdy, comfortable pair of hiking boots or walking shoes designed for off-road terrain. Be sure to break them in gradually by wearing them around the house before you take them on the road. Invest in a good pair of socks to protect your feet from blisters. Nicely padded Orlon socks or wool socks with nylon liners work well. Get more preparation tips by reading the next section of this article. It details the other items you should pack for your adventure. What to Pack for a Hike Use these guidelines to determine what to pack for your hike. The first item on your list of things to carry is water, even if you're taking a short h 're. It's all too easy to become dehydrated during a hike, especially in warm weather. So you'll ne 'llto drink plenty of water as you go, even if you don't feel particularly thirsty. You can't count on finding drinkable water along your route, so you'll ne 'llto carry enough for your entire hike. If you're planning a sh 're hike, you may be able to get away with one bottle of water. For longer hikes, try filling three or four containers so that you can distribute the weight evenly in your pack. The next item on the list is food. Hiking takes a lot of energy - - at least 300 calories an hour (more if you're hiking at a b 'rek pace or on rugged or uphill terrain). Even if you eat an extra-large breakfast before you begin, you're likely to 're hungry on the trail. Because you'll pr 'llbly have to carry all the food you'll ne 'll try to choose foods that are nourishing yet low in weight and bulk - - and easy to prepare in advance. Particularly in hot weather, avoid bringing perishable foods, such as milk products and raw meat, that can spoil easily. Sandwiches as well as snacks of nuts, dried fruits, and dry cereal are favorite choices. They'll pr 'llde you with the carbohydrates you need for energy. A variety of dehydrated foods are also available, but these require water to make them edible. Another essential item is a small first aid kit. This kit should contain bandages or sterile pads and tape, antiseptic, and aspirin or another painkiller. In addition, you may want to carry a pocket knife or a small pair of scissors, matches, a small flashlight, biodegradable toilet paper, insect repellent, and a good sunscreen. You may also want to bring a compass along. If you have a map of the area, be sure to keep it handy. To carry all these items, you'll ne 'lla pack. The type you choose depends on the length of the hikes you intend to take. If you plan on taking short hikes, a fanny pack or day pack should be large enough. If you go on overnight hikes, however, you'll ne 'lla backpack that's a little roomier. Packs come in a variety of models, sizes, materials, and colors. Some have internal frames, others have external frames. To find a pack that's right for you, visit a sporting goods store or outdoor gear store that has knowledgeable salespeople. Discuss with them the type of hiking you'll 'lldoing, the supplies you plan to carry, and the amount of money you're willi 'reto spend. Be sure, however, to try the pack on before you purchase it. You'll 'llthe one carrying it around, so you'll 'llt it to suit your body frame and feel comfortable. The pack should conform to your back. It should also have adjustable, padded shoulder straps and an adjustable waist belt that will allow you to distribute the weight of the pack to your hips as well as to your shoulders. Once you've taken sev 'vel day hikes, you may want to try an overnight hiking or backpacking trip. For these trips, you'll 'lld to carry more supplies, including extra food and water, a sleeping bag, a powerful flashlight, a change of clothes, and perhaps even a tent and a small camping stove. This collection of necessities can add up to a heavy load. Government researchers have found that carrying more than 25 pounds of weight for long periods can do more harm than good by straining the shoulders, back, and knees. This research grew out of complaints from soldiers who had to carry heavy packs during long marches. So it may be best to limit the load you carry on a hiking trip to 25 pounds, if it's at all possible.To cut down on weight, try choosing nourishing foods that don't need to be cooked, so you won't have to carry cooking utensils. If you're p 'rehasing a sleeping bag, tent, stove, or other equipment, choose lightweight models. You know that a first-aid kit is an essential safety item to take along on your hike, but there are other ways to protect yourself from harm while hiking. These are explained in the next section. Hiking Safety There are several safety issues associated with hiking. Part of the pleasure of hiking is the opportunity it gives you to explore wild areas and experience the wonders of nature. Even if you're h 'reng a trail for the second time around, you'll 'll discover many new sights and sounds. But you can prevent some unpleasant surprises by taking a few precautions on the trail. As a general safety precaution, it's best to walk with a companion, especially on long treks. Before you venture out, it's also wise to let someone at home know where you'r 'reoing, which trail you intend to follow, and when you intend to return. When you'r 'ren the trail, avoid drinking water directly from springs, streams, or lakes. No matter how clean and clear it looks, the water may be contaminated with a host of parasites and bacteria introduced by people or animals upstream. Boiling the water for at least one minute may help destroy some of these organisms. Portable water treatment kits are also available to help you purify water in an emergency. However, the best way to avoid illness from contaminated water is to pack and carry your own drinking water. Poisonous plants are another trailside hazard. To guard against getting rashes from poison ivy, poison oak, and poison sumac, wear clothing that covers as much exposed skin as possible, particularly on the feet and legs. Wear long pants, socks, and shoes or boots. When you return home from a hike, remove your hiking outfit and toss it in the washing machine. Use care when removing your hiking boots or shoes: The plant oil that triggers the rash can easily stick to the bottom or sides of your boot where it has come into contact with one of the offending plants. So try to remove your footwear without handling those areas, or you could inadvertently touch the lingering oil, spread it to your face or other parts of your body, and end up with a nasty rash even after you've 'vet the woods. If you do develop a rash from one of these plants, try applying an over-the-counter remedy, such as calamine lotion, to relieve itching. Don't panic if you've 'ven bitten by a tick. Not all ticks carry Lyme disease - - a tick-borne illness that can cause chills, fever, headache, and other serious complications. Generally, a tick must remain on the skin for 24 to 48 hours in order to transmit the organism that causes Lyme disease. If you remove a tick from your skin, save it in a small container of alcohol, so that if a suspicious infection develops, the tick can be analyzed for Lyme disease. There is no need to see a doctor for a tick bite unless you notice any signs of swelling or redness around the bite (a sign of infection), a bull's-eye-shaped rash (often a symptom of Lyme disease), a fever, or a skin rash. If you' 'regoing on an overnight trip in the wilderness, you can protect your food - - and yourself - - from wild animals by stringing your food up at night. Place all food, as well as toothpaste, lotion, and other pleasant-smelling items, in a corded bag or your pack. Then string the bundle up high between two trees. If you 'll be hiking in an area that isn't off-limits to hunters, be sure to wear something bright, especially during hunting season. Orange caps are very popular for this purpose and are available in waterproof and breathable materials. Finally, before you head out, be sure to do research on how to prevent conditions like heatstroke, frostbite, and dehydration while you 're on the trail. Combine that with the information in this article to make your hiking experience pleasant and problem-free.
W2C-002-1.txt	INTENSE SUPERVISION, ELECTRONIC MONITORING AMONG ALTERNATIVES WEIGHED TO DETENTION Colorado courts are locking up teen-agers at skyrocketing rates despite a drop in the number of juvenile crimes, according to a new study. Experts in juvenile justice say that means the state must either spend millions of additional dollars expanding prison capacity or take a fresh look at alternatives to incarceration - an approach the legislature appears close to endorsing. According to many experts, there is substantial evidence to suggest that some of those alternatives are more effective than jails in deterring young people from becoming career criminals. In the past five years, the number of juveniles Handed long-term sentences has jumped 28%, and%;he numbers of youths re-sentenced has burgeoned 170%, acco%;ding to a study by the Colorado Division of Youth Services. Part of the reason for the rising rate of incarceration may be more diligent police work and rising community intolerance of criminals. More arrests are leading to the filing of more charges and to more convictions. But many experts also say that juvenile offenders are increasingly being treated like adults. That, they add, is more likely to create adult criminals than to deter young people from crime. " Some kids are dangerous and need to be locked up," said Denver Juvenile Court Judge David Ramirez. Detention, he added, is "very easy and very cheap, and the public doesn't mind that. But they will grow up to be dangerous adults without treatment." While juveniles are supposed to get counseling and other forms of psychological and vocational assistance while they'r 'reocked up, crowding has made it impossible for all or even most young delinquents to get the services they need. Although the number of reported crimes by juveniles dropped 11.6% in%;the past five years, the population of youths between 10 and 18 has held steady. Yet court records show that the number of juveniles charged with crimes statewide has jumped 41%. %; " Police officers, and detectives are getting a lot smarter and filing their cases a lot better," said Tim Turley, head of the Denver County Juvenile Probation Department. "So more cases are being accepted by the district attorney." Other factors include better technology that allows police to track down juveniles who fail to appear in court or to pay fines. And tougher sentences handed down by judges are a direct result of the war on drugs and gangs. " They'r 'reeacting to the constituency who are tired of criminals running around on the street," said Turley. 'The public believes that all criminals need to be locked up - that probation is a slap in the wrist." Still, there is little evidence to support the idea that offenders being sentenced to secure, long-term facilities all are sent there for the most serious crimes. Of those sentenced to detention during the last five years, 61% co%;mitted property crimes and 29% commi%;ted crimes against others. The remaining cases were for public order offenses, including escape, drugs and weapons. Those sentences were handed out since the legislature approved funding for the design and construction of new detention centers for youth after the Division of Youth Services submitted its long-range plan to the Colorado General Assembly in 1985. Today, officials say they will need an additional $63 million for more construction if the trend of detention for juveniles continues. Officials project a need for more than 1,200 beds in four years. That's 500 more than now exist, according to the study. With such numbers in mind, the state legislature in on the verge of approving a measure aimed at keeping troubled youngsters outside of institutions whenever possible. The senate bill moved out of the house appropriations committee late last week. " Right now it's been helter-skelter how some of these kids have gotten into detention," Democratic Sen. Jim Rizzuto of Swink told his colleagues. "We now have youth incarcerated who don't belong in that situation." The bill requires state and local officials involved with the juvenile justice system to develop criteria by July 1, 1992, on which youngsters should be placed in detention, and calls on counties to have alternatives to confinement in place by 1993. Sen. Bill Schroeder, R-Morrison, argued that most of the youngsters now in detention have "earned" their way into prison.
W2F-017-0.txt	" Southwestern Hand-Tooled Leather Wear" Rachel Soltis Dill worked in the produce section of our town's biggest supermarket. The store was the centerpiece of the town's newest strip mall, which had a bigger parking lot than the combined middle school/high school and which boasted beige walls made of textured concrete. Even when the snow drifts were piled three cars high, the walls reminded me of a huge Southwestern adobe hut. I suspected that they looked nothing like adobe. Since I had never been to the Southwest, since all I knew of warm climates and New Mexico and Arizona were the "genuine Southwestern hand-tooled leather wear" sold in another strip mall by a couple from Vermont, plus whatever I had seen on TV, I suspected that I had rather adjusted my inner vision of the Southwest to match the beige concrete walls of this strip mall. That way, when I drove out in the middle of a blizzard to buy a can of black beans, I could tell myself, "I am going to bask in the image of warmer climes," rather than, "I am going on another useless errand to the grocery store on the off-chance that I just might catch a glimpse of Dill rearranging the swiss chard or carting out California oranges." I parked. I entered the supermarket. I sauntered carefully through the aisles, ignoring the young women with their whining, sticky-faced children, maneuvering aroung the old women with their permanented thinning hair and their careful steps, occasionally ducking behind a display of Super Value store-brand Cheetos so that I could avoid my uncle. He was crazy and lonely, and he haunted the supermarkets and gas stations just so he would have someone to talk to. Holding my breath and trembling in the centers of my palms, I would find myself in the produce section, gazing longingly at raddichio or pondering the philosophical significance of parsnips. Such is the way of obsessions. Dill was the only woman in the store who wasn't a cashier or a manager. She got her hands dirty; she lugged fifty-pound sacks of potatoes; she wore a puke-green apron with fruit stains mashed into it. She politely ignored everyone who entered the store. She'd wo 'd the same pair of purple Converse for the past year and a half - - I watched them fade to from bright tropical punch to grayish-brown, saw every new patch of duct tape appear. I think she might have smiled at me once. She, too, reminded me of warmer climes. She had dark hair and dark skin and wore the same denim jacket in even the coldest weather. Sometimes I felt that if I could only walk up to her and hold my hands out to her as if she were a furnace, I could be warm forever. I once snuck into the employee's back room and left her a genuine Southwestern belt hand-tooled with a garish scene of adobe huts carved into a cliff face. I debated leaving a note: "I love you, I noticed your old belt is getting worn, and this made me think of you. But I thought she would not understand how I might equate this ugly belt with her own warm beauty, and so I left without any comment. It was with a sense of triumph over the world that I saw her begin to wear it. The snow started to melt, and I traded my coat, scarf, hat, and gloves for a grey wool blazer. None of my friends knew much about Dill. She had gone to school with us through junior high, and then she went to the county's vocational/technical school. Jason's little brother, who also went to vo/tech, had a few metal-working classes with her. Jeff, who lived in the projects, said she lived a couple buildings over from him, but he'd 'dever really spoken to her. He thought she lived alone. I was accepted to college in California, and school ended. The night after graduation, my friends and I climbed onto the roof of the school and got drunk. Sean almost fell off the roof while taking a leak; we almost got arrested I got a job for the summer in the comic book store just a few buildings down from Dill's supermarket. Sometimes we ate lunch at the same time in the same Chinese food place. I gazed her over my fried rice. She, too, ate fried rice, and always a bottle of Dr. Pepper. I remember that summer Dr. Pepper was in the middle of a long-running contest in which you could win prizes written on the inside of the bottle caps, most often a free bottle of Dr. Pepper. A couple times I saw Dill pay for her drink with a bottle cap - - I think it was the only time I ever saw anyone win anything from a contest. One afternoon I was sitting on the curb to the parking lot, having finished my fried rice with five minutes left to my lunch half hour. I leaned back on my elbows and watched the sun reflect off the concrete and car fenders, and I wondered if I might actually see a real rattlesnake in California. Dill walked past me into the Chinese food joint. A few minutes later she walked out again, swinging a bottle of Dr. Pepper by her thigh. She sat down next to me, opened it, and took a swig. "You want some?" she asked. I nodded. She handed it to me. I swallowed. In private, I had been practicing drinking Dr. Pepper. I had never really liked it, since the sweetness clogged up my throat and made me cough - - I was more of a grapefruit juice kind of person. But I wanted to like Dr. Pepper for thought of Dill. And now the sickly swallows were all worth it. I smiled at her. She smiled at me. I handed the bottle back. We squinted at the cars in the sun; I could almost feel that warmth emanating from her skin. "I have to go back to work," I told her, "See you around?" She nodded, and as I walked the five stores down to my comic book store, I wondered if she was watching me. The night before I left for college, I dreamed of kissing her goodbye, her skinny hips jutting through the thin denim of her jeans, her mouth tasting oddly of plums and Dr. Pepper. I woke up just before dawn and sat at my desk with a pen and a piece of notebook paper. Finally I wrote, "Thank you for the Dr. Pepper. The belt was from me. It was seven o'clock. I drove to the supermarket and saw through the window that she was stocking red delicious apples. I parked and went inside and bought a bottle of Smokey Pete's Red Hot Sauce. Then I snuck into the back room and left the note and the hot sauce waiting in the pocket of her faded denim jacket.
W2B-037-0.txt	Melding modern computer technology with a time-proven optical system makes for an exciting way to explore the heavens. Computerized telescopes have been the hot ticket in recent years. Celestron International created the first commercial computerized Schmidt-Cassegrain in 1987. The Compustar 8 was a pioneering model that could automatically slew to thousands of objects but only after being precisely polar aligned. A new model from Celestron, capable of finding and tracking targets without needing to be polar aligned, has been a long time coming. But it is here now--the Ultima 2000 8-inch Schmidt-Cassegrain. I tested one of the first production models, which was purchased by mail order from a major national dealer. While flashy electronic features grab the initial attention of buyers, sharp images and a solid mounting make a telescope a pleasure to use year after year. In its advertising Celestron promises that the optics of its Schmidt-Cassegrains are "guaranteed to be diffraction limited." Anything less and stars will look soft and planets will never snap with sharp detail. At high power, 2nd- and 3rd-magnitude stars showed distinct Airy disks surrounded by a bright, well-defined first diffraction ring and fainter second and third rings. Diffraction patterns looked smooth and similar on either side of focus, revealing only a low level of spherical aberration from what appeared to be a mild zonal error. The optics showed little evidence of surface roughness and no sign of astigmatism. A crucial test was Mars. Its surface reveals small, low-contrast details only when viewed with excellent optics. On April evenings when the 13-arcsecond-diameter disk had the Elysium-Tharsis hemisphere turned toward Earth, the Ultima clearly showed tiny white spots, which were likely orographic clouds. The residual north polar cap appeared well-defined and surrounded by the dark belt of polar dune fields. For comparison I also viewed Mars at the same magnification (roughly 225x) with a 5-inch apochromatic refractor. I expected images through the 8-inch Ultima to be brighter, but, to my surprise, they also exhibited a shade more contrast and detail. Yes, the refractor was giving near-perfect image quality, but sheer aperture was winning out, despite the Ultima's 34 percent (by diameter) central obstruction, which degrades image contrast. My ultimate testament to this telescope's optics is the fact that I actually used it apart from conducting tests! On more than one night I just watched Mars for several hours. I feel these optics fulfill Celestron's promise of diffraction-limited performance. The telescope arrived slightly out of collimation, possibly due to rough handling during shipment. Small tweaks to the secondary mirror's three collimation screws made all the difference between an acceptable image and one full of sharp detail. As expected, on freezing nights the telescope optics took about 45 minutes to settle down when brought outdoors. The corrector plate is coated with a single layer of magnesium fluoride on each surface, and the primary and secondary mirrors have well-designed baffles to eliminate stray light from the focal plane. I found no glare or internal reflections, even when observing near the Moon. The 7x50 finderscope is of excellent quality. Its polar-alignment reticles were accurate and extremely useful when I was setting up the telescope for astrophotography. My only complaint with the finder is its mounting bracket: it uses three screws at the front but only a rubber O-ring at the back. The O-ring allowed too much movement. I found it necessary to tweak the finder's alignment almost every night, especially if the telescope had been pressed into its foam-lined trunk for storage. A quick-release, six-screw bracket would be a better choice on a telescope of this caliber. The internal focusing of the main mirror proved very smooth and precise. It exhibited none of the mushiness or backlash I've experienced with 'vee older Schmidt- Cassegrains. The image shift was a slight 20 arcseconds, not enough to pose problems even when imaging with small CCD chips. Telescope Mechanics The Ultima 2000 was quick to set up, lightweight, yet solid. The telescope with its sturdy fork mount weighs only 31 pounds. The Ultima's 18-pound tripod proved extremely rigid and sturdy. Its height can be varied by as much as 25 inches. With the legs fully retracted the eyepiece is about 42 inches above ground level, ideal for comfortable seated viewing. With the telescope set up for altazimuth operation and the tripod placed on a grassy surface, vibrations damped out remarkably quickly. There was only about one second of ringing after a sharp rap to the tube. Removing the rubber crutch tips from the tripod legs reduced this to 1/2 second. Placing a set of Celestron's Vibration Suppression Pads under the bare legs reduced the damping time to essentially zero--the telescope was dead solid, a good reason to use the telescope in altazimuth mode. Placing the telescope on its 12-pound equatorial wedge added about 1/2 second of ringing to all setup combinations. These are figures as good as I've seen with any fork 'veunted Schmidt-Cassegrain. The Ultima has no analog setting circles or mechanical slow-motion controls since both functions are handled with the telescope's electronics. Both axes have clutch adjustments that tighten but never fully lock. Although it's still possible to manually move the telescope when the clutches are fully engaged, I found the axes locked sufficiently tight to prevent slipping when cameras or heavy eyepieces were attached. Each axis has two DC motors. One is for fast slewing (up to 1O° per second when operated with fresh batteries) and the slower "find" speed (2° per second). The other motor is for tracking as well as the "center," "guide," and "fine guide" speeds, which are 6, 2, and 1/2 times the tracking rate, respectively. Selecting these rates as the telescope's default speed is a somewhat involved process using the computerized menus, which are all accessed and displayed with the hand controller. There are, however, handy shortcuts. Pressing any of the telescope's four direction buttons and either the "up" or "down" button on the controller allows quick access to the other speeds. You can also press and hold a direction button and then press its opposite button to momentarily slew the scope at a higher speed. In addition to the electronic slewing, the Ultima can be aimed manually without disrupting the computerized operation. The telescope's encoders keep track of where the instrument is pointed even when it is manually swung around the sky. This is a nice feature, which saves battery power and keeps many of the telescope's smart features functional even if the battery power drops too low to operate the power-hungry slew speeds. How long the internal AA batteries last depends on how much high-speed slewing you do. If their output drops below 81/2 volts, the "slew" and "find" speeds give out but the slow-speed motors and hand-controller display continue to operate. (One of the hand controller's displays is a useful voltmeter.) I found that high-speed slewing to a few dozen objects on a warm night drained the batteries below this threshold level after four or five nights. To save battery power the light-emitting-diode (LED) display on the hand controller can be dimmed or even turned off while the telescope continues to track. There's also a "sleep" mode that shuts off the tracking motors but allows the electronics to continue calculating where the instrument is pointed as the sky drifts by. Thus the Ultima could be left idling in a permanent observatory where the user doesn't want to initialize the scope every night or wants to use it for daytime sightings when reference stars aren't easily located. The Ultima can also be run from any external 12-volt source (no AC adapter is supplied). The batteries proved wonderfully convenient for portable observing. They lasted for many weeks' worth of occasional viewing nights--better than the 24-hour lifetime specified in the manual, but only if high-speed slewing was kept to a minimum. Hand-Controller Functions The compact hand controller serves as a gateway to all of the telescope's computerized functions. Its LED readout worked well even in subfreezing temperatures. The "menu" button takes you to the top level of each menu, while the "up" and "down" buttons page through the options. Here is a listing of the main menus and the features they access. ALIGN is for performing the initial two-star initialization, which is necessary for all the automatic slewing and altazimuth-tracking features to work. No polar alignment is required, nor any inputting of date or observing location. TOUR steps through a database of a dozen or more objects selected for each month. It's a nice feature for beginners, though I thought the ordering of the lists was a little random around the sky. Sometimes selected objects were below the horizon, which might be confusing to those same beginners. The Ultima does not keep track of where the horizon is relative to the sky. The manual explains that the software was purposely designed to allow aiming at any object you want, whether or not it's visible! SETUP is for adjusting various parameters such as slew speed, altazimuth or equatorial tracking modes (in either the Northern or Southern Hemisphere), the speed that information scrolls across the LED display, backlash compensation, and drive rate (from a choice of sidereal, King, lunar, and solar). All these functions worked well. TIMER initiates a single-event count-up stop-watch. There is no alarm feature. IDENTIFY displays the identity of any object currently in the telescope's field, provided the object is in the computer's database. It also allows locating nearby targets from the entire database or from a user-definable list such as just globular clusters brighter than magnitude 10. POSITION displays the telescope's current right ascension and declination or azimuth and altitude. The latter was important when I was setting up the telescope in equatorial mode since slewing the test telescope to +89.9° put the optical tube essentially parallel to the fork arms, an important step for polar alignment. CATALOG is a powerful menu option. It allows selecting any object from the Messier, NGC, and Index Catalogs, as well as selected entries from the ESO and Uppsala galaxy catalogs--a total of thousands of objects. An intriguing bonus list unique to the Ultima is 661 nonstellar objects, such as obscure open clusters, starlike planetaries, Palomar globulars, dwarf galaxies, and Abell galaxy clusters. The otherwise very thorough and complete instruction manual incorrectly states that a full printout of this list is contained in the manual. This is too bad since it's difficult to remember, for example, that the wonderful planetary nebula Abell is object 103 in this list. To call up Abell 12 you must enter nonstellar object 103. Users can also store the positions of up to 27 personal objects, either by entering the coordinates or by aiming the telescope at the desired object and automatically storing the current position. This is a powerful feature. It could even be used to slew back and forth between two fixed terrestrial objects--bird nests, for example. The Ultima's computer knows the position of the Sun and planets, but stewing to them automatically requires inputting the current date each night, a simple procedure. You can display details for all objects in the database. These include an object's right ascension and declination, magnitude, size, constellation, a short but useful description, and the number of the chart showing the object in Uranometria 2000 or Star Atlas 2000.0 star atlases, a helpful bonus. Pressing the "enter" button while this information is scrolling across the LED display sends the Ultima slewing at high speed to the target. For objects far across the sky, I found motorized slewing never took more than 35 seconds to complete, counting the high-speed move, then the final slow-speed fine pointing. Nearby objects never took less than 15 seconds to find. These figures are nothing to complain about but perhaps are not as fast as the advertised slew rate of 10° per second would lead you to believe. With the Ultima's "cord wrap" feature turned off, the telescope always takes the shortest route to the next object. I was never able to get the telescope tangled up, colliding with itself, or confused, even when tracking or slewing it through the zenith, or purposely aiming it at invisible objects below the horizon. A noteworthy feature is the Ultima's quiet slewing. The high-speed motors emit a gentle whir. The noisiest function is actually the slower 6x "center" speed, but even it is hard to heat from more than a few feet away. It's unlikely this telescope will wake up the neighbor's dog or star party members sleeping in a nearby tent. The night can remain quiet and undisturbed. Nice. The Ultima I tested had a periodic tracking error of about 35 to 40 arcseconds. The software includes periodic- error correction (PEC), which allows you to "train" the drive and reduce the error when doing long-exposure imaging. The training is not retained when the power is turned off; it must be performed each night, a decided inconvenience. This was a moot point, however, since the PEC on the test unit did nor work correctly. When switched on it caused the drive to run intermittently slow and made it impossible to train the unit. With the PEC off, the drive's sidereal rate was accurate and happily kept objects near the center of a high-power eyepiece all night.
W2C-009-2.txt	Crime call numbers can be misleading, police say When Chattanooga police padlocked the popular Whole Note on M.L. King Boulevard last week, they pointed to the high number of calls to police from the club/restaurant's location as one reason for taking action. Records show The Whole Note and other nightspots do not rank among the top locations police were called to in the past year. The most frequent calls for police came from the police department's own headquarters, shopping malls and various locations along Interstates 75 and 24. For example, police responded to calls at Hamilton Place 1,183 times from July 1, 1999, to June 30 of this year. During the same period, police responded to calls at their own services center on Amnicola Highway 1,616 times. In contrast, police were called to The Whole Note 139 times during that period. But comparing call volume doesn't give law enforcement authorities a true picture of crime, said Sgt. Bobby Simpson, the officer in charge of the department's new civil enforcement unit. He included the number of calls in information he provided the district attorney's office on the padlocking of The Whole Note because it's the first question often asked, he said. Police said in the last three years there were 19 aggravated assaults and 30 simple assaults at The Whole Note. An aggravated assault is one involving any type of weapon. While police were called much more often to Hamilton Place or other area malls, few of those calls were for violent crime. Exact calls for specific crimes weren't available, but police said the vast majority of calls to shopping areas are for minor wrecks, shoplifting, theft from cars, or helping people who had locked their keys in their cars. Robin Flores' car was broken into at Hamilton Place last weekend, and his wife's car was stolen. " I'm kind 'mf skittish now about going there,'' said Mr. Flores, an attorney and former police officer. " I pay $25 a month to the Police Department to get all the reports about the mall,'' Mr. Silvis said. "We've di 'vevered a lot of erroneous things in those reports.'' Chattanooga's highway system also logged a lot of police calls. Nine of the 20 top call locations were along Interstates 75 and 24 and on state Highway 153. The vast majority of those calls were for traffic accidents, police said. Apartment complexes also produced a lot of calls. Woodlawn Apartments at 2300 Wilson St. ranked 10th; Patten Towers on East 11th Street ranked 13th; Signal View apartments on Mountain Creek Road ranked 17th; and East Lake Courts on Fourth Avenue ranked 18th. Sgt. Brian Bergenback said several hundred people live at each of those complexes. A sampling of calls showed they run the gamut, from disorderly conduct to aggravated assault. Sgt. Jim Massengale, the department's crime analyst, said there's little to be learned by looking at the number of police responses to a specific address. " At many of these addresses there's a pay phone outside and police simply respond to that location where someone has called from,'' he said. "To get a real understanding of the problem, you would have to look at each report.'' Looking only at numbers of calls, the Police Services Center at 3300 Amnicola Highway would appear to be the city's top problem spot, authorities said. That's because people come into the facility to report traffic accidents or crimes from across the city, said Sgt. Massengale.
W2D-001-0.txt	Tax Guide - Overview of Filing Requirements and Options Guide to Massachusetts Tax and Employer Obligations Overview of Filing Requirements and Options You will use different returns and follow different filing schedules depending on the amount of each trustee tax you expect to collect or excise tax you owe annually. To make filing and payment of taxes faster, more accurate, and more convenient for taxpayers, Department of Revenue has several electronic filing and payment options which are discussed in this section. Return Filing Options After registering, you have the option of filing sales and withholding tax returns from a personal computer using free "PC File" software. Sales and withholding taxpayers participating in electronic funds transfer (see Payment Options), have the added option of using Business Telefile to file their sales and withholding tax returns using a touch-tone telephone. However, regardless of whether you use PC File software or Business Telefile, after you have registered, the Department of Revenue will mail you forms preprinted with your firm's name, address, and identification number, for all of the trustee tax types for which you have registered. Most forms come in a booklet (and resemble loan payment coupon booklets). Note: If your business size makes you an annual filer, you will not receive your form until December of the year for which you are filing. If you do not plan to use PC File software or Business Telefile, or in the case of the tax types not covered by PC File software or Business Telefile, Department of Revenue urges you to use your preprinted forms, which will facilitate accurate and timely processing of your returns. All returns must be postmarked by the U.S.Postal Service at least two days prior to the due date of the return or be received by Department of Revenue on or before the due date to be considered on time. Payment Options Depending on which trustee taxes you collect and your annual liability for each tax type, you may be mandated to make certain trustee and other tax payments through electronic funds transfer (EFT), or have the option of doing so. EFT payments are mandatory for taxpayers who have over $250,000 in annual liabilities for withholding and sales and use (including sales and use tax on telecommunication services). EFT is also mandatory for corporations, domestic and foreign, with annual liabilities over $250,000, and for taxpayers with annual gasoline, financial institution, insurance, and utility excise tax liabilities over $100,000. There are two methods available for making EFT payments: ACH (Automated Clearing House) Credit-- The ACH Credit method is restricted to certain tax types and filing frequencies (refer to charts in More about Specific Trustee and Excise Taxes Requiring Registration below). This method requires the taxpayer to instruct its financial institution to transfer money to Department of Revenue Application for participation is required. After applying you will receive a personal identification number (PIN) which can also be used for Business Telefile. Mass-Debit (ACH Debit)--This method allows the taxpayer to make tax payments via touch-tone telephone. Any business taxpayer registered with Department of Revenue is eligible to use this payment method. Application for participation is required. After applying you will receive a PIN which can also be used for Business Telefile. For more information about Business Telefile, EFT, and how ACH Credit and Mass-Debit work, see Business Options: Electronic Filing and Payment Programs on Department of Revenue's Web site or contact the Department of Revenue's Automated Processing Bureau by phone at (617) 887-5020 or by fax at (617) 887-5019. Income Tax Withholding Income tax withholding is the withholding of a portion of employee wages for state and federal income tax purposes. As a general rule, the owner of a business that is incorporated is also considered an employee for withholding tax purposes. If you were the sole proprietor of a business that has no other employees, you would not be considered an employee and would not be required to register for withholding tax. (However, as the owner you are required to make individual estimated income tax payments if you expect to owe more than $200 in Massachusetts income tax on the income you receive from the business. See Sole Proprietorships Estimated Payments.) The amount you withhold from your employees for state income tax purposes should be based on Form M-4, Massachusetts Employee's Withholding Exemption Certificate (submitted to you by each employee), and on Circular M, Massachusetts Income Tax Withholding Tables. A detailed explanation of how to use the tables or a percentage method for automated payroll systems is provided in Circular M. The IRS and Social Security Administration (SSA) also require employers to withhold federal income tax and social security contributions from employee wages. Resources for obtaining additional information about your federal obligations are listed in the Help and Resources section at the end of this guide. If you plan to selltangible personal property items, meals, or certain telecommunications services you must register with Department of Revenue as a sales tax vendor and collect a 5 percent Massachusetts sales tax. The Massachusetts sales and use tax applies to sales of tangible personal property. Even if you are selling tangible personal property items at a wholesale level (i.e., for eventual resale at the retail level), you still must register as a sales tax vendor. All sales tax vendors must file the appropriate return (Form ST-9 series); see overview of filing requirements above for electronic filing and payment options, and chart below for additional specifics). Certain items are exempt from sales tax, such as items of clothing under $175 and food not purchased for immediate consumption. See A Guide to Sales and Use Tax for more information on the sales tax, including what is exempt. Sales Tax on Meals The Massachusetts sales tax also applies to meals, which Massachusetts law defines as any food or beverage that has been prepared for immediate consumption, including items sold on a take-out basis. Meals can be purchased from restaurants, any part of a store considered by Massachusetts law to be a restaurant, and other venues such as street carts and vending machines. The tax is 5 percent of the sales price of the meal. The Form ST-MAB-4, Sales Tax on Meals, Prepared Foods and All Beverages Return, is filed monthly and is due on or before the 20th day of the following month. Payment is due with the return. See the chart below and A Guide to Sales Tax on Meals or the TA-1 instructions for additional details. Sales Tax on Telecommunications Services Telecommunications services include telephone and other transmissions of information (such as beeper services, cellular telephone services, and telegram services). Cable television, Internet access and related online computer services are exempt from the sales tax. Generally, the tax on the sale or use of telecommunications services is a tax on the transmission of messages or information by various electronic means, but not on the sale or use of information itself. All vendors must file the appropriate return (Form STS-M or - Q); see chart below. See A Guide to Sales and Use Tax or the TA-1 instructions for additional details. Use Tax The use tax is 5 percent of the purchase price or rental charge on tangible personal property (including mail order items) on which no sales tax, or a sales tax less than 5 percent, was collected, and which are to be used, stored or consumed in the Commonwealth. Unlike the regular sales tax, the purchaser generally pays the use tax directly to the Commonwealth. For example, if you purchase furniture for your Massachusetts business from an out-of-state firm and pay no sales tax, you are required to pay the 5 percent use tax. If you are registered to collect sales taxes, you can report and pay use taxes on your regular sales and use tax return. Otherwise, if you only make occasional purchases subject to use tax, you can file and pay use taxes using the ST-10 Business Use Tax Return or the ST-11 Individual Use Tax Return. See A Guide to Sales and Use Tax or the TA-1 instructions for additional details. Exempt Sales In addition to exempting specific items, like articles of clothing under $175, from sales tax, the law exempts other types of purchases. For example: Sales where the purchaser intends to resell the item in the regular course of business are exempt. In these cases, a Form ST-4, Resale Certificate, must be given to and retained by the seller as proof the sale was exempt for that reason. Purchasers must be registered sales/use tax vendors to obtain this exemption. They can obtain the Form ST-4 by calling the Department of Revenue's Customer Service Bureau at (617) 887-6367 or toll-free in Massachusetts at 1 (800) 392-6089. Sales of materials, tools, fuel, machinery and replacement parts, which will be used directly and exclusively in the manufacture, processing or conversion of tangible personal property to be sold, are exempt in many cases. The vendor must receive from the purchaser a Form ST-12, Exempt Use Certificate, and maintain proper records on such sales. Sales to organizations that have tax-exempt status are generally exempt from sales tax. The purchaser must present the seller with the appropriate exempt purchaser certificate to obtain the exemption. The two basic categories of tax-exempt purchasers are governmental organizations and charitable and nonprofit organizations. To obtain an exempt purchaser certificate, purchasers must register with the Department of Revenue (by completing the TA-1 registration). Please note: Tax-exempt organizations that sell tangible personal property or telecommunications services on a regular basis are considered vendors and are required to collect sales/use tax. Because of the complexity of the law, some guidelines listed here may not apply to every transaction. Be sure to consult A Guide to Sales and Use Tax or the TA-1 instructions for additional information on other types of exempt sales and details on the examples above. See also Massachusetts Regulation 830 CMR 64H.8.1, which discusses resale and exempt use certificates. To avoid any interest or penalty charges on sales tax that was not collected properly, taxpayers with questions about the taxability of any sale should contact the Department of Revenue. See the Help and Resources section at the end of this guide. <Massachusetts imposes a room occupancy e xcise tax of 5.7 percent on rooms rented for $15 or more per day. And each Massachusetts city and town has the option of levying up to an additional 4 percent. In addition, Massachusetts imposes a convention center financing fee of 2.75 percent on room occupancy in hotels, motels, or other lodging establishments in Boston, Cambridge, Springfield, and Worcester. The total tax rate is applied only to the rent received from an individual who occupies the lodgings for 90 consecutive days or less. Generally, you are responsible for collecting and remitting this tax if you are an individual or business operating a hotel, motel, lodging house, or a private club offering sleeping accommodations, and, the relationship between you and the occupant is not that of landlord and tenant. Establishments must file the appropriate return: Form RO-2CF for Boston, Cambridge, Springfield and Worcester establishments, and Form RO-2 for all others. Returns are due monthly, 20 days after the end of the following month, i.e., February 20, for the January filing period, and so on. Payment is due with return. For additional information, see the Convention Center Financing Surcharges section below and the TA-1 instructions. Excise on Alcoholic Beverages Sold by Chapter 180 Organizations Generally, any corporation, association, or organization that is licensed by any city or town in Massachusetts to sell alcoholic beverages and which was organized under Chapter 180 of Massachusetts General Laws, including fraternal organizations, must pay a yearly excise of.57 percent on the gross receipts from the sale of alcoholic beverages. Any corporation, association, or organization that is subject to the business corporation excise, or that is a chartered veterans' organization that maintains quarters for the exclusive use of its members, is not liable for this excise. Gross receipts from the sale of alcoholic beverages are the total proceeds from the sales of all drinks with an alcoholic nature or content. Any cost or expense relating to the purchase, storage or sale of alcoholic beverages may not be deducted from gross receipts. Chapter 180 Organizations Selling Alcoholic Beverages must file Massachusetts Form 180 annually, by April 15 of the following year, to report gross receipts for the previous calendar year. Payment is due with return. For additional information, refer to the TA-1 instructions.
W2B-016-0.txt	Efforts to fight sexual violence have a central place in the history of feminist aspiration. But many of today's activists want to do more than ensure justice and sensitive treatment for victims. They want to restructur laws and institutions to reflect the view that rape, far from being an individual crime, is a social disease afflicting most men. With a guilt-tripped male Senate falling over itself to demonstrate gender sensitivity, the activists have never had a better chance to codify this new understanding of sexual violence. And they've almost succeeded. An unlikely 'velition of activists and politicians have joined forces to support the Violence Against Women Act of 1993, which would enhance penalties for violent crimes "motivated by gender." The bill has been heralded by Senator Joseph Biden, its chief sponsor, as "the first comprehensive approach to fighting all forms of violence against women, combining a broad array of needed reforms." But its central reform--turning some rapes into "hate" crimes--is not needed. Its political base in an alliance between feminist absolutism and patriarchal condescension is inherently unstable, and anathema to sound law. By elevating motive over deed, anti-rape activists threaten to subvert their movement's main premise: that rapes are crimes of violence; that no rapes are "better" or "worse" than others. Biden, who has been lecturing on date rape since 1980, first introduced the bill in 1990, warning his Senate colleagues that it would "change attitudes" and "test our assumptions." Not surprisingly, it never made it to the floor. So to help promote his cause, Biden held four days of hearings, featuring the wrenching testimony of rape survivors. He interviewed experts. His staff even ginned up a sixty-five-page report, "Response to Rape: Detours on the Road to Equal Justice," which portrays the problem as worse than we ever supposed. This year, thanks to Biden's persistence and the fact that feminism is a hot commodity in Washington, the bill is expected to sail through the Senate. "There was a strong message sent in the last election that women and women's issues were not being addressed in Congress," says Democratic Senator Patty Murray. "That helps passage of bills like this." On May 27 the Senate Judiciary Committee approved the bill unanimously. It is expected to go to the floor sometime in the next few months, buoyed by a bipartisan list of sixty-two co-sponsors. "I predict the Senate will pass it unanimously," says Democrat Charles Robb. But should it? Certainly the bill is not without merit. VAWA would, for example, establish new rules of evidence, limiting the use of a victim's clothing or sexual history in rape trials. It would also finance increased lighting and camera surveillance at bus stops and in parks. The heart of the bill, however, is its civil rights provision, which attempts to create a federal remedy for violent crimes committed on the basis of "an animus based on the victim's gender." Title 3, called "Civil Rights for Women," would make sexual violence a violation of federal civil rights law. "This is the beginning, middle and end of the legislation," says Biden. In reclassifying rape, wife-beating and other gender-based felonies as bias crimes, the provision would write into law the view of rape as a socially embedded institution. "Rape as an expression of male dominance has been tolerated because of our society's sexist attitudes," says Sally Goldfarb of the National Organization for Women's Legal Defense Fund. "One of the advantages of the bill is that it codifies the true nature of rape." Rape is a horrible crime, whether kindled by sexism or sheer nastiness. But rather than creating new penalties for bigoted thoughts and bad motives, why not put in place the relatively straightforward remedy of stiffening jail sentences for rapists? Part of the problem, says Biden, was Democratic coalition politics. At first, women's groups opposed his effort. "Most of these people are way left," he explains. "We wanted to increase jail terms and they said, 'Hey, that's aimed at black males.'" When he took out the stiffer-sentencing provisions, the women's groups jumped on board. Biden sees rape as an almost normative condition of female experience. "It's not just garbage cans and alleys," he says. "It's people with standing in the community. It's everywhere." Feminist author Andrea Dworkin, who consulted with Biden's staff on the bill, takes this a step further. "When Joe Biden or other men think about this, they're always acts they would not 'remit, "she says. "They're always thinking about it in wa 'rethat exclude them. Whereas we're thinking, they're included." C 'reidering this world view, it's no wonder the stiffened-sentences provision was tamped, down to "a sentencing commission to review offenses." The idea of harsh penalties would undermine the bill's ideological coherence. If rape is less a crime than a social pattern in which all men are implicated, the cultural rationale for punishing those responsible disappears. Meanwhile, says Biden, "Women are being victimized more and more. And society's doing less and less about it." Never mind Bureau of Justice Statistics that show the incidents of rape per 1,000 women declined 30 percent between 1980 and 1990. For Biden the problem is not so much empirical as philosophical. "I have become convinced," he writes in the bill's preamble, "that violence against women reflects as much a failure of our nation's collective moral imagination as it does the failure of our nation's laws and regulations." Biden will need considerable imagination to enforce the bill's civil rights provision. While there are rapists who hate women and use the act as a way of expressing their hostility, they are in the minority. According to Richard Felson, a sociologist at SUNY-Albany who has studied motives for sexual coercion, rape has never been successfully correlated with hostility toward women. "Men who commit rape don't have any special attitude toward women,' he says. "They're versatile. They tend to commit other crimes, to mistreat people generally." Civil libertarians, meanwhile, are troubled by the bill's explicit "animus" standard, which seems to permit an inquiry into bigoted thoughts and motives. "There's a big difference between criminal and civil cases for these purposes," notes Andrew Good, a Boston civil defense lawyer. "With a civil case, you face the prospect of a very intrusive investigation of your views. It's, 'Are you or have you ever been a sexist?' This is one of those well-intentioned, god-awful pieces of legislation whose consequences only become apparent when it's too late to get repealed." Nevertheless, some in the Senate are not too worried. "I'm willing to err on the side 'me bill comes down on," says' Robb. "If it doesn't pass constitutional muster, so be it. I'd rather send a messa 'd at this point." Meanwhile, differences over the scope of the civil rights provision threaten to create rifts in the coalition. To the social constructionists, gender hatred is disclosed in the act of rape itself. "Theoretically, I guess, a rape could take place that was not driven by gender animus," muses Biden. "But I can't think of what it would be." Senator Orrin Hatch, the bill's primary co-sponsor, sees things a little differently. "You can make distinctions," he says. "We're not opening the f 'reral doors to all gender-motivated crimes. Say you have a man who believes a woman is attractive. He feels encouraged by her and he's so motivated by that encouragement that he rips her clothes off and has sex with her against her will. Now let's say you have another man who grabs a woman off some lonely road and in the process of raping her says words like, 'You're wearing a sk 're! You're a woman! I hate women! I'm going to show you, y 'm woman!' Now, the first one's terrible. But the other's much worse. If a man rapes a woman while telling her he loves her, that's a far cry from saying he hates her. A lust factor does not spring from animus." Senator Denni DeConcini, another co-sponsor, agrees with Hatch's interpretation. "With the first example, you have only one major violation," he says. "But with the second example, you have two! What you've got there is 'veo crimes. They're subject to 'rearate determination." Apparently, hating women in general is worse than hating one in particular. Feminists who worked with the Judiciary Committee in drafting the bill are dismayed at these fumbling legalisms. "That's ridiculous," says Eleanor Smeal of the Fund for a Feminist Majority. "Rape is never an act of lust. Mr. Hatch just doesn't get it." NOW's Goldfarb agrees. Obviously, Hatch and DeConcini will have to be led around by the hand. Their befuddlement, however, points up a larger problem. By asking politicians and juries to make difficult distinctions between "terrible" and "much worse" rapes, the gender feminists are in danger of reifying the very value judgments the date-rape movement sought to eviscerate. "There's always that risk," says Dworkin. "That's part of the ongoing struggle and conflict." Meanwhile, Dworkin claims to be surprised at the bill's popularity in the Senate. "The only possible explanation for it is that senators don't understand the meaning of the legislation they pass," she says. "I expect that the more they understand, the narrower the margin of support will be." She may be right. Most of the bill's co-sponsors seem to view the legislation as merely the latest stop on the road of Anita Hill penance. "Men need to be educated as to what others find offensive," says DeConcini. "They might think it's O.K. to rub somebody's behind. But they need to learn that hey, unless you know that person well enough and you've tal 've about it, it's not O.K. That's what this is all about." Bob Packwood, Daniel Inouye and Ted Kennedy apparently agree. They've s 'veed on as co-sponsors too.
W1A-005-0.txt	" The Comma" The gods, they say, give breath, and they take it away. But the same could be said - could it not? - of the humble comma. Add it to the present clause, and, of a sudden, the mind is, quite literally, given pause to think; take it out if you wish or forget it and mind is deprived of a resting place. Pico Iyer "In Praise of the Humble Comma" Read aloud Pico Iyer's catchy example of the comma's effect and you will find his point is easily made; the comma's presence indeed gives pause to his reflection, and its absence causes voiced exhaustion and a longing for relief. This experiment illuminates the necessity from which the comma was born, and looking back to its origins in the ancient world illuminates the power in its figurative use in literature. M.B. Parkes' study, entitled Pause and Effect, ambitiously uncovers the history of punctuation. In the culture of the ancient world the ideal of a capable orator dominated the educational process. Democracies thrived on abilities like Cicero's to present moving speeches in the tribunals and assemblies, and teaching was directed towards shaping a generation of pupils into effective public speakers. As spoken language became recorded by the written word, its aural response was stressed. A translation from Augustine's De Dialectica noted in Parkes' study supports this ancient reasoning, which was based on Aristotle's philosophies: "For what else do written letters reveal than themselves to the eyes, and apart from themselves, sounds to the mind?" (9). Because texts were mostly read out loud, the ideal of a well-modulated, expressive, and reflective presentation had to depend on phrasing by means of appropriate pauses. Parkes quotes Ausonius, a fourth century poet and grammarian, as he advised his grandson that "phrasing (distinctio) enhances meaning, and pauses give force to dull passages" (9). This ancient concept of phrasing is the basis of the comma's earliest signification. The 0.E.D. attributes the comma's root to the Latin and Greek, meaning "piece cut off" or "short clause", and its earliest use in Greek rhetoric and prosody is as a "phrase or group of words less than a colon (q.v.). Hence, a short member of a sentence or a period."*1 Parkes characterizes the comma in this sense as "usually short and rhythmically incomplete, followed by a minor disjunction of the sense where it might be necessary to pause" (302). These early distinctions were made by amanuenses who transcribed spoken language to provide an aid for inexperienced pupils; they were not made by the texts' original authors. During the next centuries culture began to shift its focus towards a value for the written word apart from its dependency on speech. Texts were circulated among silent readers as writing became a valid means of transferring information and ideas into an expanded context of education. The importance of pausing to emphasize and interpret meaning also had significant impact on transcriptions of the Bible and Christian liturgy. Punctuation was added to individual texts by individual silent readers to insure that they were properly understood. By the sixth century this shift in emphasis developed into a concept of the written word as a direct signal from the mind to the eye. Parkes' notes that Isisdore of Seville departed from Augustine's view of letters as signifying sounds of things we think, letters as signs without sounds. He attributed to letters the power to convey silently the sayings of those who are absent. Recognizing the power of the written word to preserve the testimonies of the past, Isidore created an account of punctuation that addressed the needs of new generations of readers; this resulted in punctuation's appearance in original texts, as well as its addition to texts already existing. As punctuation developed in form still based on rhetorical principles of the Ancient Greeks and Romans, so did the marks used to express and signify each constituent part of a sentence. The hand shaped forms of these marks in the Middle Ages varied, developing no standard until the advent of early type faces in the fifteenth century. The comma-mark emerged, so called because it was used to indicate pause at the end of a comma, or briefest clause of the sentence. The low-placed semi-circular slip, "a kind of printer's smudge", says Iyer in his tribute, first appeared as the figure we recognize today in the 1494 version of a type set by the printer Aldus Manutius. Punctuation's use as a "road sign placed along the highway of our communication", says Iyer, has undergone change since literary styles have developed as expressions of the times. Witness the difference in tone that a heavily punctuated passage in a Victorian novel such as Dicken's Bleak House conveys in comparison to the "the 36 unbridled, almost unperioded and officially censored prose" (Iyer, 80) that represents Molly Bloom's private thoughts in Joyce's Ulysses. Punctuation is much more than imposed law and order in our discourse; its pauses and intervals still affect our feelings and figure greatly in our interpretations. The power in the figurative definition of the comma, stated in the 0.E.D. as a "break of continuity, interval (or) pause" depends on our knowledge of its origin and extends outward in its impact on literature. Shakespeare uses this representation of the comma as a figure in Hamlet as he makes the plea for a truce between England with the lines, "As peace should still her wheaten garland wear/And stand a comma 'tween the amnities" (V,11,42-43). The force that Shakespeare's comma contributes to these skillfully articulated lines results in nothing less than the fulfillment of Hamlet's motive - a convincing forgery of a letter from Claudius to the King of England that spares Hamlet's life from Claudius' murderous plot and sacrifices the lives of Rosencrantz and Guildenstern instead. Much lighter in tone, but still evocative of the comma's origin, is this example from the 1887 text, Poor Nellie, which makes the reader smilingly ponder upon the ramblings recorded by "a lady who writes so easily that there hardly seems to be a comma to her mind between any two subjects under the sun, and never a full stop" (O.E.D. v3, 666). A contemporary work that uses a figural expression of the comma to develop its theme is Nicholson Baker's Room Temperature. Baker constructs the life of his main character, Mike, from a sequence of free associations that he makes during twenty minutes spent giving his six month old daughter her afternoon bottle. Baker's technique involves more than listing random thoughts. He skillfully sweeps us along as Mike embarks on this series of mental flights, but he always brings us back to the rocking chair where he sits and feeds the six-month old "Bug". His carefully related snatches of experience and recollection are connected by this interval in the present, this pause that breaks the temporal structure of the story, and it is this pause that provides us with the sense of continuity that Baker's character wants us to recognize. We learn exhaustive details - "every item of autobiographical interest - every pet theory, minor observation, (and) significant moment of shame and happiness" (Baker, 41) in Mike's life; we learn about his fascinations. One' of these fascinations is with the comma. How Baker gives power to Mike's obsession with the comma is by honoring it as an "oasis of respiration" (Baker, 66). Although he does provide us with the poignant reminiscence of eliciting his mother's tears because he harshly criticized her incorrect use of the comma in a spirited letter to the editor, most of Mike's musings view the comma to be "real as opposed to grammatical breath" (Baker, 66). Breath, that the gods give and take away, provides the key to life. The vignettes of life revealed by Mike are filled with images of breath. In one chapter Mike watches the Bug drift off to sleep as she sucks from her bottle; he exhales a "slow, longish puff of air" (Baker, 22) across the room to flutter a delicate mobile made by his wife, Patty, and he recalls a moment from their courtship with these words. When Patty and I were engaged and had just rented an apartment together, three times I heard her in another room making sighs of happiness... possibly overlaid with some relief, or with the fading presences of bad earlier fall seasons when we broke up on weird pretexts... (Baker, 22). Just a few moments, but many memories, later he blows gently on his daughter's forehead because "she was going to sleep too quickly, before she had finished enough of the bottle," (Baker, 34), and he exclaims that "she made a lovely voiced sigh or hum of exhalation, not unlike Patty's sounds in the first weeks of our engagement..." (Baker, 34-35). This discovery is followed by admiration for her instinctual ability to breathe through her nose and suck from her bottle simultaneously, it leads to a discourse on hereditary nasal predispositions, and then to the nicknames resulting from those different types of noses. From there the connections expand exhaustingly; a fascination with the Bug's nostril recalls the "innocent perfection of a Cheerio" (Baker, 39), which conjures up the "smooth rim around the pistil of the brass pump head that you fitted over a tire stem's valve to inflate it" (Baker, 39). Next comes a complex analysis that imparts air's life-giving properties to inanimate objects: balloons, tires, and red rubber inflatable balls. Finally Mike returns to the Bug - to her capability of inhaling "air's transparent liters through a pair of miraculous one-sixteenth inch portals and as a consequence to live..." (Baker,4O). We begin to see that Mike's incredibly long-winded ramblings are pulled together with quite a remarkable connection. That connection is his daughter's life; Mike discovers that "everything was beginning to route itself through the Bug" (Baker, 116). Baker's way of accentuating this connection is to develop the images of life-giving air, or breath, and to translate them into a figure that marks a transition between occurrences, the figure of a comma. Mike's stories let us see the comma as it plays in his present, his past, and his future. We view his attempt to decipher the sweeping motion of Patty's hand along the page of her journal as she forms her commas and expresses the lull in her thoughts. We learn that Mike's hard-earned achievement in playing an etude on the French horn without pause is diminished when his music teacher decides that the breath commas are indeed necessary, and we smile when, upon leaving Eastman School of Music, he says, I decided to transfer to Swarthmore and spend my time reading prose and writing papers, where commas could be stuck in and taken out without the risk of physical injury (65). We hear his fantasy about writing a definitive treatise on his favorite mark of punctuation - could Mike be the ultimate expert on transition? We listen to him expound on the origin of the comma as a "point of momentary breath-held stillness between two phrases" (Baker, 73), as he imagines how Manutius, the printer mentioned as setting the comma's modern-day image in our minds, "resolved the informal kinetics of its written formation into a mechanically graphical symbol, retaining "all its original expressiveness, miming the extenuating dips of the hand we use when taking exception to a point in polite conversation" (Baker, 67). As Mike works himself into a "state of reverence" for this "inclusive flip of the pen (Baker, 67), wondering how it would feel to be recognized at scholarly gatherings as the "fruitcake" who sees the comma "as the embodiment of civilization, as the true 'volute' in evolution" (Baker, 76), we sense that he is near his reflective journey. He says,... the Bug herself, whose shape - big head, tapering extremities - when I first saw it glowing on the ultrasound screen,... had introduced a quiet... moment of retrospective suspension in my life that elevated the whole undistinguished serial succession of years that preceded it into something that made sense, something with the unity and introductory of the first clause in a complex sentence. The breathing Bug was civilizing me; she was my comma (Baker, 76-77).
W2C-001-0.txt	Twenty-six years ago this week, Walt Disney Co., masquerading as the Latin- American Development and Management Corp., started buying thousands of acres of cattle pasture and swamp in Osceola County. Today, Disney is on the verge of building a posh community on 4,000 of those acres that will change Osceola County forever. " It's an important day for Osceola County and our company," Disney Development Vice President Tom Lewis said. Lewis would not discuss the plans in detail before the presentation. But more than a dozen elected officials, planners and business-community leaders who have been in private briefings in the past three weeks said Disney is aiming to create a modern city of as many as 20,000 residents. Many of those people declined to be identified because of their relationship with Disney or because they did not want to speak publicly about the plans before today's meeting. They said those plans call for the largest shopping mall in Central Florida, office buildings and 8,400 residences, including 3,450 high-priced, single-family homes. The plans also include golf courses, an 800-room hotel, a transportation station, a hospital, schools and institutes celebrating "the pioneering ingenuity of free enterprise," the officials and community leaders said. Plenty has changed from the original concept announced amid much fanfare in March 1990. Disney has reduced the size of the office parks and increased the number of homes. Lewis said Disney's first foray into the regional planning process is taking longer than he anticipated. But he said the delays aren't abnormal for a project of that scope. "We're not talking about puttin 'rep one 200,000- square-foot office building or a 300-room Holiday Inn here," Lewis said. Disney would like to begin building the first phase of the project, a 200,000-square-foot office building, later this year. The building, which is being designed by renowned Italian architect Aldo Rossi, would be Osceola County's second-largest structure. The Osceola Square Mall is the largest. And that's just an appetizer. Seven and a half of those office buildings would fit inside the big project, a regional shopping mall. The current timetable calls for the mall's completion in late 1993 or early 1994, Todd Mansfield of Disney Development Co.said. Building the mall won't be a problem, Mansfield said; finding financially healthy anchor tenants will. "With the retail center, the timetable is not entirely in Disney's court," Mansfield said. "It is a tough time in the retail market. But we are quite optimistic that this is an unusually attractive retailing opportunity." No stores will be announced today, Mansfield said. Dan Barry, a retail analyst with the New York brokerage firm of Kidder Peabody, said that despite upheaval in the retailing industry, several chains have strong balance sheets and could anchor the mall. More than a year ago, Disney officials said they were talking with retail blue bloods such as Nordstrom Inc. of Seattle, Harrod's of London and Macy of New York. A Disney source, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, confirmed that talks with all three retailers are progressing. All would be logical choices for Disney, especially Nordstrom, Barry said. The Seattle retailer "is one of the few companies that's nationally known," Barry said, and, though many of its stores are on the West Coast, "they wouldn't have a problem expanding into Florida." Mansfield said he also is talking with stores "prominent in the Florida market" and chains based in France and Japan. The moderate-to-upscale anchor stores fit right in with the company's plans for high-priced, golf-course, estate homes. " They mentioned housing with a Key West theme," said Cliff Guillet, executive director of the East Central Florida Regional Planning Council, who saw the plans two weeks ago. Sources said Disney has no provisions for more affordable housing on the Osceola property. But that doesn't mean lower-priced housing is a dead issue. Osceola County officials said talks with Disney include the company making a "substantive, seven-figure" contribution to create a revolving, affordable loan fund for low-income and first-time home buyers. " The economics of putting affordable housing out there on some of the most valuable land around doesn't make a lot of sense," one Osceola County official said. "But that doesn't mean they shouldn't have an obligation to help build it somewhere else." Today's presentation will mark several "firsts" in the Disney-Osceola County relationship. Any construction will be the first in Osceola County; all of its theme parks and hotels are in Orange County. The project marks the first time Disney has agreed to follow the same rules as other developers. Disney plans have been exempt from local review since 1967, when the state created the autonomous Reedy Creek Improvement District. Perhaps the most unusual aspect of the presentation is why it's happening at all. The unveiling is being made at Osceola County commissioners' request to help dampen some opposition to the proposed 11-mile western extension of Dart Boulevard in northern Osceola County. Critics of the extension, including business owners on West U.S. 192, want some assurances that the county won't be building a direct route to Disney World that could bypass many businesses. Other critics, including some county officials, also believe Disney should pay more toward the public-private partnership proposed to finance the $97 million toll road from Florida's Turnpike to World Drive. Les Haskew, executive director of the Kissimmee/Osceola County Chamber of Commerce, said his group hasn't taken an official position on the Dart extension yet. " We are very concerned about (U.S.) 192," Haskew said. "And we're very concerned 'reat this isn't going to create a straight shot to Disney World and then they don't build anything to expand our tax base in Osceola." Slated to open in conjunction with the Orlando beltway's Southern Connector extension in 1994, Dart is an integral piece of the Disney road network. Because the Dart deal is vital to Disney's expansion plans for the next 30 years, Lewis said he is ready to put the Osceola County project on the table now. Disney has agreed to contribute $1.5 million a year to the county for the 22-year life of the bonds that will pay for the extension, plus have Reedy Creek underwrite the bond issue. Commissioner Larry Whaley thinks Disney will get a lot more out of the Dart deal than the substantial amount it is already committed to put into it. " They (Disney) keep telling us about how much they're going to 're up," Whaley said. "But what they aren't saying is that a lot of that is going to be repaid after the road turns a profit. They need to understand - and I'm sure they do un 'mrstand - what value they are going to get out of it, too." Some longtime Osceola County residents doubt that Disney is ready to build. They say they won't believe it until they see shovels turning dirt. Walt Disney's original vision for a futuristic city called EPCOT - Experimental Prototype Community of Tomorrow - and a small airport were on the company's original maps where the mall is now to be built. In the early 1980s, as Epcot Center - the theme park - was nearing completion, the company announced plans for a hotel and shopping village in Osceola County just like the Disney Shopping Village at Lake Buena Vista in Orange County. Both concepts died without a whimper. " They've blown plen 'veof smoke before," Whaley said. "I tend to believe it's going to happen this time. But I also understand why some folks are skeptical." MEMO: Vicki Vaughan of the Sentinel staff contributed to this report. Disney Development Co.officials are to unveil plans to develop a city of about 20,000 in Osceola County at 10 a.m. today before the Osceola County Commission.
W2C-019-1.txt	White House backs California's tax on multinationals The U.S. adminstration sided with California Thursday in the state's legal battle over the way it taxes multinational companies, but not before California made a significant concession. Governor Pete Wilson signed into law Wednesday legislation that removes the hefty annual fee a multinational company must pay if it wants to get''water's edge'' treatment in taxation. In separate appeals, Barclays Bank of London and Colgate-Palmolive Co. of the United States (and on a narrower basis, AlCan of Canada) are trying to recover some back taxes levied by California's Franchise Tax Board - - taxes the companies say were levied through an unfair formula. Barclays' appeal of lower court rulings is now before the U.S. Supreme Court. Most of the industrial world has filed friend of the court briefs in support of the banking giant. Last year, the administration under President George Bush filed a brief in support as well. But new U.S. Solicitor General Drew Days III filed a brief for California that asks for the appeal to be denied, especially in light of California's repeal of its''water's edge'' fee. Still at issue would be the hundreds of millions of dollars in back taxes levied on Barclays under California's old''worldwide combined reporting'' method of taxing internationals that the corporation seeks to reclaim. The complicated case involves three distinct methods of taxing foreign multinationals: - -''World combined reporting,'' used by California before 1986, and under which Barclays and others hope to get back what they call unfair taxes; - -''Arms length,'' which the United States and other individual states use; - -''Water's edge,'' which California offered as an alternative to''world combined reporting'' after 1986, but which multinationals had to lock into after paying an annual fee. Barclay's Supreme Court challenge to California's pre-1986 system was filed before January 1992. Colgate's separate appeal petition and a friend of the court brief in the Barclay case were filed this summer. Barclay's appeal of a California Supreme Court ruling concerns past taxes on the bank's state subsidiary, Barcal, and Barcal's immediate parent corporation, Barclay Bank International (BBI). Barcal, or Barclays Bank of California, has since been sold to Wells Fargo & Co. Barclays says BBI and its subsidiary should have been taxed under the so-called''arm's length method'' of reporting income. Under''arm's length,'' where a corporation crosses national boundaries, a state taxes any corporation - - even a wholly owned subsidiary of a foreign corporation - - as an independent entity. The subsidiary is required to pay taxes only for the income its shows on its own books. But until 1986, California required''worldwide combined reporting.''That means income was reported by adding up the income of all the entities that make up a business - - including parent corporations and susidiaries. California then figured out the state's share of income by formula - - using a ratio of state to worldwide property, payroll and sales. Barclays says that figure can be substantially higher than under the''arm's length method'' and was unconstitutionally applied. The state's''worldwide combined reporting'' method has been upheld by the California state Supreme Court. Until last month, California offered an alternative to''worldwide combined reporting'' - - the so-called''water's edge'' method. With the payment of an upfront and sometimes hefty fee, a multinational could restrict the combined reporting method to the United States. Ben Miller, counsel for multistate taxation for the California Franchise Tax Board, told United Press International earlier that if the state loses the Barclays case before the U.S. Supreme Court, it would have to pay the multinational about $535 million. If rulings in the California courts are upheld, or the appeal is simply not heard, Barclays will owe the state about $330 million. But Miller said the''domino effect of (a 'dadverse) Barclays decision'' to California could reach $1.3 billion in the Colgate and AlCan cases. Besides, he said, those figures are based on the case as of March 31, and the final price tag may be higher. Filing friend of the court briefs for Barclays before the U.S. Supreme Court were Britain, all the members of the European Community, and Australia, Austria, Canada, Finland, Japan, Norway, Sweden and Switzerland. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce has filed a friend of the court brief for Colgate-Palmolive. Thursday's friend of the court brief filed in support of California by the Clinton administration, in a reversal of Bush administration policy, significantly strengthens the state's position. The Supreme Court historically has been reluctant to go against government recommendations in tax cases, especially involving foreign petitioners. - - - - - - 92-1384 Barclays Bank vs. California Franchise Tax Board 92-1839 Colgate-Palmolive vs. California Franchise Tax Board The Clinton adminstration sided with California Thursday in the state's legal battle over the way it taxes multinational companies, but not before California made a significant concession. Gov. Pete Wilson signed into law Wednesday legislation that removes the hefty annual fee a multinational must pay if it wants to get''water's edge''treatment in taxation. In separate appeals, Barclays Bank of London and Colgate-Palmolive Co. of the United States (and on a narrower basis, AlCan of Canada) are trying to recover some back taxes levied by California's Franchise Tax Board - - taxes the companies say were levied through an unfair formula. Barclays' appeal of lower court rulings is now before the Supreme Court. Most of the industrial world has filed friend of the court briefs in support of the banking giant. Last year, the Bush administration filed a brief in support as well. But new U.S. Solicitor General Drew Days III filed a brief for California that asks for the appeal to be denied, especially in light of California's repeal of its''water's edge'' fee. Still at issue would be the hundreds of millions of dollars in back taxes levied on Barclays under California's old''worldwide combined reporting'' method of taxing internationals that the corporation seeks to reclaim. The complicated case involves three distinct methods of taxing foreign multinationals: - -''World combined reporting,'' used by California before 1986, and under which Barclays and others hope to get back what they call unfair taxes; - -''Arms length,'' which the United States and other individual states use; - -''Water's edge,'' which California offered as an alternative to''world combined reporting'' after 1986, but which multinationals had to lock into after paying an annual fee. Barclay's Supreme Court challenge to California's pre-1986 system was filed before January 1992. Colgate's separate appeal petition and a friend of the court brief in the Barclay case were filed this summer. Barclay's appeal of a California Supreme Court ruling concerns past taxes on the bank's state subsidiary, Barcal, and Barcal's immediate parent corporation, Barclay Bank International (BBI). Barcal, or Barclays Bank of California, has since been sold to Wells Fargo & Co. Barclays says BBI and its subsidiary should have been taxed under the so-called''arm's length method'' of reporting income. Under''arm's length,'' where a corporation crosses national boundaries, a state taxes any corporation - - even a wholly owned subsidiary of a foreign corporation - - as an independent entity. The subsidiary is required to pay taxes only for the income its shows on its own books. But until 1986, California required''worldwide combined reporting.''That means income was reported by adding up the income of all the entities that make up a business - - including parent corporations and susidiaries. California then figured out the state's share of income by formula - - using a ratio of state to worldwide property, payroll and sales. Barclays says that figure can be substantially higher than under the''arm's length method'' and was unconstitutionally applied. The state's''worldwide combined reporting'' method has been upheld by the California Supreme Court. Until last month, California offered an alternative to''worldwide combined reporting'' - - the so-called''water's edge'' method. With the payment of an upfront and sometimes hefty fee, a multinational could restrict the combined reporting method to the United States. Ben Miller, counsel for multistate taxation for the California Franchise Tax Board, told United Press International earlier that if the state loses the Barclays case before the U.S. Supreme Court, it would have to pay the multinational about $535 million.
W1B-025-0.txt	1993 ANNUAL REPORT TO SHAREHOLDERS PART I ITEM 1. BUSINESS. Exxon Corporation was incorporated in the State of New Jersey in 1882. Divisions and affiliated companies of Exxon operate in the United States and more than 80 other countries. Their principal business is energy, involving exploration for, and production of, crude oil and natural gas, manufacturing of petroleum products and transportation and sale of crude oil, natural gas and petroleum products. Exxon Chemical Company, a division of Exxon, is a major manufacturer and marketer of petrochemicals. Exxon is engaged in exploration for, and mining and sale of, coal and other minerals. Exxon also has an interest in electric power generation in Hong Kong. Affiliates of Exxon conduct extensive research programs in support of these businesses. The terms corporation, company, Exxon, our, we and its, as used in this report, sometimes refer not only to Exxon Corporation or to one of its divisions but collectively to all of the companies affiliated with Exxon Corporation or to any one or more of them. The shorter terms are used merely for convenience and simplicity. The oil industry is highly competitive. There is competition within the industry and also with other industries in supplying the energy and fuel needs of commerce, industry and individuals. The corporation competes with other firms in the sale or purchase of various goods or services in many national and international markets and employs all methods of competition which are lawful and appropriate for such purposes. Exxon Chemical is organized into three business groups, each managed as a worldwide business with its own manufacturing, marketing and technology activities. It is a major producer of basic petrochemicals, including olefins and aromatics, and a leading supplier of specialty rubbers and of additives for fuels and lubricants. The products manufactured include polyethylene and polypropylene plastics, plasticizers, specialty resins, specialty and commodity solvents, fertilizers and performance chemicals for oil field operations. The operations and earnings of the corporation and its affiliates throughout the world have been, and may in the future be, affected from time to time in varying degree by political developments and laws and regulations, such as forced divestiture of assets; restrictions on production, imports and exports; price controls; tax increases and retroactive tax claims; expropriations of property; cancellation of contract rights and environmental regulations. Both the likelihood of such occurrences and their overall effect upon the corporation vary greatly from country to country and are not predictable. In 1993, the corporation spent $1,873 million (of which $641 million were capital expenditures) on environmental conservation projects and expenses worldwide, mostly dealing with air and water conservation. Total expenditures for such activities are expected to be about $2.0 billion in 1994 and 1995 (with capital expenditures in each year representing about 35 percent of the total) Operating data and industry segment information for the corporation are contained on pages F3, F20 and F27 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. Information on oil and gas reserves is contained on pages F24 and F25 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders.* ITEM 2. PROPERTIES. Part of the information in response to this item and to the Securities Exchange Act Industry Guide 2 is contained in the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders in Note 8, which note appears on page F13, and on pages F3, and F22 through F27 Estimated proved reserves are shown on pages F24 and F25 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. No major discovery or other favorable or adverse event has occurred since December 31, 1993 that would cause a significant change in the estimated proved reserves as of that date. The oil sands reserves shown separately for Canada represent synthetic crude oil expected to be recovered from Imperial Oil Limited's 25 percent interest in the net reserves set aside for the Syncrude project, as presently defined by government permit. For information on the standardized measure of discounted future net cash flows relating to proved oil and gas reserves, see page F26 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. 2. ESTIMATES OF TOTAL NET PROVED OIL AND GAS RESERVES FILED WITH OTHER FEDERAL AGENCIES During 1993, the company filed proved reserve estimates with the U.S. Department of Energy on Forms EIA-23 and EIA-28. The information is consistent with the 1992 Annual Report to shareholders with the exception of EIA-23 which covered total oil and gas reserves from Exxon-operated properties in the U.S. and does not include gas plant liquids <h <3. AVERAGE SALES PRICES AND PRODUCTION COSTS PER UNIT OF PRODUCTION Incorporated by reference to page F22 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. Average sales prices have been calculated by using sales quantities from our own production as the divisor. Average production costs have been computed by using net production quantities for the divisor. The volumes of crude oil and natural gas liquids (NGL) production used for this computation are shown in the reserves table on page F24 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. The net production volumes of natural gas available for sale by the producing function used in this calculation are shown on page F27 of the accompanying financial section of the 1993 Annual Report to shareholders. The volumes of natural gas were converted to oil equivalent barrels based on a conversion factor of six thousand cubic feet per barrel. 7. SUMMARY OF ACREAGE TERMS IN KEY AREAS United States Oil and gas exploration leases are acquired for varying periods of time, ranging from one to ten years. Production leases normally remain in effect until production ceases. Canada Exploration permits are granted for varying periods of time with renewals possible. Production leases are held as long as there is production on the lease. Cold Lake oil sands leases were taken for an initial 21-year term in 1968-69 and renewed for a second 21-year term in 1989-1990. Athabasca oil sands leases were taken for an initial 21-year term in 1958-1961 and renewed for a second 21-year term in 1979-1982. United Kingdom Licenses issued prior to 1977 were for an initial period of six years with an option to extend the license for a further 40 years on no more than half of the license area. Licenses issued between 1977 and 1979 were for an initial period of four years, after which one-third of the acreage was required to be relinquished, followed by a second period of three years, after which an additional one-third of the acreage was required to be relinquished, with an option to extend the license for a further 30 years on the remaining one-third of the acreage. Subsequent licenses are for an initial period of six or seven years with an option to extend for a total license period of 24 to 36 years on no more than half the license area. Netherlands Onshore: Exploration drilling permits are issued for a period of two to five years. Production concessions are granted after discoveries have been made, under conditions which are negotiated with the government. Normally, they are field-life concessions covering an area defined by hydrocarbon occurrences. Offshore: Prospecting licenses issued prior to March 1976 were for a 15-year period, with relinquishment of about 50 percent of the original area required at the end of ten years. Subsequent licenses are for ten years with relinquishment of about 50 percent of the original area required after six years. For commercial discoveries within a prospecting license, a production license is issued for a 40-year period. Norway Licenses issued prior to 1972 were for a total period of 46 years, with relinquishment of at least one-fourth of the original area required at the end of the sixth year and another one-fourth at the end of the ninth year. Subsequent licenses are for a total period of 36 years, with relinquishment of at least one-half of the original area required at the end of the sixth year. France Exploration permits are granted for periods of three to five years, renewable up to two times accompanied by substantial acreage relinquishments: 50 percent of the acreage at first renewal; 25 percent of the remaining acreage at second renewal. Upon discovery of commercial hydrocarbons, a production concession is granted for up to 50 years, renewable in periods of 25 years each. Australia Onshore: Acreage terms are fixed by the individual state and territory governments. These terms and conditions vary significantly between the states and territories. Production licenses are generally granted for an initial term of 21 years, with subsequent renewals, each for 21 years, for the full area. Offshore: Exploration permits are granted for six years with possible renewals of five-year periods to a total of 26 years. A 50 percent relinquishment of remaining area is mandatory at the end of each renewal period. Production licenses are for 21 years, with renewals of 21 years for the life of the field. Malaysia Exploration and production activities are governed by production sharing contracts negotiated with the national oil company. These contracts have an overall term of 20 years with possible extensions to the exploration or development periods. The exploration period is three years with the possibility of a two-year extension, after which time areas with no commercial discoveries must be relinquished. The development period is two years from commercial discovery, with an option to extend the period for an additional two years and possibly longer under special circumstances. Areas from which commercial production has not started by the end of the development period must be relinquished. The total production period is 15 years from first commercial lifting, not to exceed the overall term of the contract. <hIndonesia Exxon's operations previously conducted under a contract of work agreement converted to a production sharing contract in late 1993, with a term of 20 years. Other production sharing contracts in Indonesia have an overall term of up to 30 years. Republic of Yemen Production sharing agreements negotiated with the government entitle Exxon to participate in exploration operations within a designated area during the exploration period. In the event of a commercial discovery, the company is entitled to proceed with development and production operations during the development period. The length of these periods and other specific terms are negotiated prior to executing the production sharing agreement. Existing production operations have a development period extending 20 years from first commercial declaration made in November 1985. Egypt Exploration and production activities are governed by concession agreements negotiated with the government. These agreements generally permit three exploration periods, with the first period being three years, and the remaining two optional periods being two years each. Production operations have an overall term of 30 years, with an option for a ten-year extension. <hColombia Prior to 1974, exploration, development and production rights were granted for up to 30 years through concessions. Since 1974, the association contract has been the basic form of participation in new acreage. With this form of contract, exploration rights are granted for up to a maximum of six years. After a discovery is made, the development period extends for 22 years with relinquishment of 50 percent at the end of six years, 50 percent of the retained area after eight years and all remaining area except commercial fields after ten years. UNITED STATES During 1993, exploration activities were coordinated by Exxon Exploration Company and producing activities by Exxon Company, U.S.A., both divisions of Exxon Corporation. Exploration and delineation of additional hydrocarbon resources continued. At year-end 1993, Exxon's inventory of undeveloped acreage otaled 3.7 million net acres. Exxon is active in areas onshore, offshore and in Alaska. A total of 14 net exploration and delineation wells were completed during 1993. During 1993, 171 net development wells were completed within and around mature fields in the inland lower 48 states. Exxon has an interest in over 25 enhanced oil recovery projects in the ower 48 states which contributed nearly 60 thousand barrels per day of incremental production in 1993. Exxon's net acreage in the Gulf of Mexico at year-end 1993 was 1.4 million acres. A total of 36 net exploratory and development wells were completed during the year. Production was initiated from the Zinc field in mid-1993 via a satellite subsea production template to the Alabaster platform, which started up in 1992.
W2A-036-0.txt	Introduction Two major forces have shaped the current drive to implement format integration. First, usage of USMARC as the basis of library catalogs has become common for all library types throughout the country; very few libraries rely solely on card access to their collections anymore. With the growth of automated systems, vendors and librarians alike have been interested in better standardization of these formats. Secondly, as our culture continues its evolution from a primarily paper-based environment to one where multimedia plays an increasing role, the nature of published materials has changed dramatically. Publishers market monographs with accompanying material ranging anywhere from computer diskettes to kazoos. Multimedia works often encompass several different material types such as CD-ROMs, printed guides and computer files. These changes have presented an ongoing challenge to catalogers and system librarians. How can we best describe these multi-faceted items and ensure their retrieval in automated systems? Discussion about unifying the seven separate USMARC bibliographic formats began in 1983. Format integration was envisioned as a means to simplify documentation, reduce redundancy across formats, enable catalogers to work more easily with multiple formats, and improve machine validation of MARC records. Although the need for format integration was identified over a decade ago, its implementation has been slow. The need for compatibility in sharing data among the Library of Congress, the bibliographic utilities and various local systems has been the biggest challenge with format integration and has contributed to the delays in its implementation. The phrase "format integration" applies to changes in the USMARC bibliographic formats only. Other MARC formats, such as authorities, holdings, classification and community information remain unaffected. It encompasses coordination across forms of material, removing the restriction on data elements that have previously made them valid only for specific forms of material. In spite of the efforts involved in the implementation of format integration, the bulk of the alterations in USMARC will affect just a small percentage of cataloging records. Implementation The first portion of format integration came in 1991, with USMARC Update No. 3. This update included a few changes that primarily involved the implementation of blank indicator values. The rest of format integration was originally planned to be implemented simultaneously. However, as the planning for implementation progressed, it became clear that the changes to the variable fields had a much smaller impact on systems which handle MARC records than the fixed field changes. Due to the difficulty of implementing the latter, MARBI accepted a proposal in 1993 to split the remainder of format integration into two phases, variable fields and fixed fields. This compromise allowed the variable field portion to be implemented sooner, instead of postponing the entire project until the fixed field portion could be ready. The variable field phase of format integration was implemented in late January of 1995. This phase essentially validated all variable fields across all formats, while eliminating some obsolete fields. This article focuses on the final phase of format integration, which affects the Leader and 001-008 fixed fields. The Library of Congress and the bibliographic utilities have scheduled the implementation of this phase for March 3, 1996. There are several changes that will impact catalogers and systems in the final phase. * Changes to the Leader/06 (Type of record) Remove: b = archival and manuscripts control add: p = mixed material t = manuscript language material * Definition of Leader/08 (Type of control) blank = no specified type of control a = archival control The changes to the Leader/06 (Type of record) and the definition of Leader/08 (Type of control) will have a significant impact on the coding of archival materials. These modifications recognize that archival control is not limited to a particular type of material. With the final phase of format integration, archivists will be able to better distinguish between various material types, such as monograph vs. serial, and also will not be limited to choosing archival control over the visual materials format when describing an archival film, for example. This structural change in the MARC record necessitates some alterations in how the bibliographic utilities will handle archival records. OCLC will eliminate the Archival and Manuscript Control format (AMC) and will introduce a new format, Mixed Materials, to accommodate records for which no single other format predominates. In RLIN, the AMC file will remain, intended for use with archival collections of mixed materials or any individual material type. The RLIN-specific archival control segment (ARC), previously valid only in the AMC and visual materials files, will be made available for use in all formats when the material represented by the bibliographic record is under archival control. * Validate values for 007 (Physical Description Fixed Field) across all formats The extension of field 007 to all formats enables specific encoding of all the physical aspects present in the item in hand. The field may be repeated when different parts of the item have different characteristics, such as a positive and a negative polarity microfilm cataloged on the same record, or to represent the secondary nature with mixed material. * Changes to 008/byte 06 (Date entered on file) Redefine detailed date from "d" to "e" in all formats Remove actual date and copyright date (" c" in most formats) Define publication date and copyright date "t" for all formats Validate other values across all formats, including: "c" - serial item currently published "d" - serial item ceased publication * Changes to 008/bytes 07-14 (Date 1/Date 2)" u" - Date element is totally or partially unknown "blank" - Date element is not applicable With the final phase of format integration, the first 17 bytes of field 008, plus the final five, will have consistent definitions across all formats, while bytes 18-34 will remain format specific. The changes inherent in this process will introduce non-serial catalogers to some serial date codes, just as variable field format integration introduced tag 246 across all formats. The biggest change in field 008 is the shift from using "c" to "t" to indicate copyright date. Another change which will arise with some frequency is the ability to code unknown dates with "u" instead of the current practice of using zeros to complete unknown dates. * Redefine 006 field (Fixed-Length Data Element - Additional Material Characteristics) Full implementation of format integration will finally enable catalogers to describe material with characteristics which are representative of more than one MARC bibliographic format. In the current cataloging environment, once the decision is made about the primary nature of the material, certain aspects of the secondary nature are lost in the description. Examples of such mixed materials include: a book with an accompanying sound recording, or a serially issued score. Even though format integration of the variable fields addresses the specific description problems with these mixed materials, without the accompanying fixed fields, machine manipulation of all aspects of the cataloging record is limited to the primary material type described in field 008. The redefinition of field 006 will change all that. The 006 parallels the material-specific bytes of field 008, allowing the representation of all aspects of an item for subsequent machine manipulation, even that pesky serially published map on CD-ROM. Field 006 will be used only for those materials which encompass more than one material type. It has a leading character which identifies the secondary nature of the material, that is book, serial, score, recording, etc. For a summary of the 006 field, see the chart below. The leading character in field 006 will determine what the valid codes are for the secondary nature. The remainder of the 006 bytes match those of the 008 for a particular material type, in the same fashion currently that the 007 leading byte defines the following values. The tables reproduced at the end of this article summarize the definitions of the 006 field for books, music, and serials, with the codes used by OCLC, RLIN and WLN in the equivalent 008 fields at this time. "Field 006 will have no indicators or subfield codes. The field will have a generic-tree structure, whereby the category of material code given in 006/00 (Type of 006 code) will determine the data elements defined for subsequent character positions. For each category of material, the codes defined for character positions 01-17 will be the same as those defined for that category in field 008 (Fixed-Length Data Elements), character positions 18-34." - USMARC When encountering material that exhibits multiple material type characteristics, a question remains about how to select the primary aspect. USMARC sets forth a model, reproduced below, to assist with the decision-making. In spite of this model, interpretation about whether or not an item is basically textual will still rest with cataloger judgment. Note that the selection of the primary characteristic determines the appropriate chapter of AACR2r to be used as the basis for the description. Thus, in shared databases, the description may vary somewhat depending on which characteristic is chosen as the primary one. The material below has been maintained formatting seems to be intact. Impact The impact that full format integration will have on our cataloging databases depends on several factors. As with variable field format integration, some changes to existing records will be able to be made by a simple machine substitution; however, other changes will have to be made manually. It seems unlikely that libraries will go back and recatalog items with multiple characteristics, or that the utilities will add field 006 to existing records in their databases. In fact, it is difficult to identify older records that might benefit from the addition of field 006. It is important to remember that these older records are not "incorrect." Instead they will not reflect the full content designation available with the format integrated version of USMARC. Additionally, field 006 is optional; thus usage of this field will vary among institutions according to their perceived needs, the national libraries' practices, and the nature of the material being cataloged. The five cataloging examples included at the end of this article demonstrate some of the changes with this phase of format integration. At this point, it is difficult to determine exactly how the various utilities and local systems will handle the upcoming changes with the final phase of format integration. Decision points include: indexing field 006 for retrieval; identifying cataloging records by material type when more than one type is represented; implementing new MARC screen designs which will not fill the first page of the cataloging record with fixed field options and modifying validation routines which take the new options into account. The bibliographic utilities and system vendors have started announcing some of their planned changes via their web sites (see http://www-rlg.stanford.edu/welcome.html, http://www.oclc.org/oclc/menu/home1.htm, and the Library Vendors section at http://lcweb.loc.gov/global/library/library.html#vendors). How the systems and utilities choose to index field 006 for retrieval will be based on their pre-existing file structures. Depending on the programming, these decisions may have a significant impact on record retrieval when a user qualifies by material type. If the material-specific bytes of fields 008 and 006 cannot be searched concurrently, multiple searches of a given database may be needed to retrieve all relevant records. The display of search results may also be dependent on the coding of the primary material characteristic. As the March 1996 implementation date draws closer, the utilities and vendors will make more specific information available about how the final phase of format integration affects searching in their systems. The utilities' implementation of this phase of format integration will cause some changes in the familiar screen displays. In OCLC, look for new standardized labels and layout of the fixed fields across all formats. Field 006 will display as a variable field, although users will be able to enter and edit this tag either directly, or as a prompted display with mnemonics. RLIN will automatically generate templates for field 007 based on the file type.
W2C-020-0.txt	Michael Jordan didn't shed any tears yesterday. Instead, he flashed a smile as bright as the sun, then walked away from professional basketball at the height of his powers, recognized as perhaps the most popular American sports figure in history. The aftershocks were still rumbling across the landscape as Jordan, 30, made it official, saying he had lost his desire to compete and had no remaining goals now that he has won three consecutive world championships. " He looked like the happiest man in the world," noted David Stern, commissioner of the National Basketball Association. Crushed last month by the murder of his father, James Jordan, and worn down by his celebrity, Jordan offered no specific plans except to spend more time with his family. " I have reached the pinnacle," he said. "I feel like I don't have anything else to prove. David Falk, Jordan's agent and close friend, predicted that the retirement would be permanent. However, Jordan left broad hints that he might someday return, leading to speculation that the world's finest basketball player is actually on an indefinite sabbatical. " I don't believe in never," he said when asked about a comeback. Pressed on the subject, he explained, "I'm just saying that fi 'm years down the line, if the urge comes back, and if David Stern lets me back in the league, I will come back. To which Stern responded, "My ears perked up when I heard him mention five years. Right away, I wanted to negotiate him down to three. Jordan's announcement was the low point of one of the darkest days in Chicago sports history. Shortly thereafter, the Cubs fired manager Jim Lefebvre Despite their third winning season in 23 years, and the White Sox lost the second game of the American League playoffs to Toronto at Comiskey Park. Dressed impeccably, in a light green suit, Jordan was surrounded at the announcement by many of the people who parlayed his talent and charisma into a marketing effort that brought him an estimated $ 30 million annually on top of his $ 4 million Bulls salary. Part of Jordan's legacy is that, in addition to revolutionizing the sport, he has helped the NBA to spread basketball throughout the world, while also generating untold millions for companies such as Nike that succeeded in exploiting his video-friendly skills. Yesterday, even as Jordan was walking away from the NBA, there was speculation that he would team up with Nike on an overseas venture in basketball. Jordan's talents transcended normal boundaries. "I used to say that this man was the Babe Ruth of basketball," Bulls owner Jerry Reinsdorf said as he introduced Jordan yesterday. "I have now come to believe that Babe Ruth was the Michael Jordan of baseball. " Really, across borders, I don't know who's more famous than Michael Jordan," said Stern. "He's the most famous person in the world. Who else is there? There's Michael Jackson, Michael Jordan and Madonna. In the end, however, that notoriety threatened to engulf Jordan. His final season, immediately following his stint as leader of the Olympic Dream Team, was the most difficult of his career, in large part because of charges that he gambled excessively. Stern said yesterday that the commissioner's office is still investigating allegations by a former golf partner, Richard Esquinas, that Jordan incurred gambling debts of more than $ 1.2 million. Stern said Jordan was scheduled to meet with him this week about matters concerning the investigation. The meeting has been postponed, Stern said, but he added that the investigation and Jordan's retirement are unrelated. " One has nothing to do with the other," said Stern, who added that it was Jordan who wanted to make sure that the meeting still took place in order "to close the loop. Jordan has lashed out at the media for reporting on his gambling. During the Eastern Conference finals against the Knicks, he stopped speaking for more than a week after it was reported that he spent time in an Atlantic City casino on the eve of Game 2. However, he said yesterday that his decision, which came two days before the Bulls are scheduled to open training camp, stemmed more from lack of desire to compete than any other factor. " I always stressed to the people that have known me and have followed me that when I lose that sense of motivation and that sense that I can prove something, it's time for me to leave," he said. " It was just a matter of waiting until this time, when basketball was near, to see if my heart ticked for it. I went through all the different stages of getting myself prepared for the next year, but the desire was not there. Jordan said he already "pretty much" had decided to retire before his father was brutally murdered last month in an apparent robbery. But he said the ordeal "made me realize how short life is... I was already leaning in that direction, but it made it that much simpler. " The biggest positive I can take out of my father not being here with me today is that he saw my last basketball game," he added. "That means a lot. Jordan apparently had been contemplating retirement for a while. He first mentioned it to Reinsdorf last year. This past season, he said frequently that he loved playing in ancient Chicago Stadium and was less than enthralled about moving to a new arena across the street for the 1994-95 season. On Sept. 17, Jordan appeared at a charity benefit with Reinsdorf in Chicago and mentioned again that he was thinking seriously about retiring. Reinsdorf told him to think about it, but Jordan reaffirmed his plans, this time more forcefully, during a 3 1/2-hour meeting Sunday at Falk's house in Bethesda, Md. "It was very clear to me that I should not make any attempt to talk him out of it," said Reinsdorf. "It would be a very dishonest thing on my part because I could not honestly say that he should continue playing. I believe he should not continue playing. The following day, Jordan walked into the Bulls offices and announced it was over. "I asked Phil Jackson, the coach quite frankly, 'Is there anything I have left to prove as a basketball player?' And he paused for a second. That's all I needed to hear. Jordan had been true to his word. Shortly after the NBA Finals, during an interview for a soon-to-be released photo-autobiography, he predicted that nothing would stop him when he was ready to go. " I know there will be pressure on me to stay," he said. "But that will be my opportunity to tell people why I played the game. It's never been for money and it's never been for cheers. " If you don't believe me, then just watch. And take a good look. Because one minute I'll be 'llre, and the next minute I'll be 'llgone.
W2C-012-2.txt	Ethics panel cites contrite Swift on one count A contrite Lt. Gov. Jane Swift expressed "regret for everything that's happened" after the State Ethics Commission yesterday cited her with one ethical violation but cleared her of four others. Lt. Gov. Jane Swift talks to reporters yesterday. "I owe an apology to the citizens of Massachusetts," Swift said. "I made some mistakes and I'm sorry for 'mhem." Swift's repeated apologies came just minutes after the ethics panel all-but cleared her of wrong-doing, saying she had done nothing wrong by using a state police helicopter to beat pre-Thanksgiving traffic and asking aides to help her family move from Boston to Northbridge. The commission, after a five-hour meeting, found only that Swift had created the "appearance of impropriety" by asking two staffers, Susan Saliba and Sarah Dohoney, to babysit for her daughter on their own time. But the panel said babysitting by a third aide, Stacey Rainey, who is now Swift's deputy chief of staff, did not create an ethical issue. The commission found no problem with Swift's practice of asking staffers to watch her daughter, Elizabeth Ruth Hunt, while the toddler was visiting her mother in the State House. In clearing Swift of charges that she misused the helicopter, the four-member commission rejected a staff recommendation that found "reasonable cause" to believe the chopper ride constituted "unwarranted" use of a privilege of her office. The panel, whose deliberations are confidential, did not release details of its decision last night. Swift's lawyer, Cheryl Cronin, said she expected the commission to release a letter explaining parts of the decision later this week. The commission could have imposed a $2,000 fine on Swift for the babysitting violations but instead left the terms of any punishment to be negotiated by ethics staffers and Cronin. Despite the near-vindication Swift said she not feel relieved by the decision, but rather only "regret" for the disappointment she caused people who put their trust into her. Swift, who was engulfed in a political firestorm in January when she refused to take responsibility for the chopper flight, also sought to put her earlier defiance behind her. Characterizing the last few months as "difficult" and "uncomfortable," Swift said she intends to approach the future by working hard on issues such as education. " It will be up to me to prove to the voters that the confidence they placed in me almost two years ago was warranted," said Swift, a Republican. "I think I have a lot of work to do to achieve that." She assured the voters that she would not to commit the same mistakes in the future, promising a "bright line" between her personal and professional life in the future. But Ken White, executive director of Common Cause/Massachusetts, said Swift's personal resolution was not enough. " I'm surp 'msed the administration has not reacted in a comprehensive way? by putting into place stricter procedures and policies on ethics," White said, calling on the administration to rescue a comprehensive 1995 ethics reform bill from its "legislative graveyard." And Swift refused to hold herself to a higher standard than the one set by the ethics commission, ducking a question about whether she would reimburse the state for the estimated $1,000 cost of the chopper. " For today (I plan to abide by that commission's decision) that's the most important message I have," she said. But Swift, 35, clearly recognized the damage she has caused to her political career. " I think that there is no doubt that I made mistakes and the public has lost some confidence in my ability to provide leadership on the issues they care about," Swift said. Swift's tenure has been plagued with scandals and consequential low approval ratings since media reports disclosed that she tapped taxpayer funds for her own personal use. She also recently forced to resign from a teaching post at Suffolk University that many viewed as overpaid. Swift's infamous helicopter ride last Thanksgiving to escape holiday traffic triggered public criticism, which turned into outrage when she attempted to defend her actions. A week after the flight was made public, Swift finally apologized and sent a letter to the State Ethics Commission asking whether she misused state resources and should reimburse taxpayers for the cost of the helicopter flight. But the state troopers that were part of her security detail testified before the commission that they, not Swift, ordered the chopper for security reasons. The three aids who babysat her daughter - two of whom Swift helped land lucrative promotions - denied that they felt any pressure from Swift to babysit, citing their longstanding friendship with the lieutenant governor.
W2A-017-0.txt	Until the latter part of the nineteenth century, divorce was largely proscribed by law and shunned in practice much as still happens today in many nations including some European countries such as Italy and Ireland.6 Most marital disruptions occurred not as a result of divorce but from desertion or informal separation. Because population surveys were not available prior to the middle part of the twentieth century, it is difficult to know how often de facto divorce took place in the United States. But, it seems likely that all but a small minority of marriages survived until the death of one or another partner, an event that typically occurred much earlier than it does today.7 Some have argued that the rise of divorce was partly prompted by increasing survival rates, which placed a greater strain on the ability of couples to manage marital stress or maintain marital contentment.8 However, there is no firm evidence to support this conjecture. Divorce rates in the United States began to rise shortly after the Civil War and continued on a steady upward course for more than a century. Over this time rates have fluctuated, often falling in poor economic times and generally surging after major wars. But these short-term variations have been far less consequential to the long-term pattern of constant growth.9 Nearly two decades ago, Preston and McDonald calculated the likelihood of divorce for each marriage cohort beginning in 1867 and continuing until the mid-1960s.10 Their results showed a continuous trend of dissolution among successive marriage cohorts. Roughly 5%; of marriages ended in divorce just after the Civil War compared with an estimated 36%; in 1964. Thus, the pattern of prevalent divorce was firmly in place in this country even before the divorce revolution of the 1960s. Nonetheless, there was a sharp increase in the incidence of divorce from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s. During a span of a decade and a half, divorce rates for married women more than doubled (from 10.6 per 1,000 in 1965 to 22.8 in 1979), pushing the risk of divorce much higher for all marriage cohorts, especially those who wed after the mid-1960s.11 Some researchers speculated that a majority of all marriages contracted in the 1970s and after would end, especially when both informal separations and formal divorces were counted.12 Other researchers reached more conservative estimates but still projected that more than two in every five marriages would end in divorce when divorce rates reached their peaks in the middle 1970s.9 Divorce rates began to level off in the late 1970s and actually declined by about 10%; during the 1980s.13 As mentioned earlier, fluctuations of this sort are common historically and do not necessarily signal a reversal in divorce trends. Nonetheless, most demographers think that divorce is not likely to continue its upward pattern, at least in the near term. There are several demographic explanations for the failure of divorce rates to increase after the 1970s which do not necessarily imply that Americans today are becoming more committed to staying married than they were in the previous two decades. The huge cohort of baby boomers, reacting to changing economic opportunities, postponed marriage.9,14 A larger proportion opted to obtain more schooling and wait to form a family.15 Marriage age for women rose from just above 20 in the mid-1950s to 24.4 in 1992, an increase of more than four years.16 It has long been known that early marriage and lower education are associated with marital instability. 17 Thus, the pattern of delayed marriage might have had a role in curbing the rates of divorce. Another potent source of marital disruption, associated with early marriage, is premarital pregnancy. Fewer marriages today occur as a result of a premarital pregnancy.18 It also seems plausible that the greater availability of contraception and abortion in the 1970s may have discouraged the formation of early unions, reducing the number of ill-considered marriages, though evidence to support this hypothesis is not available. Furthermore, the population has been getting older as the baby boomers mature. Older couples in long-standing marriages have a lower propensity to divorce.19 Thus, as the baby boomers reach middle age, a larger proportion of those married have passed through the high-risk years, when their marriages are young and relatively more fragile. Finally, growing rates of cohabitation before marriage may have brought down the rate of divorce. As more and more couples elect to live together prior to marrying, it seems likely that many unions that would have ended in divorce end before marriage occurs. That is, a growing number of Americans are divorcing without marrying, making the official divorce statistics a less reliable barometer of union stability.20 For all these reasons, it is probable that the modest drop in divorce rates does not indicate a higher propensity toward marital stability. Instead, the composition of those marrying has changed in ways that only make it appear that marriages are becoming more stable. Not so many years ago, it was common for family experts to reassure those who were alarmed at the steady increase in divorce rates by pointing out that divorce typically is not a terminal event but a transition from one marriage to the next. So it was said that couples who separated lost faith in a particular marriage but not in the institution of matrimony.21 In 1975, close to three-fourths of all women in their fifties who had experienced a divorce had remarried. For formerly married men, the occurrence of remarriage was even higher, about four in five eventually remarried, owing to the greater pool of eligible partners. (It is easier for men to attract younger partners than it is for women.) But recently, the rate of remarriage has been declining.22 In part, the trend toward lower remarriage rates may reflect the greater tendency to postpone second unions as both men and women may be more willing and able to live as single persons. But recent evidence from the National Survey of gests the rate of recoupling has not declined notably.23 Many divorced persons have become more cautious about reentering matrimony, preferring instead to cohabit in informal and more fluid unions. This pattern, discussed below, poses particular problems for children who are, to an increasing extent, being raised by quasi-stepparents who are often transitional figures in their households. The lower rates of remarriage may reflect a growing reluctance to formalize unions after a failed first marriage. Couples who remarry are known to have a higher risk of divorce than couples entering first marriages. And divorces from second marriages occur more quickly than from first unions. Cherlin has shown that the proportion of couples who will marry, divorce, remarry, and redivorce has risen eightfold during the course of this century, climbing from barely 2%; of those who were born in the first decade of the twentieth century to 16%; of those born after 1970.9 Cherlin described the changing patterns of marriage, divorce, and remarriage for four birth cohorts of women (see Figure 2 in the article by Shiono and Quinn in this journal issue). For all but the most recent cohort, the proportion ever marrying remained relatively stable while the prevalence of divorce, remarriage, and redivorce progressively increased. In the youngest cohort, women born after 1970, Cherlin projects that marriage (and remarriage) will decline significantly and divorce will remain high among women who elect to marry or remarry. Rising rates of marital instability have been experienced by all Americans regardless of socioeconomic status, race, religious affiliation, or region of the country. However, the extent of marital instability differs enormously among various social groups. It is beyond the scope of this article to explore in detail the patterns described above for different social classes, religious groups, or regions of the country. It is hard to ignore, however, racial/ethnic differences in patterns of marriage, divorce, and remarriage because the experiences for whites, African Americans, and some Hispanic groups are so very disparate. African Americans have long exhibited different patterns of family formation.24 As far back as the nineteenth century, blacks were more likely to marry earlier, had a higher incidence of premarital pregnancy and nonmarital childbearing, formed less stable unions, and were less likely to remarry when disruption occurred. Scholars disagree on the origin of these patterns.25 Some believe that they are rooted in different notions of kinship brought to America; others argue that distinctive patterns of family formation emerged in slavery; and still others contend that these family differences did not really take hold until after Emancipation, when black Americans were exposed to economic discrimination and racism. Still others argue that the differences are more recent in origin.26 Whatever the particular origin or combination of origins, there is convincing evidence that African Americans are much less likely to marry, more likely to divorce, and less likely to remarry when divorce occurs.27 More than 90%; of whites will marry compared with about 75%; of African Americans; of those who do wed, African Americans have a substantially higher risk of divorce.13 Ten years after marriage, 47%; of blacks have separated or divorced compared with 28%; of non- Hispanic whites. Blacks are also far less likely to remarry after separating. As a result, African Americans spend far less time in marriage than do whites.28 Much less information exists on the marriage patterns of other racial and ethnic groups. Census data on Hispanics suggest that their levels of marriage, divorce, and remarriage fall somewhere between those of whites and those of blacks.13 However, official statistics actually conceal as much as they reveal about the behavior of different Latino groups. There is reason to suspect that as much difference exists between Cubans or Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans as between whites and blacks in rates of marriage and marital stability.29 Still, such as it is, the evidence on Hispanic subgroups reveals similar trends to those described for blacks and whites in the United States. In sum, virtually all population subgroups have experienced a postponement of marriage, a steady increase in divorce, and a decrease in remarriage after divorce. Cohabitation as a prelude, aftermath, and perhaps alternative to marriage has become more common. These patterns are more evident among African Americans. The declining institution of marriage has important ramifications for patterns of childbearing. Typically, now, marriage no longer regulates the timing of sex, and to an increasing degree, it no longer regulates the timing of first birth.30 Nonmarital childbearing has become more prominent over the past several decades as rates of marital childbearing have declined and rates of nonmarital childbearing have held steady or increased. In 1960, only 5%; of all births occurred to unmarried women; in 1990, this proportion had risen to 28%;.31 The increase for whites has been tenfold, from 2%; to 20%; in this 30-year period. Figure 1 depicts the remarkable rise in the number of first births among women between the ages of 15 and 34 which have occurred before marriage for whites, blacks, and Hispanics. Among each of the racial/ethnic subgroups, the increase has been remarkable over the past 30 years. For whites this number rose from 8.5%; for births occurring in the early 1960s to 21.6%; for those that took place in the late 1980s. The rise for blacks was even more spectacular, going from 42.4%; in the early 1960s to 70.3%; in the late 1980s. The proportion for Hispanics doubled during the same period, going from 19.2%; to 37.5%;. Clearly, out-of-wedlock childbearing has become a far more important source of single parenthood for all Americans and especially so for African Americans, who now have a sizable majority of first births before marriage.18 (See Figure 1.) The weakening of marriage as a social institution is not unique to the United States. Most developed countries are witnessing similar demographic trends.32 In some instances, the retreat from marriage is even more pronounced. For example, in Scandinavia cohabitation has become a widely accepted alternative to marriage.33 France and England have higher proportions of out-of-wedlock births than occur in the United States, though a higher proportion of these births occur to parents who are cohabiting than in this country.34 Divorce rates have also risen sharply in a number of European nations, though none equals this country in the prevalence of divorce. Still, about a third of marriages in Northern Europe will end in divorce; in England and Scandinavia, as many as two in five marriages may dissolve.35 Thus, explanations for the de-institutionalization of marriage cannot reside solely in the special features of American culture or society.
W1B-004-0.txt	Yaki, habibi, amigo, que ondas? I'm sick as the search for an attorney general (pretty sick, 'm?), but wide awake and listening to ridiculously romantic Chilean toonz on "my" state-of-the-art stereo, in "my" apartment. My beloved (you gotta love English words with written accents) lies sleeping peacefully beside me, but I'm still bug-eyed and thinking as fast as [insert anothe 'mbizarre governmental simile here]. [There was a break in the time-space continuum there, in case you didn't notice. I'm no longer listening to the Chilean music-- which, inci 'mntally, was not Chilean but Cuban! - - Ed. Note] If my throat weren't so infernally sore I'd do this letter on the 'done, but unfortunately paper is the best medium for those who wish to play mute. Gross. My beloved (shouldn't that be beloved?) is in REM phase but his right eye isn't all the way shut. Just thought I'd share with you... 'd> I am, I believe, one step away from acquiring my very own gorgeous apartment. Tomorrow I have to go meet the landlord. "If you don't have purple hair or leather beads," explained Realtor Jim, "she'll probably accept you," which of 'llrse would have prompted me to run out and buy a few boxes of RIT if I hadn't felt ready to crawl under my covers and hibernate (a reference to my cold, and not to landlord's apparent intolerance for avant-garde fashion). So I'll go see her tomorrow in profess 'llal drag, hand her the money for last month's rent, impress the hell outta her and promptly revert to my bizarre and slightly wild self when she hands me the keys. I'm excited. The apt. is in Fields' Corner, 'mme part of Dorchester I work in. Unfortunately, moving closer to work means moving farther away from my viaggiaphobic* friends, who probably will never visit me, but that's nothing new. I'll be closer to a bunch of Dorc 'llter politicos I've recently fallen in with. The biggest plus is, it's mine! By myself (with the frequent participation of my beloved, o'course)! No more house meetings! No more charts to figure out how many hours of cleaning, or repairs, or yard work, or sidewalk sweeping, or cooking, I "owe" to the house! I guess I could make my own charts. A friend of mine told me about someone they know who, suffering group house withdrawal, made herself a work chart when she arrived at her new place. She made it in the form of a wheel, and when guests came over she'd spin it for them, 'dsing, "Hmm, I wonder whose turn it is to take out the trash? Oh! Whaddyaknow! It's my turn!" And so on. Silly wretch. The bizarre artwork below is a creation by none other than yours truly, in case you had any doubts. The latest acquisition to my ever-increasing collection is the strange woman-with-cord one. I shall now write on another piece of paper, leaving this one temporarily blank. Do not fear. *fear of travel, from viaggere & phobia My beloved's eyelid has returned to normal, I'm glad to report. What a bloody weird letter. Evidence of recent exposure to more British stuff (Like The Buddha of Suburbia. It turned out to be an intriguing book but a decidedly realistic-and-thus-slightly-depressing one. One of those which ends the way the world will-- "not with a bang," etc. I still recommend it. Especially cos you - - or at least I-- find yourself wanting to imbue the protagonist with hero-like qualities, which are all shot to hell because he's pretty much a clueless bastard. It ignores the traditional and irritating expected roles of "good guys" and "bad guys" that, to my dismay, one still finds in novels. Sigh. Another great book I read, this actually is a "Great Book" in the Western scholar sense, was Pride & Prejudice - - I think I might've mentioned that. I'm impressed 'cos I had to realize (admit?)'mat them classics could actually Be worth reading. Except Ethan Frome and The Scarlet Letter still suck. Hey, wanna know another thing I'm looking forward to doing with the new a 'm. (Besides moving into it)? Creating, as much as possible, a new-plastics-free space. I don't want to buy any new plastic products if I can avoid it. That's a little difficult just in terms of lack of availability of bulk cleaning products, for example, but I'm determined. In fa 'm, I really want to buy used stuff as much as I can just on principle (besides being cost-effective). I want to prove it's possible to have a hot ap. without brand-new yuppy furnishings from Conran's or Crate & Barrel. One thing I've noticed already is that most 'vechen utensils sold in the budget stores are shrink-wrapped. It's so ludicrous! I can't see the advantage to it, except perhaps that having smaller items attached to cardboard means you can hang them on a pegboard for easy display. Still, they could do that and not shrink-wrap anything (which would only be a small improvement o'course). Personally, I'm for selling them out of bins. I bet it's a shoplifting prevention attempt. Grrrr. Have you heard anything from Pam recently? The woman is the only one I know whose love life has as many intriguing twists 'n' turns in it as mine. I miss her immensely. Some day before California becomes a submerged landmass, I shall move to SF and join her. (And you, if you're already there.) 're Did you and I ever have the "since I moved to the city my voice has gotten tougher" conversazione? I can't recall but I suspect we did, once. If not, I suggest it as a future topic. Oh, Yon, mah mahn'd's (innovati 'd apostrophe 'd') a-whirl an 'dah cain't sleep. I have so much of this pseudo-intellectual fake-ostentatiousness pent up inside of me right now. I have to admit that SF was the one place where I felt I could swing back into that very Oberlinian mode of conversation-- maybe because it was the first time I'd been almost 'dclusively with white folks my age again? I want to seek that stuff out, but around here the folks our age seem too fake to me - - too BU, too big hair. I'm sure it's a question of enviro 'ment, knowing where to look, but I'm frustrated. Please send me your comments about the social scene (yours, of course) in N.Y. I will now make a concerted effort to at least sleep a few hours. I didn't end up sleeping very much. I just got sicker and sicker, and less able to breathe as a result. So now it's the next day, or I guess it's night, and I napped so much I'm wide awake again. Sigh... At least this excellent Gershwin piece is on WBUR! Right now I feel like I can't get enough culture. I want to open my jaws so far that they come off their hinges, and swallow up as much art as I can! On my sickbed are the following items: one roll of TP, stationery collection, two stuffed animals (a purple brontosaurus and a sickly sweet-pink bear), one disgusting, overused handkerchief, information about a material aid caravan going to El Salvador, two letters from you, three from Brazil, and a couple others, yesterday's Globe (" US. Details 6-part plan to end war in Bosnia"), my journal, four books: cotton candy on a rainy day (N. Giovanni's poetry), Ratha & Thistle-Chaser (silly sci-fi/fantasy), All-Bright Court (by Connie Porter), The Joy Luck Club (Amy Tan), a sheet, two blankets and a poncho, three pillows, me. Just thought y'd like t' 'dow! And guess what else? - - I got MY OWN APARTMENT!!! The interview w/landlord turned out to be a cinch, even though I almost vomited on the train ride out there, I was so sick. More on dat in another letter! Love love love write soon bay-bee c ya Agitha Yo, You're probably th 'reing: What in the world??!! This woman didn't actually forget me??!! Or maybe: What?! This woman still exists?! Well, it's true, I haven't, and I do, and I feel compelled to say OF COURSE after each of those. I got so incredibly sad about not getting to meet with you before you left the continent (!) that I wasn't at all rational; if I had given it some serious thought, I suppose I could've managed to at 'vest call you before you left Saskatchewan, but you know me, I'll die bef 'll I control my emotions, and so the weeks passed and by now you're probably 'repily ensconced in Sri Lankan life once again.... (By the way, the run-on sentences are intentional. I try to write as I think these days. I understand that for linguistic purists like some of us (ahem, ahem) this may be a bit of a DRAG!) So, anyway, it is now October, exactly one week before your birthday. Odd, isn't it? Two years ago we were on our way to visit Nazeem in Amherst! That seems like it happened to someone else, not me. In fact, I'm at the point where a 'm of Oberlin seems like that. The experience is not so old to have faded from memory, but old enough to have lost a realistic quality. Part of that stems from the unbelievable lack of communication between myself and the hundreds of wonderful Obies I know. Amazing how once you're not all l 'reng in the same pissant little town, you find a million excuses for not writing or talking to each other. This has got to be The Saddest Thing that's happened to me since I've moved h 've, this trend of fabulous people falling out of my life. Since June of 1990, when I arrived in Boston, 15 (that's FIFTEEN) friends or would-be friends of mine have left for greener pastures. Some went to New York, some to San Fran, some were so disillusioned with the country that they left for Finland, or Italy, Taiwan via Bombay... It's been hard to stay optimistic in the wake of all these folks jumping ship. I myself would go, too, except that (a) I love my house, (b) I don't really have as much money as I'd lik 'dto yet, considering the type of travelling I want to do, and, most importantly, (c) I've been qu 'veioning how important it is for me to go. With respect to the last one there, I've decided 'ver the time being that I want to do some work here in my own country for a while, maybe even travel here, and THEN go somewhere else. Maybe I'm just putting 'mff going 'Cos I'm chicken, 'co 'mI don't feel strong enough yet. Maybe five years from now I'll sti 'llbe sitting here in the same computer room (we have no use for a dining room, but we have a computer room!)-- who knows. At this brief moment in time it feels right to say that those are my plans. (Give me two hours and I'll pro 'llly have something different to say.) Whew, what a paragraph. I remember in grade school they used to teach us that a paragraph was only three sentences long. Ha! Did I tell you I'm teaching s 'mll? Last we talked I had gotten a month-long shot at teaching at Mujeres Unidas, right? Well, they asked me to stay and teach the intermediate class this semester! I was thrilled, to say the least (considering that if they hadn't I'd've 'den 'veemployed). Of course, teaching an entire semester has been twenty times harder than teaching less than four weeks' worth, but it's also been rewarding. For example, I can actually develop themes over a long period of time, where in July we just sampled them. Thus, this summer we talked about housing issues; slang to use when you're r 'rentically/sexually interested in someone; welfare; stereotyping of Latinos; women and work; neighborhood safety, and a wealth of other short topics. But this time around I've st 'vetured the class around forms of discrimination. Each unit has focussed on a different type: mostly we've ta 'ved about racism, but right now we're t 'reing about sexual harassment (as the events in this country's Senate make it quite a propros). It's exciting to say that I can actually do this! And the women that I teach are wonderful, so we've 'veen able to create an atmosphere where they feel free to talk, and even I don't feel embarassed to bring up my own race and discuss issues that might develop from that (" teacher = position of power" stereotypes). I'm 'mrd-pressed to put into words all that this class means to me. It's not just a useful early teaching experience or a new group of friends. It's a myriad of opportunities for growth, and I can feel that growth happening (although it's never fast enough! I get so impatient with myself!). Pretty exciting, eh? I 'm listening to a song that always makes me think of Juan Santos, that guy who stole my heart shortly after I pieced what was left of it back together after the Vik fiasco.
W2A-029-2.txt	Food items in stomachs were identified to the lowest practical taxon and counted under a dissecting microscope. The individual prey items were blotted dry and weighed to the nearest milligram. Typically, crustaceans were identified to genus or family and insects to family or order. Fish were identified to species or genus and measured (fork length) to the nearest millimeter. Partly digested fishes often were identified by their bone morphology, as determined from a reference collection (Hansel et al. 1988) when length could not be measured directly because of digestion, we estimated it from standard or nape-to-tail lengths or bone lengths (Hansel et al. 1988) with regression equations developed from whole specimens. Partly digested fish remains from more than one prey fish species were weighed together and apportioned to each species on the basis of the extrapolated sizes of whole fish. When we could not estimate the relative sizes of each prey fish, we divided the total weight of the parts equally among fish in the stomach. Parasites, non-food items, and unidentified materials were ignored in dietary calculations. To determine if northern squawfish were feeding selectively on certain sizes of juvenile salmonids, we compared the length frequencies of juvenile salmonids in the digestive tracts of northern squawfish to length frequencies of those available in the environment during the same days predators were collected near the dam. Length data on salmonids from the environment were obtained from smolt samples at the McNary Dam collection facility (Paul Wagner, Washington Department of Fisheries, unpublished data); these data were continuous but grouped, because smolts were sorted into groups by 10-mm increments and individual measurements were not available. The length-frequency distributions were tested for independence with the Kolmogorov-Smirnov goodness of fit test for continuous, group data (Zar 1984). Lengths of juvenile salmonids were pooled for all years by month because length distributions did not vary significantly among years.
W2B-001-0.txt	I've attended 'vee religious services in the two years since moving to New Orleans than in the previous dozen years. Part of this is sociological: It's far easier to be a lapsed Catholic in my native Midwest than m New Orleans, where religious influences pervade da'lly life 'll promote group participation - or, failing that, sheer guilt. But sheer aesthetics have a lot to do with my recent spate of free-agent pew-warming. From historic to modem, from A.M.E. to Zen, New Orleans teems with interesting churches and temples, the art and architecture ofwhich could easily fill a year's worth of New Orleans magazines from cover to cover. Besides the opportunity to view museum-quality art in the form of paintings, tapestry, mosaics, frescoes and statuary, random church attendance provides a Cliff Notes-style introduction to both the history and current state of the city's many neighborhoods. (Does the congregation sing heartily, or are somber, spoken responses the order of the day? Are there enough kids in the area to provide a steady stream of altar boys and girls? Or are the pews sparsely dotted with older worshippers, even during the major service of the week?) Based on personal treks and the input of local art and architecture experts, I've creat 'vea list of some visually rich worship sites - not necessarily "the best" by any stretch; just a selection of interesting structures. They can be grimly Gothic or illuminated havens. Some churches are amazing exercises in aesthetic excess. Other spaces are starkly beautiful, demonstrating that simple restraint from renovation run amok can outclass all the resources of the most moneyed congregation. Some have undergone well-executed restorations; many more are scarred by time or the elements, yet are all the more beautiful for having weathered the storms of the past. Visit these houses of worship and see for yourself. Many churches and temples even offer informational brochures to introduce visitors to their art and But remember that these are religious institutions, not tourist attractions. If you attend services, show respect by dressing appropriately, arriving on time and staying through the end. Bring a few bucks for the collection plate. One last note: No matter how lovely the surroundings, don't take pictures during a religious service. At one church I recently visited, several camera-toting tourists walked right up to the altar and took flash pictures in the middle of Mass. (Holy Hasselblad! Miss Manners, where are you?) Christ Church 2919 St. Charles Ave.(at Sixth), 895-6602. Services: Sun, 7:30, 9 & 11 a.m. Built in 1886, this building is the fourth for the Christ Church congregation, established in New Orleans in 1805. It was designed in Gothic Revival style by Lawrence Valk of New York. The chapel of matching design was added in 1889. Stained-glass windows, mostly of American or English make, abound. Those above the choir depict archangels, while glass-work in the nave area includes scenes of the Transfiguration and the Resurrection. The oldest glassworks in the cathedral, a trio of lancet windows salvaged from the third church building, were created by Alphonse Friedrick & Co., Brooklyn, N.Y., in 1873. The grand nativity window over the front door was made by Burnham of Boston in 1953. The tabernacle in the chapel is an oak-and-silver-medal-lion design created by artist Enrique Alferez, who also carved the chapel reredos and credence table. Corpus Christi Church 2022 St. Bemard Ave., 9458931. Services: weekdays, 7 a.m.; Tues, 5 p.m.; Sat, 4 p.m.; Sun, 8& 10 a.m. & 12:15 p.m. Once the largest black Catholic parish in the country, Corpus Christi was one of ihe first black parishes in New Orleans, founded in 1916. The third and present church building, finished in 1933, was designed by local architect Louis Charbonnet in the Spanish style. The main altar of pink granite features a cement-castwork cupola and side windows. Mosaic decals rim the altar's base. Look up, and you'll see 'llny of the same multicolored symbols stenciled on the wooden ceiling. The statue of Christ the Sacred Heart, to the right of the altar, was carried over from the second church building. Note the headdress of, the Blessed Mother statue: It is said to be fashioned in the style once required. of quadroon or octoroon women in New Orleans. Stained glass is simple and striking: religious medallions set in panes of clear glass. Greek Orthodox Cathedral of the Holy Trinity 1200 Robert E. Lee'Blvd., 282-0259. Service: Sun, 10 a.m. This 1985 structure houses one of the oldest congregations in New Orleans: Its origins are in Mid-City, where it opened in 1864 as the first Greek Orthodox church in the nation. Inside, the modern style of the American-made stained glass echoes the clean lines of the building itself. The nativity is mosaic. Holy Name of Jesus 6363 St. Charles Ave., 865-7430. Services: Sat, 4:30 p.m.; Sun, 7:30, 9 & 10:30 a.m., 6 p.m. Holy Name of Jesus, designed by local architect Rathbone de Buys and built in 1918, features a Tudor Gothic design and the only true flying buttresses in town. Windows created by John Morgan & Sons of New York date from 1917, while those made by Emile Frei of Germany were made in the 1920s. The five windows above the altar feature the Virgin 'Mary. The white-marble altar and speaker's pulpit are elegant works. The seven carved-marble steps leading up to the pulpit symbolize the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit. The 12 Gothic arches on the pulpit represent the 12 apostles and match the arches of the church's interior as well as the arches on the communion rail. Immaculate Conception (Jesuit Church) 130 Baronne St., 529-1477. Services: Weekdays, 7:30 a.m. & noon; Sat, noon & 4 p.m.; Sun, 8, 9:30 & 11 a.m., 7 p.m. Father John Cambiaso, who'd l 'ded in Spain and admired Moorish architecture, designed the original Immaculate Conception building, built in 1851. In 1925, the structure was damaged beyond repair by pile-driving on the construction site of the Pete Marquette building. After its demolition, a new church in the same style was built in 1930. The altar, pews, columns and cupola were salvaged from the old church. The bronze doors weigh 1,500 pounds apiece and are decorated with a Moorish design. The golden altar, designed by James Freret and built in Lyons, France, took first prize in the Pads Exposition of 1867-68. The elaborate cast-iron pews incorporate Scripture symbols. The stained-glass windows depict the early history of the Society of Jesus, 36 saints, the life of Mary, and various religious symbols. The stations of the cross are also made from stained glass and were created by Martin and Cahier, two Jesuit archaeologists. Rose windows at the back of the church feature Christ and Mary. Madonna Manor & Hope Haven Homes 1101 Barataria Blvd., Marrero; 347-5581. Note: This is a private educational facility. Call for information about visiting. The story behind these distinctive West Bank landmarks: Hope Haven was established as a home and trade school for teenage boys of all religions in 1925 by Monsignor Peter Wynhoven, whose parish was most of the West Bank. With Mission Revival overtones, Hope Haven has few embellishments - twisted columns and sculptured grotesques. Across the street, Madonna Manor was established as a home for younger boys and girls in 1932 and operated by the School Sisters of Notre Dame. Spanish Colonial Revival features in this trio of buildings include red-tile roofs, plastered walls, arcades with arches, ironwork and Baroque decoration. Myra Clare Rogers Memorial Chapel Tulane University campus, Broadway at Oak. Catholic Mass. Sat, 5 p.m.; Sun, 9 & 11:30 a.m.; 5 & 8 p.m. Lutheran service.' Sun, 10:30 a.m. The only large liturgical Tiffany windows currently on display in New Orleans are at this chapel named for a Tulane Latin professor. First built on the Washington Avenue campus of Newcomb College in 1894, it was torn down when that campus was sold. Its contents, including the rose window and a set of hand-carved cypress angels, were stored in an attic at Newcomb. When space became tight, they were moved to the basement and then to the old Sugar Bowl, where it's said the only remaining angel was found beneath the bleachers. That angel, along with five Tiffany windows - all made at the Tiffany studio in New York City and notable for colors created from multilayered glass - are now on display. Our Lady of the Rosary 3368 Esplanade Ave., 4882659. Services: weekdays, 7 a.m. & 5:30 p.m.; Sat, 3 & 4:30 p.m.; Sun, 8, 10 & 11:30 a.m. Designed by local architect Rathbone de Buys and completed in 1925, Our Lady of the Rosary is well known for its copper dome and colonnade. The dome windows depict the saints; inside the dome itself, the center painting of a complex mural depicts the Blessed V'lrgin holding Jesus and reaching out to give a rosary to St. Dominic. To the left and right of the sanctuary are the Blessed Virgin altar and St. Joseph altar, each in marble, as is the sanctuary altar, whose three gold mosaic cupolas lend a regal air. At the base of the main altar is a copy of Leonardo da Vinci's Last Supper, carved in high relief. Above the front door is another lovely carving of Our Lady of the Holy Rosary with St. Dominic to her right and St. Catherine of Siena to her left. Our Lady Star of the Sea 1835 St. Roch Ave. (at North Prieur), 944-0166. Services: Sat, 3 p.m.; Sun, 8 & 10:30 a.m. Completed c. 1927 and using the Byzantine concept of open space, Our Lady Star of the Sea combines Romanesque Revival architecture with other styles. Elaborate stone carvings curve above the golden doors. Inside, a tiled and domed ceiling looms high above parishioners. Soft tints of color lend a fresco quality to engravings of the apostles over the altar, imparting a soft, golden glow. Color-drenched German windows in blue tones grace the side walls. These were made by Emile Frei, while those flanking the front door were made by the German studio of Franz Mayer. One of the Mayer windows is most unusual in that it depicts a scene from recent history: Pope Pius XI and the first radio broadcast from the Vatican in 1931. Guglielmo Marconi's even looking over his shoulder. Rayne Memorial United Methodist Church 3900 St. Charles Ave. (at Gep. Taylor), 899-3431. Services: Sun, 8:45 (chapel)& 11 a.m. (sanctuary) This Gothic Revival church designed by German architect Charles Lewis Hillget dates from 1875 and is noted for intricate brickwork. A storm in 1915 caused $20,000 in damages to the interior. During renovation, stained glass was installed in place of pale-blue washed windows. St. Alphonsus Art and Cultural Center 2045 Constance St., 524-8116.Hours: Thurs & Sat, 10 a.m.- 2 p.m. Recently awarded long-sought National Historic Landmark status, this 1857 Italianate brick structure has not operated as a church for 20 years. The Friends of St. Alphonsus group opens the building to the public two days a week, however, so that all may enjoy its treasures. The church, designed by Louis L. Long, was modeled on another of his creations, the Jesuit church in Baltimore. A Roman Baroque interior features ceiling frescoes painted by Dominique Casanova. Above the altar hangs a painting by Austrian artist Franz von Rohden. The upper-level stained-glass windows were created by EX. Zettler and Co. of Munich. The lower tier of windows are American made and are inset with faux iewels in the Tiffany design. St. Augustine Church 1210 Gov. Nicholls (at St. Claude), 525-5934. Services: Tue/Wed/Fri, 7:30 a.m.; Thurs, 5:30 p.m.; Sat, 4 p.m.; Sun, 10 a.m. Built in 1841-42, this Treme landmark was designed in Greek Revival style by J.N.B. de Poufily. One of the oldest surviving churches in the city, the original congregation consisted of Creoles and free people of color. Windows of saints on the side walls, made by Emile Frei of Germany, were donated by the French-speaking congregation during a 1926 renovation. The worship space is headed up by a traditional altar and accented by Corinthian columns. By contrast, a broad, lacquered tree-trunk set in the middle of the church and circled by pews serves as a focal point for today's largely black parish.
W1A-012-0.txt	Sociology M153: Chinese Immigration, Final Exam 1) Due to the exclusion acts set against Chinese immigrants throughout the 19th and 20th century, Chinese parents feel that their children will suffer from the same discrimination they experienced upon arriving to the United States. Therefore, the parents "soon discovered that being Chinese was a liability. Parents saw it in their own lives, and they foresaw it for their children. Their hope was that education would blunt the edge of discrimination for the next generation" (Louie 57). With the fear of the glass ceiling effect, which is the belief that Chinese immigrants would not be able to obtain higher positions in their employment due to their race or social class, Chinese parents place intense pressure on their children to succeed in the educational setting through familial and cultural pressure. In turn, this presents the Chinese people as the model minority in the United States. In Chinese culture, they tend to follow Confucius values, which place emphasis on the relationship between the individual and society, reverence for the family and elders, hard work, and knowing one's place in their family, community, and society (Zhou, lecture 5 and 8). With the focus on filial piety, a child must have respect and complete obedience to their parents, creating a strict, disciplined and pressure-filled household. Thus, a child?s "educational success is very much tied to face-saving for the traditional Chinese family" (" Chinese Schools" 3). Since children must obey their parents, they are under significant pressure to succeed educationally, because it acts as a duty and obligation to the family as opposed to individual achievement. For parents, they realize that their children may be limited in a structural sense, such as through limited family wealth, lack of available social networks that connect to the American economy, and barriers to employment through racial stereotypes and discrimination (ibid). Also, parents also take advantage of the American educational system by "parachuting" their children, in which they send their children at a young age to the United States to live with relatives in order to receive a better education and obtain better jobs as they grow older" (" Parachute" 1). The pressure instilled through Chinese parents causes most of the children to succeed for their parents so that they can justify the hardships their parents endured through their immigration experience. Simultaneously, it also may cause some children to rebel and have negative relationships with their parents. As Chinese immigrants began to enter the United States during the time of exclusion, they created Chinatowns, originally known as "bachelor societies," which are ethnic communities located in inner cities that provided social networks for immigrants. In Chinatown, Chinese schools were created to "preserve language and cultural heritage in the second and succeeding generations" (" Chinese Schools" 4). Once exclusion ceased and Chinese immigrants began to reside in suburbs, Chinese schools became nonprofit ethnic organizations, which acted as supplementary education that children attended alongside their American education. At the schools, they incorporate Chinese education while helping with standardized test preparation, such as the SAT, offering "a more comprehensive, well-rounded curriculum" (" Chinese Schools" 9). With expected parental involvement, the schools? main goal is to help immigrant children succeed in American public schools to attend prestigious higher education and secure a decent living through high-status professional jobs. Through the pressure from Chinese parents and an intense educational system, Chinese children have been succeeding in schools, attending prestigious universities, and obtaining high-level jobs. Consequently, this had formed Asian Americans as a model minority, which supports the conservative concept of the American Dream and presents the idea that minorities can succeed in the United States despite legal and social hardships. Because the Chinese were historically discriminated against in the past, the fact that they are successful justifies the idea that the American system is devoid of racism, which de-legitimizes other minorities' struggles. In reality, many cultural and structural factors contribute to Asian American's success. 2) When Chinese exclusion first occurred in 1882, ethnic communities like Chinatowns acted as a social network for Chinese immigrants, where family, merchant, and district associations formed, connecting immigrants from the same region and with the same dialect to help them situate more comfortably in the United States. In contemporary societies, the ethnic communities have transformed as Chinese immigrants are entering the United States with higher education and children are having greater access to Chinese schools, which increase their chances of obtaining higher education, causing a flux of movement into suburbs rather than Chinatowns. Thus, the organizations have focused more on settlement and assimilation, providing resources for the Chinese community, which in turn receives aid from ethnic entrepreneurship. A feeling of ethnic solidarity formed from exclusion through the ethnic communities, which provide employment opportunities for immigrants lacking human capital, such as English-speaking skills, job experience, and employment networks to the mainstream economy (" Paradox of Ethnicization" 246). For instance, for Chinese women immigrating to the United States lacking a proficiency in English and job skills, ethnic communities offer employment opportunities in the garment industry since it requires little experience, English-speaking, and enables her to contribute financially to the family as well as attend to her household obligations. Consequently, Chinatowns are "considered an alternative path to social mobility" (" Other Half" 16). Also, ethnic communities strengthen networks and create community organization opportunities for immigrants (" Paradox of Ethnicization" 239). For example, non-profit organizations run by educated immigrants or the children of immigrants provide a variety of services such as English classes, job training centers, health clinics, welfare and housing agencies, and daycare. Thus, the leaders of the organizations "are more concerned with interethnic relations, citizen and immigrant rights, equality, and the general well-being of the community" (" Paradox of Ethnicization 241). Correspondingly, these support networks and groups are more focused on assimilation rather than segregation from the mainstream society. The ethnic communities act as a place of resources, tangible and intangible, for Chinese immigrants. With many immigrants attempting to have upward social mobility, they are more likely to run their own businesses, which contributes to an "ethnic group's maintenance of'a controlling ownership stake'" (" Immigrant Entrepreneurship" 2). Not only do self-run businesses contribute to the overall economy and self-sufficiency of the ethnic communities but they also provide employment opportunities for Chinese immigrants, especially those who do not have the skills or speaking ability to enter the mainstream work force. This organizational support offers social capital for immigrants, providing "a dense network of secondary associations, trust, and norms in creating and sustaining a sense of civic community" (" Community Transformation" 2). Economically, the employment opportunities could cultivate a sense of entrepreneurial spirit, preparing workers to eventually start their own businesses despite their socioeconomic status. By increasing their financial capital, ethnic communities aid in moving immigrants out of Chinatowns to affluent suburbs. As the economy arises, so does the ethnic community as a whole, which represents a labor market focused on services and ethnic-specific goods that are only accessible to the community. Ethnic entrepreneurs, who are simultaneously owners and managers of their own businesses and tied to a common cultural heritage realized by out-group members, fulfill the immigrant dream of owning their own business, which in turn helps them acquire their other dream of owning a house. Whether they are middleman minorities (entrepreneurs who trade in between a society's elite and the masses) or ethnic-enclave entrepreneurs (those bounded by co-ethnicity, co-ethnic social structures, and location), ethnic entrepreneurs provide a variety of benefits for Chinese immigrants, such as offering employment for those suffering from discrimination in the mainstream workforce, allowing for workers to receive more pay through working longer hours, helping women balance labor and familial obligations, and creating the sense of easier attainment of job opportunities (" Immigrant Entrepreneurship"). In effect, ethnic communities set the stage for entrepreneurs and immigrants to mutually benefit from one another, making the communities an ideal place for assimilation into the mainstream economy. 3) For both Phillip Guo and Eric Liu, their ethnic identities were shaped by the way others viewed them in American society and the differences that emerged when they were compared to people belonging to other racial categories. With two different backgrounds, Guo and Liu experienced their identity when they interacted with others in different settings, realizing that historical stereotypes against Chinese immigrants plague all Asian Americans in present day. As a Chinese-born immigrant, Guo was constantly immigrating to various countries and states throughout his childhood, such as to Switzerland, Louisiana, New York, and California. In each area, he always experienced the feeling of being the only or one of the few Asian Americans in the group. Additionally, he felt that Americans often classified people under umbrellas of racial categories, stating that "Americans use the term white to describe people from a white variety of European ancestries" (Guo 32); as such, the same is applied to Asian Americans as well. Upon immigrating to the United States, he soon found that the labeling of Americans as white played a significant part in the labeling of his own identity. While attending elementary school in Louisiana, Guo discovered that he "was branded as white simply because [he] was told to be white by a non-white person. [And for him], becoming American meant becoming white" (Guo 110). Consequently, he grew accustomed to masking the traits that made him different from his friends in order to allow him to fit in with his friends. Additionally, he felt that certain ideas, such as a stay-at-home mother and attending religious services on Sundays, would make him "more American." Since he did not have such traits, he realized that he "could never be white since [he] was not born that way" (Guo 67). Although his childhood friends always made him feel welcome, Guo knew he was different and did not like himself for it; these feelings unfortunately stemmed from the identity created through his interactions and labeling by others. As a second generation Chinese immigrant, Eric Liu realizes the situational aspect of his identity, knowing that his identity as a Chinese person depends on the context in which he is placed. For him, context plays a large role in how Chinese people are viewed, and he understands that historical stereotypes affect how people categorize him. Similar to Guo's experience of categorization, Liu hypothesizes, "Maybe we're ha 'reired to sort by groups" (Liu 170). Similarly, he admits that his "Asian American identity was born [just as he was], roughly thirty years ago" (Liu 57), suggesting that identities are alive in America and shape people as soon as they are born. Although he was always proud to be linked to the great Chinese civilization and never felt the difference between being Chinese and American, he felt the difficulties of growing up Chinese American in his looks, love-life, and manners. Accordingly, as a middle-class, suburban resident, he certainly saw the differences between himself and those who resided in Chinatown, which connected him more so to his American identity than to his Chinese identity. Hence, there was a significant conflict in Liu's life between his Chinese and American realms, despite his feeling of connectedness between the two, because of the way society portrays the two realms. Through this conflict, Liu is described as a "banana," in which he is Chinese on the outside and white on the inside, supporting the fact that "some are born white, others achieve whiteness, [and] still others have whiteness thrust upon them" (Liu 34-35). With Guo and Liu's experiences and thoughts on what it means to be white, they have found that their identities are shaped with their comparison to what society classifies as white. However, with racial diversity continually expanding in the United States and perceptions constantly changing in people's minds, there is the feeling that "America is white no longer, and it will never be white again" (Liu 56). 4) For Chinese immigrants, obtaining citizenship in the United States has always been a difficult feat due to exclusion laws and discrimination. Numerous traits can be attributed to being labeled a US citizen, such as having the right to vote, serve on a jury, or being able to run for public office. However, citizenship also entails the possession of basic civil rights, which are more specific than human rights and are "the rights that are bestowed by nations on those within their territorial boundaries" (Zhou, lecture 10). Nonetheless, possessing membership in the United States is quite different from citizenship, revealing a difference between being and belonging in the country. To be a member is more inclusive, in which one feels that they are accepted by the host country and not just a physical presence with a sense of existence in the world. With the divide between citizenship and membership, Chinese immigrants suffer intense scrutiny because of their race and the past perceptions of the "yellow peril" and "unassimilated alien." Accordingly, Wen Ho Lee's case of espionage presents a concrete example of the discrimination and separation one experiences when a negative light is shone on Asian people in the United States. When US-China relations become negative, all Asian Americans become a target, because two out of three Americans feel negatively towards Chinese Americans (Lee 330). Furthermore, there was no statistical difference with how Americans viewed Chinese Americans and other Asian Americans in a survey, revealing that people tend to group all Asian Americans together in their minds (ibid). For Wen Ho Lee, a naturalized US citizen and Taiwanese man charged for mishandling sensitive information, the government targeted him when China apparently obtained US information on nuclear weapons. Although Lee was Taiwanese, he was immediately viewed as Chinese and thus the only suspect in the case. As an American citizen, he should have been protected by the rights of the Constitution, but he was treated quite harshly by the government, causing Lee to state, "They should have treated me more like a human being instead of just some Chinese dog or cat whose life and reputation means nothing" (Lee 322). Therefore, there is a paradox to assimilation with Chinese Americans being viewed as the model minority and "perpetual foreigner," plaguing them as disloyal and dating back to the days of stereotypes such as the "yellow peril" and "Fu Manchu," which mold Chinese people as scary, dangerous, and a threat to the American way of life (" Rethinking Assimilation" 13). Because China and the United States have constantly had conflicts in the past and one's racial group status does affect the status of the individual, all Asian Americans realize that they become a target of negative perceptions when relations become sour in the United States. The question of whether Lee would have been accused so quickly and harshly if he were not Chinese resonates quite strongly in the air. According to Lee, his situation made him feel that his American Dream disappeared (328). However, he learned one important idea that he strongly shares with all Asian Americans around the country, which is that "Chinese American and Asian American people have to stand up" (Lee 329). For Eric Liu, a self-proclaimed Chinese American, he feels a sense of paranoia when negative stereotypes and perceptions of Chinese arise, realizing that if he were placed in a suspecting setting, such as the White House, during a national security breach, he may very well be a target for social execution and scrutiny (Liu 120). When the Chinese immigrated to the United States, they experienced discrimination, but with dreams of bringing glory to their family name and sending money to their families back home, they never believed they would have to be involved in politics. Unfortunately, there is a significant divide between a Chinese immigrant's sense of belonging and being to a county just as there is between citizenship and membership to the United States, which highlights the negative mindset many American possess psychologically toward China.
W1B-008-0.txt	19 July 90 Hi Ann! How's life! How is your summer going! Mine is going well. I'm working in the college archives again. It's not the most exciting job in the world, but it keeps me out of trouble. My last day of work is 3 August. I'm probably heading home on the 9th or 10th. < 'mE-USA:W1B-008#8:1> Then I'm off to Iowa City. Yes 'mfolks, Iowa City. The University of Iowa has kindly offered me a healthy stipend so that I can pursue a PhD in mathematics. Aren't they sweet! I'm planning on leaving Buffalo (well, Holland)'mn the 14th, staying with a friend in Indianapolis, and getting to Iowa on the 15th. I get to make this trip all by myself with only an AM radio for company. Sounds fun doesn't it! Now for the really exciting part. I talked to Michael the other day. We're going to try to get together some 'ree between the 3rd and 9th depending on when he can get time off. (He's in Portsmouth, NH) If anyone else is in the Boston area (or New England for that matter) and would like to join us, please contact one of us a.s.a.p. I can be reached at [- - - ]. My home phone is [- - - ]. If you have to leave a message at home, tell them it's urgent, important, etc. Otherwise I won't get it till 2 weeks later. Michael can be reached at [- - - ] 27 July 90 Dear Ann, Hi! I know, I saw you less than 24 hours ago and yet I'm writing. I have s 'mmany thoughts, impressions, etc. going through my mind on the whole experience. It was amazing, fun, unbelievable. And I want to do it over and over and over again. I'm not very good at putting my thoughts on p 'mer, so this letter may be quite rambly. It's funny: I need to share what's in my head and even though it's pleasant I'm having a hard time. You are one of the few people who knows the whole scoop between Marc and me. Very few people are curious and those who are often don't understand. What's the big deal they ask. So what if he's Jewish and your not! It's a whole different way of thinking about life for one. There's a clash of traditions. There's a major difference in what to believe and how to raise children. It's a big problem. It's hard being so attached to someone and knowing it's in your best interests to break up. I'd like to meet Sh 'dna. I'm still a bit amazed that Micha 'm, yes our Michael, is getting married. Aaahhh! Too many of my friends are doing the big M lately. I'm still amused with your reacti 'm to michael's announcement. Maybe subconciously from our phone calls I'd realized that 'dptial plans were in the making, but I really wasn't surprised. I think Shayna must be one very special woman if Michael is thinking of marrying her so soon. I do want to meet her. All day yesterday Michael kept reminding of Maurice from the Newhart Show. I couldn't put my finger on who he was reminding me of until he put his glasses on. Then the resemblance was painfully obvious. I'm not sure if it was his mann 'misms or what, but I was "seeing" Maurice occassionally. I hope it wasn't obvious yesterday how much I still... like! Michael (Not the right word but close enough I guess) I was interested in him 5 years ago and all of it came flooding back upon seeing him. He's such an interesting, fun, intelligent, caring person in a world of "ASSHOLES". I'm sure you know his virtues, 'mo I won't go on. I'm trying to keep everything 'm check so I don't lose a good friend just because I can't act like a reasonable human being around him. Of course you're the only person 'ree told this to. I don't want to be a pain in the butt to anyone involved, but I had to tell someone who knew us both and who would understand. What do you do when you're mind keeps remin 'reg you of how well the person in front of you kisses! (rhetorical question) It's a good thing I'm able to laugh at all 'mof this. (P.S. I realized 5 yrs ago that nothing would ever happen between us, so...) Anyway, other things about yesterday... Do you realize that if I stay in mathematics and don't go into academia I'm probably going to end 'm working for the gov't in some way, shape or form! I'm not going to do actuar 'ml or accounting stuff (computers are out) which means unless I find something else to do in business (not math), whatever I'm doing will receive fun 'mng either directly or indirectly from the gov't. Sad but true. I could always become a professional archivist, I suppose... (This is true for most scientists outside the medical field.) Last night I stayed at Tracy's. We stayed up for a while talking and we talked for a bit this morning before I left. She really sounds like she's got her act together. She knows what she wants to do and why she wants to do it. Michael seems to know what he's doing as well. Ok, so he has many options, but he knows what they are and any one of them would be the right choice for him. (I talk in cliches a lot, don't I!) You seem to have a pretty good idea of what you enjoy doing as well. The impression I have is that you enjoy your job immensely. I have a feeling that you'll always be 'llvolved with the cultural scene in some way. You love it too much to get out of it. I'm totally confused. 'mICE-USA:W1B-008#80:1> I like doing math, but I'm seriously doubting 'mf grad school was the right choice for me. I'm scared about the w 'mle idea. And why the hell am I moving to Iowa!! Almost all of my friends are on the East Coast. Up until April I was still debating between archives and math grad school. I've been accepted 've SUNY Albany for archives school and I deferred for a year just in case I change my mind. I have no idea what I would do if I had to find a real job. Ack! Want to hear something funny! One of the things that scares me most about grad school is that if I can survive mathematically, I have to learn either German or Russian. I can read French and Portuguese with the help of a dictionary for the most part. I can't speak either of them. I may never be able to speak another language comfortably. It has something to do with my brain processes but I'm not sure exact 'm what. It sucks! Hey! You should be impressed. This is the longest letter I've written in ag 've I hope your visit with J. goes well. I'm envious, you kno 'm I hope the Thanksgiving thing happens. Tracy's going to Florida with her parents, so she won't be able to come. As long as I know by the end of October, I should be able to make it. (This is for fare reasons (plane, train).) The more I thought about it the more I realized that I probably couldn't convince my parents to put us all up. You know, I had so much fun yesterday. You guys are a wonderful bunch of people. I'm very lucky to h 'me you as friends. I just want to make sure I see and/or talk to you more often in the future. I don't want another five years to go by before we regroup again. Are you going to write to AFS NY! Do you want me to do this! I definitely think this is worth sending in, esp. The part about eating Brazilian. How did you ever find that place anyway! My pictures will be back by Wednesday at the latest. I'll send cop 'll of course. Yeah! I'm going to find 'mplace of honor for these photos. Please send/give me copies of your photos too. I'll reimburs 'llou for them. I couldn't stop bouncing off the walls at work this afternoon. I was still in such a good mood from seeing you. When we were having dinner last night, I felt like a scene right out of St Elmo's Fire or some similar reunion-theme movie. It was really bizarre to see myself in a situation that I normally see as happening to people when they're older. 'reCE-USA:W1B-008#120:1> (Did that make sense! Simply, I felt old) I feel much closer to you now than when we first met. I learned more about you, michael, and Tracy yesterday than I did when we were in Brasil I think. Strange how that worked out. Well, Ann, I have company and must go. I will try to see you before I leave. Please keep in touch and feel free to come visit in Iowa. Best wishes, Beijos, Wendy P.S.I want to know what's happening and Happening in your life, ok!
W2C-006-3.txt	Supporters see tax relief Supporters of the agreement said they liked the fact that it guarantees the city a 50-50 split of potential naming-rights revenues and commits the Packers to selling naming rights if a deal worth at least $120 million is obtained. " Three weeks ago we had zero dollars (from naming rights)," Alderman Daniel Haefs said. "When I met with the Packers they were very adamant that this was not going to be on the table. But it's my conclusion that renaming Lambeau Field is going to get done whether we are going to do it with the Packers or they were going to do it themselves." The city's proceeds could be used to help pay off the stadium project debt more quickly, Haefs said. Opponents wanted more Opponents said they were wary of whether naming rights would ever be sold because they anticipate the Packers would launch a campaign not to sell naming rights. How they voted The Green Bay City Council voted 8-4 in favor of a naming-rights and maintenance agreement for a renovated Lambeau Field. Aldermen voting yes: Ron Antonneau, Eugene Schmitz, Darlene Marcelle, Anthony Theisen, Daniel Haefs, Jane Hansen, Tim Hinkfuss, Kathy Johnson. Aldermen voting no: Gary Kriescher, Beth Zeise, Guy Zima, Linda Queoff. Alderman Guy Zima led the charge on the council floor to reject the agreement and seek a better one, even if that meant postponing a vote on the stadium sales tax until February. Zima argued the council shouldn't be satisfied with a 50-50 split on naming rights. " You really may have done your best, but your best isn't good enough as far as I'm 'moncerned," Zima told Mayor Paul Jadin, who represented the city in negotiations with the Packers. "The Packers should commit to using their naming rights revenues to pay down the debt." But Alderman Eugene Schmitz scoffed at Zima's proposal that the city should be entitled to all of the naming-rights revenues. "I don't think that this council would get 50 cents if we named it ourselves. Who would buy it from us? We 've got nothing to sell. We need the Packers on our side." Alderman Gary Kriescher said he doesn't think the Packers will live up to the agreement. He said he was upset that the deal didn't provide the city more than 50 percent of naming rights revenue. Other objections Even those who spoke in favor of it said they weren't happy with all aspects of the plan. Council President Kathy Johnson said she hoped she was representing the interests of her far-west-side constituents by voting yes. " I don't think what we have is a perfect situation, but we don't live in a perfect world," she said. Two of the votes against the agreement came from new members of the council, Linda Queoff and Beth Zeise. " I 'm a huge Packer fan and I want this to go to the voters, but I am not persuaded that this agreement is in the best interests of the city of Green Bay," Queoff said. She questioned the lack of an arbitration clause in case the Packers and city reach a point where they are at odds over interpreting the language in the pact. Zeise raised questions about whether the Packers would support informing taxpayers about the potential savings of a naming rights deal. Zima agreed, predicting the team would be "fanning the flames of tradition" in a bid to retain the name. Jadin disagreed. "Are you telling me the Green Bay Packers don't want $60 million? We want it for taxpayers, and the Packers want it for player salaries."
W2D-016-0.txt	How to Design a Garden with Native Plants A properly designed native garden looks like a formal park or clean, weed free, native ecosystem. This has been very consistent whether the garden, restoration, or landscape is in Mojave, Los Angeles, San Diego, Bakersfield, San Luis Obispo, the Sierras or the Bay area. The hummingbirds, butterflies, and other small wildlife will love your garden! A native garden is atwitter with the sound of hummingbirds, birds, butterflies and other native insects. This is astounding to people who have a conventional 'hummingbird' garden. A few drunk hummingbirds at a feeder do not make a hummingbird garden. Thirty or so buzzing all over your landscape, telling you off for picking flowers, now that's a hummingbird garden! If you wish to attempt the landscape design yourself, you can get a list of plants that will grow in your yard from our plant picker. If you can sketch a drawing of your yard with the plants listed out for each section, we'll be 'llppy to help sort out or correct the plant list. In the past 30 years we have provided horticultural and landscape consultation to landscape contractors, landscape architects, landscape designers, botanic gardens, homeowners, and others interested in landscaping. Las Pilitas was started in 1974 in San Luis Obispo specializing in native gardens and in plants utilized by native Californians. You can use us to help you design wildlife gardens (birds and butterflies), California herb gardens, deer (tolerant or for the deer) gardens, fire-resistant gardens, and problem gardens (for example, poor drainage; toxic amounts of salt and/or heavy metals; unhealthy oaks, manzanitas or other natives; very high or low pH; rocky slopes (no soil or minimal amounts); seasonal flooding; low water availability; etc.). Xeriscape and water wise gardens are so easy!! Design the garden by plant community as much as possible. Put the desert plants together; the redwood plants together; the riparian (river) plants together; etc. It is a common mistake to landscape by color, textures and flow. ('I want it to flow...') Do that after you figure out what plant community you want to work with. The zip code can help determine which plant community was originally on your site.For an easy carefree landscape, do not get too far off your climate and plant community. Plants from your specific plant community are the easiest to grow. Then the plants from within the nearest communities are next easiest to grow. Stick to the plants that occur in the same or a similar climate for a maintenance free garden. When you get too far off, the plants start having problems and you have to do more work. Figure out the aspect of the garden and the soil, shade, wind, rainfall and any other things that relate to the landscaping. (It will save you many, many hours of your life if you will sit out in the weeds, or whatever else is there) and think the site through before you commit yourself to a scheme that will not work or must be replaced every six months. Most people only have to make this mistake once in a lifetime, but others replace hundreds of dollars worth of 'perennials' each year trying to keep a color scheme while not clashing with the neighbors that are doing the same thing. A lot of money and no fun! Think about your drainage. Where will the water go? How well does the soil drain? Our normal test is how long does it take for a shovelful-sized hole to drain? (When the ground is not wet, e.g., summer.) One minute or less is perfect drainage, 1-30 minutes is good drainage, a week is bad drainage. If your site takes more than a week to drain, you need a consultation! Or at least do some research on your own. If you are installing your own landscaping have a frank talk with yourself. If you are installing one for someone else, talk to them and look at their lifestyle. Are these folks that can work in their garden 2-4 hours each week? Can they afford the gardening bill? Frequently projects have money to put the plants in, but no time or money for follow up. If there is to be no maintenance, put in community specific shrubs and trees, (ones native in that plant community), no perennials and mulch heavily, at least 3 inches. List your priorities. Are deer the biggest problem? Or is it fire? Drought? Budget? Attracting Wildlife (Birds or Bear)? A black thumb? Find a source of proper mulch. Do not use any part of a walnut or eucalyptus tree. (Eucalyptus has some problems with it and can only be used with some plants, e.g., Chaparral. It is best avoided if possible or use as walkways.) If you are using desert plants a mulch of 2-3" rock is fine. (Boulders are better! Next to each plant place the largest rock you can carry and place it on the south side of the plant.) If you are in the desert or grassland (prairie) and want to plant plants from the Sierras or coastal areas use a leaf, twig, or shredded bark mulch combined with a large rock. The mulch is one of the keys to why things work or do not work in desert gardens. See Read's article for further. If you are in the Sierras (conifer forest) or coastal areas and you want to use a desert or grassland plant, use a rock mulch, and plant in the open, away from trees. Also clump the same types of plants together so they support each other and you can treat them alike, see companion planting. This also makes it easier to design. Design in a 'forest', a 'des 'dt', a 'prairie', a 'wetland' (wet spot) or whatever community you think will work. Remember this is easiest to do if you stay within the community block. Think about your water source, do you even need water for the plants? Is there any problem with the water? Is there any water even available? We've he 've of people spending thousands of dollars on sod lawns only to discover the water bill is hundreds of dollars per month and a maintenance bills hundreds more. Mulch is very cheap in the long run. If you have a lawn area, use plants that live next to the creeks of your target community next to the lawn; water moves through them to your plants in the dry areas. Think about critters. Are you going to live with them or are they going to move in with you? (One of our customers had a bear making himself a fruit salad in his kitchen; another had a deer standing on, on not against, his handrail around his porch. Raccoons on the roof of your mobile home make for little sleep.) Most anything you do has a positive or negative effect on 'Wildlife'. Do you want sparrows or hummingbirds? Gophers or Thrashers? Terrified of ticks and Lyme disease? The bacteria that cause the disease dies when the tick lives on the western fence lizard.(Talleklint and Eisen, 1999; Lane and Anderson. 2001.) A high number of lizards and small mammals in the garden offer near perfect protection. Weeds favor mice (a major vector of disease), mulch and open paths favor lizards. Small mammals (Shrews, Moles, Foxes, Bobcats, Weasels, Squirrels, Gophers, and Rabbits) limit the populations of mice.(Ostfeld and Keesing, 2000) Think of the ultimate plant size. Don't say 'I'll 'llt prune it' and put a redwood tree under a 4' window it won't work. You cannot 'fluff it up', or 'tie it up', or stake it up either. A groundcover tied to a stake looks like a groundcover tied to a stake, not a tree. It is part of our ornamental strategy to plant communities of plants. It is cheaper, looks better, and means less materials consumed. In communities plants are arranged in discrete patterns. This spatial planting occurs naturally, via pathogens and litter (mulch), allowing certain seedlings to grow, killing the weaker seedlings or seedlings that are out of the successional pattern, for the better of the whole. This is how natural succession occurs. When a site is planted incorrectly, the system is weakened, becomes increasingly unstable, and weeds, herbivores (including gophers) take an enormous toll. This won't occur if a design is implemented in a manner consistent with nature. Plant for maturity (leave enough space for the plant when it reaches its full size) with the stress-tolerant species and inter-plant with the Circumventer, C type species for fast fill in. C type species provide cover for the climax stress-tolerants and will decline and die of 'old age' as the climax species fill-in. Some examples of some Circumventers: Salvias, Ceanothus, Lupinus, Diplacus, Baccharis, Eriogonum and even poppies do this very well. By doing a natural planting, you can move to a native site faster, lowering inputs sooner. It is important to get your species composition as close as reasonably possible to nature's. Site specific plant material doesn't appear to be practical, nor possible for most sites. (Las Pilitas personnel can do site specific biological surveys, develop the appropriate species list, and contract grow the plants. It will take 1-5 years according to the site.) Planting for the right soil, right community, shade in shade, sun in sun, wet to wet, etc. appears to be more than adequate for the stability of the system and for the site's wildlife. Again, if you live in Los Angeles you can plant species from Chaparral, Southern Oak woodland, and Coastal Sage Scrub communities together and get away with it (as long as the soils, water, sun, etc. match) as the communities were there before the ecosystem was screwed up. The plants would prefer to be in separate groupings, but that's not even necessary. Plants from the yellow pine forest, Closed cone Pine Forest, etc., will grow there, but they are more unstable (weedy, short-lived). It's more important to plant Coastal Sage Scrub species together, even if from other areas of the state, (the further away in climate, the more unsuitable the plant) than mixing other communities that didn't historically exist in your locale. You will spend about 1/10th of the maintenance on the site over a 5-10 year period if you get it right. The maintenance is equal for the first year but then drops off dramatically as the plant community takes hold. You 'll know you 'built a plant community' when the true wildlife start living in your garden (or restoration) and native seedlings start showing up. Put the perennials together and the shrubs and trees together as they have different needs than annuals. They should be clumped in a way as to be easily maintained. Annuals between are acceptable and encouraged in desert and grassland plant communities. (The weeds will drive you crazy if you do not move aggressively and continually against them.) If you insist on planting ruderals, plant by age. The short-lived plants go together. Plant the long-lived plants together away from water, away from soil disturbance. Do not mix annuals with groundcovers, they will become weedy. Annuals are only acceptable where you can mow them down after they die. Otherwise they look like a relative you owe money, a lot of money. Berms are a sign the designer is lazy or doesn't know what to do. They are very hard to maintain, irrigate (on berms you do have to irrigate), and keep the plants alive on. If the berm look is desired, put larger growing plants there, in the center, and work down to smaller ones. If the drainage of a berm is required, use retaining walls with good drain holes so each level is uniform and within 2' of the beginning soil level on either top or bottom (no more than 2' steps. Please, please, pretty please do not put in a fake creek! Fake creeks are hard to build and very hard to maintain. The weeds usually overwhelm the creek in a year or so. A bunch of rocks and weeds does not increase the selling price of a house, nor does an old truck with flowers planted in it, they look similar. A decomposed granite path with boulders, logs and plants can usually create the same feeling with a whole lot less work.
W1B-029-0.txt	General - See inside front cover and pages 8 and 9 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders for information about Union Carbide's business. On April 27, 1994, stockholders voted to approve the merger of Union Carbide Corporation (UCC) into Union Carbide Chemicals and Plastics Company Inc. (UCC&P). The merger was effective May 1, 1994. Immediately after the merger, UCC&P had the same consolidated assets, liabilities and stockholders' equity as UCC. UCC&P has changed its name to Union Carbide Corporation. All references to Union Carbide Corporation, the corporation or UCC after the periods starting May 1, 1994, are a reference to the merged company. Union Carbide is engaged in the chemicals and plastics business. The chemicals and plastics industry, especially the commodity sector, is highly cyclical. Union Carbide is a major producer of certain commodity chemicals, principally ethylene glycol and polyethylene. Consequently, Union Carbide's results are subject to the swings of the cycle in those basic chemicals. See pages 4 through 7 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders for a further discussion. Union Carbide does not produce against a backlog of firm orders; production is geared primarily to the level of incoming orders and to projections of future demand. Inventories of finished products, work in process and raw materials are maintained to meet delivery requirements of customers and Union Carbide's production schedules. At year-end 1994, 12,004 people were employed worldwide in approximately 40 plants, factories and laboratories around the world. Raw Materials, Products and Markets-See information herein and in the 1994 annual report to stockholders on pages 8 and 9. Unless otherwise indicated, the products of Union Carbide are sold principally by its own sales force, directly to customers. Union Carbide believes it has contracts or commitments for, or readily available sources of, hydrocarbon feedstocks and fuel supplies to meet its anticipated needs in all major product areas. The corporation's operations are dependent upon the availability of hydrocarbon feedstocks and fuels which are purchased from diverse domestic and international sources, including independent oil and gas producers as well as integrated oil companies. The availability and price of hydrocarbon feedstocks, energy and finished products are subject to plant interruptions and outages and to market and political conditions in the U.S. and elsewhere. Operations and products at times may be adversely affected by legislation, government regulations, shortages, or international or domestic events. Union Carbide is not dependent to a significant extent upon a single customer or a few customers. Patents; Trademarks; Research and Development-Union Carbide owns a large number of United States and foreign patents that relate to a wide variety of products and processes, has pending a substantial number of patent applications throughout the world, and is licensed under a number of patents. These patents expire at various times over the next 20 years. Such patents and patent applications in the aggregate are material to Union Carbide's competitive position. No one patent is considered to be material; however, the patent portfolio relating to the UNIPOL polyethylene process technology is, in the aggregate, considered to be material. Union Carbide also has a large number of trademarks. The UNION CARBIDE, UCAR and UNIPOL trademarks are material; no other single trademark is material. Essentially all of Union Carbide's research and development activities are company-sponsored. The principal research and development facilities of Union Carbide are indicated in the discussion of Properties (Item 2) of this Form 10-K report. In addition to the facilities specifically indicated there, product development and process technology laboratories are maintained at some plants. Union Carbide spent $136 million in 1994, $139 million in 1993 and $155 million in 1992 on company-sponsored research activities to develop new products, processes, or services, or to improve existing ones. Environment - See Costs Relating to Protection of the Environment on pages 14 and 15 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders and Note 16 on pages 35 and 36 thereof. Insurance - Union Carbide's policy is to obtain public liability insurance coverage at terms and conditions and a price that management considers fair and reasonable. Union Carbide's management believes Union Carbide has public liability insurance in an amount sufficient to meet its current needs in light of pending, threatened, and future litigation and claims. There is no assurance, however, that Union Carbide will not incur losses beyond the limits, or outside the coverage, of its insurance. Such insurance is subject to substantial deductibles. Competition - Each of the major products and services areas in which Union Carbide participates is highly competitive. In some instances competition comes from manufacturers of the same products as those produced by Union Carbide and in other cases from manufacturers of different products which may serve the same markets as those served by Union Carbide's products. Some of Union Carbide's competitors, such as companies principally engaged in petroleum operations, have more direct access to hydrocarbon feedstocks, and some have greater financial resources than Union Carbide. There are a number of competitors in each of the products and services areas in which Union Carbide is active. In some of the individual areas in which Union Carbide participates there are many competitors; in others there are few. Competition is primarily on price, on product performance and on service to customers. Many producers have important industry positions in polyethylene, and Union Carbide is one of the world's largest producers. Other significant producers are Dow Chemical Company, Chevron Corporation, Exxon Corporation, Mobil Corporation, Novacor Chemicals Ltd, Quantum Chemicals Corporation, Occidental Petroleum Corporation, Phillips Petroleum Company, Saudi Basic Industries Corporation and The British Petroleum Company p.l.c. Union Carbide is the world's largest producer of ethylene oxide/glycol and derivatives. Other significant producers include Shell Oil Company, Dow Chemical Company, BASF Aktiengesellschaft, The British Petroleum Company p.l.c., Huntsman Corporation, ICI p.l.c., Occidental Petroleum Corporation, Hoechst Celanese Corporation, and Saudi Basic Industries Corporation. In solvents and intermediates and emulsion systems, Union Carbide has a significant position in many product areas. Other significant producers include Air Products and Chemicals, Inc., Hoechst Celanese Corporation, Rohm & Haas Company, Eastman Chemical Company, Shell Oil Company, Exxon Corporation, BASF Aktiengesellschaft and Quantum Chemicals Corporation. Union Carbide participates in a wide range of specialty chemical product/market areas. The competitive position varies widely from one product/market area to another. Competitors include a number of domestic and foreign companies, both diversified and specialized. Union Carbide is a major marketer of petrochemical products throughout the world. Products that the corporation markets are largely produced in the United States, while competitive products are produced throughout the world. In addition, the corporation plans to make significant investments in joint ventures in 1995. See pages 4 through 7 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders for a further discussion. Union Carbide's international operations face competition from local producers and global competitors and a number of other risks inherent in carrying on business outside the United States, including risks of nationalization, expropriation, restrictive action by local governments and changes in currency exchange rates. In management's opinion, current facilities, together with planned expansions, will provide adequate production capacity to meet Union Carbide's planned business activities. Capital expenditures are discussed on pages 17 and 19 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. Listed below are the principal manufacturing facilities operated by Union Carbide worldwide. Research and engineering facilities are noted. Most of the domestic properties are owned in fee. Union Carbide maintains numerous domestic sales offices and warehouses, substantially all of which are leased premises under relatively short-term leases. All principal international operations manufacturing properties are owned or held under long-term leases. International operations administrative offices, technical service laboratories, sales offices and warehouses are owned in some instances and held under relatively short-term leases in other instances. The corporation's headquarters are located in Danbury, Connecticut, and are leased. Principal domestic operations manufacturing facilities and the principal products manufactured there are as follows: Research and development are carried on at technical centers in Bound Brook, Edison and Somerset, New Jersey; Tarrytown, New York; Cary, North Carolina; Washougal, Washington; and South Charleston, West Virginia. Process and design engineering is conducted at the technical center in South Charleston, West Virginia, in support of domestic and foreign projects. Principal international operations manufacturing facilities and the principal products manufactured there are as follows: Research and development are carried on at international operations facilities in Antwerp, Belgium; Montreal East, Canada; Cubatao, Brazil; Versoix, Switzerland; and Jurong, Singapore. On September 28, 1993, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) announced the service of an administrative complaint on Rhone-Poulenc Ag Company (R-P) alleging violations of the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act with respect to operation of the hazardous waste boiler at Institute, West Virginia. The complaint seeks to assess a civil penalty of $915,125 against R-P. If the complaint is sustained, under an agreement between R-P and the corporation, the corporation may be required to indemnify R-P for a portion of any penalty ultimately paid by R-P. On February 23, 1994, the EPA issued a complaint and compliance order to the corporation alleging violations of Federal Hazardous Waste Regulations at the South Charleston, West Virginia, plant. The complaint seeks a civil penalty of $320,300. The corporation is contesting the alleged violations and proposed penalty. On March 31, 1994, the EPA issued an administrative Complaint, Compliance Order and Notice of Opportunity for Hearing to the corporation alleging violations of the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, as amended, and the Texas Solid Waste Disposal Act at the corporation's Texas City, Texas, plant. EPA proposes to assess a civil penalty of $139,000. The corporation has requested a hearing and is contesting the alleged violations and proposed penalty. On February 14, 1995, the EPA issued a complaint to the corporation alleging violations of the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act with a proposed civil penalty of $400,000. This matter concerns a discontinued medical instrument sterilant. The corporation voluntarily requested cancellation of its pesticide registration. As reported in the corporation's Form 10-K for the period ended December 31, 1993, the EPA issued an administrative complaint to the corporation on November 19, 1993, alleging violations of the Federal Clean Air Act at the Texas City, Texas, plant. The complaint sought a civil penalty of $194,550. On October 13, 1994, the corporation and EPA reached a settlement of this matter pursuant to which the corporation agreed to pay a penalty of $57,500. The corporation did not submit any matters to a stockholder vote during the last quarter of 1994. Market and dividend information for the corporation's common stock is contained on pages 18 and 19 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. The stock exchanges where the stock is traded are listed on page 38 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. The declaration of dividends is a business decision made from time to time by the Board of Directors based on the corporation's earnings and financial condition and other factors the Board considers relevant. The number of stockholders of record of the corporation's common stock is contained on page 1 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. Information pertaining to consolidated operations is included under the captions "From the Income Statement," and "From the Balance Sheet (At Year-End)", and dividend information is included under the caption "Other Data" in the Selected Financial Data on page 19 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. The consolidated balance sheet of Union Carbide Corporation and subsidiaries at December 31, 1994 and 1993, and the consolidated statements of income, stockholders' equity and cash flows for each of the years in the three-year period ended December 31, 1994, together with the report thereon of KPMG Peat Marwick LLP dated January 19, 1995, are contained on pages 20 through 37 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. Quarterly income statement data is contained on page 18 of the 1994 annual report to stockholders. Item 9. Changes in and Disagreements with Accountants on Accounting and Financial Disclosure Union Carbide has not had any disagreements covered by this item with KPMG Peat Marwick LLP, its independent auditors. For background information on the Directors of Union Carbide Corporation whose terms are expected to continue after the annual meeting of stockholders and persons nominated to become Directors, see pages 9 through 13 of the proxy statement for the annual meeting of stockholders to be held on April 26, 1995. C. Peter McColough, age 72, who has been a director of the corporation since 1979, will not stand for reelection at the annual meeting of stockholders and will cease to be a director at that time. The principal executive officers of the corporation are as follows. Data is as of March 9, 1995. There are no family relationships between any officers or directors of the corporation. There is no arrangement or understanding between any officer and any other person pursuant to which the officer was elected an officer. An officer is elected by the Board of Directors to serve until the next annual meeting of stockholders and until his successor is elected and qualified. The table on the next page gives a summary of the positions held during at least the past five years by each officer. Each of the officers has been employed by the corporation or a subsidiary of the corporation for the past five years.
W2C-015-1.txt	NFL FILMS FOUNDER'S SUPER STREAK IN JEOPARDY NFL Films founder and part-time Scottsdale resident Ed Sabol's Super Bowl streak is in jeopardy. Cue the dramatic music. For each of the preceding 26 NFL championship games, Sabol has been there. Roll the slow-motion footage of Sabol intermixed with images of Super Bowls past: Vince Lombardi on the sidelines. A victorious Joe Namath running off the field. But this year, Sabol is thinking about sitting out the big game. Cut to an extreme close-up of Sabol's eyes that portrays his indecision. A golden-throated narrator explains the significance of THE STREAK in battlefield metaphors. Ed Sabol, 76, has been more than an idle spectator at each and every Super Bowl. His NFL Films has been a catalytic force that helped make the NFL a national obsession, and has elevated the Super Bowl from a mere game into a de facto national holiday, a two-week-long event filled with endless hype and prognostication. " We brought the game into the American living room," Sabol said. "It sounds like a simple thing, but I think we've had a huge i 'vect on the game of football." NFL Films has changed the image of professional football through innovations that now seem inseparable from the game: Closely cropped shots in ultra-slow motion. Reverse angle. Extreme close-ups of a player's eyes or the sweat dripping from a lineman's facemask. Candid shots from the sidelines that show victory or defeat as clearly as the action on the field. The imagery and drama that NFL Films has brought to the game has not been by accident. NFL Films was formed in 1964 by the NFL owners with the expressed purpose of providing some gloss to the sport's blue-collar image. The company's roots actually go back a few years further to 1962, when Sabol, now president of the firm, bought the film rights to the NFL Championship game. Sabol hired free-lance photographers, one of whom shot entirely in slow motion."I knew the people who shot the championship the year before," Sabol said. "They only shot in slow motion on third down. They said it was too expensive, because it uses so much film. I wanted to do something different, to make it more interesting, so I shot the whole thing in slow motion. And then he hired Philadelphia television anchorman John Facenda to do the voice-over. "He had a voice that could make a roll of toilet paper sound like the U.S. Constitution," Sabol said. The resulting film, Pro Football's Longest Day, caught the eye of then-NFL Commissioner Pete Rozelle. Sabol persuaded the owners to purchase his fledgling company and make it into a promotional and film-marketing vehicle. Under the agreement, which Rozelle and the owners accepted, each of the 14 NFL team owners chipped in a one-time start-up fee of $20,000. Started with 3 employees With three initial employees, including Sabol's son, Steve, NFL Films' first responsibilities were limited to producing an NFL Championship game film and an annual highlights film for each team. Later, when the American Football League merged with the NFL in 1967, the company's responsibilities expanded to include filming AFL teams and the Super Bowl. Under Steve Sabol, who has taken over as president and creative director, NFL Films' signature style jelled. The senior Sabol gets credit for the emphasis on slow-motion and for introducing the dramatic narration. But it was the younger Sabol who brought in many of the other innovations. "We've worke 'ves a team," Steve Sabol said. "He was the salesman and the businessman. I was the film maker. This year, the company's photographers will shoot about 650 miles of film. The Sabols have resisted suggestions that they switch over to less-expensive video. Steve Sabol likens film to the rich and varied grains a craftsman brings out in wood. Video is more like Formica, he said. The company's celluloid purchases make it Eastman Kodak's largest customer, he said. "We wouldn't be NFL Films without film," he said. "Film is an essential part of the distinctive feel and mystique of our productions. We're 're journalists; we're 'rerytellers, romantics, philosophers." World's largest collection The company's voracious consumption of film, combined with an aggressive campaign to buy up early footage, has led to the world's largest collection of film from any professional sport. The vault at the company's Mount Laurel, N.J., headquarters contains every print of every professional football game since 1948, every print of championship games since the early'30s, and selected prints dating even further back.
W2B-020-0.txt	Political Correctness and the Fear of Feminism A radical feminist argues that multiculturalism is a healthy renewal of our best democratic traditions Critics of political correctness have tried to promulgate the preposterous myth that college campuses are dominated by radical philosophers, literary critics, and historians who are attempting to coerce their colleagues and students into accepting a monolithic system of left-wing beliefs. This charge has nonplussed radical professors, who are all too painfully aware of their minority status, the chaotic and often discordant heterogeneity of their views, and especially their relative immpuissance in both campus and national politics. What pains me, as one of those radical professors, is not that the political-correctness charges are unfair, misplaced, and totally outrageous (although they certainly are) but, rather, that the whole PC controversy has made it more difficult for those of us who deeply care about the real suffering of real people, caused by the inequities and dysfunctionalities in our society, to have our voices heard. The PC rabble-rousers have fortified existing social practices and institutions against the sort of fundamental criticism that is essential for any society to be responsive to human needs in rapidly changing circumstances. How can this be happening? There is an aphorism by Friedrich Nietzsche called "Ennoblement through Degeneration" which I think sheds light on how a swirl of thoroughly fatuous PC allegations can be treated so seriously by otherwise intelligent people. Nietzsche says that, for a society to flourish, its members must share a common faith consisting of deeply held, long-standing, and unquestioned assumptions. Those persons who are most susceptible to this suppression of difference through the inculcation of the common faith are called bound spirits by Nietzsche, and it is crucial to the health of a society that they predominate. The danger to communities composed of bound spirits is what Nietzsche calls "an increasing, inherited stupidity" (this and other quotes are from the Marion Faber translation of Human, All Too Human, University of Nebraska Press). The problem is that bound spirits have little or no capacity for creative and critical imagination--their minds are literally bound by the common faith. Thus, for a society to progress and adapt to changing circumstances, for it to stay one step ahead of stupidity, there is a need for persons who are less bound, less confined by the moral certainties of their society--namely, the free spirits. "They are persons," says Nietzsche, "who try new things, and many different things." Because they are less bound by the moral principles that partly constitute the common faith, free spirits are perceived by bound spirits as morally weak. The former are thus largely incapacitated as agents of change within the community; therefore, innumerable free spirits die, Nietzsche says, without ever having a noticeable effect on society. All in all, free spirits do make a difference, though: They loosen things up, and, from time to time, deliver a wound to the stable element of a community. Precisely at this wounded, weakened place, the common body is inoculated, so to speak, with something new; however, the community's overall strength has to be great enough to take this new thing into its bloodstream and assimilate it. Wherever progress is to ensue, deviating natures are of greatest importance.... The strongest natures retain the type, the weaker ones help to advance it. ... It is precisely the weaker nature, as the more delicate and free, that makes progress possible at all... [However,] only when permanence is securely established and guaranteed is there any possibility of constant development and ennobling inoculation, which, to be sure, will usually be opposed by the dangerous companion of all permanence: authority. When social authority succeeds for a time in squelching the voices of social critics, the society will experience a consequent increase in "inherited stupidity." Some contemporary examples of this kind of cultural torpor are provided by Republican presidential candidate Pat Buchanan. His proposals for dealing with the extraordinarily complex challenges of an increasingly multicultural society include accepting only white Europeans as immigrants, building a fence along the entire length of the Mexican border, and having National Guard troops do their summer duty near the fence. His suggestion for managing the problem of homelessness is to throw people who have no homes in jail. Of course, it is not the mere fact of Buchanan as an individual saying these stupid things that exemplifies Nietzsche's theory. Buchanan's policy proposals grow out of some quite traditional and widespread assumptions, and he is being taken seriously by established institutions, including Republican Party officials and the news media. Pat Buchanan thus personifies the cultural torpidity that pervades certain less adaptive elements of U.S. society. A more complex and interesting example of the sort of stupidity Nietzsche describes is the recent rise to fame and political clout of Christina Hoff Sommers, a philosophy pro- fessor who has been certified by the Boston Globe as a "critic of ` political correctness.'" Although Sommers, a professor at Clark University and a member of the right-wing National Association of Scholars, may not be known generally, she is quite notorious among philosophers working in the area of feminism as the author of several articles, all quite similar in style and content, attacking feminism generally and certain feminist philosophers in particular. Although three of these articles appeared in scholarly journals (Public Affairs Quarterly, Social Philosophy and Policy, and the Journal of Social Philosophy), they diverge markedly--and instructively, I shall claim--from the range of tone and techniques usually found in philosophy journals. Sommers relies primarily on invective, sarcasm, quoting out of context, misrepresentation, distortion, hasty and inapt generalization, baseless speculation, unsupported claims, and oversimplification. When she does (on occasion) address the substantive points or arguments made by the philosophers she wishes to criticize, she responds to them with indirection and vagueness. I should like to give examples of Summers' use of some of the foregoing techniques. The cumulative effect will, I think, make Sommers look pretty bad, but I want to emphasize that I am not claiming that Sommers herself is stupid. However, her reactive way of dealing with serious philosophical issues raised by feminist critics exemplifies the cultural stupidity that Nietzsche says results when a society is deprived of the sort of radical criticism that can keep it alert. Summers' use of invective is brazen and irresponsible. For example, she refers to "the resolute and methodical infiltration" of universities by feminists, disregarding the extraordinary obstacles feminists have had to overcome (quite openly)--including well-established patterns of discrimination against women in general--in order to achieve acceptance in universities. The quote in question also deceptively suggests a level of success that feminism has certainly not enjoyed in Sommers' own discipline, where some graduate programs have no women at all on their faculties and only a few have professors specializing in feminism. Sommers' reference to academic feminism as "a powerful but sincerely anti-intellectual movement" is an all-too-typical example of her use of invective in place of argument. The charge of anti-intellectualism is bizarre on its face, since academic feminism is a movement of intellectuals engaged in intellectual activity. Sommers' only support for the charge consists of the following passage: Susan Sontag talks of a "persistent indiscretion of feminist rhetoric: anti-intellectualism" and, she says, she has felt the need to "dissociate myself from that wing of feminism that promotes the rancid and dangerous antithesis between mind... and emotion." Too many leaders of Academic Feminism promote that antithesis in the manner in which they oppose male to female "ways of knowing." Both Sontag's quote and Sommers' use of it are perplexing. The distinction between intellect and emotion is not a pro- duct of feminist theory; it is, rather, a centerpiece of the Western patriarchal tradition and has in fact been criticized, not promoted, by many feminist theorists. This passage serves as striking evidence of Sommers' ignorance of a subject about which she has written so much. Sommers makes liberal use of sarcasm. Interestingly (in light of the quality of her own work), one of her favorite tactics is to dismiss a feminist claim as "embarrassing." She calls the belief that sex and gender have a pervasive, systemic social influence a "prism"--thereby suggesting that it distorts reality--and then speaks of those who take the sex-gender system seriously as having been "properly fitted with the sex/gender prism." In response to feminist claims of the pervasiveness of the sex-gender system, she asks: "What sort of sightings are being reported?"--thus attempting to trivialize the extraordinary mass of statistical, anthropological, and historical data that has now been accumulated on the oppression of women by comparing it to UFO sightings. Sommers even uses sarcasm to excuse her own ignorance of her chosen subject: "There is a kind of feminism-of-the- week that one cannot hope to keep abreast of, short of giving up all other concerns." About Simone de Beauvoir and "other feminist theoreticians," Sommers says that "it is hard to see how one could count anything they say as a discovery whose tidings will one day be believed by a world of objective scholars." This passage is interesting not just as an example of Sommers' substitution of sarcasm for argument but also because it demonstrates either her ignorance of or cavalier attitude toward a major theme in twentieth- century philosophy--the critique of "objectivity." Feminists' views are often misrepresented by Sommers. For example, she claims that "the feminists advocate abolishing the family." She does not cite a single feminist who in fact argues for such an abolition, yet her usage of "the feminists" suggests that they all do. The attribution of various opinions and ideas to "the feminist," "the feminists," "the academic feminists," and so forth, is among Sommers' favorite ploys, creating the impression of a false uniformity in a field of study noted for its diversity of viewpoints. Quoting out of context is another technique of misrepresentation favored by Sommers. She attributes to Sandra Harding, a distinguished philosopher of science, "the speculation and hope that physics may someday be ` relegated to the backwaters of knowledge-seeking.'" Checking the footnote reference, I found the following passage in Harding's book, The Science Question in Feminism: Physicists, chemists, philosophers of science, and most of the rest of us believe that physics is the paradigm of science, and that science without physics as its paradigm is unimaginable. Minds reel at the suggestion that perhaps, in the science of the future, physics will be relegated to the backwaters of knowledge-seeking and thought to be concerned only with esoteric problems that have little impact on how we live. Perhaps even today its problematics, methods, and favored languages already provide distinctly atypical examples of scientific inquiry that should not be models for other areas. We can entertain this thought even while we appreciate the historical reasons why physics has been the paradigm of scientific inquiry. This richly provocative passage, which fits quite respectably into the tradition of critical philosophy of science, is reduced to caricature by Sommers. She has a proclivity for quoting out of context, with little or no comment, leaving the orphaned passages to fend for them- selves without their supporting explanations and arguments. Sommers tries to excuse this practice--as well as her tendency to avoid actually analyzing the views of which she is critical--by saying that "some of the positions are, to my mind, sufficiently off balance to fall by their own weight, so criticism of them is served by mere citation." This quote illustrates the irresponsibility and lack of seriousness with which Sommers approaches her subject. It also represents an attitude that could hardly be more at odds with the Western philosophical tradition that she regularly takes pains to venerate. When she does actually attempt to support her views, she typically does so with phrases like "such evidence as we have argues for," "we know that," and "we are now aware that." In fact, she relies greatly on what she--or someone like her- "intuitively understands." And she relies crucially on her own visions of "what women want" and what "most American women are not in sympathy with"; among her main themes are the claim that feminists advocate changes that, in her view, wouldn't automatically be popular with women as she knows them, and the claim that feminists make criticisms of society that have not already been made by women in general. Sommers makes a similar claim in a sentence striking for its indirection through the use of the passive voice: The tension between the goals of academic feminism and the common aspirations of women was reflected in the discussions of the Tenth Barnard Conference on the Feminist and the Scholar, where it was noted that, within the movement, heterosexuality has been viewed as "politically incorrect." Aside from the fact that we could question the extent of Sommers' knowledge of either "the goals of academic feminism" or "the common aspirations of women," we must ask: "it was noted" by whom? By one person or by many? In a plenary session or a small workshop? And what was the response of the other conference participants? And, likewise, what does "within the movement...has been viewed as" mean? Has it been one person, a few people, or many people who have held such a view?
W2A-001-0.txt	IDEOLOGY AND GENRE IN THE BRITISH ANTIREVOLUTIONARY DRAMA OF THE 1790s By Jeffrey N. Cox The first category, represented by such works as Dent's Bastille (Royal Circus, 1789), John St. John's Island of St. Marguerite (Drury Lane, 1789), and Charles Bonnor's Picture of Paris in the Year 1790 (Covent Garden, 1790), offered London theater-goers an opportunity to cheer the actions of the people of Paris as they liberated the Bastille in Dent's play or freed the Man in the Iron Mask in St. John's. These plays celebrate mass action and trace a movement from the enclosed spaces of the past-the prison, the castle, the convent-to the open spaces of a liberated future, a movement that marks them as parallel to the revolutionary festivals analyzed by Mona Ozouf. In fact, many of these plays themselves end in festivals, not only of public liberation but also of romantic union, an erotic liberation that is seen to arise with political liberty. This turn to the erotic is even clearer in the other potentially radical dramatic form of the day, the Gothic. The Gothic drama may have its roots in such plays as Horace Walpole's Mysterious Mother of 1768, but it did not become a major force on the British stage until after 1789, the year of both the Bastille and the publication of Ann Radcliffe's first novel. I have argued elsewhere that the Gothic was read at the time as an ideologically charged form, a reading revealed powerfully in Coleridge's Biographia where he defines the Gothic as the "modern jacobinical drama."6 For present purposes, it is important to note that the Gothic, when it traces the liberation of its lovers from past restrictions imposed by cruel fathers, lascivious lords, and fanatic monks moves to the rhythms of the revolutionary spectacular; and when it instead emphasizes the erotic quest of the villain-hero as he pursues pleasure in defiance of any limits, the Gothic portrays a more individual rebellion. The Gothic was seen as embracing either individual or collective revolt, and its celebration of erotic liberation was particularly troubling to the defenders of official morality and culture. J. C. Cross's Julia of Louvain; or, Monkish Cruelty, taken we are told "from a paragraph in a Newspaper during the French Revolution" (99) and staged at the Royal Circus in 1797, offers a kind of compendium of these features of the prorevolutionary drama. It engages both the historical spectacle - drawing upon an actual event and seeming to invoke the patters of revolutionary festival - and the Gothic. It tells the story of Julia, loved by Clifford but also sought by the noble St. Pierre. When she rejects the libidinous aristrocrat, he has her imprisoned in a loathsome convent. The play climaxes when a crowd, led by officers of the Revolution, storms the convent and Clifford liberates Julia from her dungeon. Arising to counter such plays, the antirevolutionary drama also faced what Ronald Paulson defines as the central problem of all artistic attempts to represent the Revolution. Since the Revolution was seen as an unprecedented event - even Burke called it "the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world" - the use of traditional forms and images to present it would misrepresent its uniqueness. What genre does one use for an event that is sui generis? How is one to stage a conservative version of the radically new events of the revolution? The Anti-Jacobin, in introducing its poetry section, makes, albeit humorously, an astonishing suggestion - that poetry itself in a revolutionary age might become revolutionary, that there might be no genre for the conservative poet to adopt: "But whether it be that good Morals, or what we should call good Politics, are inconsistent with the spirit of true poetry-whether 'the Muses still with freedom found' have an aversion to regular Governments...We have not been able to find one good and true Poet, of sound principles and sober practice."9 Of course, as the poetry of the Anti-Jacobin itself demonstrates, conservatives did write." One response to this situation, and the one adopted by the Anti-Jacobin itself, is to turn to parody, to attempt to undo or revise the forms adopted by one's opponents. It is significant that the greatest antirevolutionary art of the period is created by the caricaturists and that the antirevolutionary dramas which found some stage success tended to be satires on Jacobins. Another course was to react against the new forms arising within the British theaters of the 1790s and to return to traditional tragedy, particularly neoclassical tragedy, as a declaration in formal terms that the Revolution was not new and that history finally spoke of noble individuals and not popular action. We can discover the two key targets of the conservative drama's revisionary tactics in a satire that appeared in the Anti-Jacobin during June 1798. This weekly was founded by a group of Pitt's supporters around George Canning, made undersecretary of foreign affairs in 1796; it included John Hookham Frere, whose adaptation of octava rima would late inspire Byron, George Ellis, who had earlier proved himself a satirist for the Whigs, and, as editor, William Gifford, who was brought in, Canning's biographer tell us, because he could provide a "thoroughly brutal spirit." 10 Whether or not the journal had financial support from the government, it had the political support of a series of Tory aristocrats, and it is rumored that Pitt himself contributed to the journal's parodies, including its great satire on Jacobin drama entitled The Rovers; or The Double Arrangement. The play attacks what it calls the German school of drama-what Coleridge later, perhaps recalling this piece, relabels the "modern jacobinical drama (which, and not the German drama, is its appropriate designation)." 11 This school is seen as comprising on the one hand the Gothic and on the other hand the plays literary history identifies as the drama of the Sturm und Drang, plays which are seen by the Anti-Jacobin as immoral filth preaching "the reciprocal duties of one or more Husbands to one or more Wives"(236)." What, the play's authors object to are British dramas that imitate foreign models in order to bring to the stage, first, acts of successful mob violence against the authority of the church and nobility and, second, an ideology of sexual liberation. The Gothic drama is satirized in the story of one Rogero, who has been imprisoned in an abbey by his father for loving a woman beneath his station. His dungeon provides an opportunity to recite a litany of Gothic clichés: "SCENE changes to Subterranean Vault in the Abbey of QUEDLINBURGH; with Coffins, 'Scutcheons, Death's Heads and Cross-bones.-Toads, and other loathsome Reptiles are seen traversing the obscurer parts of the Stage.-ROGERO appears, in chains, in a Suit of rusty Armour, with his beard grown, and a Cap of grotesque form upon his head.-Beside him a Crock, or Pitcher, supposed to contain his daily allowance of sustenance.-A long silence, during which the wind is heard to whistle through the Caverns.(238)" Rogero is liberated from this dungeon in the final scene by a mob action that mimics the Gothic Julia of Louvain or The Island of St. Marguerite or, for that matter, Dent's Bastille; and the play ends with the figures of traditional authority, the prior and Rogero's father, the count, being led off in chains. The action of the liberators is undercut, however, as their band-led by a man thought a waiter but revealed to be "No Waiter, but a Knight Templar "(245)-is unable to defeat a body of "Choristers and Lay-brothers" until Puddingfield and Beefington, two British barons in exile awaiting the signing of the Magna Carta, call for a battering ram and a Roman legion appears to complete the assault.12 This single scene parodies many central images and ideas of the Jacobins-the appeal to Roman precedent, the admiration for Saxon liberty, not to mention the belief in action by the people. The dramatic image of the people liberating castles and convents is here ridiculed. Clearly only a nobleman, even if he is an exiled nobleman, or a Roman general, even if he is caught in a time warp, could complete such heroic action; no waiter-not even one who is also a Knight Templar-could ever change history. The other object of the satire-the popularity of such German plays as Schiller's Robbers and Cabal and Love, Kotzebue's Stranger, and Goethe's Stella - is announced in the prologue: "To-night our Bard, who scorns pedantic rules, His Plot has borrow'd 'drom the GERMAN Schools; - The GERMAN Schools - where no dull maxims bind The bold expansion of th'electric mind. Fix'd to 'do period, circled by no space, He leaps the flaming bounds of time and place. Round the dark confines of the Forest raves, With gentle ROBBERS stocks his gloomy caves; Tells how bad MINISTERS are shocking things, How reigning Dukes are just like tyrant Kings; How to two Swains one Nymph her vows may give, And how two Damsels with one Lover live! (237)" This passage makes an important link between political resistance to authority and the embrace of sexual freedom. This connection is at the heart of the Anti-Jacobin's vision, as is made clear in its prospectus, where it identifies its enemy as "JACOBINISM in all its shapes, and in all its degrees, political and moral, public and private, whether as it openly threatens the subversion of States, or gradually saps the foundations of domestic happiness." In the view of Mr. Higgins, the fictitious Jacobin author of The Rovers, the German drama calls for a new "SYSTEM comprehending not Politics only, and Religion, but Morals and Manners, and generally whatever goes to the composition or holding together of Human Society; in all of which a total change and Revolution is absolutely necessary"(236). Within the play, this attack upon domestic happiness is traced through the relations of Matilda, Rogero's love and mother of his children, who has also borne children by Casimere who is married to Cecilia; the cast list includes the children of Matilda by Casimere, the children of Matilda by Rogero, the children of Casimere and Cecilia along with "Several Children; Fathers and Mothers unknown"(237)." Political revolution be abhorrent, but it is the prospect of sexual liberation-particularly the liberation of female sexuality-that is truly terrifying. The position adopted by the Anti-Jacobin was neatly summed up by William Cobbett in a poetic epistle to its editor, Gifford, about his satire the Baviad. Cobbett joins Gilford in attacking playwrights who have "their gothic hands on social quiet laid, / And as they rave, unmindful of the storm, / Call lust refinement, anarchy reform." 13 This double assault upon popular rebellion and sexual liberation defines the project of the antirevolutionary drama. This project, both ideological and generic, seeks to defeat the dangerous erotic power unleashed in both the Gothic and in revolutionary romances through an appeal to domesticity and patriarchal power in formal terms, there is an attempt to transform the Gothic into the domestic melodrama. And there is also a struggle to replace the image of mass action with conspiracy theories of isolated, ambitious men manipulating the foolish people-in formal terms, the conversion of revolutionary spectaculars such as Dent's Bastille into neoclassical tragedies of intrigue. II The attack upon the French Revolution as the site of sexual excess was established early, in, for example, Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, as Paulson among others has pointed out.14 Burke first works to establish the French royal family as a model of domestic love and loyalty. Louis XVI, who had difficulty consummating his marriage, hardly made an ideal model for patriarchal potency, but Burke transforms him into an image of manly and kingly prowess. In the figure of Louis confronting the mob at Versailles Burke offers us a perfect father, husband, and ruler: "As a man, it became him to feel for his wife and his children, and the faithful guards of his person, that were massacred in cold blood about him; as a prince, it became him to feel for the strange and frightful transformation of his civilized subjects, and to be more grieved for them, than solicitous for himself"(488)." Marie Antoinette was, if anything, a harder case, known for her flirtatiousness and revealing dress and attacked as an adulteress, lesbian, child abuser, and even incestuous lover. Burke's famous passage on the queen-rising to his complaint "But the age of chivalry is gone"-describes her as not only possessing beauty, "glittering like a morning star, full of life, and splendor, and joy," but also as embodying "lofty sentiments" and the "dignity of a Roman matron" (488-89). She thus manages to combine physical charm with the iron-clad domestic virtue of the Roman wife and mother.
W1A-008-0.txt	1. Discuss Behaviorism versus Innatism Behaviorism: Initial attempts to explain first language acquisition were provided by B.F. Skinner (1957, 1968) and the Behaviorists school of thought. On the surface, it is easy to understand why Behaviorists make an analogy between the types of behavior studied by Skinner and verbal behavior. After all, numerous controlled experiments prove that animals may be trained into a behavior if the operant (desired response) that it produces is continually reinforced through reward. This viewpoint, understood in the framework of an operant conditioning/ S-R-R model, posits through analogy that infants must learn to speak by trying out their language (stimulus), and that when they succeed in communicating (response), the reward that they receive encourages them to develop appropriate verbal habits. In this manner, the child learning to speak is like a tabula rasa, or blank slate, that acquires all its behavioral tendencies (including language) through systematically rewarded behavior. Thus, it is "nurture" that creates a fully functioning language user and it is the reward one receives for correctly mimicking and displaying appropriate forms that results in children becoming competent speakers. The behaviorist model contends that no cognition occurs in the passive language learner; instead, the speaker's psychomotor skills are developed through the S-R-R model, and only observable behavior is considered relevant to the discussion. Applying this to the topic of African American vernacular English, then, the Behaviorist approach would argue that some population of America's blacks would have to have been raised in households in which only certain grammatical constructions were rewarded and in which others were not. For example, one standard feature of AAVE is the loss of the third-person present "- s" marker on verbs, so that Standard English "He writes" would appear as "He write." In order for this feature to be acquired by infants, according to Behaviorists, it would need to be continually reinforced as correct verbal behavior; furthermore, the acquisition of Standard English's "- s" marker in such an environment would not occur unless it received similar reward. While I don't believe it is rational to totally dismiss the language environment of the home and the role that caregivers play in the process of acquisition, I do believe that such a reductive view of language acquisition fails to fully account for the full experience of acquiring one's first language. This same point was first articulated by members of the Innatists camp, described below. Innatism: Noam Chomsky was one of the first researchers who sought to replace the idea of "nuture" with one of "nature." As the preeminent Innatist scholar, Chomsky (1965) raised a number of important questions about language development in children that simply could not be accounted for by Skinner. For example, if a child was like a blank slate, he inquired, intaking and repeating the "correct" language around them, why do children not speak in parentese--the prosodically and structurally marked baby-talk to which many children are exposed? Furthermore, how do we account for language development in those cultures where adults do not speak directly to children? Chomsky's theory posited the notion of poverty of stimulus; contending that almost all utterances are truly novel, and that as result, children can not possibly be exposed to all the correct types of language structures. Simply stated, there are just not enough stimuli during the child's developmental stages to accurately hypothesize a process of internalization-through-mimicry. In the class video Language Series Part 2, Pinker also points out that a child, even when corrected, is likely to ignore such correction and make the same mistakes again and again. Chomsky also addresses in this video a problem with the Behaviorist's belief that a child would learn appropriate patterns for word classes, and then extend those patterns to create new utterances. His case is made with a "red barn," example, which shows how the construction, "I painted the barn red/the red barn," does not allow for a simple replacement in the verb category: "I saw the red barn./! I saw the barn red." In other words, the idea that a child could generate novel utterances by learning and extending patterns to which they have been exposed was ineffective for accounting for real language acquisition. Rather than "nurture," Chomsky and other scholars (Lenneberg: 1967, MacNeill: 1968) believe that human beings are born with a species-specific Language Acquisition Device, an innate system embedded with universal principles that, after being shaped by exposure to language structures, selects appropriate parameters to generate a discreetly infinite number of grammatical constructions in the language into which a learner is born. Accordingly, Chomsky has contended, children "grow" language in the same way that birds "grow" wings. The system may be viewed as a series of switches, turned on or off by the demands of the native language, that serially generate the rules for language production. Such a device provides language users with a deep (possibly sub- or un-conscious) awareness of their native language's sounds and structures. According to MacNeill, the LAD contains at least four linguistic properties: the ability to distinguish speech sounds from other sounds in nature, the ability to organize linguistic data into classes that cane later be modified, the ability to recognize that only some language systems are possible, while others are impossible, and finally, the ability to evaluate the developing linguistic system so as to construct the simplest possible system out of the available linguistic input (Brown, 24). In effect, Brown (2000) summarizes this perspective in contrast to Behaviorism by arguing that child language development is not a matter of gradually decreasing "incorrect" structures, but instead, is a process in which "the child is constantly forming hypotheses "[which] are continually revised, reshaped, or sometimes abandoned."(25) Although such features as hypotheses formation are almost impossible to prove, the model described above is not without its merits. The phenomenon of language in nearly all humans, coupled with the fact that numerous languages share common features offers some support for the notion of a Universal Grammar, which we might define as the LAD's initial state before parameters have been set. Yet I would argue that such a model neglects important considerations with respect to the role that socialization plays in the process of language acquisition. Reducing the process to the most basic features of physiology, for example, also assumes that language learners are passive and have no control over their own development. In the case of our AEMP students, the UG hypothesis does not account for the reasons why certain structures may appear more frequently in the speech of their respective language communities than in others. Critiques of this model were raised by Social Interactionsits, who will be discussed below. 2. Discuss the important concepts in Social Interactionism Important theories of language acquisition came through the work of Piaget (1972), Bloom (1971) and others, who examined the ways in which a child's cognitive abilities might be related to their language abilities. In a developmental model such as Piaget's, a child's interaction with the world is a factor in the child's development, and corresponds to an increase in cognitive abilities. As Brown explains, Piaget "described overall development as the result of children's interaction with their environment"(29) Here, we have an example of the child-learner not as passive in the process of learning language, but rather, as increasingly aware of language in the real-world environment. Whereas Innatist theorists were concerned with the underlying forms of language, this approach allowed researchers to consider the ways in which the pragmatic nature of language--the part of language that allows us to engage with our environment--might be a driving force behind the developing of language in humans. This is understood as a functional, rather than a formal, consideration. Dan Slobin (1971, 1986) asserts that language development is couched in the need to acquire an increasingly complex semantic schema--that is, the need to use language to interact with the environment--which in turn, triggers those processing capabilities concerned with the grammatical and structural forms of language. In the same functional scope of language development, the Social Interactionists are also interested in the ways in which the language-learners environment sets the pace at which a child learns. However, unlike strict Behaviorists, Social Interactionists also accept that fact that language structure is unique and unlike other behaviors. For these researchers, the structure of language manifests as such due to the need of people to interact socially, and so the function of language, more than the form, becomes the important component. Instead of mimicking the language of their parents, children, according to Social Interactionists, receive cues about language through acculturation, or through the familiarization/confrontation of the socio-historic specificities of their real-world conditions. These include such things as economic standing, access to educational materials, and the status of an individual's language with respect to society-at-large. Language as part of cultural capital, does not exist in a vacuum and can not be disarticulated from its relationship to the language user; rather, it is part of a cultural capital "package" that contains, "forms of knowledge; skill; education; and any advantages a person has which give them a higher status in society, including high expectations" (" Cultural capital," Wikipedia.org, 2005) Accepting the role that these conditions play in the development of language, we might assert that as interactions with the real-world become more complex, so too does the internal language faculty. This particular was taken up by Vygotsky's (1978), who argued that language-based social interaction is actually the precursor to cognitive development. His suggestion of a zone of proximal development has been used to characterize the distance between a learner's potential development and the current state of their cognition. Thus, language is taken to be a tool for children to begin the process of social interaction, and an example of this is Child Directed Speech--a type of speech game in which a child is able to manipulate the language/behavior of those around her in such a way as to learn the important structural, semantic, and pragmatic clues that children use to engage with the world. Researchers like Holzman (1984), developed this idea further by suggesting a "reciprocal" or "bidirectional model" of language which essential states that it is the caregiver's relationship to the child that creates the parameters by which a child will learn to use language. That is to say that even CDS is guided by the concrete reality that surrounds a child, so that a child's response (attention, speech, etc.) shapes the caregivers output, and vice versa. There is evidence that CDS play an important role in a child'schild's language development, but it is also accepted that CDS does not appear in all languages, and is not uniform when it does appear. Brice Heath (2006), for instance, was able to produce data on the ways that differing socio-cultural environments could shape the types of linguistic input that children received. Comparing two working-class communities-- Trackton, a black community, and Roadville, a white community--Brice Heath "documented how their quite distinct ways of learning language affected their integration into academic life" for "each differed from expectations the mainstream families and schools held about uses of language." In short, we see the emergence of socio-historical and economic actualities taking a much greater role in the process of language acquisition. This phenomenon, often referred to as the home-school cultural mismatch, accounts for the fact that differences between the cultures to which children are exposed in the familial setting and in the school setting can be highly problematic for students when schools fail to recognize the differences. In the case of the AEMP model, there seems to be an informed awareness of this mismatch as a root problem in the performance gap. The antithesis of this awareness is manifest in the question posed by the student who asked, "If blacks in America are being exposed to the same type of English that they are, why aren't they learning Standard English?" A Social Interactionist perspective, I argue, provides us with the clues to answer this question appropriately: In any given culture, different competencies are valued over other, as are the various types of abilities that language-users possess.
W1B-012-0.txt	2 September 1991 Dear Clare, I started a letter to you eight days ago, and another four days ago, but kept not being able to finish them. As you know I have such a hectic schedule here in Deerfield. But I've promised myself I' 'veoing to finish this o 'm. Thanks for the postcard from North Dakota! How did the interview go? You must have been really tired from traveling, but I'm sure they were impr 'msed with you. By now you must be heading for Boston to get your stick-shift car. I hope you made it home without incident. My interview at DePaul did not go all that well. I was nervous; I thought I had prepared every question anyone could think of but there were some I wasn't prepared for. And I really didn't anticipate how mentally stressful it would be to be talking to people for six hours. Even in the bathroom! At one point there was a break between sessions and the head of reference was explaining to me where the nearest restroom was, then she decided she had to go too and would just come along. And she talked all the time! I just sat on the john for a minute with my head in my hands thinking "Can't I just have a MOMENT of privacy here?!" Anyway... I went home that night full of self-recrimination, fanning the flames of my sense of personal inadequacy. I had three strong gin-and-tonics with dinner and afterwards made my dad take me to the library so I could get some to read myself to sleep with. (I was afraid to drive!) The next morning I gave myself a firm talking-to about learning from this experience... Then I got a huge surprise. Michigan State called to ask me to come for an interview! This was Friday afternoon and they wanted me to come Tuesday and Wednesday. So I spent the next three days in total anxiety, threw out all my notes on answers to interview questions and started over. It went MUCH better even though it was twice as long. The worst session was on Wednesday, a panel of six people in a boardroom with me at the head of the table. Analogies to the Spanish Inquisition kept floating into my head and having to be suppressed. Then an hour with the director of the library... As you can imagine I felt like a wrung-out dishrag after all this was over! But I think I have a much better chance at this job than Depaul and frankly, I WANT it a lot more - - now that there's a alternative to DePaul it's a lot less attractive. I would be much more at home in East Lansing than in the western suburbs. I won't know about either job for about 3 weeks so I'm trying to keep my 'mind off it. I have a pile of books to read and I'm working out how I wa 'm to repaint some of my furniture. I really like the chairs and tables painted by artists that I've seen at vario 'vegalleries (and I always think "I could do that!") I have in mind painting the little bookshelf midnight blue, with stars and comets on the sides; and the dresser from my bedroom white with big black or brown spots like a cow's. My mainstream parents think it is the strangest thing they've ever heard o 'vebut "It's your furniture!" The latest Twilight Zone interaction with my parents involves mangoes. A humble fruit from the South Seas. About two weeks ago when I did the grocery shopping I got a mango, just to see what it was like. On Monday that week my mom was visiting my grandmother in the nursing home. I fixed dinner for Dad and sliced up the mango for dessert. He really liked it so last week I got another. Before I left on Tuesday I noticed it was getting soft and mentioned to my mom that they ought to eat it soon because it would spoil. When I got home on Thursday night there was this rotton mango in the fruit bowl. My parents, college graduates both, told me they couldn't eat it because neither one knew how to slice it! Needless to say I was absolutely speechless at this revelation! Maybe if I stay here long enough I can write a book about it... Got to go. Let me know as soon as you hear anything from North Dakota! If you go back to Olean, let me know your address. You may need some contact with sanity too! I'm listening to Bru 'm Springsteen now to try to inject some energy into this lifeless atmosphere. Don't you think I was Born to Run? Love, Rachel 6 November 1991 Dear Clare, Hi! At the rate I'm going at work yo 'mll probab 'llget this letter before I have a chance to send you an e-mail message. All of a sudden I'm really busy-- b 'm that's much better than being bored-- and everytime I try to check my email either someone is on the computer or I can't sign on. The communications software we use seems to have a lot of bugs-- its annoying. What I'm working on rig 'm now is the first of several handouts to add to our arsenal during the winter and spring term of papers for "ATL"-- American Thought and Language, a required course that all freshmen have to take. About 9000 kids! The one I'm working on now 'ms on current newspaper sources, then I'm going to do 'mne on how to find primary sources. We have a really big microforms collection so that one will be fun. One thing I found while I was poking around in the micro library was a set of American women's diaries from the 18th and 19th century, about 75 or 100 in the set. How fascinating! Maybe I'll come 'll one Sunday afternoon to read them. Its rather cold here but nothing like what you're getting 're the Great Plains! I thought of you and the errant car heater when that snowstorm hit. Did you get your car fixed? Do you have a block heater now like all the other Minnesotans? The cold snap here made me realize that I really need a winter coat - - a raincoat with a heavy liner just isn't going to cut it-- so I've been s 'veping the last few nights on my way home and I finally found one I liked - - a long, black one with kind of a dark multicolored trim. Anyway, its long, its warm, and I have black winter boots to go with it. On Sunday night I was coming home from a movie and it was really cold and windy, and I suddenly realized how miserable it would be if I got stranded or stuck in the snow on a cold night. So now I have a grocery bag in the trunk stuffed with an old sweatshirt, wool socks, extra gloves, and a bag of kitty litter for traction. I'm ready! I just hope I don't have to put all this to use. When I think of all these preparations and precautions I just shake my head in amazement. My entire adult life all I ever had to do for transportation was make sure I had my bus pass in my wallet. I'm really fee 'mng much better this week than I had been all the month of October. I got my first paycheck - - paid my bills and sent a big chunk of money to the Visa people-- and I have enough mental energy when I come home to cook something nicer for dinner than Chinese noodles - - you know those packets of noodles that you boil for 3 minutes and add a packet of'seasoning' (ie salt and brown food coloring). That's what I ate practically every night the 1st four weeks I was here! I had sort of an odd insight into anxiety and stress today - - specifically how I deal with them-- when I'm really a 'mious about something (a common occurrence lately) it doesn't help a bit to try to convince myself that it's a temporary state, that I'll f 'll better later. In fact I feel worse when people tell me that. Instead its as if I just have to live with it long enough to convince myself that I could live with the anxiety permanently if I had to, not that I would be happy but I could survive. Knowing that I can cope with it lets me give it up. Does that make any sense? I know what you mean, how you're fee 'reg, about being isolated. Its hard trying to find a place for yourself in a situation where people have been working together for years, and wondering if its really worth the effort to try. I'm feeli 'm a renewed homesickness for Chicago, even. Perhaps the new reference libn. At UND will be someone amiable and the two of you will be new together... I'm glad 'mat you have Janice with you. I don't know where I'd b 'dsometimes without Ema to take my mind off things and make me laugh. I cheered when you mentioned Michigan as a possible place to look for your next job. That would be fabulous! (In fact anywhere east of the Mississippi would be good!) When you are ready to start looking next year (or whatever) I'll 'llyour inside source! Take care of yourself. Much love, Rachel 2/21/92 Hi Clare, I am comfortably ensconsed at a table at the laundromat, with a print out of your email, my laundry basket, and lunch before me. I guess this is life in the 90s - - having lunch out during the recession means eating at the Haslett Wash + Dry! I'm usi 'm 3 hours of comp time because I have a really busy weekend, so I worked 8-1, had a lovely quick trip to a used bookstore, and its 2:00 and here I am. I have to go to my art class tomorrow morning, then dress rehearsal for the Choral Union concert and performance in the evening. And work all day Sunday (more comp time!) Next weekend I get both days off. I thought it was about time I wrote you a good long letter! Its hard to at home - Ema is SO PERSISTENT about being ON TOP OF ME all the time-- If I'm sit 'mng at the kitchen she's there, usually sitting on the newspaper, book, tax forms or whatever! If I'm si 'ming in the easy chair she's on my lap immediately. In bed she sleeps on my stomach or legs... It makes me feel guilty because she obviously is lonesome. I wish I could get another cat to keep her company. Oops-- looks like I printed out an old message and deleted the most recent one... but as I recall you were feeling frustrated about being on a dull committee instead of an interesting one, and Randy's presence is taking some getting used to. Maybe they are helping Randy more because they don't think he is quite as capable and competent as you? You have a great deal more experience than he has, after all - - about 16 months' head start. I know it can be exasperating to have someone around who's so gung-ho when you' 'reexperiencing lack of enthusiasm-- it makes you feel even more cynical than you already do. I don't know if this is good advice, but I have always found that it gives my spirits a lift to actively work on getting to the next stage of my life, if the present one is less than ideal, like working on my bibliography so I 'll have a publication to my credit. On the plus side, you could say that this is very proactive, shows initiative, etc. On the minus side I think it diverts my attention from making a real effort to adapt to my situation here, to improve things instead of giving up and saying, "I don't care because I 'm leaving soon." After all, there is a risk of failure in committing myself to this situation, but not in planning for the future. It hasn't happened yet so its still clean+ fresh (choice of adjectives influenced by my surroundings!)
W2C-017-0.txt	A Hilo attorney says the Navy could be just months away from deploying the low frequency sonar system it tested off the Big Island in 1998. Lanny Sinkin said the authorization of the Surveillance Towed Array Sensor System Low Frequency Active Sonar (SURTASS LFA) is a serious threat to the health of marine mammals, particularly whales. The Navy has asked the National Marine Fisheries Service (NMFS) for letters of authorization under the Marine Mammal Protection Act and a permit under the Endangered Species Act. These permits would allow the Navy to "harass" animals protected under the laws. The NMFS will conduct a hearing Saturday in Honolulu on the proposed five - year permit, that would allow the Navy to deploy the system worldwide. Joe Johnson, Navy representative and program manager for the SURTASS LFA EIS program, did not return a telephone message from West Hawaii Today. The NMFS has proposed language and given until May 18 for comment from the public. Sinkin said the rule adopts the Navy's position that the new sonar is not harmful to marine mammals, particularly because its volume will be limited in particularly sensitive areas. But Sinkin, who called SURTASS LFA a relic of the "Cold War," said the Navy has dismissed or ignored evidence presented by those who observed the 1998 experiments off the Kona and Kohala Coast as "anecdotal." " Numerous whale watch captains said the whales were leaving the test area as soon as the broadcast began," Sinkin said. " Their scientists use anecdotal like it means 'no credibility,'" he said. "But what we presented were observations from people who have a cumulative 125 years of experience on the ocean and they said the whales fled." Despite what he described as new technology to replace the 1980s - era SURTASS LFA, Sinkin said the Navy will not give up the project because it has already invested $400 million. " So it will be up to Congress," Sinkin said. "It's just to dangerous to deploy." A lawsuit filed in 1998 by the Hawaii Green Party attempted to stop the experiment based upon the reports from whale boat captains and other observers, a snorkeler who said she was injured by the sonar and failure of the NMFS to stop the experiment despite what it described as permit violations. The lawsuit was dismissed as moot by Judge Alan Kay when the Navy stopped the testing and said it would conduct no other tests. But Sinkin said the NMFS based its decision on the findings of an environmental impact statement, which he said omits the court claims and fails to identify alternatives to deployment. " An EIS is supposed to be comprehensive and honest, so a decision maker can ask, 'do I want 'do be responsible for inflicting this much environmental damage?'" he said. "As it is, this decision maker doesn't see impacts or alternatives, and so he is making a decision in the dark." Sinkin said deployment is so close the Navy already has commissioned one ship to carry the SURTASS LFA equipment and is in the process of building three others for the same purpose. Public testimony may be presented at the 1 p.m. meeting at the Mariott Waikiki Beach Hotel in Honolulu, or mailed by May 18 to Donna Wieting, Marine Mammal Conservation Division, Office of Protected Resources, National Marine Fisheries Service, 1315 East - West Hwy., Silver Spring, Md., 20910 - 3226.
W2A-020-0.txt	IN AMERICA we are taught from our earliest years, that upward mobility is the essence of the American dream. Growing up in a white working-class family, I equated such mobility with the "good life," "making it," and middle-class respectability. Like many of my peers, I saw education as the key to actualizing my vision. It was clear that I not only wanted to move up, but out. By getting a "good education" I would be able to leave my past behind and create a life for myself which was radically different from that of my parents. During those early years, my own classism prohibited me from questioning the "dream" or the "rewards" education would bring. I was also unprepared for the marginality and estrangement I would feel as my "dream" came true. These feelings initially surfaced during college and only intensified as I moved up the educational hierarchy. Thus, the more "successful" I became, the more marginal I felt. For many years I saw this pattern as indicative of my own personal inadequacies rather than as a function of the ways in which my gender and class background shaped my experience within academe. In other words, I lacked what C. Wright Mills called the sociological imagination, or the ability to see that my private troubles were intricately linked to larger social forces. A key barrier to developing this awareness was the invisibility of other faculty who shared my class background. Without the knowledge that there were others "like me," it was difficult to move beyond a self- or victim-blaming perspective. It was only by breaking my self-imposed silence and sharing my experience with others that I began to realize I was not alone. By coming out of the closet I soon discovered that what I had viewed as personal problems were, in fact, common struggles. As I spoke with other women like myself, it became clear that these struggles were directly related to the dual nature of our class identity. On the one hand, we had, in many ways, become middle class. Our education, occupation, and income were indisputable markers that clearly separated us from our families of origin. Yet our subjective experience of class was not that clear cut. Despite our objective position in the class structure, many of us did not feel middle class or as if we really belonged in the world we inhabited. What we were keenly aware of, which many of our middle-class colleagues failed to understand, is that "education and a good job don't turn a black person white and they don't negate a white working-class person's background" (McKenney 147). As a consequence, a part of our identity was middle class while another part remained back in the working-class world of our roots. Thus, as upwardly mobile working-class women, we lived in two culturally distinct and, at times, contradictory worlds. One consequence of this multiple consciousness was that we often experienced ourselves as outsiders, both within the middle-class world of academia and within our families of origin. As members of what might be best described as a transition class, we saw ourselves as living on the margins of two cultural worlds but as members of neither.1 We also felt that this sense of marginality was augmented further by our gender. As women, we were well aware of our anomalous position within an institution whose structure and ideology reinforced patriarchal values. As a consequence, we frequently saw ourselves as outside the mainstream of university life, alienated and invisible.2 In this chapter 1 examine the personal and professional struggles faced by female academics from the working class as they try to cope with their marginal status and the psychic disequilibrium created by upward mobility. Given the dearth of literature on this topic, I will draw on my experiences and those shared with me by other women faculty. Like myself, these women are white and all are in their mid-thirties to early forties. The ambiguities and ambivalences with which we are most familiar shape the central themes of this chapter. How these themes might differ for male academics from the working class, or for other racial and age groups, are issues that remain to be explored. Central to any discussion of social class is the profound effect it has on our perception of the world as well as of our place in it. When we identify ourselves as being in one class or another, we are making a statement about what we view as our objective position within the class structure. However, class is more than an abstract category or benign label assigned to self or others. Each class has a distinctive social51 existence, a culture that creates a sense of belonging among its members (Ryan and Sackrey 107). This culture shapes how we speak, walk, dress, eat, our sense of control over our life, our values and attitudes regarding work, family, intimacy, money, leisure, and education.3 Within American society, however, each class culture is not equally valued. Specifically, the norm, the standard of acceptability and respectability, is middle class. Thus, to be from the working class is to be defined as "less than," inferior, subordinate. As many feminists have noted, this pattern of responding not only to class but to all human differences in dualistic and hierarchical terms characterizes much of Western thought. Representing what may be called a patriarchal consciousness, this mode of thinking "conditions us to see human differences in simplistic opposition to each other: dominant/subordinate, good/bad, up/down, superior/inferior" (Lorde 114). Within this framework, those who lack privilege and power become "other," the outsider whose experience is ignored, devalued, or erased.4 For members of the working class and other subordinate groups, this reductive response to human differences often leads to internalized oppression. This refers to the "incorporation and acceptance by individuals within an oppressed group of the prejudices against them within the dominant society" (Pheterson 148). And, as Pheterson notes, internalized oppression is likely to be associated with feelings of inferiority, self-hatred, self-concealment, and isolation (148). What are the consequences of these cultural patterns for academics from the working class? First, they strongly affect how such faculty perceive themselves and their place within the academy. Given the middle-class values and assumptions that permeate university life, academics from the working class are constantly aware of their differences from the norm.5 The taken-for-granted reality that "everyone is middle class" typically structures the curriculum as well as conversations with colleagues and administrators. Within this environment, it is not surprising that, as Ryan and Sackrey learned, working-class faculty often view themselves as outsiders or as marginal members of the academy. For female academics from the working class, this sense of not belonging is augmented further by the masculinist culture and male-centered nature of the university.6 Well aware of their outsider status, both as women and as members of a culturally devalued class, many silence themselves. While this strategy enables them to "pass" as middle.52 class or appear as an insider to others, "passing" is not the same as belonging. Thus, silence may protect working-class faculty from being "discovered" by others, but it does not eradicate their cultural heritage anti the feelings of estrangement that stem from it. Second, due to internalized oppression, working-class faculty may be more likely than their middle-class colleagues to have serious doubts about their self-worth, skills, and ability to perform or succeed. Objective evidence of professional success often does little to ameliorate these doubts and, in fact, frequently has the opposite effect. This theme is aptly illustrated by the following experience shared with me by a well-known women s studies scholar Although she had published five books, she experienced a great deal of difficulty completing and submitting the final draft of each one. In her words, she feared "letting go" of her work because she knew this would ultimately lead to her being "judged by others and put on trial.? Though her work was always well received, each time she neared the completion of a new book, she would begin to define her past successes as a fluke; she had just gotten "lucky.? This time, however, it would be different. Her ultimate fear would become a reality. Others would finally discover who she really was: "a working-class kid who managed to con everyone into believing she was good enough, smart enough, and so forth.? Although she always managed to overcome this fear and submit her work for publication, doubts regarding her self-worth remained. Accordingly, whenever a new challenge or project arose, the cycle would repeat itself. The fear that others will discover one is a fraud or impostor is quite common among first-generation professionals, including academics from the working class.7 Having internalized the classism of the larger culture, such faculty may find it difficult to accept praise from others and they often deny their own competence. Accordingly, they attribute success to external events such as luck rather than to personal skill or ability. Ironically, as their professional achievements increase, working-class faculty may feel more than ever that others have a false impression of them. And, this in turn, can heighten their fear of being "discovered." Another issue that may arise concerns the symbolic meaning of one's work or professional success. For often what is defined as "success" within the middle-class world of academia becomes yet another manifestation of separateness and alienation from the working-class world of one's roots. Accordingly, the more one succeeds, the greater53 the social distance from one's class of origin. Given this dynamic, there is often a desire for and simultaneous fear of such "success" among working-class faculty. This double bind can lead to confusion and ambivalence regarding what others in academe take for granted as indicators of professional success (e.g., completing a dissertation, publishing, receiving tenure). Working-class academics may therefore experience more difficulty reaching professional goals than their middle-class colleagues. And, once achieved, such success can raise new existential dilemmas. This theme, as well as the class-based contradictions associated with academic success, has emerged repeatedly in my conversations with others. For example, during a recent conference, I heard a working-class faculty member discuss her response to receiving tenure. For years she had thought this rite of passage would mark the beginning of a new life. Self-doubt and anxiety would no longer characterize her experience within academe. After all, she would have "made it" and finally proven herself She soon discovered, however, that tenure was a mixed blessing. It secured her place within the middle-class world of academe, but by doing so, raised a plethora of new questions: Was she now one of "them"? Had she finally become a full-fledged member of the educated elite, a group her family referred to with disdain, yet often admired and wanted to emulate? Had she betrayed those she left behind? Would her newly won status separate her even more from her family of origin? What did this rite of passage mean in terms of her self-definition? As I listened to her remarks, I remembered having similar thoughts while writing my dissertation. In fact, these thoughts were a large part of why I feared completing it. Thus, for working-class academics, whether beginning or at later stages of their careers, professional success can create identity confusion as well as heighten feelings of estrangement. The feelings of marginality and alienation experienced by working-class faculty within the academy may also permeate their relationships with significant others from their past, particularly family members. As one interviewee in a recent study of working-class academics noted: "Years of living a university life have isolated me from my working class origins. What do we have in common, what can we talk about? Their interests are not my interests, their values are no longer mine" (Ryan and Sackrey 138). Given the centrality of kin in working-class culture, such isolation can create a great deal of anguish.8 In addition, 54 because women tend to define themselves in more relational terms than men, estrangement from kin may be particularly difficult for female academics from the working class.9 Such women learn very early in their careers that their life-style, general interests, and work are largely incomprehensible to their families. Although family members may try to understand this "new" life, the pain is, in many ways, that they can't. Attempts to explain one's life-style and work often only broaden the chasm and, in the end, it becomes painfully clear that they are living in radically different worlds from one another. For example, during a recent conversation with my mother, I began discussing a conference I planned to attend on the West Coast. She immediately asked what people did at a conference and I explained that they present their ideas and talk about them with others. She then asked whether I knew any of the people who would be there and I said a few, but that hundreds would be attending. Her response: "You mean to tell me that you are going to travel three thousand miles to talk to people you don't even know?" I meekly replied "yes."
W2F-016-0.txt	Twenty-One Wendy J. Cholbi Most people play solitaire with cards. For others, it's not just a game - - it's a state of mind. It is my twenty-first birthday. It's also a Friday night. I can do whatever the hell I want. Everything except paint. Is there such a thing as artist's block? Writers get blocked, and they're artists, sort of. Or is there some other reason the paper stays blank, all the brushes in their holders, tubes of paint unopened? I have my back turned to my work table as I deal cards onto the floor. I made that table myself, particle board on cinder blocks, and it's just the right height for me to sit at and paint. It's even and solid and square. I spent a long time moving the cinder blocks under the wood to balance it and compensate for the warping of the floorboards. It's the right height to sit at and play solitaire, too, but even though it's empty, I am playing on the floor. I feel too guilty for not painting. The emptiness of the table would accuse me. I feel hungry. As I finish the game that I'm losing, I promise myself that 'ms soon as I win once, I'll eat. I deal myself another game. Looks bad. No aces in sight and I can only do one move at first, put the seven of clubs on the eight of diamonds. I start to flip my way through the deck. I am a master of solitaire. It is a constant in my life. I use it to dull my mind when I'm upset, to while away the tim 'mwhen I can't sleep, to smooth the flow of my subconscious when I'm frustrated with working o 'ma painting. I also use it to bribe myself - - I promise myself an uninterrupted round as soon as I finish a painting. Or after I call my mother. Or I use it to delay the inevitable, as I am doing now. As soon as I win, I will look up from the worn cards, survey my shelves, try to find something edible. The games are also keeping me from panicking over the naked sheets of thick paper, thirsty to soak up water and color. I haven't set brush to paper in two weeks. The last thing I painted that I was really happy with was about three weeks ago. It was a crow sitting on a streetlight. I was pleased with the way I managed to catch the highlights of his feathers, with that kind of dusty shine crows have. And his one yellow eye, his head cocked. Last week I turned that painting to face the wall, because it had begun to seem like he was staring at me accusingly. I'm worried that my brain will d 'm up with my paint, if it hasn't already. It's also been two weeks since I've been to the groce 'vestore. The last two nights I have ordered out - - pizza last night, Chinese before that. I went to the liquor store today, though. On my way home from work I stopped and bought a bottle of scotch with the last of my petty cash to celebrate today. Tony at the liquor store knows me. I've been buying stuff 'veere since I was seventeen. Two aces show up in a row: hearts and spades. Hearts in spades. I should have spades and spades of hearts. I don't want to think about that now. The year I moved out I was seventeen. My parents split up when I was fourteen, and the day the divorce papers were signed I resolved to get out as soon as I could. It was the usual arrangement: I lived with my mom, spent weekends once in a while at my dad's place. Nobody asked me who I'd rather live 'dth. They're OK, my parent 're - they didn't beat me or anything. My dad even came to see the student art show my sophomore year. It's just that the divorce was very messy and anyone could see that they had more important things to deal with than me. I checked out my options. I was working one night a week stocking at a local comic book store, and they needed part-time work at the main warehouse. So I worked there after school most of my junior year. They hired me full-time as soon as I got out for summer, and I never went back to school. After a month I was making twice minimum wage, taking orders over the phone. I rented an apartment on the south side of City Park, a small place, just to get out. After my first six-month lease was up, I found this place. It's much better than the last one, on the north side, closer to work, with lots of windows. I could say to my friends that I had light to work with now. I told my mom I was barely making the rent payments, and with the two hundred dollars she gave me I bought a brown-and-red Ford Fiesta. The first time I made love with Jason was in the back of that car. But I'm not thinking about t 'mt now, as I lay the four and the five and the six of hearts on top of the pile. I sold it for parts three months ago and bought a Chevy Citation with an oil leak. I repaired the leak myself with duct tape. Besides, it wasn't making love. It couldn't have been. The sun is setting. I can tell because the light is getting red. I can't see the sun when it sets - - the buildings of downtown Denver are in the way - - but I don't mind. Afternoon light is best to paint by, and the afternoons will be longer soon, when daylight savings time starts. My dad's place, where I used to spend weekends, had great light. It's in the mountains, and it's very quiet and all that. I used to wish that they would let me live with him instead of my mom, but there would have been no way for me to get to school. So I had to spend weeks at my mom's place, with her and Dave. Dave always tried to be nice to me, but his idea of being nice was offering me a beer. I hate beer, and they drink too much. Besides, I didn't care if he was nice to me. I just wanted him to leave me alone, so I could play solitaire and think about what I would paint the next weekend at my dad's. I had a deck of cards with cats on the backs that I used until I lost the jack of diamonds. These days, cards take a couple of months to wear out between my fingers, but I keep a spare deck around just in case. When I started drinking, I drank vodka, just like every high school student. It's cheap. But the first time I went into Tony's liquor store, I knew if I tried to buy vodka, especially dressed the way I usually was, in jeans and tennis shoes, he'd kno 'dI was underage. So I put on a pair of costume glasses and styled my hair in a French twist. My hair was long then. After Jason left for college I cut my hair. I read somewhere that a lot of women cut their hair after ending relationships, but I didn't end it. He did. I cropped it short, not more than an inch long. I did it myself, standing in front of the bathroom mirror. I did a pretty good job of it, too, and I've gott 'vebetter, since I have to trim it every month or so. I wore heels to the liquor store, and a skirt and blouse. I asked the man, who turned out to be Tony, for his recommendations on what wine to drink with grilled fish and rice. He asked me what kind of fish, and I said halibut because I knew it was a fancy type of fish. He recommended a French dry white wine from Meursault-Blagny, whatever that means. I only remember it because I saved the bottle. I put flowers in it once in a while. I thanked him, and bought it, and he didn't card me, so the fifteen dollars I spent on the wine was worth it. The next time I went into the store, I wore a short skirt and a blouse with three buttons open and bought some Grand Marnier. After that I knew I was safe. He's never carded me, even when I've bou 've vodka. When the jack and queen of spades show up in the right order, I know I've won 'vee game. But I play to the end as I always do, and then slide the cards together into a pile. I've pla 've so much solitaire, it's become another art to me. I know a lot of different games, from clock solitaire to forty thieves, which is a two-deck version, to portable solitaire that you can play in one hand. The person who taught me portable solitaire said it was great for airplanes. I've ne 've been on an airplane. I still have staples left. Rice, flour, spices, that kind of thing. Some cans of tomato paste. I put a pan of water on to boil and measure out rice. I don't sit down to play again because I know that if I do I will let the water boil down to nothing rather than interrupt my game. I glance at my painting corner as I salt the water. I really should paint something, but I've be 'vetelling myself that for days. My half-finished efforts, except for one, are stacked behind the table. I hate most of them. I tried painting my hand holding a deck of cards, I tried painting a group of people playing poker, and finally I just tried to paint a big king of spades. When I noticed that it had Jason's nose, I tore it up. I wander into my bedroom and throw a couple of dirty shirts into the clothes basket. I'm nor 'mlly very neat, it's only during this dry spell - - that's what I' 'llcall it, it has a nice ring - - that I'v 'vehrown my dirty clothes into the corner instead of in the basket. When I was finally ready to show Jason my place, my apartment that was a studio even though it wasn't a studio apartment, I thought maybe I should throw some things on the floor. It's usually very clean, and I didn't want him to think I had cleaned up for him. We made love - - no, we had sex on my bed, which is really a mattress on the floor. He didn't stay the night, because his mother didn't know where he was. He was eight months younger than me. I had forgotten that people my age still lived with their parents, still listened to their mothers, still called if they were going to be out late. So he left me with kisses, saying he wished he could stay. At three in the morning I woke up and couldn't get back to sleep, because I could smell him in the sheets. It bothered me. I felt fiercely territorial about my place. So I got up and took a long shower and changed the sheets on the bed. I put the dirty ones in a pillowcase to separate them from the other untainted laundry. Then I felt better, and I went back to sleep. The water is boiling, and I dump in the rice. I make a deal with myself that I can play solitaire, but I will interrupt my game to get the rice. In payment for this, I am allowed to cheat. I have devised several ways of doing this. There are rules even for cheating. Sometimes I give myself permission to go through the deck more than the specified number of times. Sometimes I can switch the positions of certain cards. Sometimes I let one card be wild. Tonight I play that black can go on black and red can go on red, but only if they 're opposite suits. Jason had this deck of cards that he had drilled a hole through. That was the first thing that I noticed when I met him. He had a job at the same warehouse I did, but in a different department. It was my second summer there, and his first. He was going to work full time for a year, to earn money before he went to college. I came down to the break room for a Coke and he was playing solitaire on the lunch table. I noticed that he didn't play very well, and that there was a hole in every single card. The holes weren't in the middle - - they were a little off center, toward the top left corner. We were the only two people in the room. I knew better than to suggest moves to him. I also knew that everyone probably asked him about the holes in his cards, so I didn't. I just sat down across from him and drank my Coke.
W2C-003-1.txt	Depth of river causing concern By MIKE HALL The Capital-Journal That bottled water you stockpiled for Y2K may still come in handy if northeast Kansas doesn't get rain soon. It is a little too early to start filling washtubs with water, but the people who watch this sort of thing are beginning to be a little concerned. Topeka Water Superintendent Don Rankin is keeping watch on the statistics on the depth of water in the Kansas River, the only source of drinking water for Topeka-area water customers. He has the power to impose water conservation measures on those customers but isn't making any predictions on the likelihood of that happening. The river is low, but he doesn't have any specific depth that automatically triggers the water conservation plan. " It's kind of a relative thing," he said. "The river gets this low every year. The problem is that it's usually in September." Besides watching the depth gauge at the water treatment plant on the south bank of the Kansas River near S.W. MacVicar, Rankin also is watching some Web sites maintained by various government agencies. The Kansas Water Office, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and U.S. Geological Survey all have Web sites with useful data. For example, the Corps of Engineers site showed that the level of water in the river dropped to 5.41 feet as of Friday, down from 6.26 feet the previous Friday. That measurement is taken by a gauge near the Sardou Bridge in Topeka. Two measurements of the river level are used by the government agencies. Besides the depth in feet, the other measurement is the number of cubic feet of water that pass by a certain point in one second. The Corps site showed 1,429 cubic feet per second, or CFS, were flowing through Topeka on Friday compared with 2,663 CFS the previous Friday. Historical tables supplied by the U.S. Geological Survey site show the typical river flows in Topeka range from highs of 70,000 CFS to lows in the range of the current level. But as Rankin indicated, the lows typically occur in September, with summertime river levels often in the range of 5,000 CFS. At the height of the 1993 flooding, 170,000 CFS were flowing through Topeka. The Kansas Water Office Web site maintains frequently updated "Drought Reports" indicating the presence or absence of moisture in the various parts of the state. The June 7 report placed much of northeast Kansas in the "severe drought" category, a downgrading of the previous week's rating of "moderate drought." Those ratings are based on a numerical system called the Palmer Drought Severity Index. The Palmer index rates an area between +4, meaning extremely wet, and - 4, meaning extreme drought. To be considered in serious drought, an area has to have a Palmer rating between - 3 and - 3.99.
W2B-036-0.txt	Federal budget cuts may slash everything from supercomputers to atom smashers. Will they imperil U.S.science? Two leaders square off. In the waning days of World War II, two weapons conceived, designed, and constructed by physicists shattered any doubts about the power of science to change the world. They were, of course, the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Even before then, the development of radar and the like meant that politicians could no longer dismiss scientists as aloof polymaths engaged in esoteric pursuits. Since World War II, science is power. Numerous government-sponsored national laboratories have sprung up, mainly to produce more advanced atomic and hydrogen weapons. Science now means economic prowess too. "On the wisdom with which we bring science to bear in the war against disease, in the creation of new industries, and in the strengthening of our armed forces depends...our future as a nation," science adviser Vannevar Bush argued in his 1945 treatise "The Endless Frontier" His report led to the formation of the National Science Foundation in 1950 and paved the way for the glory days of science. In the following decades, the National Institutes of Health, NASA, the Department of Energy, and other research-intensive organizations were established. Federal agencies currently lavish $34 billion annually on civilian R&D - and pay for the majority of basic research done at universities. Today, science stands at a crossroads. led by House Speaker Newt Gingrich, Republicans in Congress propose the largest cutback in science and technology spending in 15 years. The recent House of Representatives budget resolution promises an effective 25 to 30 percent cut in civilian science over the next 7 years, assuming 3 percent inflation. A Senate budget proposal is only slightly less harsh. Under the House plan, funding for supercomputers, environmental satellites, solar energy, and fusion power would all be drastically curtailed. The Energy and Commerce departments, both of which spend billions on research, would be abolished. Basic sciences such as physics and chemistry would fare better, but agencies like the National Institutes of Health still face the possibility of a 7-year budget freeze. The plans have scientists in an uproar. "In the United States we've built up this unbelievable 've machine, and we're on the verge of destroyi 'reit, not out of maliciousness but out of a desire to solve the budget problem," NASA administrator Dan Goldin - himself a cost-cutter-warned in a speech. "It scares the hell out of me. "Republicans, of course, argue that their plan is needed to balance the budget, and say their cuts mostly target bloated "pork-barrel" technology projects while protecting basic research. The budget battle is just beginning: A final budget probably won't be set until October. To get the bottom line on the budget, POPUlAR SCIENCE interviewed two of the leading science experts in Congress: Robert Walker of Pennsylvania, the new Republican chairman of the House Science Committee; and Representative George Brown, former chair of the same committee and Walker's chief nemesis. REP.ROBERT WALKER: PS: What's your philosophy of government science funding? What kind of research should the government pay for, and what should it avoid? REP.WALKER: I come down heavily on the side of funding basic university research. The government ought to sponsor basic research that no one else would be willing to undertake. Secondarily, I support programs only government can do with its kind of financial resources - the space program being a prime example. But I don't think the government should be involved in developmental work. That is, research involving businesses that have a particular product in mind. This should be funded with private money. Now if doing basic research leads to some applications, then the government has some role. The human genome project is a good example. As we do fundamental research on the human genome, we discover biomedical applications. It's fine for the government to fund some of these. But the underlying force behind the program ought to be basic science. PS: How do you draw the line between basic research and developmental work? REP.WALKER: There is no firm line. But if you're setting up programs t 're have a very quick payoff, my guess is those have little to do with basic science. The advanced technology program at the Commerce Department is a prime example. This program's goal is for government to work with industry with the express intention of producing a new product. To me, that's not true R&D. I think technology develops so fast that it is beyond government's ability to respond. The marketplace is a far better judge of where technology investment should go. PS: What do you think about renewable energy? REP.WALKER: I think there are some areas we have underemphasized in the past that we ought to concentrate on. One of the first bills to come out of my committee was the Hydrogen Future Act. Hydrogen seems to be a potential energy resource with benign environmental properties. I'm also personally intere 'med in the so-called cold fusion area. It's not fusion, obviously. But there's something that's producing additional heat, and it's being found in laboratory after laboratory. No one at this point can explain it. The hydrogen bill sets aside some monies to go into highly innovative research such as this. Now, let's say that we do the hydrogen research and we find applications for hydrogen, but hydrogen is still not cost-effective compared with other power sources. The government shouldn't continue supporting hydrogen simply because there's no market for it. But this is what happens now at the Department of Energy. A number of renewable energy programs there are life-support systems. Like photovoltaics. The government is paying researchers to reproduce photovoltaic panels that it has already done the research on over and over again. PS: Take us several years into the future, and predict what the science budget will look like. REP.WALKER: At the turn of the century, the science budget will heavily emphasize basic research. We will have enhanced the ability of universities to do research by stabilizing government spending and by going to a permanent R&D tax credit. This not only will allow companies to deduct internal research from their taxes, but will encourage industry to collaborate with universities. Overall, I would hope that by the year 2000, R&D becomes a much greater share of the gross domestic product than it is now. PS: So how much will the government spend on science in the year 2000 under your plan? REP.WALKER: Over the next 5 years, our plan spends $111 billion on civilian R&D, somewhat less than what we'd spend if we 'd continued at current levels. However, basic research is pretty well protected. It actually receives a nominal increase before inflation. Where we take the hit is in corporate subsidies. In all honesty, I'm not willing to 'my that because people contribute a lot of money to political campaigns, they ought to get money for projects that they call "science. "That's what I think happens in the Commerce Department's Advanced Technology Program. It's a $600 million-a-year program, and our plan totally eliminates it. Some of the energy programs are also hit. For instance, the conservation program at the Department of Energy goes from a $3.2 billion-to a $2.2 billion-a-year program over 7 years. PS: What happens to NASA under your plan? REP.WALKER: NASA's budget actually declines over the next seven years, but it's mostly the result of accepting the reforms promised by NASA administrator Dan Goldin. We also assume an aggressive privatization of the space shuttle. We want a private entity to take over the shuttle and launch those flights that NASA needs, and perhaps also launch the shuttle for profit a couple of times a year. This will save $1.5 billion over 7 years. The biggest difference between our NASA budget and the Clinton administration's budget is in the Earth Observing System. We cut $2.7 billion over 7 years from this [environmental satellite] program. The savings come in three ways. First of all, we think some of the ground-based data collection is pork barrel and can be cut back. Second, we believe that by taking advantage of micro-miniaturization, NASA can use much smaller satellites and save tremendous amounts of money. Finally, we think NASA can derive revenue by selling some of the data it gathers from its Earth Observing System satellites. PSi is there any possibility that the space station will be axed? REP.WALKER: No. I support the space station because it represents a major technological challenge for America. I predict that within a few years the NASA space station will produce a Nobel Prize, simply because of the uniqueness of the environment there. PS: If the Energy and Commerce departments get cut, as Republicans propose, what will happen to the scientific functions performed by those agencies, like weather forecasting? REP.WALKER: If you eliminate these departments, you need to find a place for valuable agencies like the National Institute of Standards and Technology and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration [both parts of the Commerce Department]. My own preference is to put together a Department of Science that would pick up the pieces of the departments of Energy and Commerce. It would also include NASA, the National Science Foundation, and the Environmental Protection Agency. PS: MIT Nobel laureate David Baltimore argues that the budget cuts will mean that his most talented graduate students won't be able to find jobs. He says the cuts "threaten the very foundation of science in this country." What do you say to him? REP.WALKER: I think that's a total misreading of everything we're doin 're In fact, our plan will offer his students greater opportunities. Right now the opportunities have been diminishing in large part because Congress has funded too much pork-barrel science and not enough good, fundamental science. By changing the mix and getting a greater overall investment in science, we will assure more science jobs. PS: So your plan goes against the recent trend of concentrating more on research that will have a quick economic payback? REP.WALKER: I think that's a very dangerous trend. The administration and others who have been moving the National Science Foundation away from basic research toward applied research are absolutely wrong. It's just one more example of science being used for political gain rather than achievement. PS: We've re 'vehorror stories that the National Weather Service won't be able to predict weather, or that the Centers for Disease Control won't be able to track deadly diseases if your budget goes through. Should people be worried? REP.WALKER: I have seen a number of agencies screaming that if you cut our money or freeze our budget, we are not going to be able to respond to future needs of society. It's the typical Washington game where as soon as you talk about reducing funds at the Interior Department, they say, "Oh, my goodness, we'll 'llhave to shut down the Washington Monument." Yes, researchers and everybody else will have to prioritize. But I would point out that most R&D agencies got dramatic budget increases during the 1980s. When we started the budget process, we decided that no science budget by the end of the century should be below where it had been at the beginning of this decade. I think we've 'veomplished that pretty well. REP.GEORGE BROWN: PS: How does your philosophy of government science funding differ from Robert Walker's? REP.BROWN: My differences with Mr. Walker involve the value of applied research or technology development. I give applied research the same degree of importance as basic research in terms of the future economic development of this country. Mr. Walker doesn't. He calls it corporate welfare and says that this is something that the private sector should do. And in this he's wrong. The private sector can't do it. They have no economic incentive to do long-term applied research or technology development. Our international competitors do it, and that's what is giving them a competitive advantage over us. PS: What effects would the Republican budget have? REP.BROWN: If the Republican budget is passed in its present form, it will be destructive of America's economic future and of the well-being of our citizens. It will be impossible to sustain the rate of economic growth that this country requires with the reduction in R&D investment that the Republicans propose. A decade ago, the United States was one of the top three countries in government investment in R&D. We now rank about 20th, according to figures compiled by the European community. This steep decline will get steeper if the Republican budget is passed.
W2B-017-0.txt	Four brave women open up their checkbooks and reveal what they make, what they spend Ann Marie Veziano, 26, isn't ashamed to admit she is "horrible about paying bills" and "completely overboard with spending." Strange words from a research analyst for a large New York City investment bank, but Ann Marie insists it's only temporary. "I've just paid off five thousand dollars in 'veudent loans," she says, "and I guess I haven't finished rewarding myself. But I know one day I'm going to grow up and be more frugal." 'm Salary: $35,000 to $40,000 a year Take-home pay: $450 to $500 a week Credit cards: American Express, Visa Average balance on cards: About $150 on each card every month Method of payment: "I am the worst at paying bills. Sometimes I'll let them just sit there 'llpened. I once owed one thousand four hundred dollars and let it go for months without paying any of it. I know it costs me. Recently I noticed a twenty dollar late payment on my Visa card and I was disgusted." Loans: None Rent: $430 a month. She shares a one-bedroom apartment with a roommate. "It's perfect for one person but there are two of us." Balances checkbook: "No. But I'm good with math, and I usually know what 'ms in the account." Average checking-account balance: $0 to $2,000 Average savings-account balance: $1,000 Other investments: None Average phone bill: $70 Other expenses: $450 annual subscription to concerts at Carnegie Hall: "I guess it's decadent on my salary." Pottery lessons for $175 Who pays for dating: Ann Marie's boy-friend makes more money, so he usually goes to the bank to get money. "We just seem to fall into these traditional roles. But there are other times when he'll be low on cash, and 'lll spend a hundred d 'llars taking us both out." Amount spent on clothing: I love hats, so I buy one a month for about thirty dollars. I don't buy clothing very often, so when I do, it's quality. I'll buy two pairs of sh 'll all year but they'll be Manalos. They'll cost me, but they'l 'llook great." 'll> Where she shops: "I can't be bothered searching for sales. I would be bored doing that. The other day I bought a pair of seventeen-dollar Calvin Klein tights, and a friend told me I could get the same tights nearby for nine dollars and fifty cents. I know it's horrible, but I would never care enough to make that special trip." Amount spent on restaurants: "I probably spend six hundred dollars a month eating out three times a day, six days a week. I eat really fancy hundred-dollar meal every three weeks, but usually I'll try to be sure the 'lltree doesn't exceed twelve dollars." Amount spent on movies and entertainment: $125 a month for movies and theater tickets Where she gives money: The Humane Society, $25 a year Haircut: "I never get that eight-week trim." She waits six months between haircuts, which cost $65, and leaves a $15 tip. Makeup: "I buy Lancome makeup and a Clinique moisturizer--I'm not obsessive enough to sho 'mfor bargains." Where she is most extravagant: Travel. She recently spent $800 on a four-day ski trip to Lake Placid with her boyfriend. They stayed in an expensive hotel, ate well (" We always order a bottle of wine with dinner") and took private skiing lessons every day. "If you're going to go, you might 'rewell do it up." Where she scrimps: Makeup: "I've had the same blush for 'vetwo years." Purchase she most regrets in the last six months: "I don't regret anything." Best purchase: $320 black crepe suit by Ann Taylor. "It's the kind of suit you can wear to work and out that evening. But that's not why I bought it. It's just really pretty." Top price she would pay for: Blouse: $100; cocktail dress: $450; jeans: $70 On a $12 lunch tab, she would leave: $15 She dines out with a group of people who have entrees and wine, while she has soup and salad. Someone says, "Let's split it." What does she do?: "I would never say anything. I would just put in my money, even if I was paying fifteen dollars more than what I owed. I don't ask people for money they owe me, either. It may be a fault with me, but I see it as a petty and small-minded issue." Five-year plan: "I'd like to 'd saving a third of my salary so that I can buy an apartment someday." Attorney Maggie Drucker, 28, is so meticulous with money that she worries about looking like a loser. Last year, when she took a $30,000 pay cut to begin clerking for a judge, she spent her week off reading a money book on how to invest her savings ($16,000). But even Maggie, who spends almost half her monthly salary on housing, struggles with money. "What's hard these days," she says, "is trying to save." Salary: $54,000 a year Take-home pay: $650 a week Credit cards: Visa card that accumulates frequent-flyer miles Average balance on credit card: $250 a month Method of payment: She pays the bill immediately and has never paid penalties or interest. Loans: None Rent/mortgage: Maggie's parents paid the down payment on her one-bedroom in downtown Manhattan. She pays them $1,200 a month to cover the mortgage "and a little bit more." Balances checkbook: Sometimes once a week, through a phone service Average checking-account balance: $450 Average savings-account balance: $500 (She uses the account to transfer money to checking as needed) Other investments: She has about $8,000 in two money-market accounts; another $8,000 distributed among three mutual funds (one aggressive- growth fund, one relatively safe stock fund, one intermediate bond fund). Savings expectations: At $83,000 a year, she saved three months' salary a year. With her current lower salary, she is trying to save $200 a month. Average phone bill: $90 a month Who pays for dating: Maggie's boyfriend, also a lawyer, makes more money, but usually they split the check. "He recently paid for a weekend trip to Vermont that I just plain wouldn't have spent the money on, but it felt strange to be paid for. I spent the whole weekend saying, ` Oh, thank you so much.'" Amount spent on clothing: She "hates shopping as an exercise" and buys little more than socks and underwear. Where she shops: She looks for bargains and shops at sample sales. "I try not to buy retail." Most ever paid for an article of clothing: "I once spent six hundred dollars on a slate-blue winter coat. I think it was originally one thousand six hundred dollars, but I bought it at a discount Store where you can bargain. It's beautiful but I wasn't thrilled about spending so much. I guess I did it because I was with my mother, who has a completely different spending scale." Amount spent in restaurants: $250 a month. She frequents the same five restaurants most of the time and only goes to expensive restaurants for special occasions. Amount spent on movies and entertainment: About one movie a month and $150 a year on theater tickets (she only buys discounted tickets) Where she gives money: She gave $250 last year to Brown University (fifth reunion) and $150 to New York University Law School (a special scholarship fund for lawyers who go into public-interest law). Haircut: $52 for the cut, $8 for tip Makeup: "I buy a lot at the Body Shop, which is very reasonable, but I splurge on things like cleansers." Where she is most extravagant: Travel. Her most recent trip was a ten- day visit to California, where she stayed with a friend and got a very low plane fare ($200 round trip); total cost: $1,000. Where she scrimps: Transportation. "My rule of thumb is always to take a subway going (even if it's 9 P.M.) and a cab coming home." She also saves on breakfast by eating at home and often brings lunch to work. Purchase she most regrets in the last six months: $300 suit. "It's a simple mustard silk that has to be dry-cleaned if it gets one drop of water on it." Best purchase: "A few months ago I saw a sale, forty-nine dollars for a pair of shoes. I bought three pairs." Top price she would pay for: Blouse: $100; cocktail dress: $250; jeans: $50 On a $12 lunch tab, she would leave: $14 She dines out with a group of people who have entrees and wine, while she has soup and salad. Someone says, "Let's split it." What does she do?: "I'd s 'dit it. For all the times I order less, there's probably been a time I've had mo 've It all evens out." Five year plan: She'd 'dke to know how to invest more aggressively, and someday she'd 'dke to buy a vacation house. Even though she is still $35,000 in debt from law school, 29-year-old Melissa Waksman loves to spend money. "I can be rash," she says. How rash? "When I want to go somewhere, I'll ju 'llhop on a plane and do it." She recently spent $2,500 on a trip to Tahiti, and frequently flies to L.A. from her home in San Francisco for the weekend. But she is trying to reform. "For a long time I said to myself, 'I'm a lawye 'm I work very hard. I should be able to buy what l want.' Now I'm trying 'm be more practical." Salary: $74,000 a year Take home pay: $945 a week Credit cards: Visa, Master card, American Express, Macy's and Ann Taylor Average balance on credit cards: $3,200 Visa balance. In the past three years, she paid off a $10,000 credit-card debt. Now she owes about $175 a month. Method of payment: $700 a month to Visa Loans: $35,000 in student loans ($300 monthly payment for 25 years at 10-percent interest) Rent: $545 a month. She shares a two bedroom apartment in a house. Balances checkbook: "Once every four months, but I always know what I have. Average checking-account balance: $1,500 Average savings-account balance: $1,500. She contributes $300 a month. "I'm trying 'mo save three months' expenses." Average phone bill: $50 a month Other expenses: $400 a year for maintenance, $1,000 a year for insurance on a car Who pays for dating: "If it's a first date and he asked me out, I expect him to pay, but if I asked him, I'll 'll." In a relationship, she splits expenses. Amount spent on clothing: $3,000 a year, mostly on work clothes. "I'm gene 'mlly careful, but I can be impulsive. I once bought a four hundred- dollar leather jacket just because I was cold." Where she shops: "I try to shop at sales, but if I see something I have to have, I'll 'll it." Amount spent on restaurants: $325 a month. "On weekends I go to trendy places, but during the week I'll 'ller a pizza and eat it for three days." Amount spent on movies and entertainment: $39 a month on movies; $200 a year on rock concerts Where she gives money: $120 to United Way. "I might rethink that, given the recent spending scandal, but I'll 'llstill give the money somewhere." Haircut: $48 and a $l0 tip; $115 on high lights twice a year. These are luxuries I give myself." Makeup: "Estee Lauder and Clinique, but I buy a drugstore mascara. Where she is most extravagant: Travel. She takes frequent weekend trips and spent $2,500 on a ten-day Club Med vacation in Tahiti. "I had to think about the money for Tahiti, but it was worth every penny. When I don't go away, I get completely burned out." Where she scrimps: She takes the bus to work (85 cents each way). She used to drive, but parking cost $l2 a day. Purchase she most regrets in the last six months: $200 portable CD player she rarely uses. "It doesn't have an auto-reverse feature I really wanted." Best purchase: "On impulse, I bought a one hundred sixty dollar funky brown rayon jacket. I didn't really need it, but I wear it all the time." Top price she would pay for: Blouse: $150; cocktail dress: $350; jeans: $60 On a $12 lunch tab, she would leave: $14 She dines out with a group of people who have entrees and wine, while she has soup and salad. Someone says, "Let's split it." What does she do?: "I 'd split it, whatever it was. When I had less money, I 'd speak up about things like that, but now I 'd be pretty generous." Five year plan: She would like all her credit-card debts paid off and savings for both the short-term and retirement. She eventually wants to buy a house.
W1A-004-0.txt	" Caryl Phillips' The Final Passage: On the Migrations To and From the Caribbean" by [name deleted], 19 May 1994 A paper for Postcolonial Literature From the Anglophone Caribbean, a course taught by Professor Mair. The British novelist, Graham Swift, has written-- In keeping with his [Phillips'] nomadic inclination, it could be said that one of the main themes of his work is that of the journey or, rather differently, of human displacement and dislocation in a variety of forms (96). Indeed, this theme of migration and its implications for the black Caribbean individual is the central one explored in Phillips' first novel entitled The Final Passage (originally published in 1985). It is also the theme that will be examined in this essay both in close relation to the text and in a wider historical and cultural context. The title of Phillips' first novel is rather provocative because it refers to (and depicts the "extension" of) the legacy of the Middle Passage-- the second leg of the triangular trade that the European imperialists established after they conquered much of the New World (and Africa); the impact of slavery on Caribbean history will be briefly discussed (Richardson 38-9). In order to (in) validate Phillips' "thesis" concerning modern Caribbean migration, the portraits of his Caribbean characters on their "final passage" will be analyzed with respect to the sociological realities of immigration to the United Kingdom in the twentieth century. And finally, the implications of the "final passage"/migration for the Caribbean writer will be discussed in regard to Phillips (and other authors). The legacy of colonialism in the Caribbean began, of course, with Christopher Columbus in 1492. On his second journey to the Caribbean (which he had mistaken for islands off the coast of China) Columbus introduced sugar cane-the crop that is nearly synonymous with the area today (Richardson 27). Although economic interest in the Caribbean waned for a time (due to decline of the Spanish empire), the further introduction of sugar cane into the region by other European powers (i.e. the English and the French) firmly established colonial rule by the mid-seventeenth century (Richardson 29). Soon the plantation islands of the Caribbean were considered the most valuable possessions of the overseas imperial world (Richardson 39). In light of this fact, it is not surprising that there was a constant state of instability in the Caribbean throughout the eighteenth century due to trade wars--manifested in stringent trade laws and literal warfare--among the European powers (Richardson 55). In large part, this demand for sugar in Europe created the Caribbean. To put it in more concrete terms, the European demand for sugar was one of the key factors in setting up the notorious triangular trade-a "Negro slave trade, Negro slavery, and Caribbean sugar production" (Williams 140). Typically, a ship set sail from a European metropolitan country with a cargo of metropolitan goods, which were then exchanged on the coast of West Africa for slaves. This was the first side of the triangle. The second leg (often referred to as the Middle Passage) consisted of a voyage from West Africa to the West Indies with the newly purchased slaves. The triangle was completed as the ships returned to the metropolitan country with sugar and other Caribbean products which were gotten in exchange for slaves (Williams 141). This triangular trade created a market for slaves in West Africa and the Caribbean and bolstered the economies of the European home countries (William 140). The purchase of slaves in West Africa and their maintenance in the Caribbean provided great stimulus to metropolitan industry and agriculture (i.e. an increase in English wool production for clothing and blankets for Caribbean slaves)(Williams 141). In Europe, the triangular trade was the source of great wealth and pride. It was the source of empires. In contrast, the triangular trade often meant tragedy for the West Africans who were transported to the Caribbean. Besides the psychological blow of being captured, sold, and then carried to the New World as a slave, many West Africans were subject to malnourishment and disease on the Middle Passage; many slaves committed suicide and tried (unsuccessfully) to rebel against their captors (Richardson 65). It is estimated that three out of ten slaves died on the Middle Passage (Williams 139). In the autobiography, The Life of Olaudah Equiano, or Gustavus Vassa, the African, the former slave and anti-slavery crusader relates his Middle Passage experience in this way-- ...I was soon put down under the decks, and there I received such a salutation to my nostrils as I had never received in my life; so that, with the loathsomeness of the stench, and crying together, I became so sick and low that I was not able to eat, nor had I the least desire to taste anything. I now wished for the last friend, death, to relieve me...(28). From this personal account, one can see that the Middle Passage and imperialism in general had dire consequences for the Africans sold into slavery. Slavery remained the primary means of Caribbean labor for centuries until the last slaves were freed in Cuba in 1886 (Richardson 63). It is estimated that 4.6 million African slaves were brought into the region (Richardson 63). The Middle Passage constituted one of the greatest migrations in recorded history (Williams 144). After the second World War, another great migration, involving the Caribbean, occurred. From the 1955 to 1985, it is estimated that more than 4 million Caribbean persons emigrated from the islands--a total equal to the number of slaves brought into the area during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Guengant and Marshall 4-5). Throughout this thirty year span, a large section of the Caribbean population travelled to the United States and to Canada, but early on (throughout the fifties and early sixties) the United Kingdom was often their destination (Guengant and Marshall 4-5). The fateful consequence of the aftermath of WW II in Britain--the need for unskilled labor to rebuild the nation after a war that had reduced British manpower--led to an exodus of Caribbean people to the United Kingdom in the 1950's (Richardson 142). Still, from the sociological data available, it is evident that this exodus had not necessarily led the Caribbean emigrant to a place of greater freedom or opportunity to rise in the world. Rather, it usually meant a continuation of the legacy of colonialism despite the British Nationality Act of 1948 which had conferred the same legal rights to the Commonwealth members accorded to all British citizens (Thompson 41). After arriving in Britain--the "mother country"-- most Caribbean persons were given the worst jobs at the lowest pay, and they often had to live in low-grade inner city housing--many of them in neighborhoods considered slums long before the workers emigrated to the country (Thompson 47). In general, a color bar was in place in Britain which denied the majority of Caribbean people access to proper lodgings, service in cafes, and entrance to dance halls, among other rights "accorded British citizens"; also, the emigrants were often subject to rude racial comments in public in the trams, and in buses (Thompson 47). In his fascinating book entitled Double Passage, George Gmelch records the oral histories of thirteen Barbadian men and women who emigrated to Britain (and North America) and later returned their island homes. As varied and as rich as these oral histories are, Gmelch noticed a common phenomena: many of the migrants were surprised upon their arrival to England; many of them were shocked at the dilapidated conditions of neighborhoods and dismayed at the distant and reserved manners of the British white majority (264). Although many of the narratives showed that the migrants adjusted rather well to their manual jobs as well as big city life and seemed gratified with their relatively higher pay, Gmelch points out that most of the Barbadians faced racial discrimination (especially in regard to jobs and housing) and had a Caribbean orientation as opposed to an assimiliationist attitude in regard to England (267-70, 274-8). Perhaps all of this can be poetically summed up by the title of the closing chapter in George Lamming's The Pleasures of Exile; after all, it is clear that many of the Caribbean emigrants, like Lamming, had been on a "Journey To An Expectation." Indeed, in this closing chapter, Lamming points out that any notion that West Indian had been truly considered an equal in the eyes of the white British majority was nothing but an "illusion" (218). With bitter irony, Lamming finds it amazing that "a certain type West Indian" would go to great lengths to assure white friends that life in England has been nothing but a "memorable participation in civilised pleasures" (218). Caryl Phillips picks up on Lamming's thread and weaves a tragic tale in The Final Passage. From the novel, one can see that Phillips has sufficiently portrayed the plight of many Caribbean emigrants to the United Kingdom and that his "thesis" concerning this social phenomena is more or less pessimistic. After reading the novel, one realizes that the "final passage" is not the final leg of a Homeric journey where the hero is triumphant; rather, it is the continuation of the legacy of the Middle Passage. This narrative--not unlike the ones in the Double Passage and the other sociological data above-- reveals a difficult (if not downright sad) fate for the Caribbean individual in England. At the end, Leila, the main protagonist of the novel, decides to go back to her sunny island home as all the Barbadians in the Double Passage did (Final 203). Much of this elliptically told novel takes place on an unspecified Caribbean island and focuses on four characters: Leila, a half white, half black woman; Michael, her irresponsible husband; Millie, Leila's best friend; and Bradeth, Millie's (eventual) husband and Michael's drinking buddy. Two other characters, Leila's mother and Leila's son, Calvin, appear throughout the book and play important roles in regard to main protagonist. In the large chapter, "Home," Phillips paints a balanced portrait of the Caribbean island, adequately depicting the island's natural beauty as well as the parochialism of many of its inhabitants. This reader had a difficult time with this section of the novel due in large part to the heavy handed Christian symbolism (i.e. the cock crowing, signifying Michael's marital infidelity to Leila) and the meandering narrative. This awkwardness of depicting the island is likely due to Phillips having grown up in England and not in the Caribbean as many of the novelists the previous generation had. For this essay, the chapters which make up the second half of the novel-- "England", "Passage", and "Winter"--will be closely examined. It is in these chapters that Phillips' writing seems most assured and that his mind seems to be at work most feverishly. In the chapter called "England," Leila, Michael, and Calvin have already spent four months in the "mother country." The chapter opens with Leila on the bus, going to visit her mother in the hospital for what she calculates to be her 106th time. (It was revealed earlier that Leila's forty-one year old mother had gone to England to seek more sophisticated care (69).) On one of the past visits Leila's mother, squeezing her daughter's hand, says--"Leila, child, London is not my home....And I don't want you to forget that either" (124). After some other motherly reflections on the pride of a Caribbean woman in avoiding being beaten by a man, the chapter concludes as Leila arrives at the hospital, finding that her mother has passed on. Leila laments her passing because "she barely knew her mother" and feels guilty because she had rebelled against her mother by marrying her despicable husband, Michael (132). In this short chapter, Phillips makes the finality implied in the "final passage" rather obvious. Leila's mother dies in a foreign country, far away from what she considers home. Also, Leila's hopes for making her peace with her mother and truly getting to know her die there. England is not the place in which final (or ultimate) hopes (i.e. those of physical and spiritual renewal) are realized for black Caribbeans; it is in fact a place for death of both physical life and spiritual hope.
W2C-008-2.txt	RightNow expanding into Japan Local software company RightNow Technologies is expanding its global arms to encompass a new market. The company, which makes customer service software for online businesses, has added Japan to its list of business locations. " The Japanese market is one of the largest potential markets outside the United States," said Greg Gianforte, RightNow's chief executive officer. "We have high expectations." RightNow is already operating in several European markets, as well as Australia, but none of those locations posed the language and cultural problems the company faced in Japan. After months of working with Basis Technology, a Massachusetts-based company that specializes in making Internet companies international, RightNow's software will hit the Japanese marketplace by mid-July, said Mike Myer, RightNow's vice president of development. " We worked with an outside party who are experts in converting," Myer said. "They took our software and produced a Japanese version." Moving into Japan is an important step for any company on the Web, said Ed Schwalenberg of Basis Technology. " The big thing, of course, is the Japanese market is expanding so fast, it's the natural next step," Schwalenberg said. "Anyone in the world can get to your Web site." When they see the site, they should be able to read it in their language. " We've be 'veworking on internationalizing the product since February," Myer said. "It's a four-month project. It was a sizable amount of money." He declined to give an exact figure for the cost of converting RightNow's software from English to Japanese. But he said part of the difficulty is the difference in the size of the language. " Although RightNow was already shipping in European languages, all of those have small alphabets of about 250 characters," Schwalenberg said. "Japanese has about 10,000 characters." Making sure the search engine can read the language used in keyword searches is also an important part of the conversion. " In Japanese there are no spaces between the words," Myer said. He explained that with the English-based software if a person types the word "carpet" into the search engine the computer knows to look for that particular word and not the words "car" and "pet" because there isn't a space. In Japanese, the computer doesn't have the luxury of the space. To solve that problem, Basis Technology makes the Japanese Morphological Analyzer, a product that dissects the text and then determines where word breaks should be. " It parses through the Japanese and finds out where the words are," Schwalenberg said. To enter the Japanese market, RightNow has partnered with Mitsui and Co., the largest "trading company" in Japan, which means it represents non-Japanese companies in the Japanese market, Gianforte said. Mitsui is in the process of introducing the product in Japan and has hired seven employees that are dedicated to RightNow. " The Japanese marketplace relies heavily on relationships," Gianforte said. "Essentially, (Mitsui is) RightNow Technologies in Japan." While some of RightNow's competitors have already made the move to the Japanese market, Gianforte said none have done so as completely as RightNow. " Our normal competitors do have some presence there but they have not taken the same path we have," he said.
W1B-007-0.txt	HI SIS!!!!!!!! FYou know, I've always wished that I could wri 'veletters like yours, but I've always ended up typing these b 'veng informative letters. They're never half as aesthetically 'reeasing as yours are, and usually not as long, either. Sigh. Oh well. Well, you've been awarded a very special p 'vee - - the person who I took the longest to write to. I really don't know why that is, but I just haven't gotten around to it. I suppose it's because when I write to you, I want it to be this mega-awesome letter that you'll absolutely orgasm ove 'll Well, maybe not quite that good. Anyway, here's a quick, or maybe not-so-quick update on my life. 1) I started going out with a Japanese woman yesterday 2) I have found a drumset to use, but as of yet have done little jamming 3) Japan and Japanese food remain pretty difficult, although I still haven't been to McDonald's yet 4) I miss school and home 5) Classes are really bad, and I just found out that all of my grades count towards my gpa! 6) All in all, I'm pretty busy. Well, now to describe those in a little more detail. A few weeks after I got here, I met this really cool woman at a party at this place near a lake called Karasaki House. Her name was Yuka, and I spent the next several weeks trying to catch the same train as she did and striking up conversation. She was willing enough to have conversation, but she does everything under the sun, and our schedules conflicted, so we couldn't manage to even get together for lunch or anything. Plus, there are 10,000 students on this campus, so I very rarely run into her around campus - - I have to go out of my way to meet her, like waiting for her train in the station or something. Anyway, one of the ways I've managed to make some frie 've is through teaching English and going out with my "students" (Doshisha students) after our lesson. An even better way to get them talking is to tell them that I'm interested in a Japanese wom 'm, and what should I do? So I did this, and got all sorts of conversation about it. So it became a sort of habit to ask my Japanese friends what to do about this Yuka - situation. About this time I started talking a lot to this student named Maki who spent some time in England, so she likes to hang out near our office and chat. So, we became pretty good friends, and she became my main confidante for the largely stagnant Yuka thing. Now, you're probably thinking that 'reething was going to happen with Maki, and I must admit I pondered it, because she is exceedingly cool as well as attractive, but she had been going out with this guy for 2 years, so that was out of the question. Sort of. Turns out she broke up with him very recently, for reasons supposedly unrelated to me, and now wants to go out with me. Well, we spent most of the past week together, and yesterday we started "going out," which seems to have about the same connotations here as it does in America. So, I'm pretty excited about the whole 'mhing. I still think a lot about that woman Laura from Bucknell, but she kept on insisting that I should live my own life while I'm here, and then this Maki th 'mg happened and well, here we are! As far as music goes, I've had one serious jam sess 've since I got here, and that was just with this guitarist from Oberlin named [- - - ] who will most likely be in any band I form, but I still haven't had much opportunity to play. This guitarist is into funk, but he doesn't really play like either of the Jasons I played with. He's a little more poppy, which isn't necessarily good. He's really into "not-playing," like arpeggios and random chords, sort of like [- - - ] of Rush or [- - - ], but not really. Anyway, without a bass player it wasn't much fun, especially considering his style of play. The drumset I get to use is owned by the club I'm sort of in, called Lilac 'mainbows (lord knows why), and its okay - it's sort of a beat-up Tama with an okay sound. All I have to bring of my own is a snare and a pedal, which I borrow from this fat metal drummer. The music clubs here have enormous rooms filled with exceedingly expensive equipment, which just blows away any music scene at Conn. For instance, Lilac Rainbows's room is about the size of our entire first floor at home!! The only problem is, the bands aren't that good at all. They are all technically good, but they are lacking in raw energy. If we weren't that precise and clean-sounding, I think that the [- - - ] certainly had a lot of energy, and that's part of what made us kick so much ass! Anyway, the other problem here is that Japanese people haven't a clue how to dance! If I perform, I'm gonna have to import a f 'm of my Conn friends to do the dancing. There are a few spazzy Americans here, so maybe if they get going, the Japanese people will get into it. I sure hope so. Believe it or not, I did a lot of practicing the first month or so. It was even the stuff I should be practicing - - rudiments. However, since Fall Break in Shikoku and catching up after break, I haven't touched my sticks in ages. I did, however, find this amazing [- - - ] disc called Master Plan that kicks ass. Look for it if you get a chance, or maybe I'll send you a tap 'llf it. I really want to learn jazz, and also latin styles, but I have yet to learn how to totally detach one limb and just keep playing the same thing like one does in jazz and samba. Besides, I need to learn my rudiments first!! I really miss the [- - - ], and every time I hear another band I become convinced that there is some sort of future in it, so who knows, hunh? Our time will come again!! By the way, I just bought this bargain Earth, Wind and Fire cd last night. Pretty funky! They have some amazing horn parts, I just wish they wouldn't do so many mellow songs. Oh well. And now for something completely different - - a man with 9 legs. (" He ran away!!") Oh bother. So. Things here are busy - - my homestay is good, but we barely talk at all, because we're all so busy. One of the toughest things about living with a homestay is that I have a curfew - - something I didn't even have when I lived at home!! My curfew is 10 on weekdays and 11 on weekends, and it takes an hour to get home from the city, so I have to leave at 9 or 10 on weekends, which really limits things, if you know what I mean. I really miss living in a dorm and being able to sit in someone's room and just talk or listen to music or show people all my stupid music and doing drum fills in the air. I still haven't picked up any "traditional Japanese arts," but Will and I are thinking of starting Aikido (a martial art) if we have the time and the money. This class thing has me really bend out of shape, because now with only 5 weeks (4 when you read this) left in the semester, I have to try and salvage my grades so I don't kill the gpa I worked so hard to get last semester. Luckily, I've been improving r 'vedly in Japanese, and that counts for 8 credits (2 courses), because it meets 600 minutes a week. My test grades have climbed steadily from 79 on the first one to 99 on the last one, and I have another one tomorrow. I really want to end up with a gpa of over 3.5, and at least a 3.67 so I can get summa cum laude. 3.8 is magna cum laude, and that would be fantastic, but I doubt I can pull that off. Anyway, my sociology class is perhaps the worst course I've taken in my l 've, so ifs hard to get motivated for that one. Oh well, now's crunch time. If I can pull off an "A" in Japanese, that should help me salvage my elective courses. Hope hope hope. So, how are things in Mass.? Mom mentioned something about you getting a job teaching! That sounds like fun, although I've discovered that 'vem far from a gra 'm-A teacher..I teach twice a week - - one to a group of 6 or 7 students, and once to this middle-aged stomach surgeon. Some fun conversations there, I can tell you. The students are by far the more exciting of the two, but it's amazing how bad their English is. I mean, these people take English for about 10 years, and I speak better than they do after one year! The problem is, they don't do my speaking in class, only reading and writing. They know pretty colossal amounts of vocabulary, but even the ones who have been to America have a lot of trouble putting together a simple sentence, and they have a lot of trouble with the pronunication, especially r's, l's, and w's. They always say "uuman" instead of "woman." Sometimes I just feel like cracking up in class, but I'm sure they do, 'moo, when I speak in Japanese, so it's all even. The doctor is also pretty bad, and I don't really like the 1-on-1 teaching, although I do get 3000 yen an hour, which is above $20 an hour. Of course, things here are much more expensive, plus you have to take public transportation everywhere, so it really isn't that much, but it's enough so I haven't had to ask Mom for any money yet, which is cool. The language is just really difficult. I think I speak very well for what I know, but I just have little to no vocabulary, and I have a lot of trouble understanding, plus I have a lot more grammar to learn (verb forms and all). Of course, it doesn't help that they speak a dialect here called Kyoto-ben (" ben" meaning dialect), where all of the verb endings are changed. It's pretty much a pain in my ass, and it makes the whole thing considerably more difficult than I'd hope 'd You know how everyone says that there's this point where all of a sudden you understand everything? Well, it's been two months now, and I haven't had that part yet. I do, however, understand most of what they announce on the trains, which are just as ridiculously precise as everyone cracks them up to be. To give you an idea, I was waiting for a train that was, according to the clock on the schedule board, about 1 minute late. I overheard these two salarymen next to me talking about it, and one said, "Tabun, tokee wa kosyoo shite iru n da yo." Loosely translated, "The clock is probably broken." Sheesh. Of course, I could have misunderstood. It's all irrelevant, though, because the trains run so frequently that I just show up at the station, and there's invariably a train going my way within the next 5 minutes, and my station is this piss-ant little one that only the local trains stop at! Mom said she was going to send you my tape - - I hope you enjoyed it. Unfortunately, I have a big test in about 20 minutes, and I really have to go to the bathroom, so I'm going 'mo stop here and come back and finish this after lunch. Of course, it will only be a few seconds to you, but try to picture me going to the bathroom and taking a test, (not at the same time, obviously) and you'll 'll an idea of what my life is like. Actually, you should probably not try to picture me going to the bathroom. Anyway, talk to you in a few. I guess I'll 'llk about my return to the US when I get back, and I figgered I'd 'dite this so I don't forget what I'm ta 'ming about... 11.9.90 Okay, so here I am, writing you letter again. It's now tomorrow (if such a thing can happen), and I'm b 'mk in the computer room with good 'ol [- - - ], and for some strange reason, I'm 'mletting her read my letter to you. Stop reading!!!!! Just kidding. Anyway, once again I'm n 'm going to be able to finish this letter, because I have to go to class in a few minutes and take an all-too-exciting kanji quiz that I haven't studied for because I've 'veen bura-bura suru-ing with Maki. Anyway, about my return to the US, seeing as everyone who writes asks when I'm 'mming home. The AKP program ends on May 13th, so that's the earliest I' 'llbe home, and after that it's up to me whether or not I want to stay for the summer.
W2A-014-0.txt	The circuits of capital/uneven development model is widely used in geography, urban planning, and the social sciences. Its principal weakness is its marginalizing of local influences in explaining the intensity and patterning of metropolitan investment. A deeper consideration of local culture, politics, and biographies is needed to sensitize the model to the particularities of place. Local creative actors set in motion place-specific forms of change whose logic is tied to structured circumstances. Studies of North American urban structure increasingly incorporate the insights of neostructuralist theory to dissect gentrification, slum formation, downtown restructuring, and similar urban processes. Whereas ecological and neoclassical studies cast districts as essentially outgrowths of metropolitan forces, neostructuralist studies emphasize the influence of regional, national, and global economic processes (Smith and Feagin 1987; Cater and Jones 1989). They seek to connect broad economic transformation with local urban change, recognizing that human agents and large-scale processes restructure places. Local agents are frequently seen as translators of broad processes, who transmit the influence of structures to neighborhood or city. The circuits of capital/uneven development model emphasizes the local transformative influence of a crisis-driven national economy (Harvey 1981, 1982). It connects local urban change with the capital accumulation process. In this model, investment shifting across economic circuits together with the logic of local uneven development explain the intensity and distribution of local restructuring. Investment shifting across economic circuits involves three interrelated capital outlets: the primary(investment in production), secondary (investment in built environment and consumption fund), and tertiary (investment in technology and labor power reproduction). Investment shifts initially concentrate in production. A tendency to channel too much investment into primary production arises as investors act in a way that, in aggregate, runs counter to their own class interest. Bouts of overaccumulating capital (and underinvestment in the built environment) then facilitate capital shifting to the secondary circuit. Investors subsequently generate crisis in this circuit by concentrating capital in the built environment that overaccumulates and produces falling profits.This crisis is evinced by periods of excess residential and commercial construction, rising building vacancies, and declining real estate prices. Investment again needs to be withdrawn, this time out of the built environment, and guided elsewhere to elude declining profits. Such investment switching is chronic and permits investors to stay one step ahead of falling profits. The second part of the circuits of capital model, the logic of local uneven development, explains investment patterns by reference to differential opportunities for capturing potential profit from redevelopment across space. Investment accumulates where potential property value is not captured under present use, usually where substandard buildings and property predominate. Areas are seen to undergo progressive disinvestment that creates a gap between potential and actual land rent being extracted. When this gap is most pronounced, investment flows back to the area to close the rent gap. Devaluation therefore sets the stage for profitable investment. Metropolitan change becomes spatially uneven, profit-driven and pronounced in areas where property value potential is currently unfulfilled. I examine the current status of the circuits of capital/uneven development model in light of its increased use in geography, urban planning, and the social sciences (see Jackson 1984; Leitner 1987). I identify its weaknesses and propose a revised formulation for more sophisticated usage. My goal is to offer a model that is more sensitive to the particular circumstances of specific places. Empirical applications of this model subsume the importance of the local to the general and exhibit two major flaws. First, they marginalize the role of locally constructed investment incentives as forces attracting capital. Overemphasis on the built environment as a safety valve for investment conceals the influence of constructed investment incentives. Second, they neglect the role of local culture, politics, and individuals in structuring uneven development. The model casts the process as something that happens to people rather than something they influence. The filter of local process, I believe, ceaselessly meshes with broader economic processes to generate uneven investment. My proposal for refining this model calls for a deeper consideration of local culture, politics, and actors in explaining the intensity and patterning of metropolitan investment. The granting of significant causal power to the rich texture of place adds breadth to the model. This element is important with recognition that intensities and patterns of restructuring vary widely across metropolitan areas. My revision retains the historical-materialist character of the model while sharpening its grasp of local conditions. Culture, politics, and individuals should be crucial components in any materialist model that purports to explain local restructuring. Empirical Applications Recent applications of the circuits of capital model are suggestive but they frequently lack detail and specificity. Four studies have attracted disproportionate attention amidst a surge of applications (see Clark 1988; Badcock 1989; Beauregard 1991). Harvey's (1981) historical analysis of US urbanism, the first application of this model, linked recent urban growth to national and international economic processes. Harvey cast the ebb and flow of real estate investment as outcomes of overaccumulating capital in the primary circuit that necessitated capital rechanneling. Too much capital initially was produced in the primary circuit in aggregate for its profitable employment. Capital switching, to Harvey, represented efforts to find productive outlets for capital. The global economic crises of the 1930s and 1970s represented most vivid illustrations of this switching. Uneven urban development that followed was theorized as a see-saw investment pattern driven by the rhythms of capital accumulation. Devaluation of fixed capital set the stage for renewed investment that blunted falling rates of profit in production. Harvey (1985) expanded this argument in a more sophisticated study of Paris, with its massive building programs under Louis Napolean and Baron Haussrnann Economic crisis, once again, took the form of overproduction that spurred massive construction in the 1850s and 1860s. Government and banks were used to resolve this crisis; intervention eased capital switching from primary to secondary circuits. This intervention temporarily resolved one crisis only to generate another. Deficit financing of new construction represented a new investment outlet but created an overstretched financial structure doomed to crash. Harvey's study of Paris traced how the large-scale and local interconnected to produce unique local restructuring. Uneven investment across Paris was guided by active agents infused with a materialist imperative. A logic of accumulation was negotiated by personal biographies that ascribed meaning and symbolism to the restructuring process. A central figure in this process was Baron Haussman, who helped construct a built environment that permitted excess capital to circulate and be absorbed in the everyday fabric. He mobilized public works projects that transformed Paris to his personalized specifications. Eased flows between center and periphery, left and right banks, and industrial and commercial spaces opened up new investment opportunities and renewed livability. This restructuring had a unique and distinctive form whose logic was compelled by circumstances of economic crisis. The "force he [Haussman] had to mobilize, and it was in the end the force that mastered him, was the circulation of capital. The surpluses of capital and labor power absolutely had to be absorbed if the Empire was to survive" (Harvey 1985, 76). Following the lead of Harvey, Feagin (1985) examined office building investment in Houston, Texas. Municipal mediation of investment flows across circuits constituted Feagin's focus. Municipal government catalyzed office construction through weak investment regulation, technical assistance, and absence of zoning. At the same time, the city provided construction subsidies in the form of tax abatements, reduced land prices, and block grants. The resulting boom in construction attracted jobs and capital believed critical to economic viability. Government rhetoric extolling the virtues of unfettered growth accompanied these programs. Such investment was not profitable forever, however. Unregulated investment generated periods of overbuilding, as shown in cycles of rising vacancy rates and falling profits. Slowed construction and leasing concessions reflected the downside of unregulated urban investment. While failing to bring out the complete influence of local processes, Feagin convincingly documented the transient ability of the secondary circuit to absorb capital profitably. Investment in this circuit, like others, represented a short-term solution to recurring crises of falling profits. King (1989a, 1989b, l989c) applied the circuits of capital model to the Melbourne, Australia housing market between 1932 and 1985. He more substantively linked urban restructuring to microscale processes. In particular, the importance of constructed housing submarkets as local investment influences was introduced. This process was purportedly most pronounced during periods of capital overaccumulation in the primary circuit and subsequent economic downturn. Thus, capital switching to the secondary circuit was facilitated by two forces. The first, the initial tendency for investors to ignore the secondary circuit with a robust primary circuit, subsequently made real estate investment logical with falling profits in production. The second, the tendency for municipalities to build networks of housing submarkets, ensured profitable real estate investment within socially constructed islands. Social and economic processes were interwoven to depict a secondary capital circuit that was stimulated by social constructions. Uneven metropolitan restructuring that followed was reflected in pockets of intensive reinvestment amidst broader stagnation and decline. King's (1989a, 1989b, 1989c) sophisticated conceptualization did not consider the full range of local influences. For example, he did not fully address local government incentives and obstructions to the production of submarkets nor the facilitative and idiosyncratic influence of key managers. Thus, the influence of locality-specific regulations like historic district designation, zoning, and tax abatement for upgrading properties were ignored. These programs, moreover, were ostensibly controversial in granting benefits to select populations and got mediated in unique and distinctive ways by political operatives. Finally, the restructuring influence of community mores and standards were subsumed under economic imperatives. Issues like local tolerance for segregation attempts to combat residential discrimination, and cultural alliances among groups that could weaken or strengthen existing submarkets remained unaddressed. A superficial notion of locality was thus brought to bear on the restructuring process. Such studies shed a wealth of insight on contemporary metropolitan change. They fail, however, to fully integrate the importance of local processes. Metropolitan areas frequently emerge as "ideal types," exhibiting little richness and substance to influence investment intensity and distribution. Set against the powerful structural logic of capital shifting across economic circuits and its inexorable uneven patterning, the local only mildly mediates. Some local contingency and variability is recognized, but set against the broader rhythms of capital accumulation, the local follows and adheres rather than structures and shapes. The following discussion illustrates the need to develop theory to account for local influences. It documents the need to consider metropolitan areas as human constructions differentially facilitative of investment. It also documents local influences on uneven development. I focus on four US cities to demonstrate these points: New York City, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Indianapolis. These cities, different in morphology, permit the impact of local processes to be suitably documented. Constructed Investment Opportunities Circuits of capital/uneven development studies view metropolitan investment as essentially a final effort to avoid broader economic crisis. Investment purportedly flees the primary circuit and settles in the built environment as an emergency outlet. The built environment. as a separate capital circuit, replenishes investor profit margins. Thus, Harvey (1981, 111) depicted eighteenth century Britain as engulfed by a capital glut that "had nowhere else to go." The built environment appears as a godsend for the absorption of surplus, overaccumulated capital" (Harvey 1982,236). Feagin (1985,190) depicted contemporary Houston as "a major place for the investment of surplus capital a major outlet for overaccumulation of capital in the primary circuit." King (1989b, 711-38) described Melbourne as an outgrowth of "crises of overaccumulation speculative money capital itself prone to overaccumulation." Such interpretations minimize local investment incentives that shape local restructuring intensity. Yet built environments are not passive capital outlets, but dynamic and evolving infrastructures differing in capacity to absorb profitable investment. Incentives for construction, often contested in their planning and emergence, arise unevenly across places. While agents like builders, developers, realtors, and local governments seek to implement incentives conducive to investment, tenant groups, block clubs, and neighborhood associations work to create a livable and humane urban area. The complex interplay between these groups structures investment attractiveness. To attract massive investment, various agents promote two processes, socioeconomic differentiation and subsidized tax base redevelopment. These actors are place entrepreneurs who strive for maximum financial return through investing, renting, or taxing property. They implicitly reject the notion that noneconomic factors should guide community development. Conflict over development in the political sphere defines the degree to which they can achieve their agendas. While these actors do not necessarily conspire to create socioeconomic differentiation and subsidized tax base redevelopment, the short term pursuit of profit and political support often create them. Successfully implanting these processes makes a built environment attractive for massive investment.
W2D-019-0.txt	Online Photography Course Welcome to our Site! We hope that you find these pages useful, and that you increase your knowledge about photography. If there is anything you are wondering about, we will gladly answer any questions you might have. We would also like to say that we value your opinion greatly, so please leave a comment or two, and speak your mind. Wedding photography can be difficult in a sense that you only get one chance to take perfect shots of the event or you miss them. It takes a lot of practice and experience for someone to become a professional wedding photographer. The internet is teeming with wedding photography tips that will teach you how to make memorable shots the bride and groom (and also the guests) would really love. Chronicling one of the most significant moments of a couple is taxing because it involves pressure from many people whether you are doing it professionally or for a friend. It is important to understand the needs of the subject even if some of the guests have the tendency to be complete smug. Part of the wedding photography tips given in this article involves the proper attitude in the field. There would be instances that would require you to level down your pride in the spirit of professionalism. Try to be polite and efficient by ignoring your own qualms. Treat it as your gift to the marrying couple. Being professional means arriving on the field well-prepared. As soon as you close a deal with the client, start doing research on anything you need about the wedding. Spend time visiting the church and the reception. Find out the best way to get there on time. If possible, try to go to the location on the same time of the day as the wedding event to familiarize your self with the lighting condition and to get ideas on how to position the couple during photo sessions. You can find wedding photography tips on magazines and the internet that specifically tackle various techniques on how to take candid shots, group photos, and portraits. Sports photography is often deemed as pure form of photography. Sports photographers have to be skilled in capturing not only the strength and skill of an athlete but also the underlying emotions and ambiance found in a game. Sports photography tips given by experienced photographers are way different from studio or nature photography. In sports photography you have to capture an eventful moment as it happens because it does not rerun for you. Timing is of the essence for a sports photographer. Other than that are the most basic elements of photography: light and composition, framing, content, etc. Emphasis on the subject is intense in sports photography. That is why professionals would usually give sports photography tips that do not only involve the elements mentioned earlier. Aspiring sports photographers should also be knowledgeable of the game they are shooting. This would help them anticipate the momentous shots, the winning goals, the passion of the athletes. They have to know what might happen to the game. Sports photography is both mental and physical. Photographers have to practice more to improve their reflexes. There are no schools that offer professional degrees in sports photography but there are workshops you can attend. From there, you will get to meet with professional photographers and hobbyists who can be your potential mentors. Nonetheless, you can obtain plenty of sports photography tips on the internet and by looking at the photographs in sports magazines. Best of all, you have to practice as much as you can. Look at sports photographs in the newspapers and magazines and try to find the elements that made them stunning. Try these techniques on any sports event in your community. Volunteer as the official photographer for your friend's kid who is joining the little league. Go back to your high school to watch one of their football games. There are many athletes out there waiting for someone to chronicle their games. You might easily be that person they are waiting for if you will just grab the opportunity. It is quite difficult to imagine if there is anything else the best digital camera in the world cannot do. Photography has become just as regular a hobby as watching TV nowadays especially when you get to share photos with family and friends as easy as uploading a whole album to your Facebook account. But for professional photographers, today's technology still has some limitations that are not very easily resolved. This involves dynamic photography which is popular among landscape photographers. Dynamic photography focus on capturing the different range of brightness levels existing in a scene, more specifically, landscapes. A landscape photograph seems dull if the photographer is unable to capture the darkest and the lightest part of the subject. The challenge in landscape photography is to be able to concentrate the eyes of a spectator inside the photograph. Dull landscape photographs tend to bleed through the edges of the photograph too abruptly. This happens due to this lack of dynamic range. Dynamic photographers should improve how they handle composition by scrupulously framing the subject. To achieve this, the camera is being held with the flash turned off. Dynamic photography requires precision when it comes to timing. If a landscape photographer needs to wait the whole day for the best exposure, he or she does so to achieve the effect he or she wanted. However, there are some who would rather rely on equipment to get the same result. Professional photographers would use two to three stop blocking filters to block the part of the landscape that receives too much brightness. By experimenting on blocking filters, you will be able to create photos that truly encompass the lines and colors of the landscape. You may have to master other photography techniques before jumping into the dynamic photography bandwagon as it tends to be more technical and demanding. Digital Photography Techniques vs. Digital Photography Equipments The usual misconception that entry level photo hobbyists have is that they need a better camera to take better photographs. This is not necessarily true. Even the oldest model of a point-and-shoot camera can take better photos if the photographer knows some basic digital photography techniques. At the same time, the owner of the most expensive digital SLR is wasting his or her time without knowing how to take pictures properly. If you have just started with photography, upgrading your point-and-shoot camera right away is not required. You do not need to rush to a professional photography shop and immediately swipe your credit card for that high-end digital SLR. It is better to hone your skills with a point-and-shoot camera before buying a new one. Again, it is all about digital photography techniques and not the equipments. Do not push your budget to the limit. Once you are ready for an upgrade, you can even buy cheaper cameras by buying previously owned cameras on mint condition. There are also gadget shops that allow you to exchange your point-and-shoot for an entry level digital SLR for an additional cost. Otherwise, if you do not have a camera yet, opt for a secondhand entry level digital SLR that usually costs almost the same as a brand new point-and-shoot camera. It is not about the features of the camera anyway but how you are capable of maximizing these features to create acceptable photographs. Before actually learning digital photography techniques elsewhere, you have to get to know your camera by reading the instruction manuals with the gadget on hand. Try to take the same subjects with different modes and effects to find out how to use each button. The rest will follow once you have mastered handling your camera. The saying that photographers make great photographs and not the camera rings true. There are people who can only afford a point-and-shoot digital camera and yet are able take stunning shots. There are some who gets to flash their bulky digital SLRs and yet their outputs fail to give justice to the gadget. What the latter lack is not inborn artistry but the efforts to hone their photography skills. They might have ignored a digital photography guide they have seen in some website thinking that their high-end SLR would do the trick for them. These people are awfully mistaken. How can you take great photos with a great camera if you do not even know how to use its special features because you simply do not know anything about basic photography? Following tips and techniques from various sources that have a digital photography guide is the second step in your research. The first one is studying the manual by heart. Grab your camera and try what those buttons can do on similar subjects. That way, you get to learn how to use different camera modes for different subjects and locations. You have to practice how to control exposure and lighting and most importantly, how to use the flash. All these can be found in a reliable digital photography guide found on the internet. Being able to produce great outputs is rewarding especially if you have really given it enough efforts. There is what we call beginner"s luck in photography. All amateur photographers should get pass through that stage, forward, and not the other way around. A digital photography guide can be your ticket to achieving that. School Photography Tips? Documenting School Mementos Interested in school photography tips? School activities are as worthy of a scrapbook page as birthday parties or weddings. Children and young adults spend most of their time in school. There would come a time when you may have to tell something about your past and by then, it is inevitable that your memories about school is the first thing you would think of. Always carrying a camera around is never enough. Although it is probably the most important lesson among track loads of school photography tips professional photographers would give you, being trigger-happy with your camera is not the best way to learn how to take that memorable shot. It is important to plan ahead especially if you are going to document school-related events. Planning does not only mean packing your cameras, tripods, batteries and other equipments. You also have to prepare the clothes you are going to wear, decide and practice the shots you wanted to make or how you wanted your schoolmates to pose for you on portraits. Searching the internet for school photography tips is one way to enhance your amateur shots. Another thing you have to consider is how to make your subjects comfortable during photo sessions. Remember that your friends and teachers have different personalities. Some of them still need a little propping before they get to flash those celebrity smiles. Others tend to dominate the whole shot which should not be the effect you wanted for your photographs. You have to decide the location of the photo shoot with your subjects in mind. Make sure that every shot you make has a theme. The shots you take along the school corridor are different from the ones you take in the cafeteria. Any person who gets to see the photographs would immediately notice the distinction. Professional photographers and hobbyists would give you school photography tips that are not just related to creating beautiful pictures. The more important thing is to make them meaningful may they be portraits or candid shots. Practice improves your ability to choose which shots look good and which are not. That is why it is advised that you try to take photographs all throughout the school year. Many point-and-shoot digital camera owners are now starting to replace their old ones with an entry-level digital SLR. This seems to be an inevitable trend. The more one uses his or her camera, the more skilled he or she becomes. In the end, he or she would demand for a better digital photography equipment that best suits his or her newfound skill.
W2B-016-1.txt	Can Aristide come home now? LOVE AND HAITI Under Bill Clinton as well as George Bush, U.S. policy in Haiti has threatened without delivering. The Haitian generals, masters of bluff and bravado themselves, see this for what it is. Their interpretation: the United States says it wants to reinstate democratic rule, but it doesn't--not really. In the past few weeks, however, the intransigence of the Haitian military has been so embarrassing to the United States that the administration has been forced to make good on a few of its threats. Two weeks ago, responding to the Haitian generals' retreat from the negotiating table, the United States finally revoked the visas and froze the assets of some of the leaders and backers of the 1991 coup against Jean Bertrand Aristide. Of course, since the Americans had threatened to do this for almost two years, there was not much left to freeze. The United States also agreed to support forthcoming U.N.-enforced petroleum and weapons sanctions against Haiti, after having closed its eyes to the leakiness of the OAS-Sponsored trade embargo that is theoretically still in effect. Clinton put Marc Bazin, prime minister of the de facto regime, on his assets list, sending a signal that Bazin is no longer the Americans' pet pol. Once he lost his U.S. support, Bazin also lost his military backing and was forced to resign. Now that Haiti has no de facto president or prime Minister, the regime is openly military. Old institutional ties within Haiti are a big reason it took the United States so long to get serious. Since its nineteen-year occupation of Haiti, which began in 1915, the United States has had close links to Haiti's light-skinned elite, whom the Marine occupiers found more appealing than the country's blacker, poorer citizens. The occupation government ran customs, where its agents and officers worked with the elite business families of the bord de mer, which supervised exports. The Marines installed a succession of mulatto puppet presidents and developed a mulatto officer corps for what became the modern Haitian army. The military relationship remains strong. Generals Henry Namphy and Prosper Avril, two of Haiti's post-Duvalier dictators, were trained in the United States, as were Raoul Cedras, chief of staff under Aristide and leader of the coup against him, and Michel Francois, perhaps the most brutal of the anti-Aristide officers running the country. In other words, the generals who led the coup against Aristide, and their business backers, had good reason to expect the United States not to push them too hard for Aristide's return. They knew the U.S. Embassy and the U.S. Agency for International Development in Haiti harbored a deep antipathy to Aristide, whom the embassy had labeled "a radical firebrand" before he became a presidential candidate. Aristide was just the kind of leader--poor, country-bred, black--the Marines had fought in various anti-U.S. rebellions. He had no ties to the elite. He was out of the Port-au-Prince loop, and to be feared. AID, on the other hand, was very much on the inside with Port-au-Prince society. The secretaries at the fancy AID office came from Haiti's best families. The embassy nurse, an American, was married to the scion of a wealthy elite clan, a man who participated in an abortive coup against Aristide even before the new president was inaugurated.
W2C-011-2.txt	HOUSE BANKING Fifth Third Bank, the leader in local retail banking, has beefed up its retail business with an in-home banking option, P. Michael Brumm, senior vice president and chief financial officer, said. By using the bank's Jeanie ATM network, Fifth Third customers can pay bills over the phone. In addition, Fifth Third this summer began offering a product called Ohio Tax Free Bond. The fund allows investors to receive income from tax-free bonds sold by schools and municipalities, providing them with higher yields than other savings products. Fifth Third also will continue working with Kroger Co. to build its retail business, Brumm said. The bank, now with about 30 Kroger branches, will add as the grocery chain updates its area stores. " We'l 'llontinue putting emphasis on giving customers what they they want it," Brumm said. Society Bank, meanwhile, has formed Society Investments to offer customers non-traditional products, Frank L. Collins, senior vice president of retail administration, said. Among its products: mutual funds, tax-exempt stocks and bonds, and annuities that offer a guaranteed yield over a certain period. " We have to continue responding to customers' needs and offer clients alternative investments," Collins said. DEVELOPING RELATIONSHIPS Banks are likely to continue their search for ways to bring consumers new products as long as interest rates remain low, local bankers and industry experts said. Parker, of Star Bank, predicted that bankers will become "relationship managers" for individual customers, selling everything from conventional services to insurance policies and travel-related products. Someday soon, for instance, banks might offer special rates on CDs to win more of a consumer's business, whether it's for financial management or discount brokerage services or other products. " Consumers want a lot of things from banks and we 'll have to be more flexible to give them they want," Parker said. "If we don't, we face the risk of losing their business."
W2A-035-0.txt	Introduction Clustering is often used for discovering structure in data. Clustering systems differ in the objective function used to evaluate clustering quality and the control strategy used to search the space of clusterings. Ideally, the search strategy should consistently construct clusterings of high quality, but be computationally inexpensive as well. Given the combinatorial complexity of the general clustering problem, a search strategy cannot be both computationally inexpensive and give any guarantee about the quality of discovered clusterings across a diverse set of domains and objective functions. However, we can partition the search so that an initial clustering is inexpensively constructed, followed by iterative optimization procedures that continue to search in background for improved clusterings. This allows an analyst to get an early indication of the possible presence and form of structure in data, but search can continue as long as it seems worthwhile. This seems to be a primary motivation behind the design of systems such as AUTOCLASS [Cheeseman, Kelly, Self, Stutz, Taylor & Freeman, 1988] and SNOB [Wallace & Dowe, 1994]. This paper describes and evaluates three strategies for iterative optimization, one inspired by the iterative ` seed' selection strategy of CLUSTER/2 [Michalski & Stepp, 1983a; 1983b], one is a common form of optimization that iteratively reclassifies single observations, and a third method appears novel in the clustering literature. This latter strategy was inspired, in part, by macro-learning strategies [Iba, 1989] - - collections of observations are reclassified en masse, which appears to mitigate problems associated with local maxima as measured by the objective function. For evaluation purposes, we couple these strategies with a simple, inexpensive procedure used by COBWEB [Fisher, 1987a; 1987b] and a system by Anderson and Matessa [Anderson & Matessa, 1991], which constructs an initial hierarchical clustering. These iterative optimization strategies, however, can be paired with other methods for constructing initial clusterings. Once a clustering has been constructed it is judged by analysts - - often according to task-specific criteria. Several authors [Fisher, 1987a; 1987b; Cheeseman et al., 1988; Anderson & Matessa, 1991] have abstracted these criteria into a generic performance task akin to pattern completion, where the error rate over completed patterns can be used to ` externally' judge the utility of a clustering. In each of these systems, the objective function has been selected with this performance task in mind. Given this performance task we adapt resampling-based pruning strategies used by supervised learning systems to the task of simplifying hierarchical clusterings, thus easying post-clustering analysis. Experimental evidence suggests that hierarchical clusterings can be greatly simplified with no increase in pattern-completion error rate. Our experiments with clustering simplification suggest ` external' criteria of simplicity and classification cost, in addition to pattern-completion error rate, for judging the relative merits of differing objective functions in clustering. We suggest several objective functions that are adaptations of selection measures used in supervised, decision-tree induction, which may do well on the dimensions of simplicity and error rate. Clustering is a form of unsupervised learning that partitions observations into classes or clusters (collectively, called a clustering). An objective function or quality measure guides this search, ideally for a clustering that is optimal as measured by the objective function. A hierarchical-clustering system creates a tree-structured clustering, where sibling clusters partition the observations covered by their common parent. This section briefly summarizes a simple strategy, called hierarchical sorting, for creating hierarchical clusterings. An Objective Function We assume that an observation is a vector of nominal values, along distinct variables,. A measure of category utility [Gluck & Corter, 1985; Corter & Gluck, 1992], and/or variants have been used extensively by a system known as COBWEB [Fisher, 1987a] and many related systems [Gennari, Langley & Fisher, 1989; McKusick & Thompson, 1990; Iba & Gennari, 1991; McKusick & Langley, 1991; Reich & Fenves, 1991; Biswas, Weinberg & Li, 1994; De Alte Da Veiga, 1994; Kilander, 1994; Ketterlin, Gancarski & Korczak, 1995]. This measure rewards clusters,, that increase the predictability of variable values within (i.e.,) relative to their predictability in the population as a whole (i.e.,). By favoring clusters that increase predictability (i.e.,), we also necessarily favor clusters that increase variable value predictiveness (i.e.,). Clusters for which many variable values are predictable are cohesive. Increases in predictability stem from the shared variable values of observations within a cluster. A cluster is well-separated or decoupled from other clusters if many variable values are predictive of the cluster. High predictiveness stems from the differences in the variable values shared by members of one cluster from those shared by observations of another cluster. A general principle of clustering is to increase the similarity of observations within clusters (i.e., cohesion) and to decrease the similarity of observations across clusters (i.e., coupling). Category utility is similar in form to the Gini Index, which has been used in supervised systems that construct decision trees [Mingers, 1989b; Weiss & Kulikowski, 1991]. The Gini Index is typically intended to address the issue of how well the values of a variable,, predict a priori known class labels in a supervised context. The summation over Gini Indices reflected in CU addresses the extent that a cluster predicts the values of all the variables. CU rewards clusters that most reduce a collective impurity over all variables. In Fisher's [1987a] COBWEB system, CU is used to measure the quality of a partition of data, or the average category utility of clusters in the partition. Sections 3.5 and 5.2 note some nonoptimalities with this measure of partition quality, and suggest some alternatives. Nonetheless, this measure is commonly used, we will take this opportunity to note its problems, and none of the techniques that we describe is tied to this measure. The Structure of Clusters As in COBWEB, AUTOCLASS [Cheeseman et al., 1988], and other systems [Anderson & Matessa, 1991], we will assume that clusters,, are described probabilistically: each variable value has an associated conditional probability,, which reflects the proportion of observations in that exhibit the value,, along variable. In fact, each variable value is actually associated with the number of observations in the cluster having that value; probabilities are computed ` on demand' for purposes of evaluation. Probabilistically-described clusters arranged in a tree form a hierarchical clustering known as a probabilistic categorization tree. Each set of sibling clusters partitions the observations covered by the common parent. There is a single root cluster, identical in structure to other clusters, but covering all observations and containing frequency information necessary to compute's as required by category utility. Figure 1 gives an example of a probablistic categorization tree (i.e., a hierarchical clustering) in which each node is a cluster of observations summarized probabilistically. Observations are at leaves and are described by three variables: Size, Color, and Shape. Hierarchical Sorting Our strategy for initial clustering is sorting, which is a term adapted from a psychological task that requires subjects to perform roughly the same procedure that we describe here [Ahn & Medin, 1989]. Given an observation and a current partition, sorting evaluates the quality of new clusterings that result from placing the observation in each of the existing clusters, and the quality of the clustering that results from creating a new cluster that only covers the new observation; the option that yields the highest quality score (e.g., usingPU) is selected. The clustering grows incrementally as new observations are added. This procedure is easily incorporated into a recursive loop that builds tree-structured clusterings: given an existing hierarchical clustering, an observation is sorted relative to the top-level partition (i.e., children of the root); if an existing child of the root is chosen to include the observation, then the observation is sorted relative to the children of this node, which now serves as the root in this recursive call. If a leaf is reached, the tree is extended downward. The maximum height of the tree can be bounded, thus limiting downward growth to fixed depth. Figure 2 shows the tree of Figure 1 after two new observations have been added to it: one observation extends the left subtree downward, while the second is made a new leaf at the deepest, existing level of the right subtree. This sorting strategy is identical to that used by Anderson and Matessa [Anderson & Matessa, 1991]. The children of each cluster partition the observations that are covered by their parent, though the measure, PU, used to guide sorting differs from that of Anderson and Matessa. The observations themselves are stored as singleton clusters at leaves of the tree. Other hierarchical-sort based strategies augment this basic procedure in a manner described in Section 3.3 [Fisher1987a; Hadzikadic & Yun, 1989; Decaestecker1991]. Hierarchical sorting quickly constructs a tree-structured clustering, but one which is typically nonoptimal. In particular, this control strategy suffers from ordering effects: different orderings of the observations may yield different clusterings [Fisher, Xu & Zard, 1992]. Thus, after an initial clustering phase, a (possibly offline) process of iterative optimization seeks to uncover better clusterings. Seed Selection, Reordering, and Reclustering Michalski and Stepp's [Michalski & Stepp, 1983a] CLUSTER/2 seeks the optimal K-partitioning of data. The first step selects K random ` seed' observations from the data. These seeds are ` attractors' around which the K clusters are grown from the remaining data. Since seed selection can greatly impact clustering quality, CLUSTER/2 selects K new seeds that are ` centroids' of the K initial clusters. Clustering is repeated with these new seeds. This process iterates until there is no further improvement in the quality of generated clusterings. Ordering effects in sorting are related to effects that arise due to differing fixed-K seed selections: the initial observations in an ordering establish initial clusters that ` attract' the remaining observations. In general, sorting performs better if the initial observations are from diverse areas of the observation-description space, since this facilitates the establishment of initial clusters that reflect these different areas. Fisher, Xu, and Zard [1992] showed that ordering data so that consecutive observations were dissimilar based on Euclidean distance led to good clusterings. Biswas et al. [1994] adapted this technique in their ITERATE system with similar results. In both cases, sorting used the PU score described previously. This procedure presumes that observations that appear dissimilar by Euclidean distance tend to be placed in different clusters using the objective function. Taking the lead from CLUSTER/2, a measure-independent idea first sorts using a random data ordering, then extracts a biased ` dissimilarity' ordering from the hierarchical clustering, and sorts again. The function of Table 1 outlines the reordering procedure. It recursively extracts a list of observations from the most probable (i.e., largest) cluster to the least probable, and then merges (i.e., interleaves) these lists, before exiting each recursive call - - at each step, an element from the most probable cluster is placed first, followed by an element of the second most probable, and so forth. Whatever measure guides clustering, observations in differing clusters have been judged dissimilar by the measure. Thus, this measure-independent procedure returns a measure-dependent dissimilarity ordering by placing observations from different clusters back-to-back. Iterative Redistribution of Single Observations A common and long-known form of iterative optimization moves single observations from cluster to cluster in search of a better clustering [Duda & Hart, 1973]. The basic strategy has been used in one form or another by numerous sort-based algorithms as well [Fisher et al., 1992]. The idea behind iterative redistribution [Biswas, Weinberg, Yang & Koller, 1991] is simple: observations in a single-level clustering are ` removed' from their original cluster and resorted relative to the clustering. If a cluster contains only one observation, then the cluster is ` removed' and its single observation is resorted. This process continues until two consecutive iterations yield the same clustering. The ISODATA algorithm [Duda & Hart, 1973] determines a target cluster for each observation, but does not actually change the clustering until targets for all observations have been determined; at this point, all observations are moved to their targets, thus altering the clustering. We limit ourselves to a sequential version, also described by Duda and Hart [1973], that moves each observation as its target is identified through sorting. This strategy is conceptually simple, but is limited in its ability to overcome local maxima - - the reclassification of a particular observation may be in the true direction of a better clustering, but it may not be perceived as such when the objective function is applied to the clustering that results from resorting the single observation. An iterative optimization strategy that appears novel in the clustering literature is iterative hierarchical redistribution. This strategy is rationalized relative to single-observation iterative redistribution: even though moving a set of observations from one cluster to another may lead to a better clustering, the movement of any single observation may initially reduce clustering quality, thus preventing the eventual discovery of the better clustering. In response, hierarchical redistribution considers the movement of observation sets, represented by existing clusters in a hierarchical clustering.
W1B-026-0.txt	MICROSOFT CORPORATION GENERAL Microsoft Corporation (the "Company" or "Microsoft") was founded as a partnership in 1975 and was incorporated in 1981. The Company operates in one business segment - the development, manufacture, marketing, licensing, and support of a wide range of software products, including operating systems for personal computers (PCs), office machines, and personal information devices; applications programs; and languages; as well as personal computer books, hardware, and multimedia products. Microsoft(R) products are available for most PCs, including Apple(R) computers and those running Intel(R) microprocessors. Microsoft's business strategy emphasizes the development of a broad line of microcomputer software products for business and personal use, marketed through multiple channels of distribution. The Company is divided into three main groups: the Products Group; the Sales and Support Group; and the Operations Group. The Products Group is comprised of five main divisions, each responsible for a particular area of software development, technology development, and product marketing. The Personal Operating Systems Division designs and develops operating systems for desktop PCs. The Business Systems Division is responsible for enterprise-wide computing solutions, including client-server architectures, networking products, and workgroup applications. The Desktop Applications Division creates productivity applications. The Developer Division creates database products, as well as programming language products and software development tools. The Consumer Division develops products designed for the home, school, and small business market, including multimedia consumer products and computer input devices (hardware). Microsoft also has an Advanced Technology Division, which is involved in research of new technologies for the evolution of personal computing and the development of innovative consumer software architectures. The Sales and Support Group is responsible for building long-term business relationships with customers. This group is aligned with one of three customer types: end users, organizations, and OEMs (original equipment manufacturers). The Sales and Support group manages the channels that serve those customers. These channels include the U.S. and Canada, Europe, Other International, and OEM. The group also provides support for the Company's products through Product Support Services, Consulting Services, and Solutions Providers. The Operations Group is responsible for managing business operations and overall business planning. This includes the process of manufacture and delivery of finished goods, licenses, subscriptions, and fulfillment orders; the publishing efforts of Microsoft Press; and other corporate functions. PRODUCTS PERSONAL OPERATING SYSTEMS The Personal Operating Systems Division develops desktop operating systems software, which controls PCs, allocates computer memory, schedules the execution of applications software, and manages the flow of information and communication among the various components of the PC. The Company's primary proprietary operating systems for PCs are: the Microsoft MS-DOS(R) operating system, the Microsoft Windows(TM) operating system, and Microsoft Windows(TM) for Workgroups. MS-DOS: Microsoft MS-DOS is a single-user, single-tasking operating system designed for PCs that utilize Intel microprocessor chips. Since the introduction of MS-DOS on the IBM PC in 1981, the Company has enhanced MS-DOS as new technologies are developed and user needs have arisen. MS-DOS is preinstalled by OEMs on most PCs. WINDOWS: Microsoft Windows is a graphical operating system for MS-DOS-based PCs. Microsoft Windows supports high-performance Windows-based applications, and offers ease of use and aesthetic appeal, scalable TrueType(R) fonts, built-in multimedia functionality, and straightforward integration into corporate computing environments. WINDOWS FOR WORKGROUPS: Windows for Workgroups integrates network and workgroup functionality directly into the Windows operating system. With Windows for Workgroups, users can share files, data, and printers, with ease of access and security. WINDOWS 95: Microsoft is developing a new personal operating system, designed to replace MS-DOS, Windows, and Windows for Workgroups as the Company's desktop operating system offering. Windows 95 will be a fully integrated 32-bit operating system, compatible with existing software applications and capable of performing as the platform for the next generation of applications, games, PCs, and peripherals. BUSINESS SYSTEMS The Business Systems division is focused on delivering a broad range of business solutions for organizations. The division develops and markets an integrated product line of software for creating business solutions, including operating systems for servers and workstations, as well as applications for business servers. Server applications development is divided into the areas of databases, connectivity, and workgroup applications. WINDOWS NT: Microsoft Windows NT Workstation is a 32-bit, multithreaded operating system for client-server computing. It is capable of running on Intel 386, 486, and Pentium(TM) systems and exploiting the next generation of microprocessor systems, including most RISC architectures and multiprocessor systems. Windows NT has the power to serve as a business workstation to integrate client-server business applications with existing Windows-based desktop applications or as a technical workstation to run high-end engineering or scientific applications. The operating system provides integrated mail and networking with remote access, pre-emptively scheduled multitasking, and support for background communication sessions. Windows NT also provides for the automatic migration of information from previously installed versions of Windows. The Windows NT(TM) Server, in addition to the features of Windows NT Workstation, provides extensive network management features, administration tools, support for Macintosh(R) clients, and fault tolerance. It is a platform for database, communications, and mail servers. SQL SERVER: The Company also offers Microsoft SQL Server. Originally developed cooperatively by Microsoft and Sybase, Inc., SQL Server is a high-performance relational database management system for client-server architectures and personal computer local area networks. SQL Server supports the Structured Query Language, which is a commonly used language through which application programs communicate with relational databases. The Company provides SQL Server for Windows NT and SQL Server for OS/2. LAN MANAGER: The Company also markets Microsoft LAN Manager, which is a network operating system offering the user the ability to run applications, share files and devices, and perform remote processing in a true client-server computing environment, from MS-DOS, Windows, or Microsoft Operating System/2 (MS(R) OS/2) workstations. LAN Manager runs on MS OS/2, UNIX Systems, and VAX VMS systems. LAN Manager clients and servers can interoperate in a network with Windows NT, Windows NT Server, and Windows for Workgroup systems. MICROSOFT MAIL: The Company markets Microsoft Mail for PC networks. Microsoft Mail includes client software for the Microsoft Windows, MS-DOS, Macintosh, and OS/2 platforms. In addition, this workgroup application offers large, corporate users support for multiple network environments. A companion product, Microsoft Mail for AppleTalk(R) networks, is used by companies with Macintosh servers. Microsoft Mail Remote for Windows offers software for remote clients used by travelers or those working at home to stay in touch with the office mail system. SCHEDULE+: In 1992, the Company introduced the first of its workgroup applications to take advantage of the Microsoft Mail messaging system, Microsoft Schedule+. Schedule+ is a calendaring and scheduling program that helps individuals and groups manage their time and resources. The program searches other workgroup members' schedules to determine meeting availability times, provides invitees the means to accept, decline, or tentatively accept invitations to meetings, and automatically notifies attendees if a meeting is canceled or rescheduled. MICROSOFT AT WORK: The Company announced a new architecture which focuses on making digital office machines more functional and easier to use while creating digital connections between office machines to allow information to flow freely among many device types throughout the workplace. The Microsoft At Work(TM) software components are planned to be incorporated into office devices, making these products easier to use, compatible with one another and compatible with PCs running the Microsoft Windows operating system. Partners in the Microsoft At Work initiative include more than 70 companies representing the office automation, communications, and computer industries. DESKTOP APPLICATIONS SOFTWARE The Desktop Applications Division develops applications software, which provides the microcomputer with instructions for the performance of end user tasks. The Company's desktop applications software is designed for use by a broad class of end users, regardless of business, industry, or market segment. Primary examples of desktop applications software are word processing, spreadsheet, and presentation graphics programs. The Company's desktop applications programs are developed principally for Windows and Macintosh operating systems. MICROSOFT OFFICE Microsoft Office is a suite of software products featuring seamless integration of the most commonly used desktop applications. The Company's suite of products is based upon a document-centric concept, with common commands and extensive use of object linking and embedding (OLE) cross-application capabilities. Microsoft Office comes in two editions, Standard and Professional. The Standard Edition includes Microsoft Word, Microsoft Excel, the Microsoft PowerPoint(R) presentation graphics program, and a workstation license for Microsoft Mail. The Standard Edition is available for Windows and Macintosh operating systems. The Microsoft Office Professional Edition for Windows adds the Microsoft Access(R) database. WORD PROCESSING The Company's word processing program is Microsoft Word. Microsoft Word for the MS-DOS operating system was introduced in 1983. Since its first release, Microsoft Word has been enhanced with innovations that make it easier for users to do everyday word processing tasks. Microsoft Word for Windows provides all the features that users of word processing products expect in the Windows graphical environment, plus the ability to handle graphics, tables, spreadsheet data, charts, and images imported from other Windows-based software programs. The Company also has a version for the Macintosh operating system. SPREADSHEETS The Company's spreadsheet program is Microsoft Excel, which is available for the Windows and Macintosh operating systems. It is an integrated spreadsheet with database and business graphics capabilities. Microsoft Excel allows full linking and embedding of objects that permits users to view and edit graphics or charts from other Windows-based programs from the worksheet in which the object is stored. Microsoft Excel graphics capabilities can be linked to its spreadsheets to allow simultaneous changes to charts as changes are made to the spreadsheets. Microsoft Excel was first introduced in 1985 for the Apple Macintosh. Microsoft Excel for Windows was introduced in 1987. GRAPHICS Microsoft PowerPoint is a presentation graphics program for producing slides, transparencies, overheads, and prints. The Company markets versions of PowerPoint for Microsoft Windows and the Macintosh. PROJECT MANAGEMENT Microsoft Project is a critical path project scheduling and resource allocation program that runs on Windows and Macintosh operating systems. The product can perform as a budgeting, monitoring, and cost estimating tool for large business projects and as a critical path and schedule planning tool. DEVELOPER PRODUCTS The Developer Division provides software development tools, database products, and technical information to Windows developers worldwide. These products and services help independent software developers, corporate developers, solutions developers, and hobbyists create a wide variety of applications, primarily for Windows and Windows NT. DATABASE PRODUCTS Database products control the maintenance and utilization of structured data organized into a set of records or files. The Company offers database products which span the needs of individual users up to large corporations. These products include Microsoft Access, Microsoft FoxPro(R), Microsoft SQL Server, and a variety of database connectivity technologies. Microsoft Access is a relational database management application, also offered in conjunction with Microsoft Office, which provides access to structured business data. Microsoft FoxPro is a desktop database development tool which is compatible with the industry standard xBase development language. FoxPro supports xBase applications on MS-DOS, Windows, Windows NT, Macintosh, and UNIX. The Open Database Connectivity (ODBC) product provides access and connectivity to read and write to various databases from other computer industry vendors from within Microsoft Windows applications. SOFTWARE DEVELOPMENT TOOLS AND COMPUTER LANGUAGES Software development tools and computer languages allow software developers to write programs in a particular computer language and translate programs into a binary machine-readable set of commands that activate and instruct the hardware. The Company develops and markets a number of software development environments, language compilers, and software testing tools. In 1994, the Company shipped Microsoft Visual C++(TM) development system for 16 and 32-bit application development on Windows and Windows NT. The Microsoft Visual Basic(TM) programming system for the Windows operating system provides easy access to a wide variety of data sources by integrating the Microsoft Access database engine and the ability to leverage investments in commercial applications through OLE 2.0. Additionally, the Company offers professional, highly-integrated development environments in the Assembly and FORTRAN languages for MS-DOS, Windows, and Windows NT. DEVELOPER INFORMATION PRODUCTS The Company supplies software developers with technical and support information which is critical for successful development on Windows and Windows NT. Developers subscribe to the Microsoft Developer Network (MSDN) information service and receive quarterly updates on CD-ROMs, magazines, and electronically via several on-line information services.
W2B-040-0.txt	PARC is Back! by Howard Rheingold After fumbling the future,Xerox PARC is back with a visionary new director, bright researchers, and amazing new technology. In 1983, I read an article about mind-amplifying machines. These were as different from the computers of the time as television was from 15th century printing presses. The article's author, Alan Kay, worked at Xerox Palo Alto Research Center (PARC). I concluded that PARC amounted to a hive of zealots bent on changing the course of culture. I wanted in on it. Most of all, I wanted to test drive one of the devices they used to amplify their own minds. I managed to get a job at PARC writing articles for a Xerox in-house magazine. A year before the first Macintosh computer was sold, I commuted 45 minutes to PARC's rural campus to type on an Alto - the first true personal computer. My job was to interview PARC researchers about their work. They talked about bit-mapped screens, local-area networks, point-and-click interfaces, object-oriented languages. All those futuristic experiments they showed me have diffused so widely (and profitably) during the past ten years that it is easy to forget they were once confined to that building on a oak-spotted hill above Silicon Valley. The players on the all-virtuoso team that convened then at PARC's computer labs were eager to volunteer as guinea pigs for the technology they wanted to build. They were dedicated to designing their own personal, networked mind- amplifiers, then handing over their creations to non-programmers for intellectual work. One phrase became PARC's hallmark: "The easiest way to predict the future is to invent it." They succeeded so well that nothing has been the same since, including PARC. The early days of PARC are the stuff of Silicon Valley folklore. Personal computers did not spring naturally from the computer industry. They were deliberately realized by a radical fringe, against all the force of the day's accepted wisdom. These zealous wizards handed Xerox an astounding lead in information technology in the early 1980s, but by the end of the decade, Xerox watched as upstarts like Apple and Microsoft grew wealthy off Xerox's discoveries. Neither Apple nor Microsoft even existed when the first Altos were designed in the early 1970s; by 1990 either company could have bought Xerox. The tragicomic Xerox saga is recorded in Douglas K. Smith and Robert C. Alexander's Fumbling the Future. But Xerox hasn't always fumbled the future. The company persists because long ago it redefined itself and reinvented its business. Fifty years ago, Chester Carlson invented a scheme for printing dry photocopies of documents. Few corporations of the day were interested in an expensive, messy, unreliable way to do what carbon paper did cheaply and well. Nonetheless, Carlson's company, Haloid, committed itself to a future in which people would use office copiers for purposes unimaginable in the carbon-paper era. Renaming itself Xerox, the company championed the copiers that soon rendered carbon-paper obsolete. Having already invented the future twice, then squandering its advantage, could Xerox still have stories to tell? In the fall of 1993, I returned to Xerox PARC for another chance to go back to the future. Where was Xerox? On the road to reinventing itself for the third time. New, young faces populate the halls today. Video windows and audio communications are built into workstations. Desktop screens have evolved into wall-sized screens, clipboard-size screens, and pocket-size "tabs." The place is still an intellectual wonderland. Again I feel like I've dropped in on 've outpost from the future. It's not just the latest gadgetry. Something's happening. The hardware and software shops are still cooking up new goodies, but now anthropologists and sociologists study the nature of knowledge work and the way organizations function. These scientists are as important at PARC today as are inventors of thin-film displays or engineers of RISC processors. In the 1970s and 1980s everybody at PARC shared a mental model of the future - they predicted that millions of people would soon use screens and windows and mice, linked to high-speed communication pipelines. But now in the 1990s, nothing seems as easy to forecast or design as personal computing and networking were. This time, the folks at PARC are taking their info-tools into relatively uncharted territory - what happens among people. Personal computers and local-area-networks are boxes of electronics, cables that transport bits. But once they are in place, the effects on organization are more powerful than number-crunching and file-transferring: People use those boxes and cables to think, communicate, and solve problems in new ways. Those new ways are not visible, but they represent the raison d'etre of innovative information processing and communicating tools. These tools, after all, don't generate electrical power or material goods. Through the interaction of minds, they effect changes in human relationships, and through those, changes in organizations. This territory - what happens to people's minds and to organizations after personal computers and networks are installed - is the new terra incognita that PARC researchers are exploring. What they have discovered so far, in the earliest phases of the research, is both startling and inspiring. Postmodern Computing The first person at PARC I talked to this time around was Mark Weiser. I had never met this smiling, bearded fellow before, but I recognized the room he was standing in. I sat on the same couch in the same corner office with the same view of Palo Alto ten years earlier when Bob Taylor was director of PARC's computer science lab. At that time, as now, PARC was a one-stop shop for everything from new microcircuits (and new ways of making microcircuits) to new computer systems and new software. Taylor had been a young administrator who led a stellar, single-minded team for more than a decade, with legendary results. Taylor and his crew were the heirs to Douglas Engelbart's crusade to "augment human intellect" at the Stanford Research Institute. As silly as it seems today, there was a time when almost everybody in the computer industry was convinced that computers were destined solely for calculation or data processing. Engelbart, a lonely visionary, pushed the radical idea that computers could be used to extend the power of human minds to think, communicate, and solve problems - this was "augmentation." There was a threshold out there, Taylor's early PARC team believed, measured in processing power, where true intellectual augmentation would take place - the way 24-frames-a-second marks the boundary between still photography and cinema. Bob Taylor's motto had been "Build what you use. Use what you build." One of the first things Mark Weiser shared was his own interpretation of this now hoary PARC wisdom: "You let what you build change you, and you move on." In Weiser's view, PARC learns how to build better tools, and then everybody learns to use them. Then they do it all again, with the new tools. The people at PARC have a hunch that this organizational bootstrapping might be worth more to Xerox than the tangible artifacts the process produces. The early computer science lab crew stood on a mountain, and the destination was clear. The sights of Weiser and company are more arcane - they are mapping aspects of intellectual work that have yet to be explored. Weiser wants computers to disappear into the background. When computers become invisible to users, the most important side of human-computer symbiosis (to humans) has a better chance to emerge. How to make them invisible? Make them ubiquitous. "Ubicomp" Weiser calls it. To Weiser, the intellectual origins of "Ubicomp" lie in the social rather than the technical side of PARC's research: "The idea of ubiquitous computing first arose from contemplating the place of today's computer in actual activities of everyday life," he writes in a recent paper. "In particular, anthropological studies of work life teach us that people primarily work in a world of shared situations and unexamined technological skills. However, the computer today is isolated from the overall situation and fails to get out of the way of the work." In Weiser's cosmology, the original "desktop" graphical user interface does not go far enough to get out of the way of the user. Interfaces don't do the job. Neither do agents. And certainly not virtual reality (VR). Weiser writes: "In its ultimate environment, VR causes the computer to become effectively invisible by taking over the human sensory and affector systems. VR is extremely useful in scientific visualization and entertainment, and will be very significant for those niches. But as a tool for productively changing everyone's relationship to computation, it has two crucial flaws. First, at the present time [1992], and probably for decades, it cannot produce a simulation of significant verisimilitude at reasonable cost. That means that users will not be fooled and the computer will not be out of the way. Second, and most importantly, it has the goal of fooling the user - of leaving the everyday physical world behind. This is at odds with the goal of better integrating the computer into human activities, since humans are of and in the everyday world." Embedding intelligence in the environment is not possible with present-day technology, so Weiser's group started with wall-sized interactive screens known as "boards," clipboard-sized terminals known as "pads," and tiny computers called "tabs." The first stages of Ubicomp bootstrapping incorporated another innovation, first created by Olivetti's research center in Cambridge, England - an "active badge." With an active badge system, every computer you sit down at is your computer, with your custom interface and access to your files, because your active badge sends it information via infrared signals. It is possible to track the locations of other researchers at all times by central monitoring of active badges - a handy tool with Orwellian implications. In his office, Weiser drew a horizontal line. The far left side he labeled "atoms"; the far right side, "cultures." PARC, Weiser points out, directs research at every part of the spectrum defined by the line between atoms and cultures: toward the "atom" end of the line is PARC's ongoing exploration of the nature of materials. Toward the center lies PARC's work in turning materials into real hardware products. Smack in the middle is the task tackled by Taylor and his group, integrating hardware and software design into information systems. And toward the right, closer to "cultures," are systems and practices - the hunting grounds of social scientists. The lab's new direction, Weiser says, "recognizes even more that people are social creatures." He referred to his ideas as a form of "postmodern computing," in that he wants to "return to letting things in the world be what they are, instead of reducing them" to data or virtualizing them into illusions. "Ubicomp honors the complexity of human relationships, the fact that we have bodies, are mobile," he said. Tabs, pads, boards, and badges are the first bootstrapping steps in that direction, not the long-term goal. Nevertheless, part of that environment has migrated into productland and is embodied in the "LiveBoard" (see WIRED 1.4, page 36). PARC teams are way beyond "fumbling the future." They are inventing the future again. But this time they are reinventing their understanding of how to invent the future, as well. There is a sense that they are onto something new, that instead of extending the old computer revolution into new widgets and gadgets, they are at the dawn of a whole new - and potentially scary - revolution. PARC is an intellectual playground, full of free spirits. How do they feel about the possibility that Ubicomp might lead directly to a future of safe, efficient, soulless, and merciless universal surveillance? " Some people refuse to wear badges," Weiser says. "I support their right to dissent. And one principle we go by here is to maintain individual control over who else sees anything about us....The answer will have to be social as well as technical." Corporations as MUDs: The Virtual Water Cooler When computers disappear into the woodwork, people in organizations will do the same important thing people in organizations have always done: They will tell each other stories. While workstations can amplify the work people do in their physical cubicles and formal job roles, boxes on desks can't approach what happens at the water cooler. One PARC researcher, Pavel Curtis, is looking closely at MUDs, the water coolers of the Internet. He sees them as a way of bringing informal, even playful communication back into organizations. In MUDs, the "Multi-User Dungeons" of the Internet, thousands of enthusiasts create their own dramatic adventures, sometimes vying for points in fantasy games, sometimes just conversing.
W2C-002-0.txt	Summary: Graffiti spreads through Portland faster than officials and residents can cover it up Robbin Mayfield and his graffiti-removal crew drive an old Wonderbread truck, but paints and solvents have replaced breads and pastries. The truck pulls up to a wall in Southeast Portland where Mayfield's crew Had spent 2 1/2 days covering up the 6-foot blue lettering of the Hilltop Hustlers. But the gang came back to the wall at St. Andrews Residential Care Center - - and that means a return trip for the cleanup crew as well. Graffiti are spreading through Portland faster than kids go through pens And cans of Krylon. " It's increasing and becoming bigger," said Valerie Thorneycroft, who coordinates graffiti patrols in her neighborhood. "If we get one more gang in town and they start writing on the walls, we're goi 'reto have a problem." Some neighborhood groups patrol weekly in order to keep up. " It's just like chicken pox. If one kid gets it, the others are going to get it," said John Canda of the Youth Gangs Task Force, which works to keep youngsters out of gangs. Although graffiti are associated with street gangs in inner North and Northeast Portland, police and neighborhood groups say the problem has spread throughout the city and has shown up in many forms. Sgt. Neil Crannell of the Portland Police Bureau's Gang Enforcement Team said graffiti fall into four main types: Gang graffiti. Graffiti that communicate between gangs and members or designates turf. Tagging. So-called graffiti artists who put their names - - or "tags" - - in as many places as possible. Lovers' graffiti. Graffiti that say, basically, "Billy loves Susie." Junk graffiti. Anything that doesn't fall into the other categories. Call it art or call it argot, graffiti spell expense for cities, Tri-Met, merchants and schools. Mayfield said his Youth Gang Graffiti Project receives $75,000 from the Private Industry Council and about $50,000 from a Housing and Community Development grant. Catherine Merten, public information officer for Tri-Met, said the Agency spends $2,000 on graffiti removal out of its $200,000 budget for cleaning Its 788 neighborhood shelters. Joe Thomas, operations superintendant in charge of street cleaning, estimates the city of Portland spends $75,000 a year on cleaning graffiti and on vandalism. The Portland School District does not break down its maintenance budget into categories, but officials say graffiti removal does add to the cost. " These people aren't being responsible. They're c 'reing the taxpayers thousands and thousands of dollars," said officer Dennis Dodd of the Portland School Police. "Graffiti is vandalism plain and simple." The Youth Gang Graffiti Project was established three years ago to provide troubled youth with basic working skills and to help fight graffiti in the city. The project receives money through a Housing and Community Development grant, the Private Industry Council and donations. The youngsters, who work six hours a day Monday through Friday, reach the program through the courts or probation officers, while others ask to join. clean up all graffiti as quickly as possible, they are most concerned about gang graffiti because of the message the markings convey. " Graffiti talks to the wannabes….We work hard to eradicate that graffiti," he said. Dodd of the school police explains the longer gang graffiti stay on the walls, the longer people have to react to it. Dodd pointed to graffiti on a garage door and explained that the number 187 referred to the California penal code for murder. " That means somebody is going to get hurt," he said. Graffiti art, a longtime problem in New York and Los Angeles, is making an appearance in Portland in a form called tagging. Dodd said the so-called taggers put their street names, or tags, on walls in their room, outside and inside schools, bus shelters and anything else that has a flat surface. Taggers are mainly junior high and high school age youngsters who create names like the Art Fiends, Creative Devils and Sadistic Writers for their groups. They also cover walls with words done in large, colorful letters or with drawings of characters. Dodd classifies the taggers as a group, rather then a gang, but said the distinction was a fine one. " In one respect, they have to fight their way in and out of the group, but they haven't shot anybody we know of," he said. Dodd knows many of the taggers and arranged for a retired tagger to talk to The Oregonian. Joe, who wouldn't give his last name, formed the now-defunct Creative Devils last Christmas. He said he started tagging as an Art Fiend but left after getting jumped by another gang. " I thought 'the Art Fiends' were getting to be too much like a gang," he said. According to Joe, now 15, kids join a group, or crew as they call it, because it is a challenge to see who can tag the most. He said the goal of the Creative Devils was to see if they could 'get up," or tag, more then anybody else. They also see graffiti as an art form, he said. Joe and his crew of four tagged by day and night while constantly staying on the lookout for police and rivals. "Everybody hated us because we were 'getting up' ruthlessly,'" he said. The winner is chosen for the quality and originality of the work. "Everybody could tell who the winner was by the drawing," Joe said. After tiring of his encounters with police and rivals, he decided it was time to quit. Joe spent time in the Donald E. Long Home for juvenile delinquents after he was arrested for writing on MAX. "It got me to thinking about what I was doing," he said. While Joe says the rival groups never come to blows, the writing on the wall looks ominous to Dodd, with the school police. In the Bloods and Crips, a name crossed out on a wall means the gang or individual is going to get hurt. Taggers are starting to cross out the names of rivals. " It's just a matter of time," Dodd said. Businesses and residents, meanwhile, tire of cleaning up. Thorneycroft, a pioneer in graffiti-removal patrols, started cleaning her neighborhood two years ago. A retired accountant from Nabisco Brands Inc., Thorneycroft patrols her neighborhood at least twice a month. Her efforts have not gone unnoticed. This month she will receive two civic awards recognizing her relentless effort to address the graffiti problem. Mick Chase, board member for the Hawthorne Business Association, said his group works closely with Thorneycroft to encourage businesses to clean graffiti off their buildings. "I think our businesses have a certain pride of ownership and don't like to see the graffiti around here," he said. John MacLeod, 56, a retired financial analyst for Bonneville Power Administration, got tired of seeing profanities written on a new overpass near his home in the Parkrose area. He now covers the graffiti with paint supplied by the state highway division. The Southeast Uplift Neighborhood Program operates on donations and a $2,600 grant from the Oregon Community Foundation. The grant, received in the 1989-90 fiscal year, bought supplies for residents to use to clean up graffiti, said crime prevention organizer Peg Caliendo. The group put together a brochure telling people how to organize cleaning programs and deal with graffiti. Helen Cheeks, crime prevention coordinator for Southeast Uplift, said Tri-Met has given the group blanket permission to clean up graffiti on its property, but the Postal Service hasn't. Tri-Met suggests groups or individuals should check before taking it on themselves to clean up the graffiti. The Postal Service, meanwhile, is trying to smooth the way for individuals and organizations to clean postal boxes. " We welcome the assistance in removing graffiti, but the details of the policy haven't been ironed out yet," said postal spokesman Bob Groff. He said details of a new program, Adopt a Box, should be completed soon. Residents worry about what the blight of graffiti says about a city. " Graffiti makes you feel dirty or like you're 'rea foreign territory. You feel invaded, and you're 're sure of who's behind you when you walk down the street," said Roylene Carlson, a Southeast Portland resident. " It's sad because children are becoming gang members. Portland has never had a problem like this before," she said. "I'm f 'mm Chicago, and Portland is starting to get that look and feel."
W2B-023-0.txt	The molecule was not alive, at least not in any conventional sense. Yet its behavior was astonishingly lifelike. When it appeared last April at the Scripps Research Institute in La Jolla, California, scientists thought it had spoiled their experiment. But this snippet of synthetic RNA-- one of the master molecules in the nuclei of all cells--proved unusually talented. Within an hour of its formation, it had commandeered the organic material in a thimble-size test tube and started to make copies of itself. Then the copies made copies. Before long, the copies began to evolve, developing the ability to perform new and unexpected chemical tricks. Surprised and excited, the scientists who witnessed the event found themselves wondering, Is this how life got started? It is a question that is being asked again and again as news of this remarkable molecule and others like it spreads through the scientific world. Never before have the creations of laboratories come so close to crossing the threshold that separates living from nonliving, the quick from the dead. It is as if the most fundamental questions about who we are and how we got here are being distilled into threadlike entities smaller than specks of dust. In the flurry of research now underway--and the philosophical debate that is certain to follow--scientists find themselves confronting anew one of earth's most ancient mysteries. What, exactly, is life, and how did it get started? Science's answers to these questions are changing, and changing rapidly, as fresh evidence pours in from fields as disparate as oceanography and molecular biology, geochemistry and astronomy. This summer a startling, if still sketchy, synthesis of the new ideas emerged during a weeklong meeting of origin-of-life researchers in Barcelona, Spain. Life, it now appears, did not dawdle at the starting gate, but rushed forth at full gallop. UCLA paleobiologist J. William Schopf reported finding fossilized imprints of a thriving microbial community sandwiched between layers of rock that is 3.5 billion years old. This, along with other evidence, shows that life was well established only a billion years after the earth's formation, a much faster evolution than previously thought. Life did not arise under calm, benign conditions, as once assumed, but under the hellish skies of a planet racked by volcanic eruptions and menaced by comets and asteroids. In fact, the intruders from outer space may have delivered the raw materials necessary for life. So robust were the forces that gave rise to the first living organisms that it is entirely possible, many researchers believe, that life began not once but several times before it finally "took" and colonized the planet. The notion that life arose quickly and easily has spurred scientists to attempt a truly presumptuous feat: they want to create life--real life--in the lab. What they have in mind is not some monster like Frankenstein's, pieced together from body parts and jolted into consciousness by lightning bolts, but something more like the molecule in that thimble-size test tube at the Scripps Research Institute. They want to turn the hands of time all the way back to the beginning and create an entity that approximates the first, most primitive living thing. This ancient ancestor, believes Gerald Joyce, whose laboratory came up with the Scripps molecule, may have been a simpler sturdier precursor of modern RNA, which, along with the nucleic acid DNA, its chemical cousin, carries the genetic code in all creatures great and small. Some such molecule, Joyce and other scientists believe, arose in the shadowy twilight zone where the distinction between living and nonliving blurs and finally disappears. The precise chemical wizardry that caused it to pass from one side to the other remains unknown. But scientists around the world are feverishly trying to duplicate it. Eventually, possibly before the end of the century, Joyce predicts, one or more of them will succeed in creating a "living" molecule. When they do, it will throw into sharp relief one of the most unsettling questions of all: Was life an improbable miracle that happened only once? Or is it the result of a chemical process so common and inevitable that life may be continually springing up throughout the universe? Of all the riddles that have stirred the human imagination, none has provoked more lyrical speculation, more religious awe, more contentious debate. No other moment in time, aside from the Big Bang that began the universe, could be more central to the understanding of nature than the instant that life began. "Scientific" theories on the subject are as old as civilization. The ancient Egyptians believed frogs and toads arose from silt deposited by the flooding Nile. The Greek philosopher Aristotle taught that insects and worms were born of dewdrops and slime, that mice were generated by dank soil and that eels and fish sprang forth from sand, mud and putrefying algae. In the 19th century, electricity, magnetism and radiation were believed to have the ability to quicken nonliving matter. It took the conceptual might of Charles Darwin to imagine a biologically plausible scenario for life's emergence. In an oft quoted letter, written in 1871, Darwin suggested that life arose in a "warm little pond" where a rich brew of organic chemicals, over eons of time, might have given rise to the first simple organisms. For the next century, Darwin's agreeable hypothesis, expanded upon by other theorists, dominated thinking on the subject. Researchers decided that the "pond" was really the ocean and began trying to figure out where the building blocks of life could have come from. In 1953 University of Chicago graduate student Stanley Miller provided the first widely accepted experimental evidence. In a glass jar he created a comic-strip version of primitive earth. Water for the ocean. Methane, ammonia and hydrogen for the atmosphere. Sparks for lightning and other forms of electrical discharge. One week later he found in his jar a sticky goop of organic chemicals, including large quantities of amino acids, Lego blocks for the proteins that make up cells. Case closed, or nearly so, many scientists believed. Now this textbook picture of how life originated, so familiar to college students just a generation ago, is under serious attack. New insights into planetary formation have made it increasingly doubtful that clouds of methane and ammonia ever dominated the atmosphere of primitive earth. And although Miller's famous experiment produced the components of proteins, more and more researchers believe that a genetic master molecule--probably RNA--arose before proteins did. Meanwhile, older and older fossils have all but proved that life did not evolve at the leisurely pace Darwin envisioned. Perhaps most intriguing of all, the discovery of organisms living in oceanic hot springs has provided a Stygian alternative to Darwin's peaceful picture. Life, says microbiologist Karl Stetter of the University of Regensburg in Germany, may not have formed in a nice, warm pond, but in "a hot pressure cooker." If scientists have, by and large, tossed out the old ideas, they have not yet reached a consensus on the new. The current version of the story of life is a complex tale with many solid facts, many holes and no shortage of competing theories on how to fill in the missing pieces. ONCE UPON A TIME Some 4.5 billion years ago, the solar system took shape inside a chrysalis of gas and dust. Small objects formed first, then slammed into one another to create the planets. Early on, the energy unleashed by these violent collisions turned the embryonic earth into a molten ball. For a billion years thereafter, the young planet's gravitational field attracted all sorts of celestial garbage. Icy comets screamed in from the outermost reaches of the solar system, while asteroids and meteorites spiraled down like megaton bombs. Some of these asteroids could have been the size of present-day continents, says planetary scientist Christopher Chyba, a White House fellow, and the asteroids' impact would have generated sufficient heat to vaporize rock, boil the oceans and fling into the atmosphere a scalding shroud of steam. Such a cataclysm would have obliterated all living things. Yet after a billion years, when the solar system was swept nearly clean and the primordial bombardment ended, life was already flourishing. UCLA's Schopf has identified the imprints of 11 different types of microorganisms in the 3.5 billion-year-old rocks of Western Australia. Many of the fossils closely resemble species of blue-green algae found all over the world today. Still older rocks in Greenland hint of cellular life that may have come into existence a few hundred million years earlier--perhaps 3.8 billion years ago. At that time, scientists believe, life-threatening asteroids were still periodically pummeling the planet. Verne Oberbeck and colleagues at NASA Ames Research Center estimate that the interval between major impacts could have been as short as 3 million to 6 million years--much too brief a time to give life a leisurely incubation. This means, says Oberbeck, that the chemistry needed to green the planet must have been fast, and it must have been simple. That being the case, he asks, why wouldn't life have arisen more than once? THE POINT OF ORIGIN Where could life have sprouted and still been relatively safe from all but the largest asteroids? For the answer, many researchers are looking to strange, chimney-like structures found in the depths of oceans. These sit atop cracks in the ocean floor, known as hydrothermal vents, that lead to subterranean chambers of molten rock. The result is an underwater geyser: cold water plunges down through some of the cracks, and hot water gushes out through others. Fifteen years ago, when scientists began using submarines to explore these seemly hostile environments, they were startled to discover extensive ecosystem filled with strange organisms, including giant tube worms and blind shrimp. Even more interesting, according to analysis or their RNA, the sulfur-eating microorganisms that anchor the food chain around the vents are the closest living link to the first creatures on earth. The only other life-forms that archaic are microbes living in surface steam baths like Yellowstone's Octopus Spring. Could these overheated spots have been the places where life on earth got started? This "hot world" hypothesis has won many converts. Norman Pace, a microbiologist at Indiana University, speculates that the thin crust of primitive earth, as prone to cracking as an eggshell, would have made hydrothermal vents far more common than they are today. Geochemist Everett Shock of Washington University calculates that at high temperatures organisms can get extra energy from nutrients. "The hotter it is," says Shock, "the easier life is." (Up to a point. No one has yet found a microbe living in conditions hotter than 235&degreeF.) Still, the question remains: Did life originate in the vents, or just migrate there? The vents may not have been a cradle but an air-raid shelter for organisms that originated near the ocean surface, than drifted to the bottom. There, protected by thousands of feet of water, these lucky refugees might have survived a series of extraterrestrial impacts that killed off their relatives near the sunlit surface. THE INGREDIENTS Stanley Miller's glass-jar experiment 40 years ago suggested that the components of life were easily manufactured from gases in the atmosphere. The conditions he re-created in his laboratory faithfully reflected the prevailing wisdom of the time, which held that the earth was formed by a gradual, almost gentle convergence of rock and flecks of dust under the influence of gravity. According to this model, the earth started out cold. Its deepest layers did not catch fire until much later, after the decay of radioactive elements slowly turned up the thermostat in the core. Thus, heavy elements such as iron did not immediately melt and sink to the core, but remained close to the surface for hundreds of millions of years. Why is this important? Because iron soaks up oxygen and prevents it from combining with carbon to form carbon dioxide. Instead, the carbon, and also the nitrogen, spewed into the atmosphere by ancient volcanoes would have been available to interact with hydrogen. The serendipitous result: formation of methane and ammonia, the gases that made the Miller experiment go. It was, says Chyba, "a beautiful picture." Unfortunately, he adds, it is probably wrong. For the violent collisions now believed to have attended earth's birth would have melted the iron and sent it plummeting to the depths. As a result, the early atmosphere would have been composed largely of carbon dioxide-and organic compounds cannot be so easily generated in the presence of CO2. Where, then, did the building blocks of life come from? Quite possibly, many scientists think, organic compounds were transported to earth by the very comets, asteroids and meteorites that were making life so difficult. At the University of California at Davis, zoologist David Deamer has extracted from meteorites organic material that forms cell- like membranes. He has also isolated pale yellow pigments capable of absorbing energy from light--a precursor, Deamer believes, of chlorophyll, the green pigment used by modern plants. пя
W2A-039-0.txt	My academic library is in the market for a new integrated library system. As part of this process we've done all t 'veusual things, including drawing up wish lists of desirable OPAC features and using them to evaluate numerous systems. We've also taken 'veo far more interesting steps. First, we actually asked the faculty what they thought were important features to have in an online catalog. (This was suggested by a faculty member.) Second, on three separate occasions we set up "demonstration stations"--terminals in the library connected to two or more of the systems under consideration--for hands-on use by faculty and students. Some of the systems were graphical, some character based. In some cases, we showed two versions of the same system. We provided comment sheets for signed or anonymous remarks, and staff were available nearby to give help or take reactions. We got a lot of input. The results probably won't be turned into a major motion picture anytime soon, but they aren't without interest either. Here are several lessons I've drawn from 'veis experience. And no, I'm not naming 'mmes; if you think you can identify a sinning or virtuous system, keep it to yourself. Warp Speed, Mr. Sulu Vendors take note: if the academic community were in charge of selection, the race would go to the swiftest. The most frequently repeated positive comments recorded in six weeks of demonstration stations were in praise of fast response times. The most frequent negative remarks concerned slow response times. Forget the bells and whistles, just grease the wheels. " Prefer keyboard to mouse." "Personally, I hate using a mouse and find it far more trouble than it's worth." There were numerous comments along these lines, including my favorite: "I worry about old profs using the mouse." This leads me to several thoughts. First, it's a mistake to assume that everyone knows how to use the rodent or sees any virtue in becoming mouse-literate. We have DOS-based machines that won't be upgraded for years. We have hundreds of students doing everything from e-mail to serious computation via command-line prompts on central UNIX clusters. We have old profs. Second, mice are troublesome. They have a tendency to walk out the front door if not secured. They take up valuable counter space and work poorly on most surfaces. The obvious solution is to use keyboards with built-in trackballs for in-library OPAC stations. However, this aggravates the first problem: how many of us are handy with a trackball? Third, it is a great step backwards to force patrons to switch from keyboard to mouse with great regularity. A fact of life: you can't type a search string without the keyboard. Why should you be forced to also point-and-click to select an index, to position the cursor for data entry, or to perform any other adjunct to our most common of functions, the OPAC search? Here's the moral of this story: a graphical interface should not require a mouse. It should allow a mouse, and it should be designed to capitalize on those areas where pointing, clicking, and dragging really are superior ways of communicating human intentions to a small square box. But mouse commands should have keyboard equivalents, and basic acts like entering a search should not require hand movement from the keyboard to the mouse pad. They Don't Do Windows One might expect that patrons would prefer any graphical user interface to a terminal-based or character interface, if for no other reason than a GUI seems so much more modern. Not so in our experience. Of all the OPACs we demonstrated, two systems from two different vendors received the largest number of positive responses; one was graphical and the other character-based. What they had in common was the general feeling that they were "easy to use." The general feeling about Microsoft Windows interfaces is that they can be particularly difficult to use. Developers need to remember that human beings are not born with an innate knowledge of Windows, and that Windows conventions are not intuitively obvious to the uninitiated. An interface that will go to great lengths to explain catalog-related functions (" Author search: enter words from author's name") may assume that patrons know how to use a scroll bar or close a window. Some GUIs let you move and minimize windows, not anticipating the unhappy scenario when one patron minimizes the search window and the next patron walks up to a totally unfamiliar screen. Developers should also remember that icons are memory aids for functions that people are already aware of. They don't substitute for help, mnemonics, or textual explanations of available functions. If words like "search" or "next" can fit on a button, they are likely to be more illuminating to the average patron than the picture of a magnifying glass or a left arrow. Until we have a common command language for icons, let's give the user a break and assume that one word is worth a thousand pictures. Strength of Character As noted above, character-based interfaces were not universally scorned. Nonetheless, our users were quick to differentiate the good from the bad and the ugly. People liked not having to press the Enter key when selecting from limited choices on a menu (a feature possible in UNIX systems that 3270-type transmission doesn't allow). They liked long, clear prompts at the bottom of the screen, such as "Show items with the same subject" and "Limit this search," even if it meant that an "Other options" prompt was needed for additional choices that didn't fit on one page. Users did not like having to move the cursor around the screen to highlight and select menu options. They did not like more than one way of doing something or when it was not clear how to do something (e.g., type first letter of option or move cursor to option and press enter). They did like having all data entry on a single command line. Users did not like having to return to a search options menu by requesting "new search" or "another search" in order to type a new search. They didn't see why they couldn't have a command line on each screen from which they could enter searches. On the other hand, users didn't seem to mind having to go through several layers of menus to do something special, like limit a search result set, while library staff rebelled against those hierarchies. Patrons seemed more concerned that directions for out-of-the-ordinary actions be clear than that they be quick or streamlined. It's All in a Name Almost every system we evaluated had a feature to allow a user to easily issue searches related to a given work. That is, once users found a relevant catalog record, the system let them search the added entries, tracings, and/or call numbers from that record without rekeying. In most systems, this option was called "related works" or something of that sort, and selecting it would take patrons to a screen listing authors, subjects, series, and call numbers. When the user chose a heading or call number, the system would automatically perform the search. Nobody commented on this capability, positively or negatively, for any of these systems. In one OPAC, an option was limited to call numbers and was called "show items nearby on shelf." More than a dozen people commented. "Browsing what's nearby on the shelf is a very convenient feature." "'Show items nearby on shelf' speeds research and makes this choice number 1." Take It to the Limit We sent a questionnaire to faculty and library staff asking them to rate the importance of various OPAC features and tabulated the responses of each group separately. The widest difference in opinion concerned the value of search limits by language, location, and material type, and the value of call number browsing. Library staff rated all these features as highly desirable, while the faculty weren't particularly interested. Search limits by material type ranked lowest of all the features we inquired about. (The ability to limit retrievals by date, on the other hand, was widely desired.) As a general rule, library staff rated almost all features closer to the "very important" end of the scale than the faculty did. The single feature most important to faculty was network access, followed closely by modem access. We have to face it: the faculty's main goal is to stay away from the library. One implication is that we won't be able to provide much personalized instruction and on-the-spot assistance. Perhaps it is no coincidence that the feature the faculty ranked second highest was "adequate online help, both contextual and explicitly requestable." Power to the Patron Patrons want empowerment--all sorts of empowerment. They want to be able to designate any record or set of records and download it, or print it, or e-mail it to themselves. They want to issue holds and recalls for material that's charged out to others and renew materials charged out to themselves. They want to view their own patron records, fine records, and loan records. They want to be able to request that materials be delivered to them, ordered for them, and put on reserve for them. They want to be able to make comments and suggestions to the library. No negative comment was made about any patron empowerment function, except perhaps that it was not comprehensive enough, or didn't offer enough options. What do you mean I can't route this to my own network printer? That's All Folks Of course, we got a lot of other comments, many very useful, many very specific to the OPACs under consideration. Often people expressed completely opposite opinions. "I love Windows." "I hate Windows." "This system is great." "This system is awful." But behind almost all of the rants and the raves was the concept of ease of use. "I love Windows because it's easy." "This system is awful because it's hard." And even though it's true that to some extent ease of use is in the eye of the beholder, it was clear that all OPACs are not created equal. Since I assume nobody actually sits down to work and says, "Let's make this catalog hard to use," maybe we should all spend more time watching students and faculty at demonstration stations. About the Author
W2C-016-1.txt	For women, land of opportunity Many are lured by hopes of economic, personal equality BODY: Jennifer Ong came to the USA for school. Yuko Franklin came for love. Hiromi Suzuki came in search of better opportunities for women. Their stories differ, but each helps explain why a longtime trend appears to have reversed, so that women now outnumber men among recent Asian immigrants to the USA. Last year, says the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, there were 155 Filipino women for every 100 Filipino men immigrating here. For Koreans and Japanese, women outnumbered men 145-100. For Chinese immigrants, it was 122-100. Although men traditionally have outnumbered women immigrating to the USA from all over the world, the new trend among Asians is particularly striking: Once, Asian men outnumbered female Asian immigrants at least 3-1 or 4-1 says demographer Jeffrey Passel of the Washington, D.C., Urban Institute. " They (men) were brought in as either miners, railroad workers or agricultural workers?so you had these bachelor communities," he says. Sociologists offer several explanations for the shift, including new laws encouraging nurses to immigrate and marriages of Asian women and U.S. servicemen and students. In addition, the rapid growth of low-skill, service jobs may make it easier for women to find work in hotels or nursing homes, than for male immigrants to get jobs in fields such as construction. But a growing number of middle-class Asian women also seem to be coming here in search of something more ethereal: greater equality at work and at home. When Hiromi Suzuki left Japan for California in 1979, she planned to study to become an English teacher, gain work experience and then return home. But when she went back to Japan in 1986, the transition was hard. " I felt too much stifled," Suzuki recalls. "You had to play a softer role." During one job interview, Suzuki was puzzled to watch her potential Japanese employer blush red with embarrassment. It took a moment to realize her error: direct eye contact, a possible sign of a sexual come-on. " I had been in America 5 1/2 years," Suzuki says, "and I forgot how to see people in a Japanese way." So in 1988, Suzuki returned to San Francisco. " I miss people, but I never miss Japan," she says. "I feel like I can be myself here." For some Asian women, immigrating means escaping the roles prescribed by their societies, such as the expectation that they should be married by a certain age. Jennifer Ong didn't come to California from the Philippines with escape in mind, but in some ways her stay here has become one. Ong went to the University of San Francisco in 1986 to study. After graduation, she found a job as a reporter for the Philippine News. Ong says she stayed partly because of better job opportunities, partly because life here affords her more personal freedom. In the Philippines, if you don't marry, "you live with your family until your hair turns gray," she says. "Here, it's all right if you don't want to get married until you'r 're 40." Ong believes many Filipino women in her graduating class decided the greater equality here outweighs the lure of home. Staying in the U.S. seemed to hold less appeal for the men, Ong says. " Some of them belong to a certain social class," she explains. "Here, they feel like they'r 'reothing. In the Philippines, if they go to a certain social club, people know who they are." But for some women, adjusting to the new life they seek can be difficult. Yuko Franklin, now president of Nobiru-Kai Japanese Newcomer Services in San Francisco, came to the USA in the early 1970s with her husband, an American student she met in Tokyo. " Until (Japanese women) actually come here and live, they have a stereotyped expectation of what the U.S. will be - women's lib, freedom and individualism," says Franklin. " Mentally, you understand you have to be more independent... It's hard to change." Franklin speaks from experience. Once in San Francisco, her husband returned to school and asked her to support him. In her first job, Franklin worked as a medical secretary in charge of bill collection. A shy woman, Franklin could hardly have drawn an assignment less suited to her personality. But the experience taught her a valuable lesson about the necessity of direct communication in America. " In Japan," Franklin says, "you don't really express your feelings in words."
W2F-003-0.txt	1. STILL DRINKING AFTER ALL THESE YEARS by Ivan Gold Jason Sams, in danger of losing his job (not ready to admit it was already lost), deemed it high time to return to the literary wars. It was 1976, year of the tall ships, two hundredth anniversary of the nation's founding; impossible to ignore (in Boston, in March) signs of impending celebration, but the prospect of pervasive pageantry depressed him less than the knowledge that his best efforts were unlikely to keep the Englishwoman from finessing him out of the job. He was entering his eighth year of marriage, father of one and author of two (in marked contrast to Fiona, divorced dam of seven, perpetrator of six), forty-three and intermittently aware that alcohol had become less useful to him than once it had been, at some indeterminate period in his life. He knew there might well come a day (comfortably in the future) when he would elect to give it up entirely. (And once he returned from New York, where he must venture soon to talk up his new book, as yet barely on the drawing board, he intended to put together an extended piece of abstinence, long enough to launch, at least, the project that would signal his return.) Even the impending loss of livelihood was less disturbing than the recollection of how nice he'd been to h 'd in the dog days following her arrival in July of'75, when no one in authority had been in town, let alone on campus, and (fresh off the plane) she'd called hi 'dfrom the Creative Writing Department office, to which she'd taxied di 'dctly from Logan, and burst into tears right on the phone in her confusion and loneliness. Delighted to be summoned from whatever it was he had been doing, moved further when he laid eyes on her (about ten years his senior, no harm in that; his cock and he much taken by her earthy, ample, Colleen Dewhurst qualities), Jason saw her settled into the nearby Howard Johnson motel and then helped her, over the next few weeks, find a university-owned apartment not far from his own. He squired her to neighborhood pubs, gave her a hand moving in when her stuff finally arrived, and when her back went out he drove her to and from the supermarket in his beatup Valiant and finally to his own house for dinner, carefully arranging the pillows and extra chair on which she might prop up her leg (for he knew better than to underestimate a bad back, even if she didn't), setting her up in his own favorite chair at the head of his table in a manner that recalled to him both his grandfathers, or any imperious patriarch presiding at a seder. His wife, battered by years of proximity to his habits, still wildly hopeful that their "new life" in Boston would bring new meaning to their lives, busted her butt in the kitchen and turned out a masterpiece, a flawless novella of a four-course meal. His four-year-old son said impossibly witty, insightful things at dinner, and otherwise (incredibly) behaved himself, when he might just as easily have staged a repetition of the antics that had sent John Cheever scurrying into the night the previous academic year. But Fiona managed to ignore the kid and even had the balls to send the chicken tarragon back to the kitchen for fine tuning, while blowing literary smoke Jason's way, and framing keen questions about the head of the English Department and other notables (to which, long since smashed on his own Chivas and his own Bordeaux, Sams returned - - callow fucker that he was-- keen and humorous and self-compromising answers). Nevertheless he drove her home and turned her over to her doorman in the posher quarters she had found by then, in genteelly seedy Brookline Towers. He remained at her disposal through August and into September of 1975; by late September the bigwigs were in place and the new term began, and as the visiting star-for-a-year she seemed to have settled in from the beginning, socially and pedagogically, for he heard nothing further from her. A victim (all his lousy life!) of misplaced compassion, Sams finally felt, by mid-December, her ill wind blowing through the fog, adding its particular peril to the boozy miasma in which he passed his days. The limey son-of-a-bitch! Himself once the visiting star for a single semester (filling in for a distinguished drunk who began academic year'73-74, taught a class or two, then vanished), he was now in his second year of discharging the duties of backup person to the hotshot of the moment, a safe (he had thought), reasonably well-compensated, untaxing gig he would have been content to continue for as long as they would have him or until his ship came in, whichever was soonest; but Fiona was after it now, and not (from what he'd further 'dard) from love of teaching or a need for money but because she'd fallen f 'd some West Indian poet putz and needed the promise of a job in order to renew her visa; what could be simpler than to go after some version of the position she already held, stepping with Ms. Dewhurst's own terrible grace over whatever bodies might litter the road? Not without resources, Sams primed himself with a few pops of Jack Daniels and a Rignes beer and got on the blower to the New York Times. They accomodated him with three first novels to review. He was sick and tired of writing book reviews, even (or especially) for the Sunday New York Times, but the point now was to see to it that the brief bio accompanying the ephemera contained not only his literary bona fides but also a thunderous plug for the half-ass creative writing program (as weren't they all) in the half-ass university that was about to discharge him. This much unfolded as planned: "Jason Sams, the author of Just Desserts, a book of stories, and Slow Dying, a novel..." was further described as Visiting Lecturer in Creative Writing (Fiction) in the Graduate Creative Writing Program at the University of Greater Boston, and in the days after his review appeared the doddering Shakespearean scholar took to nodding at him in the hallway, and the philologist who specialized in New England place names allowed that he hadn't read a novel in thirty years, and Sams' omnibus pan had done little to alter his habits. Surely someone in the administration or at least high up in the English Department must have seen it too, and too bad his class of six that semester was totally uninspired, or he would have solicited testimonials from some or all of them regarding his preternatural ability to elicit the best prose (fiction) they had to offer. But to a man (and one snide woman) they were obtuse and talent-free, so he let that aspect go. In mid-February the Joycean scholar who chaired the English Department, new to the position and also to the U of GB, suggested lunch. Jason accepted, recommending a frugal Greek place in the square, not far from where he lived. Between the chairman's invitation and their meeting a week later a Sunday New York Times appeared, and there on the cover of the Book Review was Fiona, Visiting Professor in the Graduate Creative Writing etc., assessing Doris Lessing at considerable length. The Times had to have bumped someone else to have given her the new Lessing on such short notice; holy shit (if he had doubted it before), was he ever overmatched! He thought he might share this rueful insight with the chairman over lunch, while not neglecting to make his own strong case for keeping the job: he was (unlike the Englishwoman) an experienced teacher of the unteachable, had done the thing at Columbia University and at Bard College before arriving at the U of GB, and (not that this necessarily mattered, nor did contemplation of it always bring him pleasure) could point to moderately successful young writers publishing out there at this moment who had obviously benefited from his guidance. He would of course endeavor to steer clear of the fact (although it informed their every word to each other) that he and the chairman had known each other for almost twenty-five years, and that the chairman had written a delighted review of Jason's first book some thirteen years earlier for (of all places) the Sunday New York Times. Now married to a young woman who had been his student at the university he had recently been lured from, father by his first marriage of two teenaged boys he saw every other weekend (his ex-wife taught English at Radcliffe), the chairman had aged well, retaining all his curly locks (unlike the thin-topped Sams), a becoming salt-and-pepper now, as was his neatly-trimmed beard; had published two collections of scholarly essays with university presses and was readying a third; to Jason (who had read all their mentor's fiction and nonfiction with considerable profit and pleasure), the chairman's work seemed to owe a great deal to Lionel Trilling's, while managing to sidestep entirely the master's readability. Sams had not loved the chairman, as he still loved a few of the friends he'd m 'de way back then, and in fact had not known him all that well during their undergraduate years. But they had been at Columbia at the same time, shared whatever the class of'53 had shared, and beyond that were both New Yorkers, from orthodox Jewish backgrounds long since repudiated, and so the present situation, the chairman inheriting both Jason and his problems, was indeed perhaps a trifle fraught, as Trilling might have said, although not nearly as fraught, in Sams' opinion, as the chairman, with his love of complex Jewish suffering, liked to make it appear. In the beginning, while Sams still attended faculty functions (for the free booze, and for the opportunity - - which eluded him always-- of advancing his career), the chairman would seek him out and drape an arm across his shoulders and say to whatever third party happened to be passing, "You see this guy? He's one hell of a short story writer!" (The chairman had not been enamored of Sams' novel, but neither, for that matter, had been Trilling, or the New York Times.)" We were classmates at Columbia, can you beat it? We even took Trilling's Austen-Dickens-Wordsworth course together! And he wrote well then! 'Silent Generation' my foot, eh Jace?" With these facts and opinions public record, any temptation toward favoritism the chairman might have felt was clearly compromised, and at that point, if he judged the company receptive, and even if not, the chairman would fire off a brand new Jewish joke, which invariably glazed Jason's eyes and strained the corners of his mouth, while he wondered what idle nincompoop continued to grind the damn things out, and how the chairman managed to have instant access to them. I' 'veknown this guy forever (Jason heard), and now that you know it you can rest assured I won't be doing him any favors. In these corrupt times, in this city corrupter than most, in this university corruptest of all, led by an iron-fisted president (with a palace guard of wildeyed satraps) who summarily dismisses his enemies and appoints his cronies to high administrative posts and what is worse does not scruple to anoint anyone who strikes his fancy a "professor" and inflict same at budget-busting ratesd on some unsuspecting department head (and you may rest assured I will resign my chairmanship and my position both before I allow such a thing to happen in my purview), all the while shooting off his mouth with an incredible mixture of chutzpah and cant about the need for belt-tightening and the quest for something he calls "excellence," some few of us with the means to do so must combat the prevailing tone. Jason was with him up to here (although there were times he found himself wishing that the president and his handpicked band of merry psychopaths didn't scare the shit out of him, and that he and all the powerful freaks had somehow come to be fast friends), but did such scrupulosity mean you had to bend way back the other way and give the shaft to people you knew, whose work (if nothing else) you once respected in a former life? Hah, lansman?" Was it so written in the Talmud? The chairman was an inch or two taller than Jason, and (even had he not been wearing the expensive tweed topcoat) considerably broader; couldn't blame him for these physical advantages, but who else was there to hold responsible for the writer's weird feeling of being bested from the start? "Dutch treat?" the chairman said as he walked up, ushering Jason into the restaurant. To the employee it was an ill omen, although he had chosen this particular place to guard against just such eventuality. This was not New York, he was not lunching with a publisher or some other seeker after his favor, he would not be starting off with a martini (which he never otherwise drank), getting ready to be courted. Would such a wooing, he wondered, ever befall him again? Minus (unthinkably!) booze, the chances were, if so.
W1A-002-2.txt	Some Decent Proposals I'd l 'de to live in a simple world without the silly daily stresses. I have a few ideas that would make America a cleaner, quieter, and less irritating place to inhabit. Take the checkbook for example. Its sly--devious, does anyone really understand how to balance it? I propose every person on the planet be issued a money card. This money card would replace the need for currency, checks, credit cards, etc. On payday, our bosses would simply transfer money from the corporate money card to the employee money card by computer. It would be used like a credit card. Retailers would run it through the money card scanner and the purchase price would be deducted from our individual account. There would be no waiting for checks to clear, no need to balance the checkbook, no need to worry about where to put loose change--life's frustrations solved! My second idea is a much simpler one. Rude motorists have always driven me crazy. For example, when I'm crui 'mng down the bypass from campus going to--let's say--the mall, I get into the right hand lane (the turning on red lane) to get on Scottsville. And there I sit. In my rearview mirror I see a trail of impatient, flashing turn signals. In front of me there is one driver who decides that switching to the left lane is too inconvenient, therefore constraining the rest of us to wait for the green. I propose we pass a law changing all right hand lanes to turning lanes only--at least the ones leading to Scottsville road. It would save time, fuel, and frustration. Another of my proposal could save fuel as well. I have a plan that could revolutionize lawn-mowing as we know it. Imagine a world where we aren't awakened on Saturday mornings by the atrocious buzz of the old snapper mower. That buzz would be replaced by a metal track, about an inch wide, laid on bordering sides of the property. A low power laser could then be placed on the track to slide slides along and slice all the grass in its pathway. No need for noise, smoking engines, or manual labor, and everybody gets to sleep in on Saturdays! It's obvious I've 'veways enjoyed thinking about new inventions, but at the same time, I can't help but laugh at some of the foolish creations in existence. Take the "Flow-Bee" hair cutting device fro, er, I mean for instance. I've 'veen the contraption on TV many times, and I wander how much the models are paid to pretend they love their newly butchered hair. Since we'r 'ren the subject of appliances, lets take a peek into that refrigerator. Go on now, don't be afraid it won't hurt you--well, just don't eat that fuzzy, green gravy left over from Thanksgiving and you' 'llbe OK. But seriously, the chore of cleaning out the fridge is so tedious. I propose we design a self-cleaning ice-box. I haven't ironed out the details on this one yet, but it necessitates small animals who can read the date on the milk jug. About the date on that milk jug, when it says "Sell by January 12" does it mean it's safe to drink still, or it should be thrown away. What is this vague statement? Some sick joke between milk persons I guess. I propose we put a label on the jug that says this product is no longer safe for human consumption after January 12." That is much more clear. These are only a few of my proposals. They may not be earth-shattering. They may not solve world hunger. They may not be as revolutionary as the "Clapper," but at least they don't suck like the Flow-Bee.
W2D-015-0.txt	HOW TO FLY RC HELICOPTERS - - PRE FLIGHT INSTRUCTION General size rule here is to stick with a heli with a rotor diameter of no less than 600mm - anything smaller than that is very difficult to control and next to impossible to learn on. Don't try to learn on a hobby grade micro electric - - they are just too sensitive and fragile; especially ones with electric tail rotor motors (as you know by know, I despise electric tail rotors on hobby grade machines). A 400 size electric is pretty much the smallest you want to go with. Other than size, your helicopter should have collective pitch and not be fixed pitch. As you know by now, I believe strongly if you get into hobby grade RC helicopters, you should start out with a larger good quality kit that has collective pitch. After all, this hobby is expensive enough, and you don't want to have to go out and purchase a new helicopter in a few weeks or spend a few hundred dollars on upgrades after you learn how to hover. Spending a little more money now, will save you lots of money in the long run - - purchase a RC heli that you can grow with. This means your helicopter will have the potential to perform light to aggressive aerobatics when set up to do so. When you are learning to fly RC helicopters however, you want to set your heli up as a RC helicopter trainer. This is accomplished by reducing the collective, throttle range, and cyclic pitch settings so the helicopter is less sensitive and doesn't have the large control range that could get you into trouble very quickly. I have actually written an e-book that goes into great detail of what settings make this possible, how to do it, and why. The examples are given on a Blade 400 RC heli, but can be applied to larger and different machines as I explain in the e-book. How important is correct setup? It the single most important aspect of learning how to fly any collective pitch RC helicopter in my opinion. Here are some general values to get you started, my e-Book goes into much more detail... Set your low stick collective pitch in the plus 1 to 2 degree range - this will give softer landings, and minimize the chance of auguring your RC heli into the ground. Set half stick collective pitch to around + 4.5 to +5 degrees - - a nice mid range pitch to hover at for most RC helicopters. Set your high collective pitch to about +6 to +7 degrees - this will ensure you can't accidentally rocket 30 feet into the air in the blink of an eye. There are no pitch angles for this because the pitch angles keep changing depending on your collective angle. The easiest way is to set your cyclic commands to about half of their full movement range. Look at the swashplate when it is set at the normal range of movement. Set this movement to about half or 50%; of normal travel. Most people will use the dual rate function on their radio for this. You might find you even want to decrease the movement even more - - up to 75%; less cyclic movement depending on your specific helicopter. Start out with half and on day 3 or 4 of your lessons, you might want to reduce cyclic travel even more if you find your bird too sensitive. You should also have your flybar weights set quite far out on your fly bars to help make the cyclic control a little less responsive. Weights further out on the flybars will also help reduce the effects of wind gusts on your RC chopper. This is very dependent on the helicopter kit and the gyro used. Set tail rotor movement range as per the manufactures instructions. Your gyro gain setting will dictate how sensitive your tail rotor control is. More on this in the gyro setup below. If your radio has a dual rate switch for the tail rotor - a 50%; setting is usually a good starting point for most setups. Before computerized programmable radios, we had to do this with tricky servo and throttle arm geometry angles to produce a large amount of throttle movement in the first half of stick movement and a fairly small amount of throttle movement during the upper half of stick movement. Today things are much easier with programmable throttle/pitch curves. This holds true for electric RC helicopters as well, as you will have to program the pitch curve and throttle curve to give the correct amount of power during half stick hover. This is explained during day 2 dynamic engine adjustments. No matter what power option you use, make sure you set it up so you can turn the engine/motor completely off with your throttle trim in the low position. Most electric speed controllers simply won't arm (power up) if the throttle trim is not set low enough when first turned on. If you are not 100%; familiar with your RC Radio, now is the time to re-read the instructions that came with it. Computerized radios are somewhat complicated and it can take some time to get everything programmed and sorted out correctly. Ensure all servos are moving in the correct direction and interacting correctly with your servo reversing switches or swashplate setup programming. For example, if you give a forward cyclic command; make sure your swash plate tilts forward and not backwards or side ways. Likewise for left and right cyclic when viewing the swash plate from behind the helicopter - - left stick movement makes the swash plate tilt left and a right command tilts it to the right. An increase in your throttle stick should show an increase in both your collective pitch and in your engine/motor speed. The instructions that come with the heli kit should indicate what direction your servo arm moves when given a left or right command. Seeing that tail rotor servo placement, main rotor and tail rotor rotational direction, and if the tail rotor is on the left or right side of the tail boom all play a roll in determining direction, there are many different set up possibilities. The easiest way to confirm if you have things set up correctly is to make sure if you give a right tail rotor command, you see the pitch of the tail rotor change so it blows or thrusts the tail boom to the left (nose of the helicopter turns right) and vice-versa for a left command. There are two things you want to confirm with your gyro set up. First off, is it correcting the tail rotor in proper direction? If you hold your helicopter by the rotor head and swing the nose to the right (rotating your helicopter clockwise), you should see the tail rotor servo move to give a left tail rotor command just as if you were giving a left stick command; vice versa for a sudden left (counter clockwise) helicopter yaw movement. If the movements are opposite of what they should be, simply use the gyro reverse switch to change the direction of correction and re-test. The next gyro function you want to set is the amount of "Gain" or how sensitive the gyro is. Most RC helicopter kits and gyro instructions will have starting point recommendations and you should follow those. As a general rule, I usually set the gain to about 55-65%; as a good starting point (but it depends on the gyro/heli combination). If you have a remote gain feature with your gyro (the ability to change the sensitivity of the gyro from your radio) you could set one value at 55%; and the other at 65%; for example and see which preforms best by the simple flick of a toggle switch. You most likely have already done this if you followed your helicopter building instructions, but now is a good time to recheck the center of gravity or "CG" for short. The CG is simply the balance point of the helicopter. You will always want your CG at or a little forward of the main rotor mast. How do you check it? Simply hold your helicopter by the flybar so the helicopter can pivot forward and backwards. If your helicopter is level or tilts a bit forward that is perfect. If it tilts backwards, that is the last thing you want when learning. Move your receiver battery pack a bit closer to the nose of the helicopter and recheck. If you have an electric RC heli, you can move your main battery pack a little more forward or backward to get the CG in the sweet spot. It is generally common practice to check your CG if you have a fuel powered model with the fuel tank half full and adjust with the receiver battery pack as required. All RC helicopter rotor blades (main and tail) are held onto the blade grips with a single bolt and lock nut. The tightness of this bolt and nut are very important and I have seen many people (newbies and seasoned fliers alike) under or over tighten them - I was guilty of this for years myself. There are several methods to check if you have your rotor blades tightened the correct amount - this is the method I like the best. For your main rotor blades, simply hold your helicopter sideways to the ground with the main rotor blades out straight from the blade holders, horizontal to the ground. The bolts should be tight enough so the blades don't pivot in the blade holders downwards by the pull of gravity but they should be loose enough to move if you shake your heli up and down. Now, I should mention as the birds get larger, you have to tighten the blade bolts more as the blades have much more mass. Once over 700mm blade size (not rotor diameter), blade bolt torque is so important and on big blades like these, you generally have to tighten the bolts so tight, the blades won't move when the heli is held sideways and shaken. If large blades like this are too loose, they will lag during spool up or down. Depending on both mass of the blade and the amount of lag, this lag could shake your bird apart due to the effects of ground resonance and an out of balance head caused by blade lead/lag. Here is a pretty good video I found of ground resonance on a full size Chinook helicopter. Our RC birds will shake faster during ground resonance since the rotor speeds are higher but they shake the exact same way (don't ask how I learned this). Tail rotor blade bolt adjustment is very much the same. They should be tightened just enough to prevent the tail rotor blades from pivoting down in the blade holder due to the pull of gravity on them. Same on large or small birds since tail rotor mass is always very low. As I have indicated several times in this web site, RC helicopters are potentially the most dangerous of all RC vehicles. When you are first learning how to fly RC helicopters, specifically learning how to hover, the danger is not as great as it is be when you are starting to fly around. After all, the heli will (hopefully) be staying in one fixed location close to the ground more or less. The reason you want to think a bit about safety right now on day 1 is to determine where you will be going for your first hover attempts during days 3 and 4. The last thing you want is a location with many people around. This is not only dangerous for them, but very distracting for you. You should go out alone or with one person maximum to assist you. If you learn at a RC helicopter club, they should have a practice area away from the main flight line. You will need maximum concentration - - distractions are the worst! This is not the time to have all your buds come out and watch your first baby steps. Also leave Fido at home - - man have I heard some pretty messy horror stories about dogs going after RC helicopters. Almost happened to me once with an off leash dog, but that is another story. You will need a nice large open area free of any obstacles. Clean dust free pavement or packed snow/ice are the best choices (more on this during Day 3). When learning to hover, you won't need as much room as when you start flying circuits, but you should have an area of at least 20m by 20m (60 feet by 60 feet) the bigger the better. Once you start flying circuits you will need much more room.
W1A-011-0.txt	LINGUISTICS & CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS BES 620, Spring Semester, 1994 EXAM #2 by Dan Brown 1. Select a phoneme in English and discuss how the place of articulation explains the pronunciation or the phoneme. The phoneme [s] in English is made by placing the tip of the tongue against the alveolar ridge just behind the upper teeth and forcing air through a narrow opening between the tongue and the alveolar ridge. This makes it a class that English uses part of a class of sounds called fricatives frequently. Fricatives are all made through some means of forcing air through an opening to make a sort of buzzing or hissing sound. This includes sounds such as [f], [v], and [z], as well as [s). The [s] sound is distinguished not only through its place of articulation, which is the same as [z], but also by virtue of being unvoiced (the vocal chords do not vibrate when It is sounded). 2. What's the difference between the English alphabet and the phonetic alphabet? Explain. The difference between these two alphabets is the bane of writing students everywhere - - native and non-native speakers of English alike. English, although it has a wide range of phonemes, simply does not have a one-to-one correspondence between the sounds It uses and the letters it uses to form words. The phonetic alphabet, on the other hand, has this basic correspondence: [I] will forever be [I], for example, whether it is in the word cheat, beet, complete, or amigo. Although kindergarten teachers all across the country teach the sounds of the English alphabet as if they were regular and definable, this is a lesson that students generally have to unlearn later in life. Sometimes I think it would be better if we were to teach English as an ideographic system, like the system of Chinese characters, because it might help alleviate the sense of betrayal that students feel when they discover that the letter "a" can have multitude of sounds - - or no sound at all - - and the lessons that Mrs. McGillicuddy taught them when they were five or six about the long and the short sound of "a", or the rule that "when two vowels go walking, the first one does the talking", are frequently violated in practice. It is hard to find a phonological rule in English orthography that does not have exceptions, and this makes things difficult for both teachers and students, I think it is time, given the current ascendancy of English as a global lingua franca, to militate for spelling reform but that is probably just a pipe dream, given the conservative nature or a codified language With Such a large corpus of published work as Is available In English. However, even if English were to regularize Its spelling, there would still be a need for the phonetic alphabet. This is because the phonetic alphabet is primarily useful cross-linguistically, to talk about sounds that may have different orthographic representations in different languages. For example, the letter "x" in the pinyin system, which was used to alphabetize Chinese, is a very different sound from what the letter "x" represents in Greek. I could give many more examples (compare "r" in Spanish and French, for instance), but the point is that the phonetic alphabet makes it possible to compare the sounds of different languages without confusing competing orthographies. 3. Supply an English word containing two derivational affixes and one inflectional affix. Explain why the two affixes are derivational and the one affix is inflectional, (I am going to assume that its OK to talk about a word with more than two derivational affixes, since I am having trouble coming up the exact combination of derivational and inflectional affixes that you ask for here.) Here's a word that not only illustrates the process of derivational and inflectional affixes, but also the process of how new words are created through such affixation. "Ungrammatical I ties" is made up of five morphemes, by my count, analyzed as follows. The root or head word here would be "grammar", the study of the form, structure, and sometimes meaning of language. This becomes "grammatical" by adding one of several suffixes that are used in English to make a noun Into an adjective. I then add another suffix (- ity"), to turn It back into a noun, but with an altered meaning (" grammar" is not the same as "grammaticality"). Going one step further, I put on the prefix "un-" to reverse the meaning and turn "grammaticality" into its opposite. So far, all these affixations are derivational - - they alter the lexical class of the word and/or change its meaning. To create a word with an inflectional morpheme, I pluralize "ungrammaticality" to get "ungrammaticalities." The "- s" ending (which, in this case, also involves a spelling change) is inflectional because it merely changes the function of the word from singular to plural and does not alter its class (it remains a noun) or its basic meaning (which remains as tortured as ever). Now the fact that there is no such word in English as.. ungrammaticalities" does not stop me from using it, nor does it change the process of its formation, nor does it prevent you from understanding its meaning 0 hope). You could argue that the idea could be expressed in some more elegant manner, but you would probably have to throw out ninety percent of the obfuscation of academics as well, and then where would we be? 4. Supply one example each of a compound and a lexical borrowing in English. Explain your choices. " Cakewalk" is a compound word with an amusing history, Composed of two familiar words, it was originally the name for a kind of promenade in which competitors vied to see who could perform the most complex steps, and the winners were awarded (you guessed it) a cake. It became codified as a compound when a popular dance and a particular style of music came out of these competitions, It has since taken on an additional meaning of "an easy time," probably through a folk etymology that associated "cakewalk" with the phrase, "It was a piece of cake." Lexical borrowing is rampant in English, but I'll 'llnfine myself to two related words, "taco" and "burrito." These were both borrowed from Spanish because English had no corresponding words to talk about these staples of Latino cuisine. It would probably be hard to find a person in the States today who did not recognize these words as being food items - - although you could certainly find a fair number of monolingual Anglo-Americans who didn't know the difference between the two, A purist might argue that these are not English words, but once a word is understood and used frequently enough it simply becomes part of the language. It's only after enough time (and usage) goes by, when the origin has been generally forgotten, that such words are deemed acceptable by the purists. (I can't really explain these choices except to say that these are the words that occurred to me. Did you expect more than that? 5. Why is the yes/no question Did the class meet early? formed by the insertion of the verb Did rather than by simple inversion of the subject and verb (as in Is the class meeting early? Explain. One of the most befuddling things about English is this "Do" insertion, because it is not a universal way of forming questions - - even within English itself. "Met the class early?" has a vaguely archaic sound, and most people would be hard-put to say why it was incorrect, although it is clearly nonexistent in terms of current usage. Part of what's confusing about this construction Is that the verb "do" takes on any necessary inflectional form (" did" In this example), while the lexical verb (" meet" in this case) reverts to its base form. I could say, "Is the class meeting early?" but this would change the tense, and hence the meaning, implying that the class was still going on. Even If I change it to "Was the class meeting early?" the use of the progressive form of the verb has different implications than the original question. If I were to say "Was the class early?" I would be closest to the original meaning, but even then there are different possibilities for each utterance. The use of "did" Implies (although it does not guarantee) that the speaker Is talking about one particular Instance, "did" in this case carries the form and meaning of the preterit. On the other hand, "Was the class early?" would usually imply (although not always) that the speaker was talking about the regular meeting time of an ongoing class that had now finished. However, because English does not make a clear distinction between the Imperfect and preterit, the full meaning of these two questions would be determined by the context,. The way I explain this to my students is by asking them to look for the "main verb." If this verb is a form of "to be" (as in "The class was early."), the question can be formed by simple Inversion. If the verb is anything else, "do" needs to be inserted, with the choice of the form dependent on the form or the original verb. Thus, "The class met early." becomes "Did the class meet early?" The explanation Is difficult to get into without using such complicated terms as "lexical verb" or "bare infinitive," but I think It is useful for some students, in order to conceptualize the process. For those who are hopelessly confused by such an explanation, one can only resort to practice - - which is how we native speakers of English learned this rule as children. 6. Why is might considered an auxiliary verb and walk a lexical verb? Explain. " Walk" is considered a lexical verb because it has some kind of referential meaning: it refers to an action which we distinguish from other actions by certain characteristics. There are also abstract lexical verbs, such as "think," or non-active verbs such as "lack," for which it would be harder to find a clear referent, but every lexical verb has a meaning independent of its grammatical context. An auxiliary verb, on the other hand, only has meaning when it is combined with a lexical verb. While it is possible to say "I might," it would have to be paired with another, Implied verb. Otherwise, the only appropriate response would be "You might what?" The word "might" is used to express the idea of possibility, but it is a grammatical idea that must be placed within the context of the sentence. An auxiliary verb such as "might" could be used with any other verb; at the same time, it must be used with some other verb,. There are auxiliaries such as "have" that also can be lexical verbs, but "might" does not have this possibility. 7. Supply two words in English related by the relation of hyponymy. Explain your choices. " Rice" and "wheat" are hyponyms because they are part of a class of words we call "grains." Hyponymy is the relationship between such groups of words, and as such it is a relationship of meaning that usually is unconnected to the form or origin of the words. "Rice" and "wheat" share the characteristics of being edible grasses that have been cultivated for centuries. We use them for many of the same purposes, for making flour, cereal, bread, etc. It is useful to conceptualize them as being related, and hyponymy is simply a linguist's way of conceptualizing this conceptualization. 8. What semantic features distinguish the words hen and man. Explain your choice of the features you select to distinguish the words. Hen = - human, +female, +mature, +animal, +bird, +domesticated Man = +human, +male, +mature In presenting these semantic features, I have tried to put them in an order f descending specificity, with the last feature being the most particular, one of the most basic semantic distinctions we make Is between human and non-human (one could argue that this is also one of our most basic problems as well, but I 'll leave that as a moot point for the eco-philosophers). Another key distinction, almost as important in our thinking, is between male and female. Less important, but still basic to the conceptualization of the world, is the distinction between maturity and immaturity in living things. It is Interesting that this Is as far as I could get with the word "man." This is because "man" is itself a basic concept, specific and commonplace in one sense, broad and mystical in another. For "hen," I considered "+animal" to be a separate distinction from "- human," because there are several large categories of nonhuman things. "+bird" distinguishes the kind of animal a "hen" is, as does "+domesticated," although the two are different kinds of distinctions, still broad enough to be considered semantic features. 9. All of the languages of the world contain words that could be analyzed as nouns and verbs. Would this be an absolute universal, a universal tendency, or an implicational universal? Explain. The fact that all the languages of the world have nouns and verbs is an absolute universal. An absolute universal, as its name implies, is a rule of language that has no exceptions. In a way, this is what makes the whole concept of language universals possible. If there were no absolute universals, if there were no identifiable features that cut across all languages, the theory that there is some kind of cognitive process or facility governing our acquisition and use of language would probably never have been formed. Until some other form of communication is discovered that breaks the mold of human language (decoded dolphin songs? extraterrestrial communications?), it will be through the study of language universals that we learn about the structure of the cognitive process that makes language possible in the first place.
W2B-002-0.txt	Although most of the citizens of the world's largest democracy are Hindus and altogether some 685 million people identify themselves as Hindus, many Americans probably do not know a Hindu as a friend or acquaintance. Yet world wide only Christianity and Islam count more adherents than Hinduism. In India, where most Hindus live, about 83 out of 100 people belong to this ancient religion, and there are also substantial Hindu populations in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Indonesia, and half a dozen other countries. In the United States and Europe, Hindus are relatively scarce; an estimated 400,000 live in the U.S. With few opportunities to know any Hindus or gain firsthand knowledge of their religion, many Americans rely on a jumble of impressions: bearded swamis, sacred cows, Untouchables, fakirs lying on beds of nails, Mahatma Gandhi, exotic temples, idols, and so on. Because this religion is virtually confined to the Indian subcontinent, Westerners have to make a special effort to understand anything about the incredibly complex religion of Hinduism, the oldest of the major world religions. All the other major religions trace their history to some founder-Buddha, Moses, Jesus, Muhammad. Hinduism is the exception. No one person can be said to be the founder of Hinduism, which began to develop more than 4500 years ago when Aryan tribes invaded the subcontinent and brought with them their sacred writings known as the Vedas. Since then Hinduism has passed through a number of stages. In its original Vedic period Hinduism emerged as a worldly and optimistic faith, in which the faithful worshiped various gods of nature, such as the god of fire, the god of sky, the god of storms and war. During the next period-the Brahmanic-the role of priests was greatly expanded; they developed complex rituals for daily life as well as for life's milestones. Also during this period the basic concepts of caste, reincarnation, and karma appeared. These beliefs were found in the Vedic treatises, dated as early as the 8th and 7th centuries B. C. and known as the Upanishads--the epitome of early Hindu philosophy. Gradually during this period, Hindus developed the belief that the many gods they worshiped were really many "faces" of one ultimate God(Brahman) that is also the atman (soul) of all living things. In its final stage philosophical Hinduism explored ways in which the atman could escape from the cycle of births, deaths, and rebirths and achieve moksha, or liberation, into the Brahman. Hinduism acknowledges a multitude of gods--some say 330 million- but one should distinguish between the folk religion of the Indian masses and the Hinduism of the educated and sophisticated elite. The latter see Brahman as the one God who takes form as all the other gods. Brahman's chief attributes are seen through the trinity of Brahma the creator, Vishnu the preserver, and Siva the destroyer. In practice most Hindus tend to ignore Brahma and direct their devotion to Vishnu and Siva along with their personal and village gods. All sects agree that their many paths lead to the same moksha. Vishnu is believed to have appeared in nine incarnations to date, including the popular Rama and Krishna; his tenth incarnation is expected in about 45O,OOO years. Vishnu appears as Krishna in the Bhagavad Gita (" Song of the Lord"), Hinduism's famous epic poem. Popular Hinduism, as practiced in India's 575,000 villages, seems both polytheistic and tolerant. Devotees often treat images of the gods in their homes and in the temples as they would a person: they offer them food and drink, clothe them, bathe them, and tuck them into bed at night. Again, sophisticated Hindus view these actions as suitable for people of limited education, but they themselves believe that the gods are only aspects of the one great god, Brahman. The Western observer may be puzzled by the many sects and branches of Hinduism, but he or she might consider how Christianity looks to an educated Hindu. More than a billion people identify themselves as Christians; but they group themselves in such diverse bodies as Southern Baptists, Presbyterians, Amish, Roman Catholics, Pentecostals, Jehovah's Witnesses, Lutherans, Greek orthodox, Mormons, Anglicans, Seventh-day Adventists, Copts, Quakers, Methodists, and so on. And if Hindu beliefs are difficult to comprehend, so is the Christian doctrine of the Trinity. Many Hindus see the world and material things as not fully real; the world is but a maya, or illusion. People experience misery and frustration because they seek pleasure and achievement in this world of maya, and they fail to find a fully real life in God. Only through final union with God can the atman escape this human condition. You'd bett 'd be nice Unlike Christianity and Islam, which teach that the individual will survive death and attain a state of eternal bliss or deprivation, Hinduism teaches that salvation may take many lives to achieve. If one reaches the state of union with God in this life, he or she will remain in that union forever. But if a person fails to achieve salvation, he or she will be reborn until that goal is reached. The soul reaches salvation by four main paths: those of devotion, knowledge, work, and meditative exercises. An individual Hindu will favor one of these four paths over the other three. Why do the wicked seem to prosper and the good suffer? Hinduism seeks the answer in its doctrine of reincarnation, which posits that the individual dies and is born again as another person or as an animal in an almost endless series of lives. A person's karma (the force generated by one's actions) determines the nature of the atman's next incarnations. The evildoer may return to earth as a member of a lower caste or as a dog, a horse, or an Untouchable (a person, who is outside the caste system altogether). The virtuous person may be assigned to a higher caste. Either in this life or the next all good is rewarded and all evil punished. One consequence of belief in karma is the common attitude that those who suffer in this life are simply getting their just deserts. They are suffering the consequences of their bad conduct in a previous existence. For some Hindus, the doctrine of karma may stem the impulse to improve the condition of the poor and sickly. Following the same reasoning, one wouldn't envy the healthy, powerful, and fortunate since they are enjoying the fruits of the good they accomplished in their previous lives. However, most sophisticated Hindus recognize that since all forms of life have an atman, they are sacred and deserve to be cared for no matter what their present condition is. Besides reincarnation and karma, the caste system is central to Hindu beliefs and customs. When Aryan invaders conquered the indigenous people, they created the four castes and divided themselves into the three higher castes, while assigning the conquered people to the lowest caste. The four castes have since been further divided into approximately 3000 subcastes. Hindus may not change their caste during their lifetimes, but they may aspire to a higher caste in their next incarnation. Caste membership determines many aspects of daily life: choice of occupation, social status, dress, religious practices, and even eating habits. Each Hindu is expected to carry out the dharma, or duties, of his or her par- ticular caste and subcaste. At the top of the system is the Brahmin caste, the priests and intellectuals. Then come the Kshatriyas of the ruling and warrior caste. Third, the Vaisyas who engage in business and the professions. The lowest caste and the one that includes about three fourths of the Indian population is that of the Sudras, or laborers and farmers. Completely outside the caste system are the Untouchables, who are destined to carry out the most menial tasks. Gandhi called these outcastes harijans, or children of God, and urged compassion toward them. The 1949 constitution of the Indian state declares: "Untouchability is abolished, and its practice in any form is abolished." This official and legal position has had little effect on the life of the Untouchables in the thousands of Indian villages. Nevertheless, Untouchables can now attend college and aspire to better jobs despite the social discrimination. Hindu marriages are usually arranged by the parents of the bride and groom with the children's consent. Of course, people marry within their own caste. It is not uncommon that the husband and wife have not met before the ceremony. Astrologers choose a propitious time for the wedding ceremony, which is usually conducted by a Hindu priest in the temple. A Brahmin might preside at the wedding of his own son or daughter. A man's world Hinduism has always emphasized the role of men in religion and society, and that remains true today. Most Hindu women are expected to find fulfillment in their relations with their husbands and children. A Hindu man, on the other hand, is said to pass through four stages of life. As a young man, he begins his spiritual journey under the guidance of a guru. Later he undertakes the responsibilities of marriage, a career, and community service. Only married men may perform the major religious rites, and a Hindu is not considered fully qualified until he has sired a son. After middle age he enters the stage of detachment from material things and may retreat to the forests to live the life of a hermit. In the fourth and final stage the person finds union with God and is considered a holy man. Of course, the demands of modern life may call for some modification of the final two stages. When a Hindu man believes death is near, he tries to travel to the holy city of Banares to bathe in the sacred waters of the Ganges River. The bodies of ordinary Hindus are cremated preferably on the waterfront of the river. A very few sannyasins, or holy men, are not cremated upon death; rather, their bodies are garlanded by their disciples, weighted, and dropped into the waters. Then they are believed to have achieved union with Brahman. For many Hindus and Westerners, Gandhi, who lived from 1869 to 1948, represented the highest exemplar of a holy man in modern times. A deeply spiritual reformer and champion of nonviolence, Gandhi was also influenced by the Sermon on the Mount and other non-Hindu writings. For his dedication to an independent India he was sentenced to prison terms totaling seven years. When independence from British colonial rule came in 1947, the country was split into predominantly Hindu India and an Islamic Pakistan. Millions died in the ensuing civil strife. Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu zealot who abhorred tolerance for Muslims. About 110 million Muslims now live in India, and a much smaller number of Hindus live in Pakistan. Unfortunately conflict between the two great religions has not been resolved. Riots following the destruction of a mosque at Ayodhya in India in l992 led to an estimated l2OO deaths. Militant Hindus tore down a mosque built more than 45O years ago, but which they said was erected on the site of Rama's birthplace. If a few Hindus resort to violence, the majority display an attitude of tolerance and nonviolence toward all living things. In this spirit of celebrating the sanctity of life, the cow holds a special place. For millennia the people of the subcontinent have relied on cows to pull plows, produce milk for babies, and provide dung, which in dried form serves as a major domestic fuel. An estimated 16O million cows roam the large cities of India as well as the villages. At one time killing a cow was a capital offense, and even to this day no devout Hindu would ever eat beef. At certain times of the year the faithful honor cows by anointing them with oil and dressing them in garlands. Some wealthy Hindus even endow homes for aged and tired cows. Hindus of certain sects also venerate monkeys, rats, and cobras. Hindus believe one achieves the goal of union with Brahman through good living, ritual, self-control, detachment, purity, nonviolence, charity, and compassion. For most, yoga occupies a paramount role in their spiritual development. At least a dozen types of yoga, involving posture, breath control, and meditative techniques, are practiced. Although comprehensiveness is characteristic of Hinduism, the religion has given birth to several other religions that could not be confined to Hinduism's parameters. For example, Buddhism was founded by a Hindu in the 6th century B. C. Some of the teachings of Buddha have been incorporated in Hinduism, and Buddha has been added to the list of incarnations of Vishnu. This reabsorption of Buddhism by Hinduism has been so successful that, while Buddhism counts hundreds of millions of devotees in China, Japan, Vietnam, and other countries, it is almost nonexistent in India. Two much smaller religions-Jainism and Sikhism-also grew out of Hinduism. Sikhism is relatively new-it goes back to a reform movement in Hinduism in about l5OO A. D. The Sikhs reject idols, the caste system, and polytheism but retain a belief in reincarnation.
W2A-018-0.txt	Introduction Educational efforts and innovative policies have reduced the prevalence of cigarette smoking among US adults from 41.7%; in 1965' to 28.8%; in 1987.2 Despite this progress, 15.7%; of deaths in 1984 could still be attributed to smoking.3 African Americans suffer from a particularly severe burden of smoking-related disease. The age-adjusted smoking-attributable mortality rate among African Americans in 1984 was 143.2 per 100 000 persons compared with 119.0 among Whites.3 The 1987 National Health Interview Survey found that 32.9%; of African-American adults smoked compared with 28.5%; of White adults; the proportion of ever smokers who had quit was far lower among African Americans (31.0%; vs 45.8%;).2 Much attention has therefore been directed to reducing the prevalence of smoking among African Americans.4,5 Identification of factors that promote smoking in the African-American community is a prerequisite to developing effective interventions. Evidence from the 1987 General Social Survey suggests that stress may be such a factor.6 Stress and Smoking Psychological stress can be defined as an "internal subjective state involving the perception of threat to one's well-being," while stressors are stimuli that provoke psychological stress in susceptible individuals.7 Stressors have been shown to increase tobacco consumption among established smokers,8 promote adolescent cigarette use,9 predispose to smoking clinic failure,10 and precipitate relapses among successful quitters.",11,12 Investigators have evaluated a variety of potential stressors, including anxiety-inducing tasks,8 family turmoil,9 job factors,13 and major life events (e.g., unemployment, divorce).6,10 Lazarus and colleagues have recently argued that daily hassles may represent a better conceptualization of stress than traditional measures of major life events.14 They define hassles as "the initiating, frustrating, distressing demands that to some degree characterize everyday transactions with the environment."15 Hassles appear to predict many health outcomes, including psychological distress,15 somatic symptoms,16 respiratory illness episodes,17 and arthritis-related disability.18 In a 12-month follow-up study of ex-smokers who had participated in a smoking cessation program, the frequency and severity of hassles were significant predictors of late relapse in men, but not in women.19 A similar evaluation of a work-site smoking cessation program found that the mean severity of hassles, but not the count, predicted relapse by 12 months.20 Previous studies have not addressed the relationship between hassles and the prevalence of smoking in a community sample. Given the role of smoking as a psychological coping behavior,7 we hypothesized that persons reporting numerous hassles would be more likely to smoke than those experiencing fewer stressors. Social Support and Smoking There is extensive epidemiologic evidence of a relationship between social support and diverse health outcomes.21 Persons with high levels of social support have lower mortality rates,22 have less coronary atherosclerosis, and use less health care24 than those with lower levels of support. Social support may exert these salutary effects partially by fostering changes in health-related behaviors, such as smoking. Indeed, successful quitters have higher levels of perceived support from their partners than smokers who never quit or relapse.25 Having someone to talk to about one's problems predicted cessation in another recent study.26 The prevalence of smoking is higher among separated or divorced persons than among those currently married or widowed,2 even after controlling for other demographic characteristics.27 We therefore hypothesized that persons with poor social support would be more likely to smoke than those with good support. Buffering and the Stress-Support Interaction The mechanism by which social support improves health outcomes has been a subject of intense debate.28 Advocates of the buffering hypothesis argue that social support works by moderating the deleterious effect of stressful events and serving as "coping assistance."29 Therefore, our final hypothesis was that any association between social support and smoking would be stronger among persons experiencing stressors than among those in low-stressor environments. The present study was undertaken to assess the cross-sectional relationship between these social factors and smoking behavior in a large population-based sample of African-American adults in the San Francisco Bay area. Methods As part of a prospective controlled community intervention trial to reduce cancer mortality, a survey of African-American households in San Francisco and Oakland, Calif., was conducted between November 1985 and July 1986. Potential respondents were identified through two-stage probability sampling. In the first stage, 100 census blocks with at least 25%; African- American population according to the 1980 census) were randomly selected from each city. Specific households were then randomly selected from each block. Using the Kish procedure, interviewers randomly identified one respondent from each household with an African-American member aged 20 years or over.30 A non-profit survey research organization hired, trained, and supervised field workers. Intensive efforts were made to interview persons who were not available during the initial visit. Follow-up telephone contacts with at least 10%; of all respondents confirmed that the interviews took place and that the information obtained was accurate. The survey instrument included questions about current health status, health behaviors, use of preventive services, sources of health information, knowledge and attitudes regarding cancer, social networks and stressors, and demographic characteristics. Smokers were defined in the usual manner2 as individuals who currently smoked and had smoked at least 100 cigarettes since birth. Average daily consumption of 20 or more cigarettes was used as the cutoff to separate heavy smokers from light smokers. Demographic variables included age, gender, years of formal education, household income (recoded from an ordinal into a continuous variable), marital status, and employment. Respondents were asked to describe the impact of smoking on cancer risk (1 through 7 scale); those who indicated that it had no effect, a favorable effect, or an unknown effect were categorized as "unaware." A four-item, health-specific locus of control scale was adapted from the work of Wallston et al.31 This scale represents the mean of standardized Likert-type responses (coded 1 through 6) to four statements concerning self- control over health. A high score represents a strong belief in one's ability to avoid getting sick by taking care of oneself, to stay healthy by following "the advice of experts," and to control "the most important things that affect health." A 10-item hassles index was created by abbreviating the original Kanner et al. list of 117 hassles.l5 Each item was chosen to represent a dimension that community residents involved in the project perceived to be especially relevant (Table 1). The second item (" having a serious illness or accident") was deleted from the scale because of concern that such events might be consequences rather than causes of smoking.32 Scoring from zero to nine was based upon how many of the remaining hassles happened to the respondent or a person "most important" to him or her during the preceding three months. We did not employ an intensity scale because the frequency of hassles has superior predictive power.l5-l7 In accord with Dohrenwend's recommendations,32 we inquired whether these events occurred but did not ask for any judgment as to their significance. The original Kanner et al. Instrument was reportedl7 to have a test- retest reliability of r = 0.79 with nine consecutive monthly administrations. Similar instruments developed by Weinberger et al.,18 Wolf et al.,33 and DeLongis et al.34 have demonstrated 5- through 9-month median test-retest reliabilities of.72 to.77. Our abbreviated instrument had good internal consistency (Cronbach's (=.74) We validated the scale against demographic variables; the mean score was 2.S for employed and 4.1 for unemployed respondents. Hassle scores were inversely related to family income (r = -.19, P =.0001). Measures of social network characteristics can be categorized as either structural or functional. Structural features were assessed using Berkman and Syme's Social Network Index (SNI),22 which measures four types of social ties: marital status, number of close friends, number of close relatives, and membership in formal groups. This index was modified slightly by adding two types of specified organizations (neighborhood and senior groups) and dropping a question on the frequency of contact with close friends or relatives. Scores range from one to four, where one represents those with the fewest relatives or friends and no history of church or group involvement. Functional features were assessed using Seeman and Syme's three-item Network Instrumental Support scale,23 which measures whether respondents would "most likely" turn to friends or family for assistance with rides, borrowing "a small sum of money," or household repairs. Their four-item Network Emotional Support scale23 was abbreviated to two items, only one of which had construct validity (" Who would you turn to for information or advice about a personal problem?"). This question, scored one for those who cited friends or family and zero for others, resembles the emotional support item used by Strogatz and James.35 The distribution of demographic characteristics was examined among smoking status categories: never smokers, ex-smokers, current light smokers, and current heavy smokers. Analysis of variance with two-tailed pairwise t tests and Bonferroni's correction for multiple comparisons was used to contrast the means of continuous variables. Chi-square analysis, with Yates'continuity correction for 2 x 2 tables, was performed on categorical variables. The Kruskal-Wallis procedure with two-tailed pairwise mean rank comparisons and Bonferroni's correction was applied to ordinal variables. Multivariate logistic regression models were constructed to determine whether social support and hassles contributed to explaining smoking status after controlling for potential confounders. Heavy smokers and light smokers were aggregated because of their similar characteristics. In the absence of data about when or why respondents quit, both never smokers and ex-smokers were categorized as non-smokers in our primary analyses. Independent variables included age (with a quadratic term),gender, educational status (<12 years, 12 years, 13 through 15 years, and 216 years), household income (transformed to optimize fit), health-specific locus of control, and lack of awareness about the risk of smoking. These variables were selected on the basis of previous studies of smoking correlates.2~36 The abbreviated hassles index was then added to the basic model to determine the role of psychosocial stress, controlling for demographic and attitudinal characteristics. Social support variables were added next, with the reference group consisting of individuals with SNI = 4 (optimal) and Network Instrumental Support and emotional support scales greater than zero. To test the hypothesis that social support buffers the deleterious effects of stress, interaction terms between the hassles index and the three support measures were tested. All two-factor interactions involving demographics and social support were evaluated by forward selection and backward elimination procedures.37 The significance level for entry and exit was (=.10, with adjustment to ensure that terms derived from a single variable entered together. Hierarchical models were compared with the likelihood ratio test. Finally, multivariate linear regression was used to determine factors associated with self-reported daily cigarette consumption among current smokers. Multicollinearities prohibited inclusion of interaction terms in this model. The PROC LOGIST and PROC REG programs in SAS were used for most analyses.38 Odds ratios (ORB) and 95%; confidence intervals (CIs) were calculated by exponentiating the logistic coefficient estimates. These Ors modestly overestimate the true risk ratios because the "rare disease" assumption underlying the OR is not satisfied. Results The total sample size was 1137, representing a response rate of 67.6%; in Oakland and 69.1%; in San Francisco. The age, gender, and income distributions of our sample closely resembled 1980 census data from the same neighborhoods. The San Francisco and Oakland samples were almost equal in size (569 and 568, respectively) and showed similar demographic characteristics. Therefore, they have been combined for all analyses. Of the 1134 respondents who described their smoking habits, 36.0%; never smoked, 22.1%; had quit smoking, 26.8%; were light smokers, and 15.1%; were heavy smokers. Current smoking was more prevalent among women than among men (43.1%; vs 40.1%;), but female smokers were less likely than male smokers to consume 20 or more cigarettes daily. Sociodemographic Characteristics by Smoking Status Table 2 illustrates how the sociodemographic characteristics of current smokers differed from those of ex-smokers and never smokers. Ex- smokers were significantly older than current or never smokers. Ex-smokers were more than twice as likely to have graduated from college as heavy smokers (15.6%; vs 7.1%;). About 41%; of heavy smokers and 36%; of light smokers were separated or divorced, compared with only 20%; of never smokers and 24%; of ex- smokers. Current smokers reported lower household incomes than ex-smokers. Heavy smokers had a particularly high frequency of disability (15.4%;); both light and heavy smokers were more likely to be unemployed than ex-smokers or never smokers. Current smokers had higher hassle scores than either ex- smokers or never smokers, whereas the latter two groups had higher SNI scores. More than 15%; of heavy smokers denied a link between smoking and cancer, as compared with 4%; of nonsmokers.
W2B-039-0.txt	The New Bionic Man Has Plastic Muscles And Silicon Senses Plastic muscles and silicon senses blur the line between man and machine. In a cluttered lab at the University of New Mexico, a replica of a human skeleton slowlyvery slowlypedals an exercise bicycle. This is no parlor trick. Myster Bony, as he's called, is moving the pedals with artificial muscles powered by a battery. It's been 40 years since Swedish engineer Arne Larsson received the first fully implanted cardiac pacemaker at the Karolinska Institute in Stockholm. Since then, researchers throughout the world have looked for ways to improve people's lives with artificial, bionic devices. Their efforts have produced smaller and smaller pacemakers, devices that help deaf children hear and implantable pumps that carry the load for diseased hearts until suitable human transplants can be found. As for the future, it looks decidedly more natural than the cyborg technology envisioned at the dawn of the bionic age. Take Myster Bony. His muscles are made of materials called ionic polymer metal composites (IPMCs) that respond to electricity with elasticity and responsiveness similar to those shown by human muscles. The materials were developed by a team led by Mohsen Shahinpoor, director of the Artificial Muscle Research Institute (AMRI) at the University of New Mexico (UNM). Strips of these composites can bend and flap dramatically when an electric current is applied. In this sense they are large-motion actuatorsthey can move and exert force. Conversely, when a strip is bent, voltage is produced across its thickness, allowing the strip to behave like a sensor that can determine a given level of force and motion. These two abilitiesto move and to provide feedback drive Myster Bony on his exercise bicycle. All it takes is a power supply. Another type of artificial muscle being developed at AMRI is made of a synthetic fiber that has been baked and boiled in a chemical solution. The treatment imparts strength and gives the fabric elasticity that varies in the presence of an electric current. The result: materials that can expand and contract just like living tissue. Researchers envision a synthetic muscle that could translate electrical impulses from the nervous system into motion. However, that goal is still a long way off. In the short term, Shahinpoor believes artificial muscles could be used to boost the strength of ailing hearts, eliminating some heart transplants. He also imagines exoskeletons for disabled patients or astronauts, artificial larynxes, and sensors for diagnosing spinal-cord injuries. Eventually, his synthetic muscles could be attached to artificial tendons, which recently have been approved by the Food and Drug Administration for use in human patients. A Real Bionic Arm Artificial muscles aren't the only electromechanical tools being developed to facilitate human movement. This past summer, Campbell Aird, a hotel owner in Scotland, received a bionic arm that had been developed by the Prosthetics Research and Development Team at Princess Margaret Rose Orthopedic Hospital in Edinburgh. The arm uses electronics for control and power. Known as EMAS (Edinburgh Modular Arm System), the arm is equipped with battery-powered motors and epicyclical gearboxes. It replaced the prosthetic limb Aird had worn since his own right arm was amputated 16 years ago as a result of cancer. The motors in Aird's arm are mounted inside lightweight, rigid tubes of carbon fiber. The gearboxes are connected to a worm-and-wheel assembly that converts the mechanical power of the gearbox into rotary motion. The smallest motors and gearboxes power fingers and the thumb, while larger motors power the wrist, elbow and shoulder. The arm is covered with lifelike silicone rubber. David Gow, head of the team that developed the device, says EMAS was the first prosthesis to have a fully powered electrical shoulder. In previous artificial arms, power had been limited to wrists, elbows and hands. The arm is powered by rechargeable 12-volt batteries. Modern prostheses like Aird's new arm have a wider range of motion than ever before and look more like the limbs they're replac 're. Take the case of 10-year-old Melissa Del Pozzo. Melissa was born without a left hand and lower forearm. Recently, in tests at Rutgers University in New Jersey, she was able to make electrical traces on a computer screen by moving either a tendon or a muscle that would have been used to flex her thumb, if she had one. A sensor attached to the skin just below Melissa's elbow detected the slight movements and relayed them to the computer screen. Melissa will soon be outfitted with what just may be the first dexterous prosthesis. To fit her with a hand and control apparatus, researchers at Rutgers' department of biomedical engineering, in Piscataway, N. J., will fashion a silicone sleeve equipped with pressure sensors inside. On top of the sleeve will sit a hard plastic socket that serves as an exoskeleton on which to anchor the hand. The hand itself is a commercial wooden product used on other prostheses. It is fitted with electromagnets that move each of three fingers separately. When a tendon moves, the sensor, which consists of a small diaphragm, emits a puff of air that travels through a tube to a transducer. In turn, the transducer senses the pressure and transmits a precise electric signal to the artificial hand. William Craelius, the principal researcher and an associate professor of biomedical engineering at Rutgers, decided to focus on a tendon-actuated system because previous teams had found it difficult to isolate the muscle groups that can move individual fingers. Eventually, the dexterous prosthesis may allow amputees to do such previously impossible tasks as playing musical instruments and typing. Powering And Control Providing power to run bionic implants and making connections to the brain's control system pose the two great challenges for biomedical engineering. In the mid-1970s, Medronics, a leading medical engineering firm, was trying to develop a nuclear-powered heart pacemaker. About the same time, engineers at Drexel University in Philadelphia maintained a dog's heartbeat using pacemakers with a fuel cell that ran on the electricity generated by chemical reactions between the dog's body and a block of aluminum. Neither alternative energy source proved practical. For now, and perhaps decades to come, batteries of all shapes and sizes will figure large in the future of bionics. As for controlling movement, the ultimate goal is to tap into the nervous system. Researchers at the University of Michigan (UM) Center for Neural Communication Technology are attempting to do just that. Here, they've de 'veoped probes so precise they can stimulate or detect signals from individual nerve cells. The probes (right) are only about the size of the date stamped on a penny. The probes are made of precisely etched silicon substrates covered with thin conductive films, and insulated above and below. The upper surface is patterned using a dry etching process. Tiny openings on the upper surface of the probe shank are inlaid with gold or iridium, which are compatible with nerve tissue. These are the spots where man melds with machine. With sponsorship from the National Institutes of Health's Neural Prosthesis Program, the number of probe designs has grown and UM has provided more than 1000 devices to investigators. Bionic Eyes One of the most dramatic applications of bionics is the creation of artificial eyes. Artificial retinas, in particular, are showing great promise. Researchers have long known that damaged photoreceptors in the eye could be bypassed (see diagram on page 55). A device that stimulated the retinal ganglion cellsconnected to the optic nervecould transmit visual information to the brain. Now, a new technology promises to replace the retina, allowing the blind to see. Working jointly, researchers at North Carolina State University, the University of North Carolina and Johns Hopkins University have created the implantable Artificial Retina Component Chip (ARCC). The ARCC consists of a silicon microchip embedded with photosensor cells and electrodes. It would be implanted near the vision center of the retina. Light and images entering the pupil would pass through the ARCC's front surface and strike photosensors on the back of the chip. The photosensor array would convert the image pattern of light and dark into electric impulses, much as a healthy eye's rods and cones do. The impulses would stimulate nerves behind the retina, sending the information to the brain. The device is not expected to produce full, clear vision. Instead, it would allow the patient to perceive basic shapes, the direction of movements, and the boundaries between contrasting objects. Bionic Sounds Cochlear transplant research has been around since the 1950s. In essence, cochlear implants provide electrical stimulation of the auditory nerve. The implant sends sound waves into the auditory pathway after converting them into electrical energy. Today, in addition to numerous research institutions developing bionic hearing devices, several companies are already selling commercial products. Although there are differences in each product, they all work essentially the same way. Even in the profoundly deaf, at least one-third of the 30,000 fibers that stimulate the auditory nerve survive and are responsive, capable of transmitting to the brain's hearing center. Signals to this center are triggered by the cochlear implant. Unlike hearing aids, which amplify sound, the cochlear implantor bionic eartrades in electricity. Surgeons implant the device in the mastoid bone and inner ear through an incision behind the ear. A small speech processor converts sound, picked up by an external mike, into an electrical signal. The signal is fed through the transmitter coil to the implanted receiver. Electrodes in the inner ear bypass the damaged area of the ear and create a nerve impulse that stimulates the auditory cortex of the brain. Artificial cochleas will not benefit all deaf people. Adults who have never heard are not suitable candidates, doctors say, because the auditory part of their brains will not respond to the stimuli. In an entirely different approach, Jonathan Spindel, a biomedical engineer and assistant professor at the University of Virginia's department of otolaryngology, is developing an implanted "invisible" magnetic hearing aid. "Our tests to date have shown that the signals produced with our magnetic hearing device are very nearly those of natural acoustic sound," says Spindel. In this approach, the device captures sounds with a miniature microphone implanted in the ear. After passing through a small processing unit and an electromagnetic coil, both also implanted, amplified vibrations would be sent to the inner ear via a tiny magnet attached to the inner ear's round window, a thin membrane at one end of the cochlea. The magnet, about as large as a pencil point, would send vibrations through the cochlea, stimulating the thousands of hair cells used in normal hearing. Spindel says an advantage of his approach is that the device doesn't obstruct the normal hearing process. "Establishing a second independent input pathway to the inner ear opens the possibility for using the normal acoustic pathway and round window electromagnet simultaneously to establish constructive and destructive sound patterns in the inner ear. " Also, since the new hearing device uses magnetic rather than acoustic vibrations, feedbacka common problem in conventional hearing aidsis eliminated. Senses And Sensibilities Unlike sight and hearing, scientists know little about the human senses of smell and taste. Nevertheless, they have been able to re-create these abilities. They try to mimic human noses by using sensors that can detect a variety of volatile compounds. For example, at the Oak Ridge National Laboratories (ORNL), in Oak Ridge, Tenn., a "nose on a chip" is proving able to sniff out mercury, carbon monoxide and other chemicals. It consists of an array of minuscule sensors on one integrated circuit, with the electronics on a separate one. By selectively coating the arrays with different chemicals, researchers can customize the chip to detect virtually any odor. At the University of Texas (UT) in Austin, researchers have developed an electronic tongue that mimics the human ability to detect sweet, sour, salty and bitter tastes. To do this, the team attached four different chemical sensors to tiny beads made of polyethylene glycol and polystyrene. The beads were then positioned in micromachined wells on a silicon wafer. The sensors represent various combinations of the four different taste elements with combinations of the colors red, green and blue. For example, when exposed to an acidic "taste" one sensor turns yellow. It becomes purple when a basic mixture is sensed.
W2A-023-0.txt	Infectious diseases stimulated the early development of epidemiology. Early epidemiologic investigations of infectious diseases focused on environmental contamination rather than person-to-person transmission. More recently, however, chronic diseases have provided greater impetus for the development of new quantitative methodology in epidemiology. Now, with the emergence of human immunodeficiency virus infection, epidemiology is refocusing its efforts on infectious diseases. The risk assessment tools being applied to the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) epidemic are those that were developed for chronic diseases. However, the usual formulation of risk assessment parameters, such as odds ratios, rate ratios, relative risks, and risk differences, which are so useful in chronic disease epidemiology, do not provide stable assessments of risk for factors that affect contagion. Because with contagious diseases the outcome in one study subject is related to changes in risk for other study subjects, risk assessment at the population level does not correspond to a summation of risks at the individual level as it does with chronic diseases. To relate risk assessments at the individual and population levels, knowledge of contact patterns is essential. The purposes of this paper are 1) to demonstrate the lack of stability of chronic disease risk measures with contagious diseases, 2) to demonstrate how risk assessment for contagious diseases depends upon assessment of contact patterns even when contact patterns do not cause appreciable differences in the overall epidemic pattern, and 3) to present a new formulation for the action of one important determinant of contact patterns in sexually transmitted diseases, namely biased selection of partners from the potential partners encountered. This new formulation supersedes our previous selective mixing formulation (1). RISK FACTORS FOR HUMAN IMMUNODEFICIENCY VIRUS TRANSMISSION Consider the following variables which might be collected in either prospective or cross-sectional studies of human immuno-deficiency virus infection in gay males: 1) usual number of episodes of sex acts of type S, in 1 week; 2) usual number of episodes of another type of sex act, which we will call S2, in I week; 3) usual proportion of all partners met at site A,; and 4) usual proportion of all partners met at site A2. All of these variables might be correlated. Thus, if the major focus of interest is the risk of the type of sex act S, its effects would probably be assessed using a multiple variable analysis. Given the dichotomous outcome of infection, the most likely choice for such an analysis would be a logistic regression analysis. The logistic regression parameters could be translated into odds ratios. From a cross-sectional study, these would be the prevalence odds ratios; from a prospective study, the incidence odds ratios would be estimated. In their interpretation of the relevance of these estimated odds ratios for risk assessment, epidemiologists would most likely use these parameters directly as approximations to risk ratios or rate ratios. Alternatively, with prospective data, they might attempt to assess rate ratios or rate differences more directly with a survival analysis. During the course of an epidemic, as the overall incidence rises, the absolute risk or rate of infection rises. As a consequence, epidemiologists would expect risk or rate difference measures to vary. However, they are likely to presume that ratio measures will remain more constant. There may be two problems with such risk assessment procedures. First, inconsistencies of the causal factors generating the data with the assumptions of the analytic model may mean that the "control" procedures distort relations instead of eliminating the effects of confounding. Second, even if ratio parameters of odds, risks, or rates are estimated validly, those measures might not remain constant over the course of the epidemic. Large odds ratios might be expected to shrink and small ones might be expected low grow. Thus, the odds ratios, even from prospective studies, would not form a good basis on which to predict future risk patterns. This paper seeks to illustrate the second problem of parameter instability without directly addressing the first problem of parameter estimation validity. Any risk measures that rose or fell dramatically over time would not be useful for assessing current or future risk. They would be even less useful if they rose or fell even though the basic causal factors remained constant. One way to assess the expected behavior of an epidemiologic parameter is to evaluate it in an idealized simulation of the underlying causal system. COMPUTER POPULATION AND CAUSAL SYSTEM CHARACTERISTICS We create here an idealized computer population and causal system for human immunodeficiency virus transmission. The point of this model is to abstract the essential phenomenon of person-to-person transmission in sexual relationships. To avoid confusion and unnecessary complications, we will make several simplifying assumptions. For example, we will assume that insertive and receptive sex acts have the same probabilities of transmission and therefore do not need to be distinguished in our model. Such equal transmission probabilities probably do not pertain to any type of sex act, and therefore we will stick with symbolic names for our sex acts. Our model will have the following characteristics: 1) There are only two types of sex acts. S, which is a relatively low-risk type of sex act, and S2, which carries four times the risk of transmission per act as S. We might think of S, as corresponding to oral sex and S2, as corresponding to anal sex. or S, as corresponding to sex with a condom and S2 as corresponding to sex without a condom. 2) There are only two types of individuals: homosexual males who engage in only S, and homosexual males who engage equally in S, and S2. We will consider the first group, lacking the risk factor, unexposed and the second group, having the risk factor, exposed. 3) Two hundred unexposed persons and 100 exposed persons enter this population each month. No infected individuals enter this population. 4) People leave the population for reasons not connected with human immuno- deficiency virus infection at a rate of one per 600 per month, independent of when they entered the population. 5) Before human immunodeficiency virus arrives, our hypothetic population is at equilibrium with a steady 120,000 X1 individuals and 60,000 X2 individuals. 6) Once human immunodeficiency virus arrives in this population, the only source of infection is through sexual transmission. 7) All individuals in the population have 20 sexual encounters per month, and each encounter is with a different person. 8) Only one type of sex act, either S, or S2, is engaged in at each encounter, so both partners have to do the same thing. 9) There are only two social settings (or sexual partner marketplaces) where partners can be met: A, and A2. 10) Within each social setting, mixing is either random or determined by a selective mixing formulation to be presented below. 11) One out of 800 sex acts of type S, between an infected person and an uninfected person results in transmission, and one out of 200 sex acts of type S2 results in transmission. Since only half of the acts in the exposed group are at the higher rate, this fourfold difference in transmission probabilities would translate to a 2.5 rate ratio if the partners of the exposed group and the unexposed group had equal probabilities of being infected. 12) One out of every 120 infected persons develops AIDS every month, independent of the time that he became infected. This corresponds to a mean incubation period of 10 years. 13) Persons with AIDS stop having sex. A COMPUTER MODEL OF TRANSMISSION Using the formulation for structured mixing (2) and the symbolization shown in table 1, the differential equations describing transmission in our hypothetic population would be - formula here- The three terms in the first equation are the inflow of new people into group I, the outflow of current people for reasons other than infection, and the rate at which uninfected persons become infected. This third term is the number of encounters of all persons in group I with all persons in group J in social setting K where sex act S takes place (Cu) times the proportion of I individuals in those encounters who are susceptible (XJ/NJ) times the proportion of J individuals in those encounters who are infected (YJ/NJ) times the probability of transmission given sex act S (- formula-). In the second equation, the first term is the outflow of infected persons from the population due to their developing AIDS; the second term is the outflow for reasons not related to infection, and the third corresponds to the individuals from the first equation who are newly infected. The notation used is summarized in table 1. This model corresponds to random mixing when the following two conditions hold: 1) there is random or "proportional" partner choice in each social setting and 2) the fraction of group I's contacts that are in any given social setting K is the same for all K. Condition I corresponds mathematically to the following equation (terms are defined in table 1): - insert formula here- In this formula, - insert formula here- represents the fraction of all sexual contacts of type s in setting K that are made by group J. Multiplying this fraction by - formula- represents the assumption that this same fraction gives the fraction of group l S type S, setting K contacts that are with members of group J. In the "random" mixing scenario we present here, - insert formulae here-. Mixing will be called "structured" when population subgroups have different functions for their contacts in different social settings, but within any social setting the mixing I5 consistent with equation 2. In the structured mixing scenarios considered in this paper, - insert formulae here-. Mixing will be called "selective" when each population subgroup has the same fraction of its contacts in each social setting, but within each social setting, mixing is determined by equation 3 below instead of equation 2. Mixing will be called "combined structured and selective" when subgroups do not make equal proportions of their contacts in different social settings and within each social setting mixing is determined by equation 3. SELECTIVE MIXING The following formulation of selective mixing is intended to supplant our previously published, less manageable formulation of selective mixing (1). The basic parameters of selectiveness in our model are the number of social encounters per unit of time that an individual in group I makes in social setting K that have the potential to become sexual partners of type - formula- and the probability that such encounters with specific types of partners J result in sex of type S (Q,I,J,S,K). These Q parameters represent the selectiveness with which individuals act on the T parameters or their opportunities for sex. For simplification, let us consider the situation for one type of sex within one social setting, so that we can drop the S and K subscripts. Now let-insert formula-where the meaning of the terms is summarized in table 1. In equation 3,-insert formula-represents the proportion of potential sexual encounters that are due to group j. Multiplying this fraction by T, NI essentially assumes that the social mixing leading to sexual proposals is proportional (or random). Finally, the QIJ factor represents biased rates of rejection of those potential sexual encounters. Note that the CJ calculated with equation 3 must meet the following constraint: - insert formula- By substituting from equation 3, we compute - insert formula-where-insert formula-represents the average proportion of all sexual opportunities which result in sex by an individual in group i. If the QIJ's and CI's are known, we have shown that the following iteration procedure for estimating values of TJ's, based on equation 5, will always converge to a stationary set of TJ's that satisfy equation 5:
W2F-019-0.txt	" Like a Fish in Stone" By E. McGrand The dilemma was whether to take the train or the bus. Her bag was too heavy, she realized that several blocks after she left the house. The bus would smell awful, and she would get motion sick, and the bag would have to be stowed in the stomach at the side of the bus so she would have to rummage through it and dig out all the things she might possibly want and put them in a plastic which sooner or later would tear and then all the small sharp things would spill out and get lost in her clothes and seat and jab her suddenly, and at least one bottle or jar of something that could come undone would. But the bus was cheaper. However, it was slower. The train would be fast, and clean, and she probably wouldn't get motion sick and could move around if she did, and entertain herself on the observation car or in the lounge car if she could eat or drink. There would be the odd compact little bathroom just small enough to make sure everything got wet when water splashed out of the tiny wash basin, and the crumbly crackers and sharp processed cheese she would buy for herself in lieu of more expensive lunch offerings, and the dinner, with its paper and plastic fantaglia, and the overall nostalgia, elegant sentimental aura of trains - - legacy of hundreds of crowded, lively trains in 1940's movies, and sleek, satin and clever talk and porter trains of 1930's movies, and the trains of novels and short stories. But the train was more expensive. Almost as expensive as the plane which was unthinkable. The bag was too heavy to keep carrying and too heavy to keep guarding. Saving money was always a good plan. But it would be nice to have money when she got there, enough to casually treat him, take his sister to the toy store and buy her something frivolous and charming, take his mother to lunch, assert, somehow, that though she was the guest, and though she was being looked over, and though they were putting her up and feeding her, and though she wasn't from an old or famous family, and though she couldn't smooth the edges of things with the gleamy patina of money F. Scott Fitzgerald described with the exactness and tenderness of infatuation, still, she could be polite and take bloody care of herself and pay back their offerings so no one, no one would think she owed them any god-damned thing or snub her with it. But arriving later. And disheveled, and quite probably motion sick. Well, she was Irish. She'd lo 'd interesting pale - - the elaborate bone structure must be good for something. What if something happened. She could get him a present. She took the bus. She loved getting him presents. When she was a child, people around her bought each other presents. She read about it in books, how one shopped for hours or suddenly came upon it, the present. A sudden perfect repository of the complex yes's and no's, a delicate chimera of the sweeps and glitters and smooth curves of unimaginable, too-quick-in-motion returned affection, the richness of that lushly unpredictable exchange, unchanneled by the awful, usual grooves of defensiveness, dullness, distance and not closeness. She never got to get anyone presents - - her siblings were cold and unaffectionate and uninterested in her, and her mother made a fetish out of disliking her choices and her father was too shy and distant, made too uncomfortable by gifts. And she had no friends back then, no close friends, certainly no one like the friends she read about in books. She got occasional duty gifts for people, those surface nods to the conventions of days when one bought things, but such exchanges were without joy. The few times she had thought she might be in the middle of a real present, the person turned out to be only being polite, or not want to embarrass her but she hangs on and no one likes her, or the recipient was - - and she'd 'down it all along but pretended for a little out of loneliness - - not the right angle to her to understand gifts. The offering of good will and companionship is generous - - something she recognized more as a glimpse into some life or order she had lost but which was the final thing humans were meant to attain. But however kindly meant, and generously given, seen from the wrong angle a soul is one-dimensional and flat, and a flat soul is a flat soul is a flat soul is a flat soul like Gertrude Stein's rose; itself, the cliche, endlessly and unavoidably the cliche in the context of the hot-press plastic mold that makes each part of the conversation just exactly what one would expect it to be based on what one was told on T.V., radio, the movies, magazines, newspapers, it ought to be. Then the move out of the nervous town haunted by her implacable difference from everyone else. And finally, conversations she couldn't predict in a context of shared interests when no one involved was uneasy about her. People who liked to talk about books, art, ideas not automatically required to be certified by The Group as acceptable before they could be articulated. And then the lover. And then, oh, the presents. The glorious texture surely he, whose hands could return in such awe to her skin, whose eyes so beautifully changed the color of a shirt from dull to an extraordinary variation on blue, surely he would recognize. Exchanging in a language not a language but light illuminating and triggering the locks on doors to rooms she hadn't thought of, the shorthand for how beautiful a shiny surface could be, how like his eyes the colors swirling through the rock were, how much a miracle it was that an agate could hold in just its shapes and cloudings exactly the sensation of one of those summer storms which so exactly corresponded to the feeling just before joining in lovemaking, that demi-second of looking in the lover's eyes and knowing you are just about to do something together that will be of all worlds simultaneously and yes, yes come in and he is coming in and there is another human being inside of me it is he of the beautiful unexpected eyes and his hands I cannot predict and he is saying something lovely, yes, and kissing my cheekbone that way of his, and now it is happening, this thing I have read of and wanted and not quite believed could really occur (two people would never risk themselves with each other this way); the sad, intimate, richly colored swirls of stone, and eyes, and just before. The presents, finally, the giving of real presents and one quickened enough to know them. She took the bus. It arrived even later than the tiresome timetable and there was no one waiting. She had looked forward to someone waiting - - it was another thing, like the presents, she' 'dread about and lived among but never gotten to have, someone waiting for her, someone real, waiting for really-her, not their fantasy of 'I'm a 'mgnificant guy now because I saw this woman who looks impressively like the important-young-man-appeal magazine ads and I conquered her, I, and now the pictures in the magazine are like me and everyone will look at me and think I, too, am an important young man.' No, he talked to really her, real time, exactly her and liked her because he hadn't extravagantly at first, just a little, a promising amount. And they' 'dtalked, and played together, and the liking grew, fed on real things exactly corresponding, not his imagined versions of what he was told would make him important. And he was going to be waiting, scrunched in his silly car looking a little shy and then excited to see her and they would snicker a little at the extravagance and visibility of it all, but it would be lovely and he would be waiting and there would be a little privacy before the sizing up and the family and the intrusion of people she didn't know most likely expecting something from her, which always set her back up which would necessitate the elaborate smoothing down of patience over the top of her conversation and response. Only no one was there. And when she called, no one answered. They had agreed, two weeks ago, that she would come down to visit him, had set the day she would leave, the probable time she would arrive. She had called, and left a message on his answering machine at the apartment in the city. And she had, shyly, called the number of the island that he' 'dwritten down for her on a scrap of paper from the jumble on his desk, and a woman had answered, and in a terrible shyness lest this was the mother and she would be meant to say something to her only she didn't know her and wanted to be left alone, she' 'dsaid in few words her name, and the bus she was on, and when it was arriving. But no one was there. Perhaps she was meant to go to his house. But she didn't know where it was. She could take a taxi - - thanks be she had not taken the train so she had money. But had they expected her to take a taxi? She called her machine in her apartment in the city, and the machine responded with nothing, no response. She waited. Maybe he had meant to meet her and they told him the bus would be late so he stepped out somewhere, yes, that was just the sort of thing he would do and she could go walk around a little and look for a book store, where most likely she would have been and most likely he would be, except that her bag was too heavy, too heavy to carry and too heavy to leave unguarded. So she reached into the plastic that had, indeed, split for a novel and sat down to read it. It was a good novel. She always made a point of bringing something good and not too demanding that she might not ordinarily let herself waste time reading when she traveled. She hadn't finished it, or even begun it much because of motion sickness. The first few pages were good, not taking her into the novel-world as they might have, but good. Then not enough, plainly not enough. She stationed herself by the front door, but near a clock so she could tell the time. No one. A half-hour. Finally reading straightly. No one. An hour. No one yet, and maybe she ought to call again. No answer. Another fifteen minutes. She needed to go to the bathroom. If she went to the bathroom and he came or someone came while she wasn't there, they would think because they were so late she had taken a taxi after all and leave. She needed to go to the bathroom. He wouldn't send anyone else, they might not know her. He knew this bag, he had seen her carrying it. She took her wallet out of it and went to the bathroom. Her face was puffy, her skin shiny and slack and, yes, pale. She washed her face, quickly, put on a little lipstick, then rushed out. No one was waiting by her bag. Fifteen minutes more had gone by. She managed another ten minutes, then called again. There was an answer, another female voice, this one younger. "Just a minute. Chris, Chris phone for you... I don't know. Just pick it up, O.K.?" " Hi, Chris. It's me. I' 'mat the bus station, didn't you get my message?" " What message? That was it then, someone had forgotten to tell him, it was all right and she could be a little annoyed but she was worried and now it was all right. She hadn't heard from him in the weeks he was gone, before they 'd agreed she would come out to visit. It was a test, of sorts, for her, of her, checking out if it was all right to let go and be themselves somewhere else sometimes. It was. She had read, and written, and worked hard, and gone out with friends, and if, sometimes, getting home she was disappointed there was nothing on the machine, still, they were being, separately, themselves. They would have things to tell each other. She looked forward to telling him things, saved funny stories, new answers to ongoing discussions, lined up all the things she would tell him about, couldn't even begin imagining what he would tell her because she never could, he always surprised her by being exactly what he was without defense, so that even the usual couldn't be predicted because you never knew when suddenly he would be usual. "I called just before I left to tell you when I was getting here." " Oh. Yeah." " So I called to let you know when my bus got here - - I guess you didn't get it?" " No. I got the message."
W2E-003-0.txt	Here Come the Eager Beavers Liberals, thinking government is a scalpel, are hot to operate on the body politic George F. Will James Carville, Bill Clinton's Clausewitz, talks like an Uzi, in bursts. He should do the president-elect a final favor by firing off for him the story of the traffic lights on Florida Street in Baton Rouge, Louisiana A decade ago, Carville helped elect as mayor of that city a man who promised to synchronize the traffic lights on the main drag, Florida Street. By God, said the candidate, using a rhetorical trope then fashionable, if we can put a man on the moon, we can smooth out the herky-jerky stop-and-start nonflow of traffic. So the new mayor straightaway turned to Carville and said: Get it done. Carville called the city's traffic engineer and said: Make it happen. The engineer said: OK. But it will cost bushels of money. The computers will have to be jiggered. And there will be these problems with left-turn lanes. And, besides.. The traffic on Florida Street still does not flow But even if Carville tells this cautionary tale to Clinton and to the swarms of eager beavers now bearing down on Washington it probably will not do a lick of good. Washington had better brace itself for the arrival of a lot of liberals who really believe that government is a sharp scalpel, and who can hardly wait to operate on the body politic. Or, to change the metaphor, they are eager to go marching as to war The Cold War is over, but the governmental hubris that the war engendered lingers on. Liberals, who often have faulted U.S. foreign policy for its alleged bellicosity, are enamored of 'wars' on the home front. Burton Yale Pines, a leading conservative, believes the Cold War gave rise to a misplaced confidence in Washington's capacity to do things not related to the Cold War, but which were called 'wars' anyway. The powers Washington acquired to run containment of Communism seemed to give Washington legitimacy as architect of ambitious domestic undertakings. Washington declared 'wars' on poverty, crime, drugs and AIDS, spoke of a "Marshall Plan" for the cities and a "Manhattan project" for education. The language of war lent spurious plausibility to the idea that the government's skills in foreign policy could be as successfully applied to solving the social problems of an individualistic, pluralistic society Actually, the importation of martial language into domestic governance began before the Cold War. Franklin Roosevelt, in his first Inaugural Address, said he might ask Congress for "broad executive power to wage war against the emergency as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe." Eight months before that, FDR had told the Democratic convention that the nation should resume the "interrupted march along the path of real progress." The 12-year interruption had been the interval of Republican rule between Woodrow Wilson - a war leader - and FDR, domestic 'commander in chief' treating a domestic difficulty as the moral equivalent of war. Wilson, who disliked the Founding Fathers' purposes in designing the separation of powers, was impatient with institutional inhibitions on government's freedom to alter the balance between "the power of the government and the privileges of the individual." Before Clinton surrenders to the siren call of the Wilsonian presidency, read Terry Eastland's 'Energy in the Executive: The Case for a Strong Presidency.' Eastland traces some problems of the modern presidency to Wilsonian grandiosity in the conception of the president's duties. Wilson, writes Eastland, was the first holder of the office to believe "that Presidents are to lead the people ever onwards and upwards - to an unknown destination only history can reveal, but which, as the decades have passed, inevitably seems to have required larger and more costly government whose reach extends more deeply into the states and the private sector." Wilson declared that <quote_> "the size of modern democracy necessitates the exercise of persuasive power by dominant minds in the shaping of popular judgments." Thus began the inflation of the presidential function: The president as the public's tutor, moral auditor and cheerleader " Salvation by society" Clinton, who will be the sixth Democratic president since Woodrow Wilson, leads a party still awash with Wilsonian liberalism's desire to conscript the individual into collective undertakings. Wilson presided over the 'war socialism' of modern mobilization. Walter Lippmann and other 'progressives' thought war could be a healthy antidote to America's excessive 'individualism' and "the evils of localism." The public, properly led by a "dominant mind" at the pinnacle of the executive branch of the central government, could be nationalized and homogenized and made into good raw material for great undertakings. The greatest of these was to be what Peter Drucker calls "salvation by society" - society, controlled by government, would perfect individuals. Hence, Lyndon Johnson. One of his aides, Harry McPherson, described how LBJ envisioned the nation as a patient whose pathologies were to receive presidential ministrations: "People were [seen to be] suffering from a sense of alienation from one another, of anomie, of powerlessness. This affected the well-to-do as much as it did the poor. Middle-class women, bored and friendless in the suburban afternoons; fathers, working at 'meaningless' j 'ms, or slumped before the television set; sons and daughters desperate for 'relevance' 'rell were in need of community, beauty, and purpose, all were guilty because so many others were deprived while they, rich beyond their ancestors' dreams, were depressed. What would change all this was a creative public effort..." It is a wonder we did not wind up with a Department of Meaningful Labor and an Agency for Friendly Suburban Afternoons. LBJ promised a Great Society "where the city of man serves not only the needs of the body and the demands of commerce but the desire for beauty and the hunger for community." Today Americans would settle for cities where the basic needs of the body (such as protection from bullets) and the rudimentary requirements of commerce (order; adequate education and transportation) are provided Clinton's eager beavers should ponder that, perhaps during a herky-jerky drive down Florida Street Europe, Our Former Ally The bitter trade dispute reveals isolationism is growing on both sides of the Atlantic Robert J. Samuelson We call the Europeans our 'allies'. This reference is an increasingly outdated relic of the cold war. The bitter trade dispute now raging between America and Europe merely captures a larger reality: Western Europe is so self-absorbed that it's aggravating the conflicts of the post-cold-war world. An alliance presumes common goals. In practice, Europe gives only lip service to the common goals we supposedly share Ever since World War II, Americans have correctly favored greater European unity. The Common Market spurred economic recovery and helped subdue the hatreds of two world wars. But the latest exercise in unity - embodied in the 1991 Maastricht Treaty - no longer deserves our admiration or support. It aims to create a single European currency by 1999 and to remake the European Community (EC) into something of a superstate. These foolish ambitions are bad for Europe, bad for the United States and bad for the world. They inhibit Europe from playing a constructive role in international affairs Everyone knows the basic problems of the post-cold-war era. The first is to help Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union establish prosperous and democratic societies. The second is to nurture cooperative mechanisms that enable countries to maintain peace, healthy world trade and a cleaner environment. And the third is to foster strong global economic growth. On every count, Europe has been unhelpful It has been unimaginative and stingy in dealing with the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. It has been totally ineffectual in Yugoslavia. Its heavy farm subsidies threaten the global trading order: precisely the type of cooperative framework that's now needed. As for the economy, Europe's slump is self-inflicted and is hurting the rest of the world. The slowdown resulted from poor economic policies - rigid European exchange rates and high interest rates - adopted to cope with German reunification Europe aspires to join the United States as a superpower. The trouble is, Europe provides no practical or moral leadership. Building a more grandiose Europe serves as an all-purpose excuse to shirk global responsibilities. Europe's message to everyone else is: be selfish like us Consider the current trade dispute. In 1962 the EC eliminated its tariff on soybeans. As soybean imports rose, the EC sought to stem the tide by massively subsidizing its own farmers to grow competing oilseeds: sunflower seeds and rapeseed. Europe's oilseed production jumped from 1.5 million metric tons in 1976 to 11.7 million in 1991. Meanwhile, its imports of oilseeds (mainly from the United States) dropped from 7.6 million tons to 6.3 million tons over the same period. In effect, the EC's subsidies revoked the 1962 tariff concession. That violates the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade GATT) In 1989 Washington complained to GATT. The GATT twice ruled in our favor. The Europeans refused to remedy their violation. Only after long negotiations did we retaliate: 200 percent tariffs to be imposed on $300 million worth of European food imports (mainly wine) in December Global leadership requires the capacity to identify larger international interests - consistent, to be sure, with a nation's own interests - and pursue them, even at some immediate domestic political cost. This has been the hallmark of postwar U.S. leadership. We helped Europe and Japan rebuild after World War II, kept a strong military and maintained relatively open trade policies. It is precisely this capacity that Europe lacks Irrelevant goals: On trade, perhaps the worst calamity - a breakdown of GATT - will be avoided. By threatening Europe with real penalties, the tough U.S. retaliation may prompt a settlement of the soybean dispute and the broader GATT talks. Even if this occurs, though, Europe seems fated to remain self-absorbed by the impractical and irrelevant goals of the Maastricht Treaty Take a common European currency, which would replace national ones, like the French franc. In the United States, a single currency works because, among other reasons, people migrate from a region of economic weakness to one of strength. Europe, divided by language and culture, lacks our flexibility. It's hard to create an economic policy that suits all countries. The bad experience after German reunification confirms that Even if a common currency could work, it is irrelevant to Europe's immediate needs. If Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union slide into chaos, it won't matter whether or not Western Europe has a common currency. The economic and social effects of this anarchy - unwanted immigration, perhaps more strife as in Yugoslavia - will be overwhelming. But Western Europe focuses on Maastricht instead of the more critical problems in the East Europe cannot be made into a nation: it is a permanent cluster of nationalities. The unrealistic effort to do so is increasingly unpopular. The Danes rejected Maastricht, the French approved it by 2 percentage points. People fear being submerged by a faceless EC bureaucracy. To overcome hostility, Europe's leaders pander to local interests. They are insensitive to outsiders, including us. Farm policy is one area where we' 'vesuffered; Airbus - Europe's subsidized commercial jet maker - is another What Europe should do, as columnist William Pfaff writes in the International Herald Tribune, is follow its "past model of progress through pragmatic economic integration." Specifically, it should bring Eastern countries into its market as quickly as possible The Persian Gulf crisis showed that Europe needs us. But we also need Europe as a superpower. All nations are looking inward, perhaps (as after World War I) dangerously so. Americans won't make the sacrifices for global leadership unless other rich nations do likewise. Unfortunately, the Europeans won't play. They merely want to advance their own agenda. Their isolationism feeds ours. Down that path lies a world without superpowers This Economy Won't Walk Yup. But it may not be quite as crippled as you 've been led to believe </quote_>
W2C-007-5.txt	Author Jerzy Kosinski An Apparent Suicide Jerzy Kosinski, 57, who in such novels as "Being There," "Steps" and "The Painted Bird" told harsh tales of degradation and despair in a deceptively natural and simple style, was found dead yesterday in his Manhattan apartment. Police said his wife, Katherina von Fraunhofer-Kosinski, found him in the bathtub with a plastic bag pulled over his head, and called the death an apparent suicide. Authorities added that a note had been found near his body, but they declined to reveal its contents. Kosinski's wife, in a statement released through a publicist and reported By the Associated Press, said: "My husband had been in deteriorating health as a result of a serious heart condition. He had become depressed by his growing inability to work, and by his fear of being a burden to me and his friends." His first novel, "The Painted Bird," which appeared in 1965, was a critical and popular success. An autobiographical work, it recounted with mounting horror the terrible solitary journeys of a young child through an Eastern Europe devastated by war. "Steps," his second novel, was published in 1968 and continued the saga of the youth as an adult. It won the National Book Award in 1969. His 1971 novel, "Being There," was a masterful satire of America, television and politics. It told of "Chance," a gardener whose only contact with the outside world was what he saw on televison. Forced into the world, he becomes a popular celebrity and an oracle sought by the rich and famous, who regarded his puzzled utterings as Zen-like wisdom. " Being There" was made into a 1979 movie, for which Mr.Kosinski wrote the screenplay. Peter Sellers played the role of Chance, and Shirley MacLaine also starred. Melvyn Douglas won an Oscar for his supporting role. In 1981, Mr. Kosinski himself acted in a film, playing Bolshevik leader Grigory Zinoviev in Warren Beatty's "Reds." Mr.Kosinski's work, often depressing and almost always disturbing, reflected a life that was as unusual as it was interesting. It was the very stuff of fiction. Born Jerzy Nikodem Kosinski in Lodz, Poland, on June 14, 1933, he spent the first six years of his life as the only child of Jewish intellectual parents. With the 1939 Nazi invasion and occupation of Poland, he became separated from his parents. He roamed the roads and forests of his native land, living in fear not only of the German invader, but also of Polish peasants who seemed as likely to show him hostility as hospitality. After the war, almost miraculously, he was reunited with his parents. But the accumulated horrors to which he had been exposed resulted in his being rendered mute for five years. He recovered to graduate from the University of Lodz, where he went on to receive master's degrees in history and political science. He continued his studies in Warsaw and the Soviet Union before obtaining permission to study in the United States. He arrived in this country in 1957, working at such jobs as truck driver and paint-scraper while working toward a doctorate in political sociology at Columbia University. He eventually received a doctorate in Hebrew letters from Columbia. He postponed his early studies in this country to write. His first book, a nonfiction work, "The Future Is Ours, Comrade: Conversations with the Russians," was published in 1960 under an assumed name. His other books included "The Devil Tree," "Cockpit," "Blind Date," "Passion Play" and "Pinball." His last book, "The Hermit of 69th Street," was published in 1988. His books seemed at times filled with rage and revenge, at others simply a haunting means of recounting strange parables. They featured themes such as the struggle of the individual against an increasingly regimented world and the confusion caused by the blurring of distinctions between reality and fiction. He always wrote in English, saying that he was not able to work in either Polish or Russian. Mr.Kosinski said that he had learned English by attending films and memorizing poetry. When he began to write, he worked late at night and would call "directory assistance," relying on the telephone company to answer questions about grammar and syntax. He told a reporter: "I got incredible advice. I did it hundreds of times - - I still do it." Another unusual facet of his methodology was the employment of "editors" to work with him while he wrote his novels, and he was accused of plagiarism for this practice. Writing for the Village Voice, he disputed the allegations. The New York Times reported that the allegations had actually been instigated by Poland's military government of the time. Mr.Kosinski had served as president of PEN from 1973 to 1975, was a director of the International League for Human Rights from 1973 to 1979, and was active in the American Civil Liberties Union. In recent years, he had returned to Poland, where he spoke of reconciliation between Poland and the West and ethnic Poles and Polish Jews. He also had taught at Princeton, Yale and Wesleyan universities. His first wife, the former Mary Hayward Weir, died in 1968.
W1B-030-0.txt	PART I Item 1. Business The Registrant, incorporated in December 1925, serves business, professional and educational markets around the world with information products and services. Key markets include finance, business, education, law, construction, medical and health, computers and communications, aerospace and defense. As a multimedia publishing and information company, the Registrant employs a broad range of media, including books, magazines, newsletters, software, on-line data services, CD-ROMs, facsimile and television broadcasting. Most of the Registrant's products and services face substantial competition from a variety of sources. The Registrant's 15,004 employees are located worldwide. They perform the vital functions of analyzing the nature of changing demands for information and of channeling the resources necessary to fill those demands. By virtue of the numerous copyrights and licensing, trade, and other agreements, which are essential to such a business, the Registrant is able to collect, compile, and disseminate this information. Substantially all book manufacturing and magazine printing is handled through a number of independent contractors. The Registrant's principal raw material is paper, and the Registrant has assured sources of supply, at competitive prices, adequate for its business needs. Descriptions of the company's principal products, broad services and markets, and significant achievements are hereby incorporated by reference from Exhibit (13), pages 4 through 24 (textual material) of the Registrant's 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders. Information as to Industry Segments The relative contribution of the industry segments of the Registrant and its subsidiaries to operating revenue and operating profit and geographic information for the three years ended December 31, 1995 and the identifiable assets of each segment at the end of each year, are included in Exhibit (13), on page 42 in the Registrant's 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders and is hereby incorporated by reference. Item 2. Properties The Registrant leases office facilities at 393 locations, 294 are in the United States. In addition, the Registrant owns real property at 25 locations; 22 are in the United States. The principal facilities of the Registrant are as follows: The Registrant's major lease covers space in its headquarters building in New York City. The building is owned by Rock-McGraw, Inc., a corporation in which the Registrant and Rockefeller Group, Inc. are the sole shareholders. The Registrant occupies approximately 941,000 square feet of the rentable space under a 30-year lease which includes renewal options for two additional 15-year periods. In addition, the Registrant subleases for its own account approximately 694,000 square feet of space for periods up to 25 years. The largest complex owned by the Registrant is located in Hightstown, NJ which houses the offices for accounting operations, data processing services, other service departments and a warehouse. The Registrant has consolidated its domestic book distribution operations by consolidating the distribution operations in Blue Ridge Summit, PA and Hightstown, NJ to Westerville and Blacklick, OH. The warehouse in Hightstown, NJ is leased to a tenant. The warehouse in Blue Ridge Summit, PA is vacant. While the Registrant and its subsidiaries are defendants in numerous legal proceedings in the United States and abroad, neither the Registrant nor its subsidiaries are a party to, nor are any of their properties subject to, any known material pending legal proceedings which Registrant believes will result in a material adverse effect on Registrant's financial statements or business operations. Item 4. Submission of Matters to a Vote of Security Holders No matters were submitted to a vote of Registrant's security holders during the last quarter of the period covered by this Report. All of the above executive officers of the Registrant have been full-time employees of the Registrant for more than five years except for Robert E. Evanson, Thomas J. Kilkenny and Barbara B. Maddock. Mr. Evanson, prior to his becoming an officer of the Registrant on February 22, 1995, was executive vice president, finance and operations for the Registrant's Educational and Professional Publishing Group since October 1993. Previously, he was executive vice president and chief financial officer of the Macmillan/McGraw- Hill School Publishing Company from July 1992 to October 1993, and held various executive positions at Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. from 1985 to 1992. Mr. Kilkenny, prior to his becoming an officer of the Registrant on December 1, 1993, was director of the Registrant's Corporate Audit Department since October 1, 1991. Previously he was with Ernst & Young LLP from 1980 through 1991. Ms. Maddock, prior to her becoming an officer of the Registrant on August 1, 1994, was Senior Vice President, Human Resources for Cigna Healthcare from July 1993 through July 1994. Previously, she was with Philip Morris Companies, Inc. where she held a number of Human Resources positions from 1980 through 1993. Mr. Landes retired as an officer of the Registrant on December 31, 1995. PART II Item 5. Market for the Registrant's Common Stock and Related Stockholder Matters The approximate number of holders of the Company's common stock as of February 29, 1996 was 5,717. Note: The dividends per share of common stock reflect a 2-for-1 stock split approved by the Board of Directors on January 31, 1996. All prior periods have been restated to reflect the split. Information concerning other matters is incorporated herein by reference from Exhibit (13), from page 48 of the 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders. Item 6. Selected Financial Data Incorporated herein by reference from Exhibit (13), from the 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders, page 32 and page 33. Item 7. Management's Discussion and Analysis of Financial Condition and Results of Operations Incorporated herein by reference from Exhibit (13), from the 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders, pages 26 to 31 and page 34. Item 8. Consolidated Financial Statements and Supplementary Data Incorporated herein by reference from Exhibit (13), from the 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders, pages 35 to 46 and page 48. Item 9. Changes in and Disagreements with Accountants on Accounting and Financial Disclosure None PART III Item 10. Directors and Executive Officers of the Registrant Information concerning directors is incorporated herein by reference from the Registrant's definitive proxy statement dated March 21, 1996 for the annual meeting of shareholders to be held on April 24, 1996. Item 11. Executive Compensation Incorporated herein by reference from the Registrant's definitive proxystatement dated March 21, 1996 for the annual meeting of shareholders to be heldon April 24, 1996. Item 12. Security Ownership of Certain Beneficial Owners and Management Incorporated herein by reference from the Registrant's definitive proxy statement dated March 21, 1996 for the annual meeting of shareholders to be held April 24, 1996. Item 13. Certain Relationships and Related Transactions Incorporated herein by reference from the Registrant's definitive proxystatement dated March 21, 1996 for the annual meeting of shareholders to be heldApril 24, 1996. PART IV Item 14. Exhibits, Financial Statement Schedules, and Reports on Form 8-K. (a) 1. Financial Statements. 2. Financial Statement Schedules. The McGraw-Hill CompaniesIndex to Financial StatementsAnd Financial Statement Schedules [Table omitted] All other schedules have been omitted since the required information is not present or not present in amounts sufficient to require submission of the schedule, or because the information required is included in the consolidated financial statements or the notes thereto. The financial statements listed in the above index which are included in the Annual Report to Shareholders for the year ended December 31, 1995 are hereby incorporated by reference in Exhibit (13). With the exception of the pages listed in the above index, the 1995 Annual Report to Shareholders is not to be deemed filed as part of Item 14 (a)(1). (a) 3) Exhibits. (3) Articles of Incorporation of Registrant. (3) By-laws of Registrant. (4) Indenture dated as of June 15, 1990 between the Registrant, as issuer, and the Bank of New York, as trustee, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed August 3, 1990 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-Q for the quarter ended June 30, 1990. (4) Instrument defining the rights of security holders, certificate setting forth the terms of the Registrant's 9.43%; Notes due 2000, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed August 3, 1990 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-Q for the quarter ended June 30, 1990. (4) Instrument defining the rights of security holders, certificate setting forth the terms of the Registrant's Medium-Term Notes, Series A, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed November 15, 1990 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-Q for the quarter ended September 30, 1990. (10) Rights Agreement dated as of October 25, 1989 between Registrant and Manufacturers Hanover Trust Company, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE dated October 26, 1989 in connection with Registrant's Form 8-A. (10)* Restricted Stock Award Agreement dated December 4, 1987 incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 30, 1988 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1987. (10) Indemnification Agreements between Registrant and each of its directors and certain of its executive officers relating to said directors' and executive officers' services to the Registrant, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 27, 1987 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1986. (10)* Registrant's 1983 Stock Option Plan for Officers and Key Employees, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 29, 1990 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1989. (10)* Registrant's 1987 Key Employee Stock Incentive Plan, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1993. (10)* Registrant's 1993 Key Employee Stock Incentive Plan, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1993. (10)* Registrant's 1995 Key Executive Short Term Incentive Compensation Plan, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, l994. (10)* Registrant's Key Executive Short-Term Incentive Deferred Compensation Plan. (10)* Registrant's Executive Deferred Compensation Plan, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 28, 1991 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1990. (10)* Registrant's Senior Executive Severance Plan, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 29, 1989 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1988. (10) Credit Agreement dated as of November 12, 1991 among the Registrant, the Banks' signatory thereto, and Bankers Trust Company, as Agent incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed November 18, 1991 in connection with Registrant's Form 8-K dated November 19, 1991. (10) First Amendment to Credit Agreement dated as of November 8, 1993 among the Registrant, the Banks' signatory thereto, and Bankers Trust Company, as agent, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 8-K dated November 15, 1993. (10) Second Amendment to Credit Agreement dated as of November 7, 1994 among the Registrant, the Banks' signatory thereto and Bankers Trust Company, as agent, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 8-K dated November 15, 1994. (10) Partnership Interest Purchase Agreement, dated as of October 4, 1993, with respect to the partnership interest of Macmillan School Publishing, Inc. in Macmillan/McGraw-Hill School Publishing Company incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 8-K dated October 18, 1993. (10) Trademark Purchase and Sale Agreement (Macmillan), dated as of October 4, 1993, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 8-K dated October 18, 1993. (10) Trademark Purchase and Sale Agreement (Merrill), dated as of October 4, 1993, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form 8-K dated October 18, 1993. (10) Registrant's Employee Retirement Account Plan Supplement, incorporated by reference from Registrant's Form SE filed March 28, 1991 in connection with Registrant's Form 10-K for the year ended December 31, 1990. Such Report, except for those portions thereof which are expressly incorporated by reference in this Form 10-K, is furnished for the information of the Commission and is not deemed "filed" as part of this Form 10-K. No reports on Form 8-K were filed by the Registrant during the last quarter of 1995. These exhibits relate to management contracts or compensatory plan arrangements. Pursuant to the requirements of Section 13 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, Registrant has duly caused this annual report to be signed on its behalf by the undersigned, thereunto duly authorized. *Pursuant to the requirements of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934, this report has been signed on March 26, 1996 on behalf of Registrant by the following persons who signed in the capacities as set forth below under their respective names. Registrant's board of directors is comprised of fifteen members and the signatures set forth below of individual board members, constitute at least a majority of such board.
W2C-014-0.txt	SAN DIEGO - Increased competition for federal funds and a shift in The priorities of corporate laboratories toward core businesses dictate that scientists discard the notion of wholly separate academic and industrial research activities in favor of more collaboration, according to Jean M.J. Frechet, Cornell professor of chemistry. Academic and industrial collaborations can benefit both sides equally if management adopts an enlightened approach, said Frechet, who received the American Chemical Society Cooperative Research Award March 14 at the society's national meeting. " Could a corporation remain healthy over a long period of time without any long-term research?" he asked in a presentation. "Would the ivory tower crumble if a blend of fundamental and mission-oriented research were carried out within its walls?" A beneficiary of fruitful collaborations with IBM, Eastman Kodak Coand Exxon Chemical Co., Frechet said the best collaborations are those that "begin with a handshake between scientists and a true desire to collaborate" rather than a legal framework. Nonetheless, he advocated that academic scientists establish a clear understanding of the relationship that preserves the ability to publish freely, guards intellectual property rights and sets both sides on equal footing. Since 1979, Frechet has collaborated with C. Grant Willson, formerly of the IBM Almaden Research Center and now at the University of Texas, in the development of novel photoresists for microelectronic devices. The two researchers and Hiroshi Ito of IBM Almaden Research Center shared the ACS award for "breakthrough collaborative work" that today is widely used in the production of dynamic random access memory products, according to the ACS. The production of computer chips - which are the heart of every personal computer - has relied on an acid-catalyzed process known as chemical amplification. The researchers developed a similar base-catalyzed process that is far less susceptible to environmental contamination. They have used the technique to produce chips with electrical- Conducting lines spaced 0.5 microns (millionths of a meter) apart, equal to the highest-resolution commercial chips produced by other methods. Frechet collaborated with David Williams at Kodak to produce novel polymers with nonlinear optical properties. These substances are useful for doubling the frequency of lasers, which changes the color of the beam, or in amplifying power output. " We needed physicists, and they had just the right ones," Frechet said. Many of Frechet's students have spent weeks or months at Kodak and IBM on this and other projects, broadly directed toward "smart polymers" with useful industrial properties. In each case he has ensured that his students retained the right to publish all material from the collaborations. Without such a guarantee, his students would not have the ability to publish their accomplishments in the scientific literature, which is crucial for their career development, he said. " Our students have to be able to speak freely," he added. "We receive funding from our corporate collaborators, but it's unrestricted. We do what we want to do within a broad area of interest to both parties. " I get collaborators who are top notch," he said. "In turn, my industrial partners find that it's exciting to talk to bright students with new ideas, and they get insight into problems they might not have time to pursue." Collaborations have produced patents held by the university, by the industrial partner or by both parties. The outcome depends solely on who had the major role in discovery, he explained. So-called pure and applied research are not useful terms, he suggested. "We all pursue research to discover new things," he said. "Sometimes the discoveries have fundamental value, sometimes practical value, sometimes both. We design industrially useful molecules based on the development of new fundamental principles. Our work blends the notions of pure and applied."
W1B-011-0.txt	Dear Mona & Johnnie, I have had good intentions of writing this summary of Jack and Lydia's wedding to go with the pictures I took and get it to you for your anniversary. However, I am only a day late writing this and I have only had the pictures for a week. I will try to give you a brief resume of the wedding from my eyes as I am sure you have already heard it from your kids. First group of pictures were taken at the "rehearsal dinner" which was great. On the left side of the picture are the bride and groom, Mrs. Ford, her son Scott (who is a self-employed graphic artist in New York City, has a 10 month old son who looks like a 3 year old and a very nice wife who is an editor), me, a friend of the family whose name escapes me, and Mr. Ford. On the right side are Jesse, Joe, Maggie, the best man, Abby Ford (wife of son #3), the daughter of the friend of the family whose name escapes (she is a nurse who works at an Indian Reservation in Arizona and is now attending Midwifery School in San Francisco so she can deliver Indian babies). Mario took the group pictures and when he stood up to take them he had forgotten to take one of the price tags off his new Jacket and it was hanging down from the armpit - - needless to say he got some kidding from the family about his oversight. The next group of pictures were taken in the lobby of the motel prior to leaving for the wedding. We all went to a great diner for breakfast that morning (Mario is sort of the organizer and would tell us all what time to be where ever we were supposed to be) and I put it on the MasterCard so everyone thanked Uncle Bob. Now a little human interest on the best man. He was very nice and he and I had coffee together that a.m. - - he teaches high school and his father is one of 17 or 18 children and his mother one of 8 or 9 - - but the interesting thing is he has 96 FIRST COUSINS and when there is a wedding ALL must be invited - - you have a hall full of close relatives before you can ask any friends. He lives in Quincy and met Jack while he was walking the dog. The picture of Jack in the shirt and tie was taken in Ford's living room just before the wedding and they were trying to organize groups to have professional pictures taken, thus the grim look on his face. The picture of Lydia and her mother I took (I can never get a job as a professional photographer and you can see why) in the living room. The dress Lydia wore was her mother's wedding dress - - candlelight and the embroidery around the neck was sparkly. The sign was on the side of the house by the walkway to the back yard. The guitarist played soft Indian music prior to the ceremony - - the man whose back is in the picture is Robert Ford, Jr., a cousin of Lydia's who is a Shakespearean actor with the Globe Theatre group in NYC - gave a reading and was terrific. Prior to the ceremony Mario went and talked to a neighbor in back who was sawing and hammering and asked him if he would stop about 12:30 because there was going to be a wedding. He was very nice and did stop and never started again that day. (Probably he was looking for an excuse to quit so he could go play golf as it was a gorgeous sunny warm day). The minister was a delightful young lady. She had gotten married the previous year - her husband was the Minister at at Methodist Church and she had gotten a job as youth director at a United Church of Christ (Congregational). She was most enthusiastic and happy during the entire ceremony-- enjoyed her job. The picture of the group in chairs watching the ceremony is the 10 month old son of Scott (he does look older than that, doesn't he), sitting on his father, Scott's, lap, his mother (forgot her name, too), youngest Ford son and his wife Abby, mother and father of bride and I don't know the rest of them. There is a picture of Jack, Lydia and the nurse on the Indian reservation so you can see her better - - believe they are very close friends of the family as she told me they were not relatives. The bald headed man sitting next to Maggie eating the lunch is the Shakespearean actor. The fellow with the hat at the table with us is Scott the graphic artist and those men who had bald heads grabbed hats as the sun was super strong that day. The wedding cake was a work of art - - highly untraditional and DELICIOUS. (I told Bob it reminded me of the volcano Bobby made in 6th grade for the Science Fair). Mario took my camera and took most of the pictures. Another amusing incident when I got the camera back I asked Joe (who still had his suit Jacket on) if he would put it in his pocket. He had told me at the motel the Jacket was old and he was about to retire it (I told him it still looked nice) and then he said that the Jacket was so cheap it didn't have any pockets. We all had a good laugh because he had never pulled the stitching out of the pockets and really didn't believe me until a few other people told him the same thing. That about covers the people pictures, but the last group are ones I bet no one else took to show you. I took pictures of the living room as a lead in to the pictures of the basement. The painting was done by the father impressionist or whatever. Than the rest are pie India, all on display in the living room. The one statues in the corner (3) are Indian, the mask on a table is African and Lydia's father modeled it for us - used to spit smoke and fire out of the mouth and worn by a medicine man. You leave the living room and go down the basement stairs and there are 9000, yes that is right 9000 golf clubs in his basement. If he does not have a club it does not exist. Mario succombed and bought a bag - you can see it in one of the pictures-- multi-colored and a set of irons from him. These clubs he buys and sells, but off the living room had had another room-a study full of "collector's club" - - valued at thousands of dollars. I asked Lydia's mother how she did her laundry as the washing machine was off the golf club room in the basement. She told me she tells him the day before she is going to wash and he has to clear a path for her. All in all we had a wonderful time and I really enjoyed being with your family and the Ford's are delightful. I finally got my car back - - Bobby flew down to get it and drove it home. What a fiasco and it would take another page or two to tell you all about that. We are leaving Wednesday for North Carolina so Bob can play golf with Sal Morton at his Member-Guest. Marisa is flying up from Florida so we will spend a few days with her and then be back here by July 2. Golly- - what happened to June. You are both in our thoughts and prayers and we hope things are going better for you, Mona. Bobby and Donna have found a house in Monett to buy and it also has an office building on the grounds - - perfect for them price-wise, too. Now they are trying to get a loan and Bobby has a few black marks - - one of which is taking bankruptcy 5 years ago. I hope they can swing it - they are so excited. He also told me as soon as they had a home, they would start a family. They have been looking for THE house for over a year and their biological clocks are running out so they had better move in and get started. Love and hugs to you both from Taylorville - hope to see you in August. Bob and Jill Dear Family and Friends,</h As the time to mail Christmas cards gets closer, we thought we would try something different this year to let you know what has been going on with the Millers. Several ideas came to mind right away, but the "Home Page" on the World Wide Web and the 1-800 number ("...press one to hear John sing 'Home for the Holidays'...") did not gain a lot of family enthusiasm. So we decided to take the traditional approach and draft this informative letter. We are extremely blessed with a happy and healthy family for which we have a lot to be thankful. Our children have provided us with much joy and pride as we watched them grow this past year. Nicholas, now 6, started kindergarten this fall. He really enjoys his school, teacher and classmates. His favorite subject is "dinosaurs" and likes to checkout books on the subject every chance he gets. Bedtime is quite a chore for his mom and dad because some of the names of the dinosaur species from his library books are not pronounceable without an encyclopedia. Meghan, who will be 4 in March, has also started school this fall. She is enrolled in "Tiny Treasures" which is a community ed. pre-school program in Shoreview. She also enjoys the fun at school. She is very interested in art projects which continue to consume the interior walled surfaces of our home. Stephanie, now 1 year (time does fly), is a very busy individual. She is never short of a smile and is very vocal. She enjoys goofing off with her brother and sister. They make a great threesome. This year has been one of excitement and change for Martha and I. After a 7 month leave of absence from the Shady Lake Park School district, Martha decided to resign from her elementary teaching position. A very tough decision to make but one that has been well worth it. She is very busy supervising the development of the three aforementioned youth. She is also determined to complete and defend her Masters of Education thesis in the coming year. I have also changed job descriptions. I resigned from [- - - ] in November to work for an engineering group that is owned by [- - - ]. We a redesigning chips (Silicon not Potato) that will someday run the Personal Computer on your desk. It is exciting work that I am enjoying very much. We wish you and your family joy and hope this Christmas. Love, Dear Friends and Family, This year was one of great sadness for us. It saw the passing of John's mom, Rose, in September. Her struggle with cancer, however, will forever be overshadowed by the memories of her life and the impact she made on all that knew her. Just like the stock market, our children continue to post noticeable gains and impressive growth this year: Nicholas, now 7, has entered the first grade which he enjoys very much. He is learning to read which is very exciting for him and for us. His most notable quote this year was "I know Grandma is going to vote for Dole, but my Dad and I are voting for Lincoln." Meghan, age 4, has really excelled this year. She is involved in many activities that keep her busy. She is in her second year of preschool, and is also enrolled in various other activities such as swimming, and gymnastics. Her most notable quote this year was, "Here's the deal, you read me the story and I get to stay up a half hour later." Stephanie, now 2, is also very busy. She enjoys just about everything as long as it includes either "Barney" in the title or is a shade of purple. Her vocabulary has increased dramatically and her favorite quote this year was "I want to watch Barney! "Martha has had an exciting year. In the spring of this year, she successfully defended her Masters of Education Thesis and obtained her degree from Hamline University. We are all proud of her accomplishments. She is active not only with her family duties, but finds time to volunteer at Nicholas's elementary school and participates in the Community Violence Prevention Council. Her most notable quote of the year was "You watch the kids, I 'm on break." John has enjoyed the wonderful times spent with his family. He continues to work at [- - - ] and enjoys it as well. His quote of the year was "I don't want to see your pretty faces unless the clock says at least 7:00 am." We count our blessings this Christmas season and look to the coming year with optimism and strength. We hope you enjoy this holiday season and we wish you the best in the new year. HAPPY HOLIDAYS! Love,
W2B-018-0.txt	THE LITTLE BOY NOBODY WANTED Was Tommy really such a bad boy that his mother had to reject him? I decided to find out--and what I learned will break your heart. March 8, 1990. Low-hanging dark clouds roar across Lake Michigan bringing bleakness and rain to Chicago. Inside a sterile steel and glass building on the near West Side, an equally bleak scene is playing out. Tommy, a small, skinny kid with tousled brown hair and green eyes, stands beneath an imposing bench, staring up at an equally imposing judge in black robes. Surrounding Tommy are an assistant state's attorney, an assistant public guardian appointed to act as the boy's lawyer, his parents, and their lawyer. Tommy bites his lip as he tries to fight back tears. Within minutes, the parents who had adopted him six years previously will no longer be his parents. " Mr. and Mrs. Johnson," the judge begins, "I have been advised that at this time you wish to sign a document that is entitled ` final and irrevocable consent to an adoption.' Is that correct?" " Yes," the Johnsons respond. " Do you each understand that by signing this document you are giving up any and all parental rights to Thomas?" the judge asks slowly. In reply, the Johnsons grab a pen and quickly sign the document. Tommy's lawyer asks the judge if the boy can talk to him. Eleven-year-old Tommy has an eight-year-old brother, Rick, still at home with the Johnsons, she says. Tommy loves his brother and wants to maintain a relationship with him. But the judge refuses to talk to the boy. The lawyer pleads that the judge order the Johnsons to permit visitation between their ex-son and their present son. But the judge refuses, saying that any such order would be "unenforceable." Case dismissed... The lawyer who represented Tommy that day works for me. I'm the Public Gu 'mdian of Cook County, which comprises Chicago and its suburbs. Some 115 people, including 55 lawyers, work for my office: Our job is to try to protect those who are least able to protect themselves--generally the elderly and the children. As the legal protectors of neglected and abused children in the Juvenile Court of Cook County, we see a lot of horror stories. But few have affected me as much as Tommy's. When my lawyer told me about him, my first reaction was to cry. My second was to slug the judge for not ordering visits between Tommy and his brother. My third was to do--well, something to the Johnsons. What I did was to immediately take over Tommy's case. At first, I figured that something had to be very wrong with him for his parents to have given him up this way. So I checked into his background--the psychological reports, social-work reports, and school reports that cataloged the eleven years of his life... Tommy and Rick were adopted by Pamela and Joseph Johnson when Tommy was five and Rick, three. Before that, the boys' background had been chaotic. Sarah, their biological mother, came from an abusive family. Though neither she nor the boys' father physically or sexually abused Tommy and Rick, the father seems to have disappeared early or been home only sporadically. Sarah and the boys lived on welfare in one room in a poor neighborhood on Chicago's Northwest Side. At times, her father, Tommy and Rick's grandfather, lived with them--when he was not in jail. Tommy and Rick grew up on candy, soda pop, and potato chips, while their mother lived on cigarettes and drugs. Finally, Sarah simply decided she couldn't deal with the boys any more and gave them up. In August 1984, the Johnsons adopted them. Then in their mid-thirties, the Johnsons were a successful middle-class couple. They each owned their won business, as well as cars, a house, a camper and campsite. But, according to a psychologist who saw the boys and the Johnsons regularly, "problems in Tommy's placement were evident from the beginning." The psychologist observed that, "the Johnsons-- particularly Mrs. Johnson--demonstrated ongoing difficulty in hearing and acknowledging viewpoints which differ from their own." He characterized the Johnsons' parenting style as "quite rule-oriented and rigid with little encouragement for independent thinking, discussion, and day-to-day problem solving." He suggested that the Johnsons should become more responsive and flexible in responding to Tommy's needs; he consistently called their attention to their preferential treatment of Rick--a more passive and affectionate child--but they could not, or would not, modify their parenting approach. When Tommy did not behave as the Johnsons demanded, when he didn't fulfill their expectations, they called him untrustworthy, and increasingly withdrew their emotional support. Then, although Tommy had done generally well in school, he was, at Mrs. Johnson's "repeated insistence," placed in a school for behaviorally disordered children. Through it all, Tommy and Rick grew closer than ever: The year after their adoption, the therapist noted that Rick idolized his older brother. Imperfect as home life with the Johnsons was, there was some element of stability in it for Tommy. For more than five years he was part of their family, one of their sons. Then, as he told me, "One night when I was eating dinner, my mom and dad were talking about me, and they said they were going to put me up for adoption. I thought they were kidding. But they weren't! I was crying, and then they asked my brother is he going to miss me? And he said, yeah, he's going to miss all the fun he had with me.." Ironically, it was the day before Thanksgiving 1989 when the Johnsons dropped off their son at Hephzibah, an orphanage in Oak Park, Ill., and left him there with not even a backward glance. How did Tommy feel? I guess the answer is obvious. He cried himself to sleep for many long dark nights. On Christmas Eve he and a friend made a tape. In it, Tommy expressed his feelings, but perhaps his friend said it better: "When I heard that he[Tommy] was going to be [put in the orphanage], I started to cry. I said, well buddy, I'm sorry 'm.. but I guess this is what life is about. A couple of nights I was so sad and so mad that I cried and cried and cried when I went to bed." Tommy made the tape for the Johnsons--but they refused to even listen to it. And two and a half months later, in March 1990, they returned Tommy, like a piece of defective merchandise, back to the court, severing all connection with him. Within days of the Johnsons' giving Tommy up, my department sued them. We asked the court to order them to permit Tommy to visit and phone his brother. The Johnsons argued that the court had no jurisdiction to impose a family situation on them when Tommy was no longer family. We countered that brother and sisters had an absolute constitutional right to each other's company, which even a parent had no right to sever. Motions, memoranda, and squabbles went on before three separate judges. The Johnsons filed legal papers arguing that it was unsafe for Rick to be around Tommy. Tommy, they said, had tried to drown Rick while swimming. Tommy had hit Rick on the head with a baseball bat. Tommy was psychotic; he was in a class for behaviorally disordered boys. I investigated. Yes, I learned that Tommy had hit Rick with a baseball bat. A plastic bat. My disgust with the Johnsons knew no bounds. I happen to know about plastic bats. My own kids, ages eight and five, use them as swords all the time. The "drowning" incident? Tommy had dunked Rick, I found out. I wish I had a nickel for every time, growing up, one of my five brothers tried to dunk me, or I one of them. Simple boys' horseplay is all it is. Was Tommy psychotic? Every psychiatrist and psychologist who saw him affirmed that he was a healthy child, not emotionally disturbed. His presence in a special education class? "He didn't belong here," the special- education school social worker told me flatly. It was only pressure from Mrs. Johnson that put Tommy in the class. In fact, soon after he was placed at the orphanage, Tommy was back at a regular school--"a delightful and regular boy," according to the director of Hephzibah. As his lawyer, I got to know Tommy well. I took him to a Wendy's. We went for walks. We talked about life with his family. "I want to go back to live with them," he said. " Why?" " Because my brother's there. If I had been a better boy, if I had listened to my parents, I wouldn't be in this fix." I tried to reassure him that all little boys sometimes don't listen to their mothers and fathers. He would have none of it. All little boys, he pointed out, weren't turned in to orphanages. All little boys hadn't been abandoned by two sets of parents by the time they were eleven years old. My heart broke for him. I told him he was wrong--he was, and is, a good kid. I told him I would try to help him visit with his brother. A couple of weeks later I took him swimming with my two boys. On another occasion he stayed with us for the weekend. My kids love him. He's a joy to be around. As outraged as I am about what happened to Tommy, I know that his situation is not unique. The sad fact is that more and more adoptive families are turning their kids back in. According to the Child Welfare League of America, some 13 percent of all adopted children were returned to state officials in 1989. Among children who are older, or who have physical or emotional problems, the percentage runs closer to 25 percent. Just in the last couple of months, in my bailiwick, two middle-class families turned in their kids at juvenile court. In one case, the parents, a physician and his wife, fought over the car, the house, and the record collection when they divorced. But when it came to their adopted child, they simply dropped him off at the juvenile court and walked away. In the second case, the kid was close to his adoptive father--who died. At that point, his mother dumped him and fled our jurisdiction. But let's not just point the finger at adoptive parents. I also know firsthand that natural parents are not exempt. I can't tell you the number of middle-class couples I 've seen in my professional capacity who keep their kids, but emotionally walk away from them. Careers take precedence. Both parents work late. After-work business drinks or dinners are more important than family. And the kids? Well, they 've got to learn to be independent someday, don't they? I don't mean to imply that every parent or even most, are bad. There are wonderful parents out there. And some of them adopt kids--and love them and commit to them and stand by them for life. My only wish is that two such people had found Tommy... There was some good news for him: We won our case. The judge reversed himself and ordered the Johnsons to provide Tommy and Rick with weekly visits and nightly phone calls under the supervision of Hephzibah. So Tommy and Rick do see each other, and both are better off because of it. The court also ordered the responsible state agency to find a new adoptive home for Tommy. One day after the battle for visitation with Rick was all over, I took Tommy for a power lunch at McDonalds. Afterward we went for a walk. He wanted to climb a tree and I boosted him up. Later, I asked him the question that had by this time become a routine for us: "Now, what do lawyers do for their clients?" Tommy always pretended that he didn't know what lawyers do. On this occasion, though, he looked at me, his eyes dancing with mischief, and replied, "Ah, of course I know. They buy them cheeseburgers, fries, and a chocolate shake, and climb trees with clients." In his humor, Tommy probably told me more about what I like about being a lawyer than I had inferred in the quarter-century I 've been practicing. He also, I thought, told me something about himself. There is more, of course, I could not expect a child who was cruelly abandoned not once but twice to escape unharmed. So later I was sad, but not surprised, to learn that Tommy began having emotional problems. He is receiving help from them, though, and I hope--and Believe--he will make it. Tommy is only eleven; he deserves a better chance at life.
W2A-002-0.txt	More radical than the comedy of satire and the comedy of nihilism, the comedy of celebration references powerlessness as good - and the good in powerlessness. Jerome A. Miller Laughter and the Absurd Economy of Celebration The phrase "philosophy of comedy" has an ominous ring to it. It evokes an image of philosophy stooping to conquer yet another dimension of human experience - bringing its sober light to bear on an especially dark corner of the cave in which we dwell. Philosophy, as usual, assumes the position of the master term, and reduces comedy to the status of an objective genitive. Philosophy has traditionally claimed this privileged position on the ground that it alone can provide the ultimate rational explanation of the experiences it scrutinizes. The genitivity of the genitive in phrases such as "philosophy of religion" and "philosophy of art" is meant to be taken seriously: it implies that religion and art must turn to philosophy to find their identity; it is the source of their seriousness and the progenitor of their legitimacy. Moreover, philosophy holds a monopoly on ultimate questions so that its sovereignty over ultimacy seems to be beyond question. The "philosophy of comedy" suggests that, like everything else, comedy is subject to philosophy's authoritative judgment. This would, indeed, be the case - were it not for the fact that comedy laughs until it cries at all the attempts made by philosophy to master it.' As if there were any chance at all that philosophy might possibly have the last laugh. As if the most laughable thing in the whole universe was not philosophy itself, with its pretension to be ultimately serious, beyond question, exempt from fallibility. What engenders laughter is philosophy's very attempt to subsume laughter, to silence it with philosophical seriousness, to deny the comedy of its own performances. What is funniest of all is the humorless of philosophy itself, its refusal to laugh at its own ridiculousness. From comedy's point of view, philosophy is never more hilarious than when it is speaking seriously. To let comedy be, and not try to subsume it, in fact to allow it its own voice, to let it play its practical jokes and make us the butt of its merciless satire - this would be an alternative to the philosophy of comedy in the conventional sense. But what if comedy, allowed free rein, turns out to have its own kind of ultimacy, a syllabus of unavoidable banana peels, a tack to put under every one of our assumptions? This too would be a philosophy of comedy but under the regimen of an entirely different genitive. I do not mean that comedy would itself assume a regal bearing and presume to occupy the privileged position claimed by philosophy - for that would be only to change roles and leave the old regimen intact. I mean, rather, that comedy may be able to generate a philosophy that eschews all privilege and is permeated by the sense of the ridiculous; a philosophy, yes, because it would be ultimate and impossible to transcend - not, however, by virtue of the heights to which it would be brought by a comic deconstruction. It is a philosophy of comedy in this sense I would like to explore here. 1 Let us begin with satiric irreverence, with the body announcing its noises on those occasions when it is supposed to completely efface itself: the body full of sound and fury, and apparently signifying nothing.2 Ordinarily, we try to make our sounds conform to the etiquette of sense so that they inconspicuously and deferentially serve our meanings. Even in music sound does not come into its own but surrenders to rhythm, harmony, melody - unless someone is listening to P. D. Q. Bach who, by striking the exact wrong note, lets sound stand out, naked and preposterous, with all its absurdity revealed.3 Just the body is not visible when we see the other's face, even when there is no make-up to dissemble its natural surface; the face itself disguises the body - until something like Cyrano's nose or the gap between Letterman's teeth reveals it. We cover up the parts of the body which are so bodily that it is hard to reduce them to sense at all, or make them serve any signifying purpose. But the body never quite holds together, even when subjected to the most exacting surveillance of diet and exercise; no aerobic prevents its fated excretions or unbidden erections. Still, the higher, the more important our signifying purposes, the graver, the more compelling is the exigence to overcome the gravity of the body: before any sacred event begins, it is surrounded with a taboo against sound of any sort - a sacral silence which spectators and participants alike feel compelled to respect. But, as children are especially quick to sense, this silence, even if not broken inappropriately, is itself on the verge of being funny: in part because of the incongruity between this sudden seriousness and our ordinary manner, but primarily because, in assuming this etiquette, we aspire to a seriousness that is beyond us. The manners incumbent on us as we enter sacred space for wedding and funerals - the special garb, the dignity of ritual movement, the solemn grace of ceremony - all serve to eliminate any hint of the slippery and awkward body, of its excesses or frailties, its feckless demands and inescapable incompetencies. But we cannot keep a straight face when we chance to see the preposterous body at the very moment when we are trying to take ourselves more seriously. The minister who stutters through the marriage ceremony in Four Weddings and a Funeral is so discombobulated by the seriousness of the occasion that he makes a travesty of it. What is funny in all such situations is the incongruity4 between our earnest solemnity and the very body by virtue of which it must be enacted. The body is not an instrument we can replace or a symbol we can contest; it is inescapably us. The ridiculousness of the very body which performs our most solemn rituals profanes them. There is no liturgy that is not liable to decompose into comedy. Unable to detach from the body, we can never feel that the seriousness with which we take ourselves is wholly safe and secure. The satirist, ombudsman of the ridiculous, pulls the ground up from under the feet of those authorized to insure that the sacred is reverenced and not blasphemed: the comedian reveals, to these authorities and to us, that they too not only have bodies but they are subject to their incompetencies, can fall and are as fall-ible as those subject to the institutions over which they preside. Lear's fool would love to turn Shakespeare's play into a comedy by exposing his king's repressed absurdities. No one who purports to exercise power on behalf of sacred order is exempt from such absurdities, not even those most held up for veneration in the sanctuary, the capitol, the academy. These places could be kept wholly sacrosanct only if everything ridiculous - and this means every human - were excluded from them; those who preside over them must try harder than anyone else to disassociate themselves from the ridiculous precisely because the most obvious of incongruities might be that someone incompetent fully to control his own bowels should be our paragon - our founding paradigm of wisdom, through whom the ultimately sacred becomes accessible to us. Similarly, it is ridiculous, as Kierkegaard reminds us, for a man to plight his eternal troth to the beloved, whom he is unworthy to touch, by presenting to her his body when it is in the most preposterous of all its conditions.5 We laugh at these incongruities because we appreciate them as such and get their painfully funny point. In "high" comedies like Pygmalion and The Misanthrope, the incongruity may not be caused by any overt bodily affront but turn on some vulnerability that threatens to bring "low" the (usually male) protagonist; and even the lowest comedies, such as Animal House, depend on our appreciating what it is that the crudities of the body profane. It is not the body which gets the point, even when the point is most literally the preposterous idea that mind can be master of the body.6 Indeed, because normal intelligence is so easily taken in by conventional assumptions that it is incapable of suspecting the incompetencies and frailties they disguise, it takes not just the eccentricity of genius but the peculiar genius of eccentricity to hit the funny bone at exactly the right angle, to spring the punch line at just the right moment, with exactly the right inflection. This is a kind of prudence that ethics traditionally overlooks because what, from the comic point of view, is the "right" act at the "right" time in the "right" way is always, from the viewpoint of conventional morality, an impropriety, the one thing not to be done. Hence the unnerving perversity of the comic, the freakish character of its Gumpish genius, the dangerous, anarchic - Groucho Marxist- import of its wisdom. But wisdom, nevertheless: because the comic cuts so close to the bone, makes us realize the very things we were determined to deny or overlook, exposes us at the very points where we are most vulnerable. Having located them, it does not hesitate to inflict a wound, even a mortal one. Or especially a mortal one, as in She Stoops to Conquer, where Miss Hardcastle sets out to expose the very flaw, fault, incompetence, fallibility that Marlowe has spent his life trying to overcome or repress. What gives comic wisdom its ultimacy, makes it wisdom and not mere wit or cleverness, is that it shows no mercy. It does not stop at reminding the mind of the body: it reminds us that our being as a whole is liable to nothingness and has no escape from it. The black comedy of Beckett exposes the ultimate and most preposterous incongruity - that we, who would be being, who presume to be being itself, are not just the mercy of nothingness, but are ourselves no more than little bits of nothing.7 This means that satiric irreverence thrives on the very presumptions and pretensions it undermines. The ridiculous is parasitic upon our higher sense, and absurdity depends on the meanings we take seriously. The humor is not the banana peel but in the sight of the Hegelian slipping on it. Comedy's incongruities are deconstructive, and deconstruction itself is comic genius: not another theory in the conventional sense but comedy carried into the inner sanctuary of philosophy to satirize philosophy that takes itself seriously. Is such comedy itself to be taken seriously? Is any comedy to be taken seriously or is doing so a (comic) misreading of its meaning? Does the brilliance of the deconstruction imply that the comedian deserves exemption from deconstruction? Or is comedy a deconstruction from which nothing, not even the comedian, is meant to be exempt? 2 Let us consider this last possibility. It requires that comedians laugh at themselves. Here, the eccentricities of comic logic are complicated by the peculiar paradoxes of self-reference. It is sometimes claimed that self-referential statements are semantically incoherent, and that a statement about language, in order to be coherent, must belong to a meta-language located on one level above the language it is about.8 If this were the case, it would be possible to be radically critical of oneself only by differentiating oneself from, and raising oneself above, the self being criticized. What an attractive proposition: I will criticize myself by...escaping to a higher level. One could then get the jump on all one's possible critics by making a meta-move on oneself, and in the process end up in an even higher position than that occupied before. By distinguishing the critic in myself from the self being criticized, the deconstructionist from the deconstructed, the wry ironist from the object of my ironies, the person who laughs from the person who is laughed at - even though they both occupy the same body - I am able to laugh at myself in a way that improves my stature.
W2C-007-2.txt	ACTOR KEN CURTIS, 74 DEPUTY ON 'GUNSMOKE' Ken Curtis, 74, a singer and actor who starred as Marshal Matt Dillon's deputy and sidekick on the long-running television western "Gunsmoke," died April 28 at his home here. The cause of death was not reported. He played Dodge City, Kan., deputy Festus Haggen from 1964 to 1975, on What was perhaps the most popular western series ever aired. It ran on CBS-TV for 20 years before finally leaving in 1975, and had been on radio before that. "Gunsmoke" was probably the first TV western aimed primarily at adults rather than children.
W2D-003-0.txt	Paternity Guide for Unmarried Parents A child born to unmarried parents does not automatically have a legal father. Legal fatherhood can mean a lot to your child and to you as parents. Children with two parents involved in their lives are more likely to succeed in a variety of ways. This pamphlet will tell you how you can make this important commitment to your child and where to get help doing it. Why is it important to establish paternity? * Identity: When parents establish paternity for a child, they both say "Yes, this is my child." This gives a child a sense of identity and connection with both sides of the family. Knowing both parents can improve a child's chance of success in life. * Health: More and more, medical research shows how important it is to know about any diseases or physical problems or characteristics that may have been passed down from both sides of someone's family. Knowledge of both parents' family medical history will help doctors treat - or even prevent - medical problems that a child might have inherited. * Financial Support: Families with children who are supported by two parents are more likely to have enough money to meet their needs than families supported by only one parent. By establishing paternity, both parents make a commitment to support their child to the best of their abilities. * Benefits: When parents establish paternity, they make their child eligible for coverage under either parent's health insurance. If anything should happen to the father, the child may also be entitled to receive Social Security, pension, veteran's and inheritance benefits. * Public Assistance: If a parent receives public assistance, he or she is required to cooperate with the Child Support Enforcement Division to establish paternity and a child support order. If the parent does not cooperate, his or her benefits may be reduced. How do I establish paternity for my child? Parents who are not married to each other can establish paternity - legal fatherhood - for their child only if both parents sign a paternity acknowledgment form or if either of them asks a court to establish paternity. Signing a Paternity Acknowledgment Form: The Easy Way To Establish Paternity For Your Child Parents can establish paternity for their child by signing a form called the Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage. (This is sometimes called acknowledging paternity.) Once both parents have signed this form and their signatures have been notarized, the man becomes the legal father of the child and his name goes on the child's birth certificate. No one has to go to court. Parents can acknowledge paternity this way in three places: * The hospital: Parents can complete the Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage form shortly after the birth of their child, while the mother and child are still in the hospital. The birth registrar at the hospital can help with this. There is no fee when the parents sign the acknowledgment in the hospital. * City or Town Clerk's Office: If parents do not establish paternity before they leave the hospital, they can still acknowledge paternity for their child by completing a Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage form and filing it at the city or town clerk's office in the community where the child was born. Both parents' signatures must be notarized, which the city or town clerk can do. The clerk may charge a fee for filing. * Registry of Vital Records and Statistics: If it is not convenient to complete a Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage form in the community where the child was born, the parents may complete the form at the Registry of Vital Records and Statistics (RVRS), or mail the form with a check for $25 to RVRS. Parents can acknowledge paternity for their child any time in the child's life. Undoing a Paternity Acknowledgment Legal fatherhood for the child is established as of the date both parents sign the acknowledgment form, if it is properly completed and filed. If, within 60 days of the date both parents signed, either parent comes to believe that the man named on the form may not be the father, one of the parents must file a case in Probate and Family Court and ask the court to "rescind" the acknowledgment (that is, have it declared null and void). If, within 60 days of signing, the parent questioning paternity is a party to a court hearing about the child (for instance, to establish a child support order or a custody and visitation order), the parent must raise the issue of the child's paternity at the hearing. Before the end of the 60 day period, the parent questioning paternity must file a case in Probate and Family Court asking to rescind the acknowledgment. After 60 days, the acknowledgment is as binding as a court judgment of paternity and has the same legal force and effect. However, parents can challenge the acknowledgment, but only in court, only within one year of the date both parents sign, and only on limited grounds of fraud, duress or material mistake of fact. The court will generally order the parents and child to undergo paternity tests that determine whether the man is the biological father of the child by comparing certain genetic characteristics that show up in blood or tissue samples from the child and both parents. These samples are obtained either by a simple blood draw or by rubbing a cotton swab on the inside of the cheek. If there are any questions about who a child's biological father really is, a parent should ask a judge or the Child Support Enforcement Division of the Massachusetts Department of Revenue for paternity tests before signing an acknowledgment form. Going To Court To Establish Paternity: A More Complicated Way To Establish Paternity For Your Child Another way to establish paternity is for either parent, their child, or us - the Child Support Enforcement Division - to start a court action to establish paternity. As part of this court action, the judge may order the mother, the man who may be the father, and the child to have paternity tests. These tests are generally quick and easy. After reviewing the test results and any other relevant information, the judge will decide whether or not the man is the father of the child. If the judge determines that he is the child's biological father, this will establish paternity for the child and the father's name will go on the child's birth certificate. At any time during the court process, parents can sign a Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage form, and there will no longer be a need for a judge to determine paternity. These tests are extremely accurate in showing whether or not a man is the biological father of a child. Who pays for the paternity tests? If the tests show that the man is the child's biological father, he pays for the tests. If the tests show he is not the father and we (the Child Support Enforcement Division) are providing services to the family, then we pay the cost. How does someone get services from the Child Support Enforcement Division? The Child Support Enforcement Division of the Massachusetts Department of Revenue can assist parents in establishing paternity and child support orders, collecting child support for the families it serves and asking courts to adjust child support orders when circumstances change. Any parent or guardian of a child under 18 years old can ask for our help with a child support order or with establishing paternity by calling our toll-free Customer Service Bureau at 1-800-332-2733. If a parent receives public assistance, he or she can talk to a caseworker at the Department of Transitional Assistance about the services we provide. Applications for our services are also available on-line by visiting our Internet homepage at www.state.ma.us/cse. A parent does not have to be on public assistance for us to help. It does not cost any money to apply for child support services from us. When a parent applies for our services, we will do our best to help that parent establish paternity for their child and get the support to which he or she is entitled. Whether we succeed depends upon how much information the parent gives us, how up-to-date and accurate it is, and what financial resources are available to support the child once we locate the other parent. What if the parents are already living together and are both supporting their child? Do they really need to establish paternity? Yes. Until they legally establish paternity, their child has no legal father, even if both parents are living with the child. Things may change. A parent may not always be around or feel the same way about helping out. When they establish paternity, parents ensure their child's rights to certain benefits that are available only if paternity has been legally established. Will the child's birth certificate include the father's name? The birth certificate will include the father's name if the parents acknowledge paternity by signing a Voluntary Acknowledgment of Paternity form in the hospital or later at a city or town clerk's office or at the Registry of Vital Records and Statistics, or a judge establishes paternity in court and orders that the father's name be included on the birth certificate. Otherwise, the space for the father's name will be left blank on the child's birth certificate. For some children born before 1994, the father's name is already on the birth certificate. Doesn't that child already have a legal father? Before 1994, the father's name would appear on a child's birth certificate if both parents completed an affidavit in the hospital swearing that he was the child's father, but this did not establish legal fatherhood. The father's name may be on the birth certificate, but that child is not yet entitled to all the benefits of legal fatherhood unless the parents have been to court since then to establish paternity. If parents of a child born before 1994 want to establish legal fatherhood now, they can still do so, either by completing a Voluntary Acknowledgment of Parentage form at the city or town clerk's office or at the Registry of Vital Records and Statistics, or by going to court. Will the child have the father's last name? Generally, the mother can decide what the child's name will be. Parents can choose their child's first and last name together when they fill out the birth certificate and acknowledge paternity for their child in the hospital. They will have to go to court if they later decide to change their child's name. How long after a child is born can someone establish paternity for that child? Paternity can be established at any time in a child's life. Parents can establish paternity for an older child by completing an acknowledgment form and filing it at the city or town clerk's office in the community where the child was born or at the Registry of Vital Records and Statistics, or by going to court. What if the parent who is living with the child is not sure where the other parent is? The Child Support Enforcement Division will try to locate the other parent if the parent living with the child (known as the custodial parent) applies for our services or receives public assistance. A custodial parent must give us as much information as possible about the other parent - for example, full name, Social Security number, date of birth, address, telephone number, the name and address of his or her employer, the names of his or her parents, or information about his or her motor vehicle (the manufacturer, model or license number).
W1A-007-0.txt	The Rise and Reconceptualization of Agency in the Twentieth Century (Excerpt) " Men make their own history, but they do not make it just as they please; they do not make it under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all the dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brain of the living" (Johnson, 113). Walter Johnson quotes this passage from Karl Marx's The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte (1852) as an illustration of what he considers his "radical" reconceptualization of the determinants of historical change and continuity (Johnson, 113). Johnson contrasts his theory of the importance of people both defined by and defining their cultural heritage (Johnson, 119) with what he sees as New Social History's overly simplistic allegiance to the concept of "agency," of people possessing "independent will and volition" and thus shaping their own history (Johnson, 115). But, if our reading in this class is representative, it seems that Johnson may be drawing a false dichotomy and in turn minimizing the crucial role these historians did play. The twentieth-century historians who assert agency by the subjects they are investigating do so not in isolation but in explicit recognition of the cultural limits that constrain their subjects' actions. While these historians may differ in terms of whether they put a greater weight on self-determination or outside forces, they are united in asserting that the common people of history were generally able to exert at least some measure of control over their actions and destinies. This newfound respect and appreciation for the lower classes of society represents a signal contribution of twentieth-century historiography. It should be obvious that the concept of agency is not new to the twentieth century. Much past historical writing has adhered to the "great man" theory of history, that powerful personages like kings, generals, and religious leaders can alter the course of history through the force of their will and influence. This attitude can be traced back to the very foundations of the historical discipline in ancient Greece; historians like Thucydides would argue that events such as the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily during the Peloponnesian War, "the greatest action that we know of in Hellenic history," came about at least in part because of poor decisions by Athenian generals (Thucydides, 536-37, 504, 508-11).1 As this quotation about the Athenian defeat implies, Thucydides and most other early writers of history held that the fundamental interest of history resided in the study of great people and events, the workings of government, diplomacy, and warfare, or what we would now consider political history. This focus on political history carried on through the scientific historians of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (Burke, 7), who though they showed interest in institutional history (Novick, 72) nevertheless maintained an allegiance to the great men. Classroom discussion of such people should overlook their personal flaws "for the sake of a great work accomplished and a noble life lived," recommended a historian in 1902, and ten years earlier Woodrow Wilson stressed, "What we need to study in schools is the united effort, the common thought, of bodies of men; of the men who make public opinion, that is of the uncritical and conservative rather than of the educated classes" (Novick, 71). Clearly, among mainstream historians at the beginning of the twentieth century, there was no room in the historical profession for a study of the common man, much less an appreciation of his or her free will. In fact, other historiographical developments around this time period threatened to render the concept of agency even more obsolete. Though Marx may have had a more nuanced (or inconsistent) view of historical determinism, if the quotation that begins this paper is any indication, the Marxist historians that followed him viewed history as reflecting the inevitable progression of society through different stages of development towards a communist utopia. Thus, in their interpretation of the French Revolution, "the outcome (bourgeoisie economic and social hegemony) followed from the origins (class conflict between bourgeoisie and aristocracy) in seemingly inexorable fashion" (Hunt, 4). Since the actions of the elite are ultimately determined for them by the progress of history long-term and their relationship to the productive forces (Marx's base/superstructure model) short-term, even the upper classes and so-called great men in an orthodox Marxist interpretation of history are at the mercy of outside forces beyond their control. Now, no one has meaningful agency. To reach the state of affairs by the late twentieth century where the common people of history are seen as having some ability to influence their fate, historiographical developments would have to occur in which either a sense of agency is restored to people in power and/or the lives of the lower classes of society are seen as worthy of study. The first option in fact never became necessary, as scientific historians and their successors, in opposition to Marxism, continued to maintain that elites had at least some ability to shape their lives and that of their society as a whole (even though, as most historians came to believe, outside forces also had considerable influence on historical development).2 But a major shift did occur in regards to the second option, as the rise to power of the Annales movement in France helped lead to an acceptance that all fields of human endeavor, and not just political history, were worthy subjects of research. This increasing attention to social and cultural history naturally led to closer examination of the lives of the common people. Marc Bloch's landmark study of medieval Europe was entitled Feudal Society so it could look broadly at the entire society, at not just feudalism (the relationships between lords and vassals) but at manorialism as well (the relationships between lords and serfs)(Bloch, 239-79). In keeping with the Annales movement, though, Bloch's goal is "to analyze and explain a social structure and its unifying principles" (Bloch, xix). Any changes to this structure must come slowly, over the long term, so even though the lives of peasants are now seen as an important characteristic of that system, individual peasants (and individual elites) can play no role in bringing about meaningful change (for themselves or the society). David A. Bell sees the 1970's as producing a fundamental turn away from the Annales approach of "total history." Discomfort with the impersonality of quantitative history in looking at the lower classes and disillusionment with Marxism and its focus on impersonal forces led to an interest in "history from below," the study of common people and their ability to shape their own futures separate from what elites or Marxist doctrine might expect (Bell, 266-67). This interest in agency among the lower classes came from many sides, including from historians of the new cultural turn (who were themselves also influenced by cultural anthropologists like Clifford Geertz), microhistorians, and even from historians from the Annales and Marxist movements.3 New Marxist historians like E.P. Thompson and (later) Eugene D. Genovese rejected economic determinism and, though still interested in class and class struggle, started paying particular attention to the "lived experience" of the common people (Novick, 440-42; Bell, 266-67). They accepted and even stressed human agency in the lower classes, but it was an awareness that human ability to affect their own lives was itself constrained by the broader society. Thus, E.P. Thompson rejects the common notion that the crowds in English food riots of the eighteenth century represented an irrational, unruly mob by instead emphasizing that the members of these crowds had specific objectives in mind, acted with restraint, and believed their actions to be legitimate. Nevertheless, these "legitimizing notion[s]" that justified their actions reflected an acceptance by the lower classes of the old paternalistic ideas of the proper way grain should be distributed (Thompson, 78, 76-136). Genovese sees slaves and slaveholders in the antebellum American South as both accepting the hegemonic world view of paternalism, of belonging to one "family, white and black," but by doing so slaves accepted the system of slavery and failed to imagine themselves as a class who could rise up and overthrow it. Nevertheless, they asserted agency by learning to work within the system for their own benefit, by creating a culture that merged American and African influences and by asserting claims of paternalism to acquire rights and privileges from their masters (Genovese, 73, 133-49). Historians have certainly raised major qualms about the validity of Genovese's concepts of hegemony and paternalism in describing the antebellum South (e..g, Johnson, 117), but the key point is that both Thompson and Genovese held a vision of the lower classes that recognized their ability to assert agency within constraints. Given the underlying philosophy behind their theoretical frameworks, Annales and Marxist historians clearly had to recognize the limits of agency. Thus, the most explicit and emphatic proclamations of the common person's ability to shape their own destinies came from the cultural historians and microhistorians of the 1970's and later. In her study of the religious piety of medieval European women, Caroline Bynum stressed her desire to restore the "creativity and dignity" of her subjects, who demonstrated "a chosen suffering, a chosen excreting, that washed, fed, and saved the world" (Bynum, 299, 274). Bynum rejected the traditional interpretations of medieval female piety that saw these religious women as accepting the misogynistic beliefs of the dominant male society and who thus "hated their bodies and their sexuality, we are told, and punished them through fasting and other forms of self-mutilation" (Bynum, 208). Rather, she sees these food practices as empowering, allowing these women to assert their independence in a male-dominated world and even possessing certain practical advantages (e.g., avoidance of marriage). Richard White also looks for agency in his examination of the middle ground of North America between the French and the Algonquians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; he explicitly identifies his goal as [placing] Indian peoples at the center of the scene and [seeking] to understand the reasons for their actions" (White, xi). He also finds this exertion of free will, in arguing that the middle ground that was formed represented a "joint Indian-white creation" in which neither side predominated (White, xiv). In stressing these expressions of agency among the common people, both Bynum and White are reacting against earlier historiography that cast their subjects as victims of men or European colonizers. But both of them properly recognize the limits of this agency. After all, how free can medieval women be if their only way to avoid marriage is to starve themselves to death? Bynum understands that by modern standards, the lives these women lived would be very undesirable; "no one could wish to return to a society in which the horrors of leprosy, gangrene, or starvation can be mitigated only by symbols that glorify pain and sacrifice" (Bynum, 299). White also explains how the middle ground was only possible in a society where neither the French nor the Algonquian possessed a material advantage; when the Americans were able to assert dominance, they crushed the Indians. Cultural historians may choose to stress the choices their subjects have, but they still recognize the societal constraints. Such is also the case for microhistorians. Edward Muir, in his introduction to an important collection of microhistories, makes the focus of such studies clear: "individuals making choices and developing strategies within the constraints of their own time and place" (Muir, viii). What Johnson refers to as Marx's apparently "radical" treatment of individuals making choices within constraints appears in fact to have become predominant among modern scholarship. The issue at question is no longer whether agency is limited but rather which condition (choice or constraint) will be stressed. Timothy Garton Ash's The File explores the choice between collaboration and resistance faced by individuals in a totalitarian state. He acknowledges the severe constraints, noting for example that "as a senior state employee Michaela was certainly obliged to cooperate with the Stasi" (Garton Ash, 107) and wondering if Britain would be any different if it was totalitarian (Garton Ash, 134). But throughout the book, he stresses how the informers and officials he interviews did have a choice; he is critical, for example, of the common Stasi officer defense that he was just doing his job (Garton Ash, 180). His most extreme case of valuing agency over limitations comes in his description of the English professor "Smith"'s choice to become an informer: "The wrong decision, of course, but completely understandable" (Garton Ash, 137). But what could Garton Ash reasonably expect? "Smith," as a means to entrap him into becoming an informer, was accused by the Stasi of being a spy, which if it led to his expulsion would have meant his separation from his wife and child. Garton Ash does not examine the likelihood that the Stasi would have expelled him based on this false accusation, or the degree to which "Smith" should have known they were bluffing and/or would have followed through with the implicit threat. And, since informing definitely allowed him to stay with his family, might that not have been clearly the right decision for him? Though asserting agency within constraints may have become the dominant theme of historiography in the twentieth century, clearly interesting questions on how one balances those factors will remain. And the story of "Smith" demonstrates another important development of historical scholarship of the last century: Garton Ash places so much emphasis on "Smith"'s choice because his decision to become an informer quite possibly had critical and debilitating consequences in the lives of those he informed on and (in the aggregate) in propping up the East German system as a whole. The lives of common people do matter, and by approaching them through an "agency within limits" paradigm, twentieth-century historians have allowed us to see why this is so.
W2B-014-0.txt	ONE THING just led to another, Mike Neely says when asked to explain why he spent two years living on the streets of downtown Los Angeles. A Marine with 13 months of Vietnam combat experience behind him, Neely returned home bringing with him a problem with drugs and alcohol. "I lost my family and my job," Neely relates. "I ended up sleeping in a park near City Hall." Then there's Ralph C., a 57-year-old Navy veteran who served in the Philippines and Japan during the Korean War. Ask Ralph how he became homeless 30 years ago and he says: "The first two or three days you think it will be temporary. It becomes a couple of weeks, a couple of months, then years and you are there," he shrugs. Can't he work? Ralph does work. He refuses welfare and won't panhandle as a matter of pride, so he makes do for himself and his two dogs by handling odd jobs for the merchants near the midtown Los Angeles parking lot he calls home. Across the nation, there are many more Mikes and Ralphs who live in big cities. Los Angeles, by most reckonings, has the nation's largest homeless population, but New York isn't far behind, and Chicago, Boston and the others all claim their share. Small cities and towns also have their homeless and if you look hard enough, "you'll find thousands of homeless 'll in the bushes" of rural America," says Neely, who ended his own homelessness five years ago and now is executive director of the Homeless Outreach Project (HOP) in Los Angeles. There are so many homeless that the streets of America last year claimed more lives of veterans than Desert Storm combat did. "In Boston alone, 16 homeless veterans froze to death last winter," says Ken Smith, a former Army medic in Vietnam who is executive director of the New England Shelter for Homeless Veterans. "Nationwide, maybe 1,000 veterans died homeless, cold and alone. To me, that is very wrong," says Smith. The Homeless: How Many? Just how big is the problem? Guesses range from the Urban Institute's 1988 estimate of 500,000 to 600,000 homeless all the way up to 3 million. When Census Bureau enumerators fanned out across the nation one night last March to count the homeless, many hoped this would end the mystery. It didn't. The Census Bureau found only 228,261 homeless, but experts scorn that tally. New York's Doe Foundation, for instance, claimed that in one 116-block area of Manhattan, Census Bureau enumerators counted 378 homeless, but Doe's count was 1,649. In the end, the Census Bureau's Cynthia Tauber conceded, "We will never have a total homeless count." James G., a 40-year-old Vietnam veteran who's been homeless for four years agreed. "I'm not counted, so I just don't exi 'm," he told The New York Times. He added the Census Bureau was not committed to counting homeless. "If they were, they would know how many people out here need help." Who Are They? " The public's perception of who the homeless are is distorted. They are not one type of person," says Elizabeth Bailey of Los Angeles' Weingart Center, an agency that provides 600 beds for the homeless. In that vein, while surveys designed to accurately define the homeless population have been numerous, none has proved any more conclusive than the attempts to count them. It's because many homeless people don't want anyone to know much about them. Perhaps that is why some experts insists that 25 percent of the homeless are women with children, while others claim there are very few homeless families. But one group about which there's little debate is veterans. How many of the homeless are veterans? Around one-third, says VA. Independent groups arrive at about the same number. For example, veterans accounted for 31 percent of the homeless in a 1989 UCLA survey, while at Step Up On Second, a Santa Monica, Calif., service agency, a month-by-month client tally for 1991's first quarter found that 33 percent were veterans. The Causes Ten years ago, when homelessness first surfaced in the media, many claimed that the cause and cure was housing. No longer. "The days of thinking there is one solution to homelessness--just providing housing--are gone," says Andrew Cuomo, who runs New York's Housing Enterprise for the Less Privileged. Lack of low-cost housing, particularly in Cities, is a factor. In Los Angeles, for instance, half of downtown's single room occupancy units were demolished in urban renewal campaigns between 1970 and 1985. But according to shelter director Smith, "There is no one cause of homelessness." Al Peck, administrator of the 600-bed Borden Avenue Veterans Residence in Queens, N.Y, agrees. "The assumption used to be that the homeless were people who had suffered a streak of bad luck, losing their jobs and homes, and if they were given a place to stay, that alone would solve their problems. That's not the reality." Just what are the causes? Experts single out a handful of chief reasons: - Deinstitutionalization of psychiatric wards is a primary factor says Smith. Starting in the l960s and continuing to today, stale mental hospitals, pressured by both civil libertarians and budget cutters, have emptied their beds. In 1955, those hospitals had 552,000 patients; today's number is 119,000. Unfortunately, many have wound up on the streets. According to research conducted by Johns Hopkins Medical School, 40 percent of homeless men and about half the women suffer from mental disorders. Experts haggle over exactly how disturbed the homeless are, but Smith's street-eye-view is that "at minimum, 15 percent of the guys we see are pretty far gone. They need psychiatric help." - Substance abuse is another crucial factor, according to a recent 22-city survey by the U.S. Conference of Mayors, which estimates that 44 percent of the homeless are substance abusers. Peck says, "Over two-thirds of the men are here because of alcohol or drug problems, or both." HOP's Neely provides a personal case in point: 'My homelessness was directly related to drugs. Before I went to 'Nam I knew nothing about drugs. Over there I experienced fear for the first time in my life and I tried to counter it through drugs. By the time I returned home, I was a very experienced drug user." - "Bad papers" or other than honorable discharges from military service are another factor in homelessness, according to both Smith and Peck, who open their shelter doors to all who served regardless of discharge status. " A man comes in here with bad paper, maybe for smoking pot in Vietnam, and he's been living in shame since. It's a chicken bone that's been caught in his throat for years," says Smith, who's been honored as one of President Bush's "thousand points of light." Helping Hands Helping the homeless is not an easy mission. Brother Denys Cormier, founder of the Catholic order Emmaus in Hartford, Conn., tells why. "In the Scriptures, Christ raised people from the dead. We don't have people in the Scriptures who refused to be raised from the dead. But that's what we're dealin 'reith some of the time." Pessimisin, in fact, is widespread. A 1990 poll by the Marist Institute of Public Opinion found that 76 percent of Americans think that the homelessness problem will remain as big as it currently is... or increase. Even so, there are optimists and Al Peek is one of them, but not at the loss of realism. "The homeless look at life in the short-term. Where will I get my next meal? Where will I sleep? Many helping programs are short-term themselves. They offer just a meal or maybe three days or a week of shelter. If you're homele 're you're not go 're to get back into society that fast," Peck says. He says the homeless have burned all their bridges. The only way to get them hack into the mainstream is with a comprehensive, bridge-building campaign. Peck's numbers back him up. In the four years his Borden Avenue Veterans Residence has been open, 6,000 homeless veterans have come through the doors and "we successfully put 20 percent back into jobs and housing." Peck's program takes, on average, 18 months to complete but apparently delivers a lasting cure. "They've finally 'vee it out of their hopelessness and want to get on with their lives," he says. Ken Smith's New England Shelter for Homeless Veterans boasts similar successes. In its first year of operation it returned 650 men to jobs or housing or both, says Smith. Why are these programs working while many others aren't? "We don't baby people," says Smith, who models his 125-bed operation after Army boot camp. "We don't warehouse veterans, which is what so many programs do with the homeless. Our job is to get them tough and get them out. We force sobriety on them and, then, we reinstill the brotherhood and camaraderie every man felt in the service." Smith says that the last time many of the veterans felt personal pride was in the military. "We remind them of that. We get the man standing tall again, building on his renewed self-respect." Much the same philosophy prevails at Peck's shelter, "If you don't want to give up drugs and alcohol, this isn't where you belong, "Peck tells newcomers. "We demand that you want to end your homelessness. Meet just that entry requirement and you're in 'rend you're pr 'reded with a personalized contract." Peck says the contract tells the veterans what they cannot do--no fighting, no drugs, etc., and what they must do, from participating in substance abuse counseling through job training. "Three violations of the contract and they're ou 're Smith is convinced his shelter can save enough homelss veterans and get them working again so their taxes will support the programs that helped them. " But, you know what keeps me here?" Smith says. "I've had 'ven say to me. 'I'd be 'd drunk 20 years. Now I'm sob 'm. I got a job.' That's the fuel that keeps me going."
W2C-018-0.txt	A US West Communications plan to sell its 60 rural telephone exchanges and invest the profits in improved telecommunications would be a boon to Billings, the Montana Public Service Commission Has told Thursday night. In a public hearing at Parmly Billings Library representatives of the city's business, medical and education communities repeatedly told commission members that the sale would boost their ability to compete nationally and internationally. US West plans to sell its exchanges to six rural Montana cooperatives The company asked the PSC to make two declaratory rulings--that the sale is in the public's best interest, and that the gains will go to US West and not to ratepayers, said John Alke, attorney for US West. In Billings, 13 people voiced their opinions, mainly about the advantages of investing money in urban telecommunications systems. No one spoke against the sale. Because of the state's remote location and its sparse population, it has been ill-equipped to compete in business, said Jerry Thomas, executive director of the Montana Tradeport Authority. "Recent advancements in computer and telecommunication technology can change all this. Such advancements have the potential to allow Montana businesses, even in remote locations, to become competitive." The Federal Communications Commission also must approve the sale. The sale price of the 60 US West telephone properties is $ 124.8 million. US West says its profit on the sale will be $ 29.2 million, after taxes. Through the terms and conditions of the sales agreement, the cooperatives have agreed to provide equipment upgrades and modernize the rural exchanges. Regardless, US West is committed to modernizing those exchanges, said Mary Wright, attorney for the Montana Consumer Counsel. The Montana Consumer Counsel doesn't oppose the sale, she said, but favors giving the profit to the ratepayers, instead of US West shareholders. Under the US West plan, the shareholders would invest the profit in TeleTech, a program to implement high-tech telecommunications in its urban service areas, including Billings. For instance, more than 170 miles of new fiber-optic cable will be installed in Billings, Bozeman, Butte, Great Falls, Helena and Missoula. " TeleTech is still not free," Wright said during a break in the meeting. "In the future, US West will expect to get a return of its investment and on its investment, so it's $ 28 million at least twice. We don't see that the people that are talking tonight have really been exposed to a meaningful discussion of the costs." Educators, business people and those in the medical field insisted that they would be better off with the investment. Charles Brooks, a retired businessman, told commission members that it is the stockholders who have taken the risks, and they are the ones who should profit. "Why should the ratepayer benefit? Has he shared any risk? Has he made any investment in the company?" City Administrator Mark Watson urged commission members to consider whether a rebate to customers is worth the technological improvements in a highly competitive market. " We need a lot of these services now and we needed them years ago," he said. Jock Michelotti said the Billings Area Chamber of Commerce endorses the US West plan. And, he said, speaking as a member of the District 2 School Board, students would also benefit from the sale. " In our analysis of what our needs are in the future, technology is extremely important," he said. The cooperatives involved in the sale are Blackfoot Telephone Cooperative, Missoula; Mid-Rivers Telephone Cooperative, Circle; Nemont Telephone Cooperative, Scobey; Range Telephone Cooperative, Forsyth; Three Rivers Telephone Cooperative, Fairfield; and Triangle Telephone Cooperative, Havre. These cooperatives are members of the Montana Telephone Association. The Billings hearing was one of 31 scheduled hearings across the state aimed at collecting public opinion on the sale.
W2B-035-0.txt	Assembly language isn't the be-all and end-all of PC programming, but as Michael states, it's sometimes the only game in town when performance or program size are important. Michael works on high-performance graphics software at Metagraphics in Scotts Valley, Calif. He is also the author of Zen of Assembly Language published by Scott, Foresman & Co., and Power Graphics Programming, from Que. There's an old joke that goes something like this: Person #1: Help! My brother thinks he's a chicken, and I don't know what I should do. Person #2: Have you told him the truth? Person #1: I would, but I need the eggs. Updated for the modern age of structured languages and object-oriented programming, that joke would read: Manager #1: Help! My programmers think assembly language is a viable programming language, and I don't know what I should do. Manager #2: Have you told them the truth? Manager #1: I would, but I need the speed. Assembly language beats everything else hands down when it comes to performance-- especially when programming for the 80x86, where assembly language is wild, woolly, and wondrous - - yet it gets no respect. When you flat-out need performance, there simply are no substitutes for assembly language - - so why doesn't anyone seem to love it? Assembly Language Isn't Cheap Experts, pundits, and management types have been beating the drums for the demise of assembly language for years. There are many good reasons for wishing it dead. Compared to compiled code, good assembly-language code is harder to write, is more bug prone, takes more time to create, is harder to maintain, is harder to port to other platforms, and is more difficult to use for complex, multiprogrammer projects. That makes assembly language an expensive, demanding, and time-consuming development language. Given the realities of time to market, the relative costs of good assembly language and high-level language programmers, programmer turnover, and ever-increasing software complexity, it's neither surprising nor unreasonable that most of the industry wishes assembly language would go away. Assembly language lives, though, for one simple reason: Properly applied, it produces the best code of any language. By far. Assembly Language Lives Don't believe me? Consider this. If the carbon-based computer between your ears were programmed with as good a compiler as Microsoft's, then you'd generate much better code in assembly l 'dguage than does Microsoft C, because you know vastly more about what you want your program to do and are marvelously effective at integrating that knowledge into a working whole. High-level languages are artificially constrained programming environments, able to pass relatively little of what you know along to the ultimate machine code. There are good reasons for that: High-level languages have to be compilable and comprehensible by humans. Nonetheless, there's no way for a high-level language to know where to focus its efforts, or which way to bias code. For example, how can a Pascal compiler know that one loop repeats twice, on average, while another repeats 32,767 times? How can a C compiler know that one subroutine is time critical, deserving of all possible optimization, while another subroutine executes in the background while waiting for the next key to be pressed, so speed matters not at all? The answer is: No way. (Actually, #pragma can do a little of that, but it's no more than a tiny step in the right direction.) Just as significantly, no compiler can globally organize your data structures and the code that manipulates those structures to maximum advantage, nor take advantage of the vast number of potential optimizations as flexibly as you can. (Space forbids even a partial listing of optimization techniques for the 80x86 family: The list is astonishingly long and varied. See Tim Paterson's article in this issue for a small but potent sample.) When it comes to integrating all the information about a particular aspect of a program and implementing the code as efficiently as possible given the capabilities of a particular processor, it's not even close: Humans are much better optimizers than compilers are. Almost any processor can benefit from hand-tuned assembly language, but assembly language lives most vibrantly in the 80x86 family. The 80x86 instruction set is irregular; the register set is small, with most registers dedicated to specific purposes; segments complicate everything; and the prefetching nature of the 80x86 renders actual execution time non-quantifiable - - and optimization at best an art and at worst black magic - - making the 80x86 family a nightmare for optimizing-compiler writers. The quirky (and highly assembly language amenable) instructions of the 8086 live on in the latest 80x86-family processors, the 80386 and 80486, and will undoubtedly do the same for many generations to come. Other processors may lend themselves better to compilers, but the 80x86 family is and always will be a wonderland for assembly language. Consider this: Well-written assembly language provides a 50 to 300 percent boost in performance over compiled code (more sometimes, less others, but that's a conservative range). An 8-MHz AT is about three times faster than a PC, a 16-MHz 80386 machine is about twice as fast as an AT, and a 25-MHz 80386 is about three times as fast as an AT. There are a lot of PCs and ATs out there - - 20 to 30 million, I'd guess - - and there is a horde of 'ders contemplating the expenditure of thousands of dollars to upgrade. Now consider this. Those users don't have to upgrade - - they just need to buy better-written software. The performance boost good assembly language provides is about the same as stepping up to the next hardware platform, but the assembly language route is one heck of a lot cheaper. In other words, better software can eliminate the need for expensive hardware, giving the developer the opportunity to realize a healthy profit for his extra development efforts. Just as important is the fact that good assembly language runs perfectly well on slower computers, making the market for such software considerably larger than the market for average software. If you make your software snappy on an 8088, your potential market doubles instantly and the competition thins. Finally, it's on the slower computers - - the PC and AT - - that assembly language optimization has the most effect (see the example later in this article), and that's precisely where improved performance is most needed. Enter the User So assembly language produces the best code. What of it? If high-level languages make it easier and faster to create programs, who cares if those programs are slower? The user, that's who. Users care about perceived performance - - how well a program seems to run. Perceived performance includes lack of bugs, ease of use, and, right at the top of the list, responsiveness. Hand users a whizbang program that makes them wait at frequent intervals, and they'll leave it on the shelf after trying 'llonce. Give users a program that never gets in their way, and they may love it without ever knowing quite why. In these days of all-too-sluggish graphical interfaces, the performance issue is central to the usability of almost every program. What users don't care about is how a program was made. Do you care how your car was designed? You care that it's safe, that it's reliable, and that it performs adequately, but you certainly don't care whether the manufacturer used just-in-time manufacturing, or whether mainframe or micro-computer CAD was used in the design process. Likewise, users don't care whether a programmer used OOP or C or Pascal, or COBOL, for that matter; they care that a program does what they need and performs responsively. That's not purely a matter of speed, but without speed the user will never be fully satisfied. And when it comes to speed, assembly language is king. Use Only as Directed When you need it, there's no substitute for assembly language, but it can be a drag when you don't need it - - so know when to use it. Humans are better large-scale designers and small-scale optimizers than compilers, but they're not very good at the grunt work 'recompiling, such as setting up stack frames, handling 32-bit values, allocating and accessing automatic variables, and the like. Moreover, humans are much slower at generating code, so it's a good idea to avoid being a "human compiler." Some people create complex macros and assembly language programming conventions and do all their programming in assembly language. That works - - but what those macros and conventions do is make assembly language function much like a high-level language, so there's no great benefit, especially given that you can drop into assembly language from a high-level language at any time just by calling an assembly language subroutine (or, better yet, by using in-line assembly language in a compiler that offers that feature, such as Turbo C). Unless you're a masochist, let your favorite 're compiler do what it's best at - - compiling - - and save assembly language for those small, well-defined portions of your software where your efforts and unique skills pay off handsomely. A relevant point is that assembly language alone is not the path to performance. If you have a program that takes as long as a second to update the screen, you have problems that assembly language alone won't solve: Proper overall design and algorithm selection are also essential. However, most software designers consider the job done when the design and algorithm phases are complete, leaving the low-level optimization to the compiler. I repeat: No compiler can match a good assembly language programmer at low-level optimization. Given the irregular nature of the 80x86 family and the huge PC software market, it's well worth the time required to hand-optimize the few critical portions that control perceived performance. Only in assembly language can you take full responsibility for the performance of your code. Don't Spit into the Wind While I can't offer a cut-and-dried dictum on when to use assembly language, the practice of using it when the user would notice if you didn't is a good rule of thumb. While some programmers would take this rule too far and use assembly language too often, the vast majority of programmers will lean over backwards the other way, in the face of all evidence to the contrary. Hal Hardenberg's late, lamented DTACK Grounded reveled in the folly of the AT&T programmers who implemented the floating-point routines for a super-micro in C rather than assembly language - - with the result that the computer performed floating-point arithmetic not quite so fast as a Commodore VIC-20! Likewise, I once wrote an article in which I measured the performance of an assembly-language line-drawing implementation at four to five times that of an equivalent C implementation. One reader rewrote the C code for greater efficiency, ran it through Microsoft C rather than Turbo C, and wrote to inform me that I had shortchanged C; assembly language was actually "only" 70 percent faster than C. As it happens, the assembly-language code wasn't fully optimized, but that's not the important point: What really matters is that when programmers go out of their way to produce code that's nearly twice as slow (and in an important user-interface component, no less) in order to use a high-level language rather than assembly language, it's the user who's getting shortchanged. Commercial developers in particular can't afford to ignore this, and I suspect that most such developers are DDJ readers. If you're aiming to sell hundreds 're thousands of copies of a program, you're guaranteed to have stif 're competition. If you don't go the extra mile to provide snappy response, someone else will - - and you'll be left out in the col 'll/p> On the other hand, assembly language code is harder and slower to write, and pays off only in the few most critical portions of any program. There are limits to the levels of complexity humans can handle in assembly language, and limits to the development time that can be taken before a product must come to market. Identify the parts of your programs that significantly affect the performance perceived by the user (a code profiler can help greatly here), and focus your efforts on that code, with especially close attention to oft-repeated loops. The week the last Internet porn scandal broke, my phone didn't stop ringing:? Are women comfortable on the Net??? Should women use gender-neutral names on the Net??? Are women harassed on the Net?? Reporters called from all over the country with basically the same question. I told them all: your question is ill-formed.? The Net? is not one thing. It's like asking:? Are women comfortable in bars?? That's a silly question. Which woman? Which bar? The summer I was 18, I was the computer counselor at a summer camp. After the campers were asleep, the counselors were allowed out, and would go bar hopping. First everyone would go to Maria's, an Italian restaurant with red-and- white-checked table cloths. Maria welcomed everyone from behind the bar, greeting regular customers by name. She always brought us free garlic bread. Next we'd go to the Sandpipe 'd a disco with good dance music. The Sandpiper seemed excitingly adult--it was a little scary at first, but then I loved it. Next, we went to the Sportsman, a leather motorcycle bar that I found absolutely terrifying. Huge, bearded men bulging out of their leather vests and pants leered at me. I hid in the corner and tried not to make eye contact with anyone, hoping my friends would get tired soon and give me a ride back to camp. Each of these bars was a community, and some were more comfortable for me than others. The Net is made up of hundreds of thousands of separate communities, each with its own special character. Not only is the Net a diverse place, but? women? are diverse as well--there were leather-clad women who loved the Sportsman, and plenty of women revel in the fiery rhetoric of Usenet's alt.flame. When people complain about being harassed on the Net, they've usually stumbled in 'vethe wrong online community. The question is not whether? women? are comfortable on? the Net,? but rather what types of communities are possible? How can we create a range of communities so that everyone--men and women--can find a place that is comfortable for them? If you're looking for a res 'rerant or bar, you can often tell without even going in: Is the sign flashing neon or engraved wood? Are there lots of cars parked out front? What sort of cars? (You can see all the Harleys in front of the Sportsman from a block away.) Look in the window: How are people dressed? We are accustomed to diversity in restaurants. People know that not all restaurants will please them, and employ a variety of techniques to choose the right one. It's a lot harder to find a good virtual community than it is to find a good bar. The visual cues that let you spot the difference between Maria's and the Sportsman from across the street are largely missing. Instead, you have to? lurk?- enter the community and quietly explore for a while, getting the feel of whether it's the kind of place you're looking for 're Although published guides exist, they're not always ver 'reseful--most contain encyclopedic lists with little commentary or critical evaluation, and by the time they're published they 're already out of 'rete. Magazines like NetGuide and Wired are more current and more selective, and therefore more useful, but their editorial bias may not fit with your personal tastes. Commonly available network-searching tools are also useful. The World Wide Web is filled with searching programs, indexes, and even indexes of indexes (? meta-indexes?). Although browsing with these tools can be a pleasant diversion, it is not very efficient, and searches for particular pieces of information often end in frustration. If you keep an open mind, however, you may come across something good. Shaping an Online Society But what happens if, after exploring and asking around, you still can't find an online environment that suits you? Don't give up: start your own! This doesn't have to be a difficult task. Anyone can create a new newsgroup in Usenet's? alt? hierarchy or open a new chat room on America Online. Users of Unix systems can easily start a mailing list. If you have a good idea but not enough technical skill or the right type of Net access, there are people around eager to help. The more interesting question is: How do you help a community to become what you hope for? Here, I can offer some hard-won advice. In my research at the MIT Media Lab (working with Professor Mitchel Resnick), I design virtual communities. In October of 1992, I founded a professional community for media researchers on the Internet called MediaMOO. Over the past three years, as MediaMOO has grown to 1,000 members from 33 countries, I have grappled with many of the issues that face anyone attempting to establish a virtual community. MediaMOO is a? multi-user dungeon? or MUD--a virtual world on the Internet with rooms, objects, and people from all around the world. Messages typed in by a user instantly appear on the screens of all other users who are currently in the same virtual? room.? This real-time interaction distinguishes MUDs from Usenet newsgroups, where users can browse through messages created many hours or days before. The MUD's virtual world is built in text descriptions. MOO stands for MUD object-oriented, a kind of MUD software (created by Pavel Curtis of the Xerox Palo Alto Research Center and Stephen White, now at InContext Systems) that allows each user to write programs to define spaces and objects. The first MUDS, developed in the late 1970s, were multiplayer fantasy games of the dungeons-and-dragons variety. In 1989, a graduate student at Carnegie Mellon University named James Aspnes decided to see what would happen if you took away the monsters and the magic swords but instead let people extend the virtual world. People's main activity went from trying to conquer the virtual world to trying to build it, collaboratively. Most MUDs are populated by undergraduates who should be doing their homework. I thought it would be interesting instead to bring together a group of people with a shared intellectual interest: the study of media. Ideally, MediaMOO should be like an endless reception for a conference on media studies. But given the origin of MUDs as violent games, giving one an intellectual and professional atmosphere was a tall order. How do you guide the evolution of who uses the space and what they do there? A founder/designer can't control what the community ultimately becomes--much of that is up to the users--but can help shape it. The personality of the community's founder can have a great influence on what sort of place it becomes. Part of what made Maria's so comfortable for me was Maria herself. She radiated a warmth that made me feel at home. Similarly, one of the most female-friendly electronic communities I've visited i 'veew York City's ECHO (East Coast Hang Out) bulletin board, run by Stacy Horn. Smart, stylish, and deliberately outrageous, Horn is role model and patron saint for the ECHO-ites. Her outspoken but sensitive personality infuses the community, and sends a message to women that it's all right to speak up. She added a conference to ECHO called? WIT? (women in telecommunications), which one user describes as? a warm, supportive, women-only, private conference where women's thoughts, experiences, wisdom, joys, and despairs are shared.? But Horn also added a conference called? BITCH,? which the ECHO-ite calls? WIT in black leather jackets. All-women, riotous and raunchy.? Horn's high-energy, very New York brand of intelligence establishes the kind of place ECHO is and influences how everyone there behaves. When ECHO was first established, Horn and a small group of her close friends were the most active people on the system.? That set the emotional tone, the traditional style of posting, the unwritten rules about what it's OK to say,? says Marisa Bowe, an ECHO administrator for many years.? Even though Stacy is too busy these days to post very much, the tone established in the early days continues,? says Bowe, who is now editor of an online magazine called Word. Beyond the sheer force of a founder's personality, a community establishes a particular character with a variety of choices on how to operate. One example is to set a policy on whether to allow participants to remain anonymous. Initially, I decided that members of MediaMOO should be allowed to choose: they could identify themselves with their real names and e-mail addresses, or remain anonymous. Others questioned whether there was a role for anonymity in a professional community. As time went on, I realized they were right. People on MediaMOO are supposed to be networking, hoping someone will look up who they really are and where they work. Members who are not wi11ng to share their personal and professional identities are less likely to engage in serious discussion about their work and consequently about media in general. Furthermore, comments from an anonymous entity are less valuable because they are unsituated--? I believe X? is less meaningful to a listener than? I am a librarian with eight years of experience who lives in a small town in Georgia, and I believe X.? In theory, anonymous participants could describe their professional experiences and place their comments in that context; in practice it tends not to happen that way. After six months, I proposed that we change the policy to require that all new members be identified. Despite the protests of a few vocal opponents, most people thought that this was a good idea, and the change was made. Each community needs to have its own policy on anonymity. There's room for diversity here too: some communities can be all-anonymous, some all-identified, and some can leave that decision up to each individual. An aside: right now on the Net no one is either really anonymous or really identified. It is easy to fake an identity; it is also possible to use either technical or legal tools to peer behind someone else's veil of anonymity. This ambiguous state of affairs is not necessarily unfortunate: it's nice to know that a fake identity that provides a modicum of privacy is easy to construct, but that in extreme cases such people can be tracked down. Finding Birds of a Feather Another important design decision is admissions policy. Most places on the Net have a strong pluralistic flavor, and the idea that some people might be excluded from a community ruffles a lot of feathers. But exclusivity is a fact of life. MIT wouldn't be MIT if everyone who wanted to come was admitted. Imagine if companies had to give jobs to everyone who applied! Virtual communities, social clubs, universities, and corporations are all groups of people brought together for a purpose. Achieving that purpose often requires that there be some way to determine who can join the community. A key decision I made for MediaMOO was to allow entry only to people doing some sort of? media research.? I try to be loose on the definition of? media?--writing teachers, computer network administrators, and librarians are all working with forms of media--but strict on the definition of? research.? At first, this policy made me uncomfortable. I would nervously tell people,? It's mostly a self-selection process. We hardly reject anyone at all!? Over time, I've 'vecome more comfortable with this restriction, and have enforced the requirements more stringently. I now believe my initial unease was naive. Even if an online community decides to admit all comers, it does not have to let all contributors say anything they want. The existence of a moderator to filter postings often makes for more focused and civil discussion. Consider Usenet's two principal newsgroups dealing with feminism- alt.feminism and soc.feminism. In alt.feminism, anyone can post whatever they want. Messages in this group are filled with the angry words of angry people; more insults than ideas are exchanged. (Titles of messages found there on a randomly selected day included? Women & the workplace (it doesn't work)? and? What is a feminazi??.) The topic may nominally be feminism, but the discussion itself is not feminist in nature. The huge volume of postings (more than 200 per day, on average) shows that many people enjoy writing such tirades. But if I wanted to discuss some aspect of feminism, alt.feminism would be the last place I' 'dgo. Its sister group, soc.feminism, is moderated--volunteers read messages submitted to the group and post only those that pass muster. Moderators adhere to soc.feminism's lengthy charter, which explains the criteria for acceptable postings--forbidding ad hominem attacks, for instance.
W2F-015-0.txt	" Argyst" Deborah Bryan Despite the old saying, you may do well to look certain gift horses in the mouth. Come, lay down. I've a story to tell 'veu.The woman, the stranger with the soft voice and the veiled face, pulls back the coverlets on the small straw mattress in invitation. "It's not so very long, and the ending - - well, the end of my story will surely capture you. So please try to stay awake, Argyst." Argyst comes into the room, pulls off his dung-covered shoes, strips off his shirt. He kneels by the mattress for a moment, tempted to remove the veil from the face of this woman-stranger. "No," she says, "there is no time for that. I must tell you this story."Her voice is magic, a soft, musical voice that enchants Argyst. She pats his mattress impatiently. "Come, quickly now." How he wishes this stranger would climb in with him! Instead she kneels by the bed for a moment, waiting for him to get himself comfortable. Argyst is in bed now, under one of his small coverlets. It's too warm for anything more than just one. He wonders a moment about this situation, but it doesn't seem as odd as it might. He waits now. The small, graceful woman sits down next to him and begins to speak. " There was a man, a young man in a small village. He tended the cows, as he was poor and a few cows were all that his father had to give him. This young man has few friends, and many of them tease him about his stench after a long day of work when he comes to the cantina for drink and a little companionship. He pretends the taunts don't bother him, but they hurt. He wishes he had a friend, a wife, perhaps, to talk to and listen to." " That's strange," admits Argyst. "He sounds like me." " Hush, Argyst. I must tell this quickly - - time is running short. One evening, having returned home after a long day of selling milk in the market, he hears a knock on his door. He opens it and finds a woman waiting. A rather normal-looking woman. He asks if she is waiting for him; she says that she is a gift from her parents. Her parents say that, though he is poor, he is strong and will sire good, strong children. For a moment, but no longer than that, he is surprised. He takes her in, listens to her talk about her life for a while, saying nothing of his. He feels there is nothing to tell. " After a short while, he is aroused. And now he has a woman. He takes her to bed, she neither protesting nor inviting. They--"The woman pauses, gestures with both hands. "We can imagine what they do. And they do this many nights thereafter, as well, following long days of showing the woman his cows and training her to talk to them, soothe them, milk them. And clean up after them." The woman-stranger is silent now, but Argyst thinks she must be smiling. " After a while, the woman begins to feel sick and can't join her mate in the fields. Her belly begins to swell. And near nine months from the time she had arrived, she gives birth. Twins. Fine young male twins. Their parents celebrate, when their mother is strong enough to do so" " The man and woman raise these twins as best they can. The boys are beautiful, strong. They reluctantly help their parents out sometimes, but they sneak off at other times to watch the warriors training in the town."She pauses for a moment. " Young girls pine for these twins and spend many hours talking about them and how pleasing it would be to serve them, wife to husband."There is distaste in her voice. She continues, "The twins do not pay attention. All of their attention is on the warriors. They ignore offers to work and to apprentice. Eventually they are old enough to join the small town military, and the captain takes them on without testing of any sorts. They are the perfect warriors, strong, quick, silent. Oh, I'm taking too long. 'mICE-USA:W2F-015#>She is speaking to herself. "Must hurry; she's readying herself."Argyst wonders what she's speaking of and waits for her to start again. " The twins are favorites with the captain; they become his enforcers, his right-hand - - and left-hand, I suppose - - men. When he dies, they are at the top. They quickly show their true nature: they are violent and cruel. Any who choose to disobey them are tortured. Soon no men thwart them; now the military is under the twins' control. They make rounds of the rapidly growing village, enforcing production as they see fit. Any women who take their fancy are captured, locked in a chamber, raped as the twins will. Many die. Some give birth. The twins kill the babies; they see no purpose in keeping them. A woman comes to them one day, a beautiful, proud woman. One twin attempts to grab her - - he thinks she would be a beautiful addition to their growing collection. She has him on the ground in an instant. 'I am not weak, as you are,' she tells the twin on the ground. 'Now,' she says to the standing twin, 'I have come to offer myself to you. As a proper wife, not a bitch in a jail. Come with me, let us be married.' And so they are. This woman bears a child, a female child. Many would be disappointed, would blame the woman for this curse. A female! But her husband does not, because any child of hers will be strong, will join him in battle. She is unique, so different from any other woman. He is glad to have her, and he does not take advantage of her. He couldn't; she could kill him in a moment." " One day, though, the woman becomes sick. No one knows what the ailment could be, and no one can help. She dies after a long struggle. Her angry husband becomes more vengeful than ever before. He and his twin dominate the village and make plans to extend their rule." " The daughter is growing, and she is even more beautiful than her mother, and stronger. She is trained as a male and fights as a male. Her father watches her grow, and he begins to desire her. He follows her sometimes, and he beats any man or boy who looks at her."There is fury now in the woman-stranger's voice. " He rapes her now in the night, takes her against her will. He would like for her to become pregnant with his child, but it doesn't happen. She had earlier found a witch-woman to make her sterile - - she would never want to be burdened with a child. That she will not become pregnant angers her father; he abuses her and rapes her more violently than ever before."The woman-stranger speaks calmly to Argyst now, who is enthralled and horrified by her story. " She leaves one day, when her father is off torturing the poor villagers, enforcing his duty levels. She leaves with a stranger, a woman who claims that she has many magics to teach her. This woman tells her many times how strong her magic will be once it is developed.... Oh, no, she's leaving just now!"The woman-stranger is distraught. "I'm sorry - - I 'mst hurry and leave some things out. " The woman learns these magics, all manners of spells, and becomes a more powerful sorceress than any have ever seen or suspected. When her teacher dies, she reads through the childish writing of her once-instructor, finishing the lessons on her own. " She goes back to her village, travels through many villages that are now controlled by her father and uncle. It has been years, but she is as angry as ever. " She waits in the forest by her village until night. She feels her uncle's presence, hurries to him. He is alone in bed. She wakes him and runs him through with his own sword, though she has her own - - the action appeals to her sense of humor. It is her uncle's misfortune that he had claimed no need for guards, relying on his own skills. " Now she hunts for her father. She finds him with many guards about and challenges him. He does not recognize her voice and cannot see her through her veil. 'I do not fight women, bitch,' he says. The guards are laughing, and one attempts to grab her. She pulls him toward her, snaps his arm. He is wailing now, and none of the guards are laughing. They aren't quite sure what to do. "'You will fight a woman now.' Her father draws his sword, and the guards move away. It is a short fight. Before he even advances, she has him spilling his insides: she is superior. The guards grab her, though she has won fairly, and a physician is called to heal her father. She is thrown into jail to await her father's wrath. " Soon he comes to her--" " Hello? Argyst?"There is a woman's voice calling from the door. " Tell her to wait, Argyst - - tell her you must get dressed!" the woman-stranger hisses at him. Argyst shouts. "I've got 'veclothing on. Let me make myself decent!"He is impatient now - - the story must be coming to an end. "Get on with it, if you're in 'reh a hurry."Argyst is tense, wondering who is at the door. He has more than one reason for wanting her to hurry. " Yes... her father comes now, unveils her. He is shocked. There is a man with him, a man with odd equipment that she has never seen before. 'Do it, mark her skin. Her forehead.' He stands at the door while the man marks her. Despite her pain, she is silent. "The marking-man leaves, and her father stays for a moment. 'Just think of the pleasure we will have, you and I.' He laughs. 'But now I've mor 'veressing matters to which I must attend, so you must wait for me.' "He leaves--" " Argyst, what is taking you?"The woman shouts impatiently from outside. " Tend your cows, woman - - it'll be 'llother moment or two!"Argyst is burning with curiosity about what is going to happen in the tale, not worried about the woman waiting outside his door. The stranger continues quickly. "The woman knows she cannot kill her father now; he has thought to put magical protection put on himself. "Something else comes to mind. She puts her veil on after touching the mark on her forehead, crouches in the center of the floor. She closes her eyes. "In a moment, she is gone. She hasn't simply left the cell, transported herself away from the jail - - she has moved to another time. It is the only way she knows to win, to undo all of her father's evils, rid the people of this demon-man." " Where did she go?"Argyst asks, utterly caught in the story. The woman-stranger reaches for her veil now, pulls it off. "Can you tell me, Argyst, what the mark on my forehead is? I have no way of knowing." " Why, yes," says Argyst. "It's a dragon wrapped around a sword--"Something comes to him. "No," he whispers, and moves back toward the wall. "The only way I may undo all of these wrongs is to kill his father. His poor father, Argyst."Argyst closes his eyes. "There's no way around it, is there?"A tear slides down his face. " No, Grandfather," she says, and holds him to her. "This is how it must be. I give up as much as you, remember: I will never live."She holds out her hand, closes her eyes. A form takes shape in her hand. It is a small vial. "Drink this, Argyst. Quickly."He does so, more quickly than she would have even imagined. He has no desire to dwell before he slips away. He has never sacrificed so much, and never sacrificed so quickly. "Damn it, Argyst, I've 'veen waiting long enough!"A woman marches into his room, stopping when she sees the beautiful stranger in white holding Argyst, her long red hair flowing over his face. This woman is at a loss for words, stands at the doorway mute. The woman-stranger closes her eyes now. The end is very near. She begins to cry. Never in her life has she cried, and now the tears fall freely. "Oh, good-bye... I don't want to leave...." Argyst falls limp and the marked woman in white spasms briefly. "Never tell anyone of this, woman," she whispers, and vanishes. The woman runs to Argyst. "What has happened to you? In God's name...."She leaves quickly, to find someone to help her with the body. Everyone presumes the causes for Argyst's death are natural, as there are no reasons to believe otherwise. And yet, as an anonymous woman walks by his small hut, she remembers something for a moment. She stops, tries to catch hold of it: a memory of things that never happened. She shakes her head. It's gone.
W2A-040-0.txt	Terrestrial cosmic ray intensites Cosmic rays may cause soft fails in electronic logic or memory. The IBM Journal of Research and Development, Volume 40, No. 1, discussed this complex event in detail. In order to predict electronic fail rates from cosmic particles, it is necessary to know the local cosmic ray flux. This paper reviews the penetration of cosmic rays through the earth's atmosphere, and the parameters which affect the terrestrial flux. The final particle flux is shown to vary mainly with the site's geomagnetic coordinates and its altitude. The paper describes in detail the quantitative cosmic flux at one datum (New York City) and then tabulates in an appendix the relative level at other major cities of the world. Introduction Cosmic rays were first discovered because of the dogged curiosity of one man to explain a minor scientific irritation. The study of radioactive materials in the period from 1898 to 1912 was of widespread interest because this field offered direct insight into the nature of the atom, whose structure was still unknown. Electrometers were often used to measure the very small flux of particles coming from radioactive materials. (An electrometer consists of two thin ribbons of metal suspended in a vacuum bulb, which diverge when charge is present.) In use, electrometer readings had to be corrected for "leakage," which was dependent on the electrometer size and proportional to time, but remarkably was not dependent on the amount of charge on the electrometer foils. This leakage led to speculation about possible undiscovered radioactive contamination, or a flux of new invisible ether particles. Victor Hess studied this phenomenon by taking electrometers onto lakes where there should have been less contamination (no change in leakage) and into caves (leakage disappeared). Finally, in 1912, he brilliantly solved the problem by lifting two ion chambers in balloons to altitudes of 6 km (Figure 1)[1, 2]. He showed that there was indeed a flux of particles, and that it came from the sky with an intensity which increased with altitude (he was awarded the 1936 Nobel Prize for this work). His work was immediately followed by more detailed studies such as that of Kolhorster, who showed that the particle flux increased very rapidly with altitude, with a 10X increase at only 10 km. Cosmic rays became the source of wild speculation for the next twenty years because of their exponential increase in flux with height. Finally, Pfotzer showed in 1936 that the flux did not continue to increase but reached a peak at about 15 km, after which it diminished rapidly [3] [Figure l(c)]. All of this early work is directly related to the prediction of integrated circuit (IC) soft fails at terrestrial altitudes and at airplane altitudes. Because of the wide speculation about the nature of cosmic rays (a name introduced by the popular press about 1914), there is no single scientific definition of the phrase, only the popular description: Things which rain down from the heaven and are not wet. The scientific literature has adopted three variations on the phrase: primary cosmic rays, the initial particle flux external to the earth's atmosphere; cascade cosmic rays, the intermediate flux within the atmosphere; and sea-level cosmic rays, the final terrestrial flux of particles. Outline of methodology This paper evaluates the terrestrial cosmic ray flux at various cities to facilitate the prediction of cosmic-rayinduced electronic soft fails [4]. The cosmic particles which cause soft fails fall into the class of particles called hadrons, which interact with the strong interaction (also called the nuclear force), specifically neutrons, protons, and pions. Experimental values of the flux of all of these particles have never been measured for any single terrestrial site. Therefore, scattered measurements taken over 50 years must be combined with theoretical estimates of variability to obtain a single benchmark cosmic sealevel flux, the cosmic flux datum, which was arbitrarily chosen to be that at New York City. Other experiments and theoretical calculations will scale this datum flux to other terrestrial cities. The topics of this paper are presented in the following order: 1.External particle flux-A discussion of the external incident cosmic ray particle flux into the earth's outer atmosphere, and how it changes with time. 2.Cascades in the atmosphere-None of these external incident particles survive to reach the earth's surface because of the density of the atmosphere and the strength of the strong interaction. Each incident particle creates a cascade of secondary particles, which in turn creates further cascades. The details of the cascades are complicated because many high-energy particles decay spontaneously, with half-lives of less than a nanosecond. A cascade calculation is used which gives flux spectra for all significant particles (including all hadrons) in the lower atmosphere. This calculation generates the shapes of the sea-level particle flux spectra (differential flux versus particle energy). These shapes are then normalized using the available experimental data. 3. Altitude corrections-The results of the above particle cascade calculations are used to obtain snapshots of the cascades at various altitudes in order to establish scaling rules which correct experimental flux measurements taken at various terrestrial altitudes to a common sea-level datum. 4. Geomagnetic corrections The earth's magnetic field deflects cosmic rays and significantly modifies the terrestrial flux. Calculations of these terrestrial variations are used to normalize cosmic flux measurements taken at various geographic locations to equivalent fluxes at New York City. 5.NYC sea-level flux datum- The above steps establish the New York City sea-level flux datum, with experimental measurements taken at different locations and at different altitudes being normalized to a common point. No correction for solar cycle is made because the scatter of data is much larger than the effects of the solar cycle. 6.Flux intensities for cities The cosmic ray flux at many other cities is evaluated on the basis of their latitude, longitude, and altitude. An appendix tabulates the results for many cities with populations above 500 000 or isolated sites with extensive electronic systems (e.g., Kinshasa, Zaire, or Leadville, Colorado). Primary cosmic ray flux There are two sources of primary cosmic ray particles: First, there is a flux of very energetic particles from distant sources in the galaxy. There is also the flood of low-energy particles called the solar wind, which disappears during the period of the quiet sun, and then builds into a torrential storm of particles during an active sun period. These two particle currents are initially considered separately. Galactic flux The galactic cosmic rays are of debatable origin, and there are no theoretical estimates of the primary flux. Some have energies beyond 10^sup 23^ eV, so exotic scenarios have been proposed for their origin, such as being accelerated by stellar flares, supernova explosions, pulsar spin-offs, or from the explosions of nascent galactic nuclei. The flux density of primary cosmic rays in the galaxy is very large, about 100 000/m^sup 2^-s. The energy density of cosmic rays is very high, more than I MeV/m^sup 3^, so it is assumed that they must originate within our galaxy or else the mass/energy balance of cosmology would be inconsistent with current theory. Because our galaxy is spinning, it is saturated with a magnetic field of several microGauss. The cosmic rays interact with this field so that, typically, they continuously spiral during their lifetime with a spiral diameter of a fraction of the galactic diameter. It is because of this vast spiraling trajectory that a local observer within the galaxy would detect that the galactic cosmic rays are isotropic and do not come from particular sources. Particle detectors in satellites have determined that the primary low-energy cosmic ray particles consist of 92%; protons and 6%; alpha particles, with the remainder being heavy nuclei (Figure 2). There are no free neutrons in the external galactic flux because neutrons are unstable unless bound in a nucleus and have an 11-minute half life as free particles. The flux of higher-energy particles shown in Figure 2 has been estimated from various kinds of experiments: (a) the flux variation of particles through different strengths of the earth's geomagnetic field; (b) data from large-particle spectrometers flown in balloons to altitudes of 100 km; (c) measurements of the penetration of hadron cascades into the earth (marked Indirect in Figure 2); and (d) the analysis of the very large individual showers with 10^sup 8^ particles which spread over a hundred kilometers at sea level (all from a single incident particle!). Accurate spectrometers in satellites such as CREDE-II have identified the individual elements in the primary flux, and typical data are shown in Figure 2(b). These incident particles have such high energies that the particles have deBroglie wavelengths smaller than a proton diameter (or, more explicitly, smaller than the interaction distance of the strong interaction). Further, their energy is far greater than that of nuclear binding energies. This means that when a cosmic ray alpha particle hits an atmospheric nucleus, the alpha particle need not be considered as a He nucleus, but can be treated as independent particles, two protons and two neutrons, with each one interacting independently with any atmospheric nucleus. Therefore, from the standpoint of its interaction with the atmosphere, we can simplify the primary particle flux distributions of Figure 2 by assuming that the incident flux is just 71%; protons and 29%; neutrons. This assumption, along with corrected energy/flux curves for just two sets of particles, greatly simplifies the calculation of the atmospheric cascades. Calculations of cosmic ray particle trajectories in the earth's magnetic field indicate that initial energies above 1 GeV are necessary for penetration to the earth's surface (see [7-16]). Precise satellite measurements show that the incident flux of cosmic rays with energies above 1 GeV is about 1600/m^sup 2^-s at the edge of the exosphere with isotropic trajectories [17]. Solar flux A second source of primary cosmic rays is the sun. During the quiet sun period there are essentially no energetic particles in the solar wind which can reach sea level on earth because of the low energies of the particles. In the active sun period, the solar wind increases by factors of the order of 10^sup 6^, making it far denser than the galactic particle flux. The sun has a variable cycle which ranges from 9 to 12 years; Table 1 shows the years of the most recent cycle nodes. During the previous quiet sun period, 1985-1986, satellite detectors indicated that there were effectively no energetic particles in the solar wind which could penetrate to sea level on earth (i.e., with energies greater than 1 GeV). The simplest evidence that solar particles do not induce sea-level cascades is that there is only a small diurnal change. The maximum diurnal effect is estimated at less than 1%;; see Figure 3, which indeed shows minima occurring every day at local midnight. During periods of a large solar flare (which might last a few days), there is a small chance that the earth might pass through the narrow beam of particles from the flare, and the total intensity of cosmic rays at the earth's surface might double for a few hours. More than two dozen of these events occurred during 1990-1991. However, there is a more important aspect to the solar cycle than the increased particle flux. The active sun with its large solar wind creates a large distortion of the magnetic field about the earth (the magnetosphere), which increases the earth's shielding against intragalactic cosmic rays. This leads to a net reduction of the sea-level cosmic rays during the period of the active sun. In the active sun of 1989-1991, which was the most intense solar activity ever recorded, the sea-level intensity of cosmic rays actually decreased by about 30%;. Thus, the active sun greatly intensifies the solar wind, and the external particle flux increases, but the earth's distant magnetic field also increases. The final result of this complex interaction is that the terrestrial sea-level flux of cosmic particles decreases during the active sun, except for the few hours during the most spectacular solar flares (Figure 4). Figure 4 is also a good representation of how the terrestrial flux which causes soft fails changes with the solar cycle. It includes all hadrons, and also has a significant contribution from muon capture processes (described later). It shows that the solar cycle is a perturbation of the general terrestrial flux, amounting to, at most, a 30%; reduction during the most active solar periods. The data in Figure 4 constitute the longest continuous record of cosmic rays [19-21]. The figure shows the general inverse correlation between solar activity and terrestrial cosmic rays, but the details of the two phenomena have only partial relationships. This is because the sunspots, and their corresponding solar flares, usually distort the solar magnetosphere only in specific directions, and the effect on the earth depends on whether the earth is in that sector. Solar flares may also send a particularly intense stream of particles into the solar wind, but these particle streams are usually of such low energy that they are not detected at sea level. During the period from 1956 to 1972 (17 years) there were 61 solar events which caused particle bursts at satellite altitudes. Of these, only 18 were simultaneously detected at sea-level particle detector stations, with an average change of flux of about 10%; for a period of about a day ([17], p. (6-20/21). More typical is a decrease in particle flux due to increased intensity of the magnetosphere caused by the solar event. Typical sea-level particle flux changes are shown in Figure 5, in which a narrow 20%; dip is due to a solar flare event. This type of decrease is called a Forbush decrease, after the scientist who first related the decrease to solar flares [22]. Details of the variation of the primary galactic particle flux with the solar cycle have been measured, and above I GeV there are almost no significant differences due to the solar cycle.
W2D-018-0.txt	How to Fix Anything PCs, printers, smartphones, cameras, networks--your stuff will inevitably stop working. Here's how to troubleshoot and fix your most common tech issues. Your PC will crash, your camera will break, your network will fail, and your printer will chew up paper. Before you spend valuable time and money waiting for tech support or paying for a professional technician, read our handy guide to basic repairs for your PC, home network, printer, digital camera, and smartphone. How to Fix Your PC Considering how many different software and hardware components need to work correctly for a modern PC to turn on, it's a small wonder that they work as well as they do. We can't give you a panacea for all of your computer ills, but we can provide a guide to getting out of the most common PC disasters. Here are some useful strategies. If your PC won't turn on: Try plugging it into a different outlet or power strip; if it's a laptop, try a different battery and power adapter, if you have another one handy. For desktops, make sure that all your internal plugs and cards are properly seated--graphics card, RAM, everything. If none of this helps, it's probably a problem with your motherboard or power supply, and unless you've got spare parts handy, you' 've probably best 'ref calling the manufacturer's tech support line. If your PC turns on, but won't successfully boot into Windows: First, start booting up, and press F8 repeatedly during the boot process. This may allow you to access a menu that lets you select different boot options with your keyboard, one of which is "Safe Mode". Select Safe Mode, uninstall the last thing you installed, update all your drivers (if you need to download new ones, you may need to select the "Safe Mode With Networking" option instead), and open up the System Restore app (Start Menu, Accessories, System Tools, System Restore) to roll back to an earlier point when your PC could successfully start up. Safe Mode not working? Your hard drive might be failing. Get your rescue drive or manufacturer recovery discs, boot up from it, and save whatever data you haven't backed up. Then run your disk diagnostic app--you can always run Check Disk, which is built into Windows, by right-clicking your hard drive, selecting Properties, clicking the Tools tab and selecting Check now... under the "Error Checking" tab. There's no cure for bad sectors--you'll have to re 'llce the drive. If you hear your PC emitting a set of beeps during the startup process, it's most likely your BIOS trying to tell you that you have a motherboard-level problem with your PC--your processor fan might be unplugged, for example, or your power supply might not be working. The beep patterns aren't standard, so you'll have to g 'llon a different PC and check out your BIOS manufacturer's Web site to figure out what's wrong. If Windows successfully boots, then crashes soon afterwards: Start by updating all your drivers--first, the essential drivers provided by your PC manufacturer, then the drivers for your peripherals and extra devices. Don't forget to update your BIOS, too. If your PC is crashing soon after startup, try uninstalling anything you recently downloaded and checking your startup apps and background processes to see if something is going wrong. You can view the processes in the Task Manager by pressing Ctrl-Shift-Esc and clicking the Processes tab--and you can use ProcessLibrary.com as a reference for figuring out the obscure ones. For startup items, search for msconfig and click on the Startup tab to see what's going on. If something you recently installed shows up in there, it might be your culprit. If your crashes aren't so easy to reproduce, try running a scan for viruses and malware with your preferred security suite. On the other hand, if you recently installed a new security suite and started seeing problems, try uninstalling it and then use a different one. Security apps typically get deeper into the guts of your system than other apps, meaning they're more pro 'reto incompatibilities. Still can't figure it out? Google can be your best friend when it comes to troubleshooting, especially if you have an error message handy--even if the official support sites haven't covered your specific problem, odds are that someone has posted on a tech forum about it. Search for the specific error message--in quotes--for best results, and if you can't find an immediately obvious error message, try looking in Control Panel, Problem Reports and Solutions (Vista); or, for Windows 7, open Control Panel, Action Center, Maintenance, View reliability history, and click on View all problem reports at the bottom of the window. If you can't find any leads, you might have to do a clean Windows reinstall. Back up your data, reformat, and install from scratch. For more troubleshooting tips, check out our "Top Free Troubleshooting Tools for Windows." How To Fix Your Network Troubleshooting networking and Internet-related problems can be tricky and time-consuming, especially if your ISP is prone to network outages. Read on for some quick networking fixes. If you can't find your shared PCs or devices on your local network: There are several reasons why you might not be able to see a certain PC on your network, but checking your firewall, your sharing, and your workgroup settings should be a good place to start. For more details, check out "How to Troubleshoot Your Home Network." Networks with Macs and PCs, or PCs running different versions of Windows (or Linux builds), have their own difficulties--features such as Windows 7's HomeGroups, for example, make networking much easier among Windows 7 PCs but are not quite as easy for other OSs to play along with. If you can't update all your PCs to run the same version of Windows, read "Set Up Your Home Network: Windows 7 Edition" to see how you can get Windows 7 to play nicely with your network. If none of your PCs can access the Internet: Turn off your modem and router, and then turn them back on. If that doesn't work, try plugging your PC directly into the modem via ethernet. If it doesn't work, either, you may have a router problem. If not, your connection is down, and you probably need to call your ISP's tech support line. If only some of the computers on your network can access the Internet: You're dealin 'reith an issue on your network, and the connection to your ISP is working fine. First, open the command line (Start Menu, Accessories, Run, then type in cmd); type in ipconfig / renew. This will tell your PC to get a new IP address, a step that can clear up several network issues. If that doesn't work, try checking the networking settings on each of your PCs by going to Control Panel, Network and Sharing Center, Change Adapter Settings and opening up the panel for the networking device (Local Area Connection for wired networks, or Wireless Network Connection for Wi-Fi, usually) that you're trying 're use, and click Details. From here, you should find clues to what might be going on. If it says "No" under "DHCP Enabled," then your PC is trying to use a preexisting IP address, subnet mask, and DNS server information to connect to your network. Normally, most home networks use DHCP (Dynamic Host Configuration Protocol) to automatically assign addresses to new PCs on the network, so all you have to do is plug in (or connect via Wi-Fi), and you're good t 'reo. Close the Details window and click Properties; click Internet Protocol Version 4 (TCP/IPv4), then Properties. From here, just switch the radio buttons from "Use the following IP address" and "Use the following DNS server addresses" to "Obtain an IP address automatically" and "Obtain DNS server address automatically." If your IPv4 address starts with "169.254.", your PC is trying to use DHCP to get an IP address and Domain Name Server information for that network automatically. However, an IP address starting with those two numbers means either that the DHCP server on the network (typically the router, in small home networks) isn't working, or that it's not enabled, and you'll nee 'llo manually enter the IP address, subnet mask, and DNS server information on your own. You can do this by going into the Network Connections window, right-clicking on the network interface you're tryi 'reto use, and selecting Properties. From here, you should select Internet Protocol Version 4 (TCP/IPv4); click Properties, and then both the Use the following IP address radio button and the Use the following DNS server addresses radio button to enter them in. However, you'll pro 'llly need to get that information from whoever set up your home network; most home networks use DHCP to cut down the hassle. How To Fix Your Printer Printers can break, jam, and drop print quality suddenly. Here's what you can do about these common printing headaches. If your printer jams: You're go 're to need to get that paper out of your printer before you do anything else. It pays to check your printer's documentation to make sure you extricate the paper in a way that does not damage your printer's internal mechanics. Specifically, check the manual for advice on how to get to where the paper is stuck (an access door or release lever), and how to remove the sheet--ideally, in one piece, as removing smaller bits can be a real pain. If you can't find your manual, the basic rule of thumb is to pull gently on the paper in the direction that it would be exiting--i.e., forward, not backward, in the paper path. If you can't get the whole piece of paper, look carefully for the stray scraps and extract them with tweezers, as they could cause another jam. When it comes to paper jams, they're 'reier to prevent than to fix. Start by taking good care of your paper--make sure it is stored smooth, dry, and flat. Do not feed folded, dogeared, torn, or otherwise less-than-perfect paper into your printer. Also, don't let paper sit for more than a day in vertical-feed trays, as the pages can bend slightly (affecting their ability to feed smoothly) and the pressure of the paper on the rollers might affect the rollers' functionality. Finally, adjust your paper tray to fit the paper you're 'reng. A carelessly set width or length guide can affect how the paper feeds and possibly cause a jam. Also, most printers these days have their own maintenance functions that will realign and clean the printer heads. Run through those once or twice and see if that helps. If your printer is printing slowly: A handful of different factors could be slowing down your print speed. Here's what to look for. First off, check to make sure you're 'ret printing in a high-quality or "best" mode, which will take longer than a default or draft mode. Depending on what you're 'reinting, your connection to your printer might be bottlenecking the print rate. Wireless connections can be affected by distance from the printer, airwave interference, and physical barriers, and USB connections have narrower bandwidth than ethernet connections. If you print run-of-the mill documents, largely text and some photos, than a wireless or USB connection should be adequate. If you print complex or high-res graphics or have a lot of people trying to use the printer, ethernet is better suited for bigger or busier traffic. Also, most consumer printers rely on your PC to process the print job, so if your PC's memory and processor are already heavily taxed your jobs will take longer to process. If a printer does have its own memory (usually one designed to work in an office), check to make sure there is enough memory to handle the complexity and quantity of jobs you are sending to it. Did problems begin after you started to print a lot more than usual? Check the printer's monthly duty cycle to see how much it's designed to push out. If you started off with a consumer-level printer designed to print perhaps up to a few dozen pages a day, but you are now printing a hundred or more pages a day, your old printer is probably struggling to keep up. If you are printing 25 percent or more of the monthly duty cycle spec, then you should probably get a printer with a higher monthly duty cycle.
W2C-008-3.txt	Locomotive power plans still on track Falling electricity prices have not yet put an end to Washington Corp.'s plans to generate energy with locomotives parked southwest of Willow Creek. Criticized by locals worried about constant noise and exhaust, the locomotives planned for a remote rail siting are still a possibility, said Linda Frost, spokeswoman for Montana Rail Link, a train company owned by Washington Corp. " It is still pending. We' 'llmake an announcement next week," Frost said. Right up until last week, neighbors to the locomotive site cold see workers installing track to accommodate MRL's plan. Locomotives are designed to generate electricity. Collaborating with Commercial Energy Corp. of Cut Bank, MRL planned to park six locomotives southwest of Willow Creek and plumb the power the generated to nearby electric lines. A joint corporation, Rail Energy, was to supervise the venture. But electricity costs have dropped for the last week as the federal government threatens to at least temporarily regulate skyrocketing Western energy prices. Prices once hovering around $300 a megawatt are now fluctuating in the $40 a megawatt range. Making electricity with diesel locomotives isn't the cheapest means. To profit, Rail Energy planned to sell its power for $110 a megawatt or more.
W1B-006-0.txt	December, 1990 Dear Ann - - Hey, woman! How are you? Just sending some holiday greetings your way and hoping you're doing well in Cambridge. I think you quit your job at Cultural Survival, right? So what are you doing now? How are things in your house? I'm no longer working at the Art Institute-I'm now at th 'mNewberry Library, where Alice used to 'mrk. Everyone there speaks very highly of Alice, I guess she's in library school at Berkeley now. I am working in the Public Affairs Department at the library. I help to publicize events and exhibits that happen there. It's quite a pleasant place to work, the people are very nice. Not great money, of course, but it's enough to make my loan payments, so I can't really complain. And I get insurance benefits etc., which is good. How is your life going? Met any new and interesting people? (I'm sure you have) If you can 'melieve it, Stuart is going to come visit me and stay here at my sister's. Sue is going to come up here for the weekend so he can see both of us. He's coming back to The U.S. for about 3 weeks in February, and he'll spend a few of those days 'llre. It should be interesting, to say the least. He and I didn't part on the best of terms, but I guess that's all ancient history at this point. Are you going home for Christmas etc.? I'm going to visit Malcolm in NY City for New Yea 'm's. Malcolm also has a job interview in Chicago so he might be moving out here for a while. Should be an experience. I guess if he is around I'll be able to decide how I re 'lly feel about him and the relationship. Right now I'm just not sure. Anyway, things are going ok for me. Write and tell me how you are. I think of you often. I played the Violent Femmes the other day and that reminded me of Freshman year. Anyway take care! Love, Amanda Dear Ann, Hey! Thanks for writing-- I thought you were dead. Well, not like I've been writing either, I suppose. I'm sending you these two clippings that I tho 'mht might be of interest. You can flash them around and say "[- - - - - ] and now he has attained fame." I didn't see the play, I didn't even know that Joe was in Chicago. How's the CFC? I'm still at the Newberry, to which I think A 'mce has returned (temporarily), although I haven't seen her. Yes, Stuart did visit me. He hasn't changed. Neither has Sue, who wouldn't come up to visit him while he was here because Malcolm was also here at the time. So instead, Stuart visited her down in Champaign. It was ok seeing him-- he gave me some interesting gifts from China, although my family didn't particularly like him. We know what kind of impression he tends to make. But all that was back in Feb. I haven't heard from Stuart lately, and Sue & I are still not really getting along. Cheryl has come back from Estonia and is job hunting. Norma is living in Oberlin with her lover, Laura. Never thought Nora would have a real lesbian relationship? Think again. I guess she's happy, although poor. I visited Ashley in D.C. in April; she's working for World Wildlife Fund and is somewhat disillusioned about the future. I'm sorry that you had chicken pox. How is your house? How 'bout your love life? Still want to travel? Malcolm will be going to Indiana U. In the fall to study folklore/ethnomusicology. I'm thinking about going into museum studie 'm We'll see. I miss you too, I'd like to see you so 'dtime. Ever though about coming to Chicago? Hmmmmm??? Write to me, I'll write more to you too, 'll a time in the future as yet unforseen. Avec amour, Amanda Dear Ann Howdy buckaroo! Have yourself a merry little holiday season, if you can stand to. So how are you? Thanks for writing to me a million years ago when you did. Sorry I didn't write back until now, but I'm lazy as all hell, as you may have 'muessed. I think you asked for my phone number in your letter. [- - - ] Call me real soon-- (Ha! I know you have tons of money, just like me) So what are your future plans? I read in Oberlin Alumni Magazine today that Jin Huang played piano at Kristen's wedding. The Alumni Magazine is so entertaining. I'm still working at the Newbury, still 'miving with my sister. Alice works at Newbury again-- she just got married. My future plans are applying to grad school for library science for Fall'92. Yes, I'm copying Sue, and she & I are barely 'mpeaking. Ah well. Here's some news-- Ashley went to Cairo for a month in September-she's now planning to move to Seattle at some point. Cheryl is back from Estonia and living at home and is frustrated. Nora is still in Oberlin. Wally is still in Pittsburgh but I don't know what he's doing. Sue is working as a librarian at University of North Dakota, and owns a cat and a car which she drove to North Dakota from Boston (where her sister is living now) Malcolm is enjoying and stressing about his ethnomusicology program at Indiana. I miss you, kiddo. Wish I could see you sometime. Of course, I don't have much of a travel budget right now. But drop me a lion if you can-I'd like to hear h 'd you are. Love, Amanda (Wheeeeeesz) Dear Ann-- Thanks for your postcard of a month ago. I would love to see you in August if you can come out here; however I will most likely be in NY the week of Aug. 17-21, and sometime the next week I'll be moving to Bloo 'llgton, Indiana (!) To start my master's in library science. I'll be living with M 'llolm, who is still in progress with the M.A. in Folklore/Ethno. But, if you're able to visit in earl 're August, or even like the 23-26 or sometime in there, I'll most likely be a 'llnd. Real enthusiastic invitation, huh? But I would love to see you. Alice is still at the Newberry. She and I went to a Chicago Oberlin Alumni get-together. It was kind of fun. Also, I saw Joe's name in the paper again the other day. He's in a production of Salome. What a surprise. Glad to hear you like your two jobs, your friends, and your love. I'm a bit tired of my job, b 'm I will be leaving it soon (which they don't know yet). Sue stopped by to visit me last weekend on her way back from an extensive driving vacation. She & I are getting along much better, for which I'm happy. So what are your future plans, if any? Still planning to travel? Ashley Just got a job in Boston at Earthwatch, where Sue's sister Martha works. So Ashley will be around. Maybe you can look her up and argue about anthropology with her. Heh heh. Well, anyways, I would dearly love it if you came to visit. Let me know if you can. Take care-- Love, Amanda Dear Ann, Hi-I'm in Bloomington, IN, liv 'mg with Malcolm and going to library school. My new address is [- - - - - - ]. I'm glad you enjoyed San Fr 'mcisco-- my sister just visited there and really liked it too. Library school is going ok-it's not the most thrilling, but it's alright. I think you would like the anthro-folklore-ethnomusicology programs here, they're pretty freewhee 'reg. Malcolm really likes the folklore dept., and they seem fairly mellow to me, too, not all anal & academic as some depts. can be. We live in a small, clean apartment with furniture. It's worked out ok. Heard this great band from Venezuela - - Ensemble Gurrufio-- two weeks ago. Boy were they ever excellent. I thought of you, of course. Do you have any plans to go to South America soon? Or are you going to journey around the world? I'm going to be living 'm Bloomington for awhile-- my program goes til Dec.'93, and then I'll get a job 'lle while Malcolm works on his dissertation (which will take probably 5+ years) Bloomington is bigger than Oberlin, though, & has a better selection of movies & restaurants. Big sports stuff though; it's weird being at a Big 10 school. All these people walk around with school colors on on the football game days. Ashley said you two ran into each other - - bet you're dying to 're together with her to discuss anthropological theories, right? Heh heh. I'm sorry you weren' 'mable to visit Chicago this summer - - Alice would have liked to see you too. Actually, she was the one who told me you were going to see Margaret. Anytime you want to visit Bloomington you're more than we 'reme! Anyway, I'm still adjusting 'mo life here, so I'll stop writ 'll now & have a cup of tea. Write when you can; hope you are well. Love, Amanda Dear Ann Happy Birthday! How does it feel to be a quarter century old? I have to harass you about it because everyone made fun of me for getting "old." Anyway, glad to hear you are in your own apartment. Are you still enjoying your job? I'm almost halfway 'mhrough my library degree, I'll be done i 'll December. I hope you decide to save this card because I'm putting my ad 'mess on it. See the opposite page Anyway, I hope you are doing well. Have a great birthday Love, Amanda Dear Ann Thanks for the beautiful armadillo and your marriage wishes. It was kind of funny how we got the package - - we weren't home when the mail came so we got a card saying we could pick up the package at the post office. However, the card did not say if the package was addressed to me or Malcolm, so when we gave it to the guy at the post office, he said, now who was the package addressed to? We told him it was either Romano or O'Leary, so you can imagine what a kick the guy got out of the package being addressed to "the Lovebirds." He laughed his ass off. So anyway, THANKS!!! I'm glad to hear 'mu're alive and 'ret you made it to El Salvador. I'd like t 'dhear about it sometime. I'm also happy 'm hear that you have a new apartment. Forgive my ignorance, but where is [- - - ]? Sorry to hear that your relationship ended-- it must have been pretty tough. I take it you want to quit your job? I'm going to ha 'm my master's degree by December. I'm looking fo 'mard to being finished with classes; however, I'll be s 'lling in Bloomington with Malcolm, so it is very unlikely that I can get a job for which I'm qualified 'm But, I'm hoping to 'met some kind of position, especially one that will generously give me time off in May to get married. The date of the wedding is May 22. Hope you can make it. If you can, I'd also 'dve it if you would play piano during the ceremony-- if you'd feel 'dmfortable with that of course. But let me know-- it would be great if you could. My parents are pretty much planning the wedding-it's going to be held in the Chicago suburbs of course. My mother is going a little nuts over it, but she's manageable. Malcolm is now a teaching assistant for the course "Intro. to World Folk Music." It uses the same texts and music that Intro. To Ethno. Used at Oberlin, so we were just listening to the postal workers today. The class also had that bizarre Indian cinema music as a listening question on their midterm. So do you live near the Old North Church & all that? I bet there's a lot of good food in the area. Sue has a job interview in Boston, I think with Boston U., for a reference librarian position where she would also be a religion bibliographer, which she'd be 'dnto because that was her major. I don't know exactly when her interviewer is, but it's soon. I don't know if you knew that Sue's sister & brother-in-law live in Boston, too. So, she's excited about a chance to leave N. Dakota. Of course, now her boyfriend (who she lives with) is going to have to try to get accepted to a Ph.D. program in Boston if they want to stay together, which they do. So that's her latest dillemma. I'm 'mnjoying the lovely fall foliage here in southern Indiana-it's nuts the way people get about leaves. I mean, it is beautiful and all that, but really. Actually, Bloomington is a nice town & I 've come to like it.
W2A-015-0.txt	While narcissistic vulnerability is a central feature of both normal and pathological development during adolescence, the author proposes criteria to differentiate between them. The specific features of the narcissistic personality disorders, as it begins to crystalize in childhood and adolescence include: reliance on an omnipotent sense of self, refusal to acknowledge shortcomings and vulnerability, projection of disowned self-experiences onto others, and demands for public affirmation of their power. Those clinical variations of narcissistic pathology-the histrionic-exhibitionistic, the ruthless-psychopathic, and the self-victimizing masochistic-are discussed. These subtypes are illustrated with clinical examples. The confusion and contradictions imbuing the psychological world of the adolescent are perhaps surpassed only by the formulations created to explain them. Psychoanalytic writings by Blos1 and A. Freud2 state that psychic turmoil and regression are not just normative but are also essential for healthy development. Such emphasis led Adelson and Doehrman3 to quip that, in the psychoanalytic literature, the adolescent is depicted as "miraculously holding on to his sanity, but doing so only by undertaking prodigies of defense" (p. 105). From this vantage point, it is extremely difficult to differentiate the normal crisis of adolescence from the pathological manifestations of disturbed youth. Conversely, academic psychologists wax eloquently on adolescents' relentless expansion of cognitive, moral, social, coping, and adaptive capacities. The view from the academic perspective reveals young people mostly committed to a quest for truth, intolerant of adult hypocrisy, and feeling passionately and intensely about relationships and ideals. Current theories fail to adequately encompass the paradoxes of adolescence. The study of narcissistic regulation and narcissistic vulnerability does, however, provide a window onto the paradoxes marking normal and pathological development in adolescence. Better understanding these processes promises to illuminate a broad range of clinically and developmentally significant issues. Perhaps like no other phase of fife, the passage through adolescence bears the hallmarks of narcissistic vulnerability: a proneness to embarrassment and shame, acute self-consciousness and shyness, and painful questions about self-esteem and self-worth. How is this vulnerability different from pathological narcissism? To answer this question we must first examine the phenomenon of narcissistic regulation against the background of some evolving ideas about how subjective experience is organized and structured. Motivational Systems, Internal Representational Models, and Narcissistic Regulation Over the past two decades, infancy studies4,5 have produced an increasingly clearer and more coherent picture of the unfolding and structuring of infants' and young children's subjective experience and intrapsychic reality. In particular, research has systematically documented the biases, preferences, and predispositions built into the human brain; the motivational systems giving direction to the organization of experience; and the tools for information processing, memory, perception, affect, and arousal regulation that become available to infants to construct their intrapsychic world. Although the views emerging from research support a number of psychoanalytic ideas about early development, they also challenge many assumptions held by psychoanalysts about the nature and content of the infant's psychic life. The creative tension between the prospective and normative view evolving out of direct observation and research with infants and children, as well as the retrospective and pathographic perspective generated by psychoanalysis, offers a rich opportunity to enhance our understanding of psychological development in normality and in psychopathology. Two intertwined motivational systems are particularly relevant to a discussion of narcissistic regulation. Infancy research amply supports Fairbaim's6 seminal contention of the primacy of the human craving for sustaining connections with others. Observation and research document a powerful tendency in the human species to seek out and elicit engagement with others from the beginning of fife, a built-in motivation for social fittedness.7 As Stern5 noted, neonates are preprogrammed to recognize people, to prefer human stimulation above all other, and to develop the behavioral repertoire of attachment. Distress escalating to overwhelming anxiety and organismic vulnerability follow disruption of the infant's attachments."' The weight of the accumulated evidence led Greenberg and Mitchelll2 to conclude that the search for two-way relationships and the need for human reciprocity is as preemptory a human motive as supposedly more basic biological needs. Thus it appears highly unlikely that the pairing of human beings for the gratification of biological needs is a precondition to the child's interest in relating to other humans. We are, as Greenberg and Mitchell12 explain, essentially drawn to relate, endowed with a brain inherently wired to generate, organize, and pattern psychological experience resulting from transactions in an interpersonal context. The affective correlate of this perceptual-cognitive bias is separation anxiety. KandeII3 has pointed out the likely innate neurobiological readiness to trigger or downplay a fight-or-flight sequence of anger, anxiety, and hyperarousal in response to the respective absence or reappearance of caretakers. Other humans, says Kandel13 evoke a built-in, ready-to-be-activated signal of safety. One of the basic roots of anxiety thus appears to be a biologically programmed tendency to respond to separations with anxiety and to reunions with relief. Infancy research also strongly supports the existence of a powerful built-in predisposition toward self-regulation and mastery, and an innate tendency to create perceptual-experiential coherence and organization. As Emde7 remarks, the infant comes into the world "with biologically prepared active propensities and with organized capacities for self-regulation" (p. 38). Stern5 also noted an innate tendency to develop predictable patterns and to connect in one's mind what goes together in reality, as well as a corresponding affective response of distress when organization cannot be created or when the expected experiential coherence-the match between the mental model and reality itself-is disrupted. The distressing consequences of a disruption in experiential coherence were well described in Freud's early writings. Freud and Breuer14 compared hysteria with the traumatic neurosis. In both instances, they claimed, an event had become pathogenic because it could not be integrated into the dominant mass of ideas (the psychic organization that Freud subsequently designated as the ego). Thus the experience in question could not be processed through the normal psychological mechanisms and instead persisted, unmetabolized, seeking expression through somatic channels. Almost 30 years later, Freud15 conceptualized trauma as the experience of being overwhelmed by an adaptive demand that renders the ego passive, helpless, and unable to anticipate, cope, integrate, and retain any sense of control. According to Freud, the essence and meaning of the traumatic situation consists of "the subject's estimation of his own strength compared to the magnitude of the danger and his admission of helplessness."15 As a corollary, Freud described the ego's tendency to attempt a turnaround of such passivity and helplessness in an effort to gain (or regain) a measure of activity and mastery. Freud believed that the tendency was critical to advancing the individual's most basic narcissistic pursuits, that is, the capacity for self-preservation. Freud's ideas provide a framework for conceptualizing the phenomena of narcissistic vulnerability and narcissistic regulation. In contrast, however, to the opposition Freudl6,17 postulated between narcissism and object relatedness, developmental studies point to an intertwining of these two motivational systems. In Greenberg and Mitchell's12 formulation, human beings are both self-regulating and field regulating. We are, say Greenberg and Mitchell, fundamentally concerned with both the efforts to create and maintain coherence, mastery, and organization and with the efforts to create and maintain connections with others. More to the point, efforts to gain mastery, reduce helplessness, and achieve experiential coherence coalesce in normal development with the pursuit of relationships in a mutually reinforcing process. Sande18 and Ainsworth and Bell19 make the point that the infants' competence is contingent on the presence of alert and responsive caregivers. To achieve a sense of mastery and produce a state of experiential coherence, infants can turn around their experience of passivity and helplessness, brought about by adaptive demands-whether from within or from without-only when they can signal and evoke attuned responses from their caretakers. The appropriate response, for example, to a signal of hunger transforms the infant's internal state from that of hunger-and helplessness in the face of it-to that of satiation and a regained sense of mastery. Such transactional sequences certainly permit the restoration of a physiological homeostasis, which reinforces the attachment system. They also provide the template for mental schemas of those episodes. Stern5 describes how the infant's abstraction of the common or invariant features of those transactional episodes leads to the construction of representations of interactions generalized (RIGs) which are subsequently organized into internal working models or internal representations of the self in relation to others. These internal representational models (IRMs) provide a prototype for the sense of self as competent and worthy, and of others as responsive. Not surprisingly, disturbances of narcissistic regulation invariably involve concerns about being ignored or not given attention, often coupled with doubt about the ability to have an impact on or to evoke responses from others. Given this built-in motivational push toward self-regulation and object relationships, infants will almost inevitably- as soon as memory and representational capacities permit-construct IRMs both to guide their search for human connections more effectively and to anticipate reality's demands. As the infants' representational competence grows during the second half of their first year of life, they can utilize their IRMs not only to anticipate but also to organize future interactions. Stern5 and others have described the obvious shift in the "social feel" of infants around seven to nine months. Not only are these children more likely to initiate interactions but they also appear to "demand" specific responses from caretakers-that is, responses that match their IRMs. A representational mismatch20,21 may be a major precipitant of so-called stranger's anxiety,22 because the stranger does not match the infant's IRMs. Yet again, object relatedness is intertwined with efforts to secure control and experiential coherence. Social referencing23,24 is evident after six months of age. When infants are confronted with a novel or uncertain situation, that is, a situation lacking an IRM, they seek to resolve the uncertainty by obtaining emotional clues from a caretaker. The representational match is established but mediated by emotional information provided by the caretaker. ACTUAL SELF, IDEAL SELF, AND NARCISSISTIC REGULATION The growing development of categorical thinking and symbolic capacity during the second half of the second year of life provides children with an extraordinary new tool for achieving mastery, control, and experiential coherence, (i.e., narcissistic well-being). Children become increasingly capable of creating a mental representation, which Joffe and Sandler25 call the "ideal self "This ideal self is in the shape of a self-representation associated with a sense of safety, competence, and satisfaction. The ideal self conjures up the experience of mastery, control, experiential integration, and optimal ability to meet adaptive demands. Such an "Ideal self" also transacts optimally with available and responsive others. What are the building blocks of this mental representation? According to Joffe and Sandler, the ideal self is a composite of: (a) memories of actual experiences of pleasure, mastery, satisfaction, and competence (with particular emphasis on memories of the infants' successful evocation of caretakers' responses that lead to a restored sense of narcissistic well-being); (b) fantasies about such experiences (which become increasingly more elaborated symbolically and more available to serve defensive purposes); and (c) the models provided by important people who are loved, feared, or admired. An example of this representational composite is found in the following vignette. Vignette 1 A two-and-a-half-year-old boy protests loudly when his parents, both busy professionals, leave on certain evenings to attend a professional event. The parents, in attempts to comfort the child that are as driven by guilt as by empathy, tell him, "We have to go to a meeting, dear, but when you wake up, we will be back." A few weeks later, the boy is happily tiding up and down the driveway on his brand new tricycle. "I'm go 'mg to a meeting," he proudly announces to his father. Rather sheepishly the father replies, "Great, Johnny, have fun." The father's endorsement, however, only elicits the child's scorn. "No, no, daddy..., "the child chides the father with exasperation, "Cry!" When the chastised father finally "gets it" and "weeps" in distress, the child triumphantly says, "It's okay, daddy, when you wake up, I' 'llbe back." This vignette illustrates the use of a model as a blueprint, a road map guiding the child's efforts to reverse states of helplessness and passivity. He is no longer the one being left but instead is the one leaving. Rather than be the recipient of the comforting words, he is the one attempting to soothe. The mental representation of the object provides an internal model to "match" or approximate. According to Joffe and Sandler,25 narcissistic vulnerability results from the mismatch or incongruence between the ideal self and the actual self, which is the conscious and unconscious sense individuals have of their characteristics, capacities, and ability to respond to adaptive demands. The tendency toward experiential congruity now encompasses both external reality and the internal model of the ideal self. Narcissistic vulnerability refers to a painful state of self-appraisal whose affective correlate is the feeling of shame. The prototypical affect of narcissistic vulnerability, shame reflects the sense of deflation accompanying the inability to measure up to an ideal. Narcissistic well-being or self- esteem, however, results from the successful shaping of the actual after the ideal self. Affects, as Emde7 has pointed out, promote the organization of experience by providing a system of incentives and disincentives for functioning both on an internal psychological level and on a social interactive context. Expression of affects also serves as a social signal that evokes responses from others.
W2C-003-0.txt	The attorney who formerly defended a sheriff's narcotics officer who developed a cocaine addiction didn't learn of the officer's drug problem until Feb. 18, 1999, the attorney testified today during the first day of John Frank Good's perjury trial. Good will testify during his defense, Good's defense attorney, Leonard Robinson, told a Shawnee County District Court jury on Monday. William K. Rork, the attorney who defended Timothy P. Oblander, who had the cocaine addiction, was the second witness to be called to the witness stand on Monday by Good, a former deputy, who is being tried on two charges of felony perjury. Good, who was a sergeant when he was fired earlier this year from the sheriff's department, is charged with two counts of perjury stemming from his testimony on Feb. 22, 1999, and March 10, 1999, in Shawnee County District Court during which he denied knowing Oblander had used illegal drugs. On Feb. 17, 1999, Oblander signed a release so Rork could look at Oblander's treatment records at Valley Hope, an alcohol and drug rehabilitation center at Atchison. Rork said he read that Oblander had been treated at the center for cocaine dependency. " I was shocked," Rork said, who testified Oblander earlier told him he was treated at Valley Hope for an alcohol problem. "If he had told me the truth, he would never have been charged with a crime. He would have continued to take the Fifth Amendment." Oblander was charged with six counts of perjury and one count of official misconduct. The perjury counts stemmed from lying while testifying on Jan. 20, 1999, and Feb.22, 1999, in district court, court records said. The official misconduct charge stemmed from using illegal drugs, then lying about his drug use, according to court records. Oblander agreed to a diversion agreement in exchange for his testimony against Good and former Sheriff Dave Meneley. About Feb. 26, 1999, Rork told Oblander that the deputy was in a "world of trouble" for lying to the court that he hadn't used cocaine. Three days later, Oblander issued a public statement saying he had dual addictions of cocaine and alcohol. Oblander, who was called to the witness stand by Good, testified that he told Good about his drug addiction. Oblander never told Good about his drug addiction, did he? Robinson asked Oblander. " Yes, I did," Oblander said, "before I went into treatment" in late June 1995. Oblander said he "gave little detail" to Good about his drug addiction. In his opening statement, Robinson said jurors would not only find Good not guilty but also innocent of the perjury charges. Robinson told jurors that charges against Good were a way to get Meneley, who was Shawnee County sheriff when he was charged with two counts of perjury in April 1999. Two deputies, Detectives Jack Metz and Scott Holladay, have testified that Good told them about Oblander's cocaine addiction and that Meneley knew about Oblander's problem. Robinson told jurors he thinks Metz and Holladay learned of Oblander's drug problem from the drug counselor who was to provide counseling to Oblander after he finished his one-month treatment at Valley Hope. Robinson said Assistant Attorney General James Welch was trying to make points with Attorney General Carla Stovall when he testified that Good told him of Oblander's drug use. In February, Meneley was ousted from the sheriff's office after two Shawnee County District judges ruled that Meneley twice gave false testimony while under oath and once concealed evidence, all linked to the sheriff's department drug scandal.
W2A-034-0.txt	1.5 Overview This report explains the way in which we structured the software to provide the required functionality. We focus first on Argus, the corpus search tool, and second on Ajax, the dictionary entry editor. We examine, in particular, how the design of Argus and Ajax was affected by the following requirements: changing specifications, good performance, and robustness. Section 2 describes how Argus searched the corpus for examples of a word. In section 3 we look at how this feature was extended to permit more sophisticated searches. Section 4 shows how we attached senses to words in the corpus, and finally section 5 describes the tools for exiting dictionary entries. In appendix A, we evaluate how well the system described in the body of the report enabled us to meet the goals set out in the Hector overview [1]. We are not lexicographers, so we have not set our results in the context of related work by the lexicography research community. Appendix B describes the details of a wordclass tagger for raw corpus text. 2 Searching the Corpus The Oxford Hector Pilot Corpus contained 20 million words of running English text, with SGML[6] markings to indicate special characters and certain general classes of text, such as headings, signatures, and captions. For various practical reasons, we decided that, after some initial cleanup work such as removing large duplicate sections, we would not change the text of the corpus during the course of the project, nor would we allow the lexicographers to edit the existing text. As a consequence of this decision, we were able to simplify the design of the search tool. In order to search such a large corpus quickly for the patterns requested by the lexicographers, it was clear that we needed a full-text index. Since the corpus wasn't going to change, we simply used the index of each word in the corpus as a reliable way to identify it; word number 3,467,122 would not change during the project. This decision also meant that we could afford to invest considerable time in precomputing lexical and syntactic information, which we added to as well. The tool that we built to search the text, and to view the corpus, was called Argus. In its simplest form, Argus resembled the Unix utility grep. However, we needed much better performance than grep provides. We also needed richer functionality, such as being able to search for more than one word at a time, and allowing various other constraints on the search. The lexicographers needed to search the corpus and quickly extract all instances of the target word they were studying. They also needed to see the target words in a KWIC concordance. For example, the concordance for the word "stock" might include these citations: at while Dai Ichi would change its stock portfolio this year, there wo ought 500 April 2,150 puts. In the stock options, BP was the busiest, future.? The 250,000 tonne buffer stock, which was bought in a vain a ack enough to put it in order, and stock and equip it. <hdl> Putting laborious, to carry water or move stock to it. When these top-priorit The lexicographers also needed to sort a concordance in different ways. For instance, they might want to sort it by the words to the right of the target word, to uncover patterns of use. The following subsections describe the parts of Argus and the supporting programs that locate and display concordances of a single word. 2.1 Parsing the Corpus In order to search for words in the corpus, we needed to identify them by determining their boundaries. For instance, when is punctuation part of a word? In the sentence "I 'd' 'vedrunk another pint", is "I 'd 've" one word or three? To perform this lexical analysis, we used a parser from Houghton Mifflin. We ran the parser over each document in the corpus and stored the results in disk files, one for each corpus file. (We stored the corpus not as one large file, but as 276 separate files. This made the corpus slightly easier to manage early in the project when we were still modifying the text and the analysis tools.) We numbered all the words in the corpus sequentially from 1 to 20 million, across file boundaries, producing a unique index for each word. The parser also performed syntactic analysis. It produced a set of four binary files containing wordclass tags, sentence boundaries, clause boundaries, and prepositional phrases. Each file contained a set of records; for example, a wordclass file contained the starting position of the word, its length, its wordclass tag, and its baseform. The Adam wordclass tagger, a separate program, produced a fifth file for each document. We could not keep all 1,380 of these data files open all the time. Consequently, Argus spent a lot of time opening and closing files. Caching file handles and the static data from the files helped somewhat, but we believe that this disk activity reduced performance noticeably. 2.2 Indexing The basic operation of searching for a word needed to be very fast. We implemented it with a precomputed index that mapped words to their positions in the corpus. Most of the search operations were implemented most naturally in terms of word indexes. We found that it simplified the structure of the system to split the search code into two parts. One computed results in terms of word indexes; the other translated word indexes into a file name and the character position in that file. For performance reasons, we wanted only a single copy of the search code executing: the index was quite large. However, we needed to provide service to several users simultaneously. The index was therefore managed by a pair of servers, shared by all the users. One server, the Index Server, took search requests and returned a list of word indexes. The other server, the Corpus Position Server," took requests containing word indexes, and returned lists containing filenames and positions within those files. Each server had a front end that handled multiple TCP connections and controlled access to the database managers, which were single-threaded programs. Both servers were designed and implemented by our colleague Mike Burrows. 2.2.1 The Index Server The Index Server implemented the search facility, returning the list of words that satisfied a search request. We discuss two aspects of the Index Server: the scheme for compact data representation used for the index file, and the implementation of the search operations. The central index file was a sequence of alphabetically sorted records, each containing a word and the list of word indexes where the word occurred. To save space, both the words and the indexes were encoded. Each word was represented by the number of leading characters it shared with its predecessor in the file, and the text of the unshared suffix. For example, suppose a document contained only the four words "propel", "propeller", "propellers", and "propels". Instead of storing all 32 characters, the index would contain only 11 characters plus 4 single-byte numbers, arranged like this: Since the list of word indexes was in increasing order, it was stored as a list of consecutive differences, so the list 100150, 100170, 100185, 100202 would be stored as 100150, 20, 15, 17. Each individual number was stored as a sequence of 7-bit digits; the 8th (high-order) bit indicated the end of the sequence. We kept sub-indexes to help locate a word and its list of word-indexes quickly. A sub-index file contained one entry for every 4,000 bytes of data in the index file. Each entry in the sub-index consisted of a byte-offset in the central file and the word and word index at that offset. Binary search in the sub-index yielded a location close to a word/location pair, from which the index file was searched using the word and word-index information from the sub-index entry. This compression scheme saved us a factor of three in space; each index entry in the Hector databases (words, wordclasses, and so on) took 1.33 bytes on average. If the data had not been compressed, each pair would have taken more than 4 bytes per entry, since the position values didn't fit in 3 bytes. Accessing the disk file containing the index contributed substantially to the time needed to query the corpus, so the compression sped up queries in addition to saving disk space. Even with this compression scheme, the Hector index file required about 130 megabytes of storage. Although the index representation was compact, it still permitted the search operations to be executed quite quickly. To find all the examples of a word, the Index Server located the record for that word using binary search. Then it generated all the locations where the word occurred by unpacking the list of indexes stored with the word. We discuss the ways in which the Index Server implemented more complicated searches in section 3. 4.3 The Sense Server The Sense Server was a program that managed the sense-tag database. It performed two functions: it ensured that changes were applied to the database without any loss of data, and it captured the richness of the connections expressed by the sense-tag notation. Since several lexicographers could be simultaneously reading and writing files where the sense tags were stored, the Sense Server ensured that changes were synchronized, and that requests for sense tags always yielded the assignments. In order to represent the richness of the sense-tag notation while making it easy for the Index Server to use the sense assignments, the information about sense assignments was represented in two files. One was a binary file, suitable for use by the Index Server. The other was a text file that contained additional information about words that had been assigned complex tag expressions, rather than just a single, unmodified sense tag. The binary file contained the index of the word in the corpus, the UID of the sense, the ID of the lexicographer who made the assignment, and a flag that indicated whether there was an entry for this word in the text file. If the word was assigned a single, unmodified sense, then there was no information in the text file; the sense-tag expression was just the sense UID. If the sense assignment was a complex expression, then the Sense Server stored the full tag expression in the text file. (This file was not encoded, since there was wide variation in the sense-tag expressions, and there were relatively few complex tag expressions.) We had originally attempted to manage the sense tags directly in Argus, without a separate Sense Server, but we finally concluded that we could not implement a consistent view of a shared, mutable file using NFS. When one copy of Argus rewrote the sense-tag file to record new assignments, there was no way to tell whether other instances were still using the old version, and hence whether it was safe to delete it. We found ourselves either referencing non-existent files or squandering huge quantities of disk space on obsolete versions of the sense-tag file that were of no interest to anyone. 4.4 Searching and Sorting on Senses Argus allowed the lexicographers to use the sense-tagging information to search the corpus. The search could either include or exclude all words with a given sense-tag; for example, the lexicographers might want to ignore all items that had already been tagged, or they might want to see only the words with a particular sense tag, or the words that had been assigned a tag unrelated to the current entry (to see, say, multi-word tags or just wrong tags). Most sense-tag search conditions were implemented by the Index Server directly. The sense-tag assignments were just properties of words. When the sense-tag search condition was equivalent to checking whether a word had a specific sense assigned, the Index Server handled it. However, if the lexicographer wished to include other tagged words and exclude untagged words, or vice versa, the logic required was more than the Index Server was designed to handle. These search conditions were implemented by a downstream sense-tag filter in Argus. The presence of sense tags also provided new opportunities for sorting the concordance. Of the many possible ways of sorting, the lexicographers found these three to be useful: 1. Sort by UID. While the UIDs themselves were not meaningful to the lexicographers, this was the fastest way of seeing which lines had been given the same sense tag. 2. Sort in alphabetical order by mnemonic. See section 4.1 for the relations between UIDs and mnemonics. 3. Sort by dictionary order. The citations were sorted first by the headword, then by the homograph, and finally by the sense number. The lexicographers could constrain a search by sense tag only for the target word, not for a collocate. By the end of the project, there were enough sense-tagged words in the corpus that the lexicographers wished they also had had the ability to constrain a collocate by sense tag. </hdl>
W1B-027-0.txt	ITEM 1. BUSINESS GENERAL Pfizer Inc. (the "Company") is a diversified, research-based health care company with global operations. The Company discovers, develops, manufactures and sells technology-intensive products in four business segments: Health Care, which includes a broad range of prescription pharmaceuticals, orthopedic implants, medical devices and surgical equipment; Animal Health, which includes animal health products and feed supplements; Consumer Health Care, which includes a variety of nonprescription drugs and personal care products; and Food Science, which includes ingredients for the food and beverage industries. Additionally, the Company's Financial Subsidiaries include a banking operation in Europe and a small captive insurance operation. COMPARATIVE SEGMENT AND GEOGRAPHIC DATA Comparative segment and geographic data for the three years ended December 31, 1994 are set forth on pages 35 and 36, and in the Note "Financial Subsidiaries" on page 42 of the Company's Annual Report to Shareholders for the fiscal year ended December 31, 1994 and are incorporated herein by reference. HEALTH CARE The Company's Health Care business is comprised of pharmaceuticals and hospital products. The Company competes with numerous other health care companies in the discovery and development of new, technologically advanced pharmaceutical and hospital products; in seeking use of its products by the medical profession; and in the sale of its product lines to wholesale and retail outlets, public and private hospitals, managed care organizations, government and the medical profession. Methods of competition in health care vary with the product category. There are a significant number of innovative companies in the field. A critical factor in most markets in which the Company competes is the ability to offer technological advances over competitive products. The productivity of scientific discovery and clinical development efforts is central to long-term operational success since there are many companies that specialize in marketing products that no longer have patent or regulatory protection. Other important factors in these markets include the ability to transfer knowledge of technological advances to the medical community, product quality, prompt delivery and price. The United States pharmaceutical marketplace has in recent years experienced intensified price competition, brought about by a range of market forces, including: new product development, increased generic competition, growth of managed care organizations and legislation requiring pharmaceutical companies to provide rebates and discounts to government purchasers. Similar competitive forces, in varying degrees, have also been present in various other countries in which the Company operates. Prescription pharmaceutical and hospital products, both in the United States and abroad, are promoted directly to physicians, as well as to a variety of managed care organizations. Pharmaceutical products are distributed in large part to wholesale and retail outlets, hospitals, clinics and managed care organizations. Hospital products are generally sold directly to medical institutions and, in some cases, through distributors and surgical supply dealers. PHARMACEUTICALS The Company's worldwide pharmaceutical products are comprised primarily of drugs which fall into the following major therapeutic classes: cardiovascular agents, anti-infectives, central nervous system agents, anti-inflammatories and anti-diabetes agents. In 1994, pharmaceuticals made up 70%; of the Company's consolidated net sales, an increase from 69%; in 1993 and 63%; in 1992. Increases in both United States and international pharmaceutical revenues in 1994 were principally the result of strong sales of products launched in the 1990s, including Norvasc (amlodipine besylate), Cardura (doxazosin mesylate), Diflucan (fluconazole), Zithromax (azithromycin) and Zoloft (sertraline). Cardiovascular products are the Company's largest therapeutic product line accounting for 29%; of the Company's consolidated 1994 net sales, an increase from 27%; in 1993 and 23%; in 1992. These products realized sales growth of 20%; in 1994, including an 85%; increase in sales of Norvasc, an intrinsically once-a-day calcium channel blocker for hypertension and angina, as well as a 27%; increase in sales of Cardura, an alpha blocker for hypertension. A supplemental New Drug Application for the use of Cardura in the treatment of benign prostatic hyperplasia (" BPH") was approved by the United States Food and Drug Administration (" FDA") in February 1995. Sales of Procardia XL (nifedipine GITS), a once-a-day calcium channel blocker for hypertension and angina, increased by less than 1%; in 1994. The Company's U.S. cardiovascular sales grew 12%; and international sales of cardiovascular agents rose 38%; in 1994. Worldwide anti-infective sales increased 7%; in 1994 on the strength of Diflucan and Zithromax. U.S. anti-infective sales grew 14%; while international sales rose by 3%;. Diflucan, an antifungal agent, is indicated for use in a variety of fungal infections including certain types which afflict AIDS and immunosuppressed cancer patients. The product also received U.S. approval for the indication of vaginal candidiasis in 1994. Diflucan posted a sales increase of 14%; in 1994 and Zithromax, an oral antibiotic, posted a sales increase of 43%;. Total anti-infective sales accounted for 21%; of the Company's consolidated 1994 net sales, compared to 22%; in 1993 and 20%; in 1992. Sales of Pfizer's central nervous system agents rose 46%; in 1994, reflecting increased sales of Zoloft, an anti-depressant introduced in the U.S. in 1992. Central nervous system agents grew to 13%; of 1994 net pharmaceutical sales and 9%; of the Company's consolidated 1994 net sales. The Company's anti-inflammatory agents, including Feldene (piroxicam), accounted for less than 10%; of the Company's consolidated 1994 net sales. The Company's anti-diabetes agents, including Glucotrol (glipizide) and Glucotrol XL (glipizide GITS), a sustained release anti-diabetic approved in the U.S. in 1994, accounted for less than 10%; of the Company's consolidated 1994 net sales. The Company currently is seeking approval by the FDA for the following products for the indications listed: In addition, the Company has marketing rights in the United States and Japan to XOMA Corporation, Inc.'s E5, a monoclonal antibody for the treatment of gram negative sepsis, which is undergoing FDA regulatory review. To date, Diflucan has been launched in 62 countries and regulatory approvals have been obtained in 16 additional countries. Norvasc has been launched in 74 countries and approvals have been obtained in 14 additional countries. Cardura has been launched in 23 countries and approvals have been obtained in 35 additional countries. In addition, Cardura for BPH has been approved in five countries. Zithromax has been launched in 38 countries and approvals have been obtained in 24 additional countries. Zoloft has been launched in 31 countries for depression. Approvals have been obtained in an additional 16 countries. Applications for regulatory approval for the OCD indication have been made worldwide and approvals have been obtained in four additional countries, although it has not yet been launched in these countries. In addition to the United States, where regulatory approval is being sought for both the osteo- and rheumatoid arthritis indications, regulatory approvals for Enablex capsules for rheumatoid arthritis have been applied for in 29 countries and have been obtained in two countries. No launches of Enablex have yet taken place. HOSPITAL PRODUCTS The Company's Hospital Products Group consists of two divisions - - Howmedica and Medical Devices. Howmedica manufactures and markets orthopedic implants. Medical Devices consists of three core businesses - - Valleylab, Schneider, and American Medical Systems and two smaller businesses - - Strato/Infusaid and Biomedical Sensors. Howmedica's reconstructive hip, knee and bone cement products are used to replace joints which have deteriorated as a result of disease or injury. Major product lines are P.C.A. Hips, ABG Hips, Duracon Knees and Simplex Bone Cement. Howmedica's trauma products are used by orthopedic surgeons to aid in trauma surgery and in setting fractures and include the Gamma Nail, Luhr System and Alta System. Schneider, an international leader in angioplasty catheters, is also a market leader in vascular and non-vascular stent applications. In March 1995, the Company acquired NAMIC U.S.A. Corporation (" NAMIC"), a Company that designs, manufactures and markets a broad range of single-patient use medical products, primarily for use in the diagnosis of atherosclerotic cardiovascular disease. NAMIC's product lines complement those of Schneider and are expected to expand the opportunities for this business. Valleylab is a worldwide leader in electrosurgical devices. Valleylab continues to invest in new product lines to enhance patient and physician safety. American Medical Systems is a leader in impotence and incontinence implants. Its major product development activities in 1994 were focused on new therapies for the treatment of BPH and urological strictures. The merger and the consolidation of operations of Strato Medical Corporation, a supplier of implantable vascular access ports, and Infusaid, an innovator of implantable infusion pumps, were completed in 1994. The combined operation will focus on advanced drug delivery systems. Biomedical Sensors grew in 1994 reflecting the full year launch of the Paratrend 7 intravascular continuous blood gas monitoring system, incorporating both electrochemical and fiberoptic technology. ANIMAL HEALTH The Company's Animal Health Group discovers, develops, manufactures and sells animal health products for the prevention and treatment of diseases in livestock, poultry and other animals. The principal products are: Dectomax (doramectin), the Company's new antiparasitic which was first launched in 1993 and is now available in much of Latin America, South Africa and the United Kingdom; Terramycin LA-200 (oxytetracycline)(marketed as TM/LA outside of North America), a broad-spectrum injectable antibiotic; the Banminth (pyrantel tartrate), Nemex (pyrantel pamoate) and Paratect (morantel tartrate) anthelmintics; Coxistac and Posistac (salinomycin) anticoccidials primarily for poultry; Terramycin (oxytetracycline), a broad-spectrum antibiotic used for a variety of animal diseases; Mecadox (carbadox), an antibacterial for pigs; and Advocin (danofloxacin), the Company's new antibacterial for treating respiratory diseases in livestock and poultry. Aviax (semduramicin), a potent, broad-spectrum ionophore anticoccidial used to prevent coccidiosis in poultry, is to be launched in 1995. Aviax is currently under regulatory review in many countries, with approvals already received in a number of countries, including the United States and Japan. In 1995, the Animal Health Group plans a total of 49 new market launches of Dectomax, Advocin and Aviax. Animal health and nutrition products are sold through drug wholesalers, distributors, retail outlets and directly to users, including feed manufacturers, animal producers and veterinarians. Methods of competition with respect to animal health products vary somewhat but include product innovation, service, price, quality and effective transfer of technological advances to the market through advertising and promotion. In January 1995, the Company acquired the SmithKline Beecham Animal Health (" SBAH") business. SBAH is a world leader in animal vaccines and companion animal health products, which complement the Company's existing animal health business in terms of product, species and regional sales coverage. SBAH's principal products are Stafac (virginiamycin), a feed additive anti-infective for poultry, cattle and swine; Valbazen (albendazole), a bovine parasiticide; Filaribits (diethylcarbamazine citrate), a pet parasiticide; and a variety of vaccines including BoviShield, Leukocell, RespiSure and Vanguard. A substantial number of other companies manufacture and sell one or more similar products for animal health use. There are hundreds of producers of animal health products throughout the world. The Company is a significant manufacturer of injectable antibiotics, anthelmintics and anticoccidial products for food animals. With the acquisition of SBAH, the Company became a significant manufacturer of biologicals and pet products as well. CONSUMER HEALTH CARE The Company's Consumer Health Care Group's products include proprietary health items, baby care products and toiletries, Plax pre-brushing dental rinse, and a number of products sold only in selected international markets, including Vanart hair care products in Mexico and Migraleve over-the-counter (" OTC") migraine medication and the TCP line of antiseptic and germicidal products marketed primarily in the United Kingdom. Among the better-known OTC brands manufactured and marketed by Consumer Health Care are Visine (tetrahydrozoline HCl) eyedrops, Ben-Gay topical analgesics, Desitin diaper rash ointments, Unisom (doxylamine succinate) sleep aids, Plax pre-brushing dental rinse, Rid anti-lice products and Barbasol shave creams and gels. Line extensions introduced in recent years include: Unisom SleepGels, soft liquid-filled gels with a maximum-strength sleep aid formula, Daily Care from Desitin, a lotion for the prevention of diaper rash and new formulations of Rid and Plax. Many other OTC companies, large and small, manufacture and sell one or more similar consumer products. The Company is a significant competitor in this extensive OTC market, and its principal methods of competition include product quality, product innovation, customer satisfaction, broad distribution capabilities, significant advertising and promotion and price. In general, the winning and retaining of consumer acceptance of the Company's consumer products involve heavy expenditures for advertising, promotion and marketing.

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