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Stri: Women in Epic Mahabharata By Kevin McGRATH
Jaya: Performance in Epic Mahabharata By Kevin McGRATH The History of Beyhaqi (The History of Sultan Mas(ud of Ghazna, 1030-1041) by Abu'l-Fazl Beyhaqi
C. E. BosworthFully revised and with further commentary by
Mohsen Ashtiany
VoLUME 1
Ilex Foundation Boston, Massachusetts and Center for Hellenic Studies Trustees for Harvard University Washington, D.C. Distributed by Harvard University Press Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, EnglandThe History of Beyhaqi (The History of Sultan Mas'ud of Ghazna, 1030-1041) byAbu'l-Fazl BeyhaqiTranslated with a historical, geographical, linguistic and cultural commentaryand notes by C. E. Bosworth; and fully revised and with further commentary byMohsen Ashtiany.C. Edmund Bosworth, F.B.A., formerly Professor of Arabic at the University ofManchester and editor of the 2nd edition of the Encyclopaedia of Islam, is the authorof numerous books and articles on the history and culture of the Middle East.Mohsen Ashtiany is a research scholar at Columbia University, an editor at theEncyclopaedia Iranica, and on the editorial board of A History of Persian Literatureproject.The History of Beyhaqi project was sponsored by the Center for Iranian Studies,Columbia University.Copyright© 2011 Ehsan Yarshater. All Rights Reserved.Published by the Ilex Foundation, Boston, Mass. and the Center for Hellenic Studies,Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C.Distributed by Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass. and London, EnglandCover design: Joni GodlovePrinted in the United States of AmericaThe image on the cover is of a silver plate in the collection of The State HermitageMuseum, St. Petersburg. Photograph© The State Hermitage Museum I photo byVladimir Terebenin, Leonard Kheifets, Yuri Molodkovets
Maps I lxviiGenealogical Tables I lxixIntroduction I I I. The eastern Islamic world in early Islamic times and the formation of the Ghaznavid amirate I I 2. Beyhaqi's life and career I 29 3· Beyhaqi's works I 38 4· Characterising the History: Beyhaqi as historian I 54 5· Characterising the History: style and language I 70Vlll CONTENTS
Beyhaqi's History, arguably the best known and most liked of allPersian histories, stands out among other Persian chronicles for itsobjectivity, its analytical approach to reporting events, its attentionto detail, the skill displayed in weaving the rich texture of its narra-tive with its often ironic implications-all contributing to the highlydramatic quality which is its hallmark. No other Persian history, withthe possible exception of Rashid al-Din's thirteenth-century univer-sal history,]amec-al-tavarikh, has been the subject of more scholarlystudies in either Western languages or Persian. The author, Abu'l Fazl Beyhaqi (995-1077), a court secretary ofa number of Ghaznavid rulers in eastern Persia and Afghanistan,was born in Beyhaq (modern Sabzevar) in Khorasan. He studied inNishapur, at the time an important cultural centre. As a young man hejoined the Secretariat of the Ghaznavid Sultan Mal)mud (998-1030),where for almost two decades he worked under the chief secretaryAbu Na~r Moshkan. He continued working under Mal)mud's suc-cessors, observing at close quarters the reigns of eight successivekings in the course of some fifty-five years, and was involved in thepreparation of important documents and diplomatic correspondencewith neighbouring sovereigns. He was promoted under Sultan 'Abd-al-Rashid (1049-52), became the head of the Secretariat and then heretired from court service and settled down in Ghazna, the capitalof the early Ghaznavids, to write his History. His proximity to thecentre of power at the court gives his chronicle a sense of immediacy,reinforced by frequent accounts of his own direct observations duringhis years in office.XIV E. YARSHATER
Throughout his long career, Beyhaqi had made copious notes, whichhe later used in compiling his History. The result was a voluminousopus, comprising some thirty "books," covering the dynastic historyof the Ghaznavids and the life and times of its major players. Onlyfive "books" (books 5-10) have survived, the rest having disappearedas a result of political upheavals in which most of his manuscript andnotes were pillaged and destroyed. However, the extant volumes inthemselves amount to a substantial corpus, with the printed text run-ning into almost a thousand pages in the critical edition by 'A.-A.Fayyaz (Tehran, 1971; repr. 2004). The History has been translated into Arabic by Ya}:lya al-Khashshaband Sadeq Nash'at (Cairo, 1956), and into Russian with notes as Istori-ya Mas'uda by A. K. Arends (Tashkent, 1962; 2nd ed. Moscow, 1969). A collection of essays entitled, Yad-name-ye Abu'[ Fail Beyhaqi(Abu'[ Fail Beyhaqi's Memorial Volume, Mashhad, 1971), contains anumber of important studies in Persian and English on various as-pects of Beyhaqi's History, including for example, Nazir Ahmad's "ACritical Examination of Baihaqi's Narration of the Indian Expedi-tions during the Reign of Mas'ud of Ghazna," pp. 34-83 (also in Af-ghanistan 24/4, 1972, pp. 68-92), Kenneth Allin Luther's "Bayhaqi andthe Later Seljuq Historians: Some Comparative Remarks" (pp. 14-33),and Roger M. Savory's "Abo'l Fa?:l Bayhaqi as an Historiographer,"pp. 84-128. Several monographs have been devoted to a discussion of Beyhaqi 'smagnum opus; R. Gelpke, Sultan Mas'ud I. von Cazna, Die drei er-sten jahre seiner Herrschaft (42IIIOJ0-424ho3J) (Munich, 1957);Marilyn Waldman, Toward a Theory of Historical Narrative: A CaseStudy in Perso-Islamicate Historiography (Columbus, Ohio, 198o);Filippo Bertotti, L'Opera dello storico persiano Bayhaqz (Istituto Ita-liano Orientale, Naples, 1991). The History is also discussed at length as an essential document inrecent works on historiography. Stephen Humphreys examines Bey-haqi's History as the most representative specimen of Persian histori-ography in a chapter entitled "Bayhaqi and Ibn Taghribirdi: The Artof Narrative in Islamic Historical Writing during the Middle Periods"in his perceptive work: Islamic History: A Framework for Inquiry(Princeton, 1991, pp. 128-47). Julie Scott Meisami's "Bayhaqi's His-tory of Mas'iid of Ghazna" in her Persian Historiography to the End FOREWORD XV
More than forty years ago when I started the Persian Heritage Se-ries, which consisted of the translation of Persian classics into majorWestern languages and japanese, more particularly into English, oneof my strong desires was to have Beyhaqi's History translated intoEnglish. Some thirty-five years ago, I approached Professor C. E.Bosworth, the well-known historian and the outstanding experton the Ghaznavid dynasty, to see whether he could spare necessaryXVlll E. YARSHATER
time for such a translation. But at the time and for many years after-wards, he was busy not only with teaching but also with carryingthe major burden of editing the second edition of the Encyclopaediaof Islam, apart from writing frequent entries for it and for the Ency-clopaedia Iranica as well as for a variety of learned journals. There-fore, his reluctance to commit himself to a very time consuming taskwas understandable. In the years that followed, I could not find a satisfactory translatorfor this gem of Persian historiography until 1997, when Professor Bos-worth was nearing retirement and the second edition of Encyclopae-dia of Islam was approaching its completion, I thought I had a betterchance of persuading him to undertake the task. Much to my delight,he agreed, but as befits the integrity of his scholarly character he saidthat he would need the cooperation of a scholar of Persian literatureto check his translation and help him with some of the obscure or dif-ficult passages, especially some of the poems that Beyhaqi cites. To respond to his request, first I approached Professor HeshmatMoayyad of Chicago University for the purpose and he cooperatedwith the project by checking the first fifty pages of the translation.In the meantime, I sent a request to the National Endowment for theHumanities for financial support of the project-a request that wasapproved in due course. The arrangement with Professor Moayyad, however, did not workout. As a result, I persuaded my colleague Mr. Mohsen Ashtiany, ascholar with a vast knowledge of Persian literature and history andwith an exceptional mastery of the English language and style to col-laborate with Prof. Bosworth in his task and serve as a reviser of Prof.Bosworth's translation. In practice, Prof. Bosworth would regularlysend batches of his translation and annotation to me, or to Mr. Ash-tiany who would go over them and check them against the originaland return them to Prof. Bosworth with his comments and correc-tions. As a rule, Prof. Bosworth in his translation paid meticulousattention to the wording and turn of phrases of the original, and Mr.Ashtiany tried to make the translation read more smoothly and flu-ently, while registering at the same time his comments on the transla-tion of difficult passages and notes. I often benefited by the scholar-ship of the erudite translator and reviser while keeping the processuninterrupted and steady. FOREWORD XIX
Acknowledgements
Preservation and Access and Mr. George Farr, the former head of theDivision, for their support and their facilitating the progress of theproject. I am also grateful to the Alavi Foundation for their support ofthe project through Columbia University. I am thankful to Ms. DinaAmin and Dr. Mahnaz Moazami of The Center for Iranian Studiesand of The Persian Heritage Foundation, respectively, who have beenof great help with the administrative aspects of the Project. My thanksare due also to Mr. Claudius Naumann of the Freie Universitat Berlinwho was responsible for the careful layout and the choice of the fontswith admirable taste, and to Mr. Alex Popovkin for his meticulouspreparation of the Index. Preface and Acknowledgements
world in the later tenth and early eleventh centuries AD, with the Ira-nian principalities there faced with incoming waves of Turkish mili-tary adventurers and tribesmen from the Inner Asian steppes whowere to transform that world, but valuable also for its uniquely illumi-nating picture of the working of a medieval Islamic chancery and itspersonnel. It has, moreover, long been recognized as a key text-notleast because of its great length-in the development of early NewPersian prose style during what the historian of Persian prose writing,Malek al-Sho'ara' Bahar, has described as its second period. It displayssignificant pointers to the linguistic usages of the time when it waswritten (ca. AD Io6o), despite the regrettable normalisations of the textby later copyists that probably took place over subsequent centuries(see below, Introduction, section 5). For all these reasons, I felt that the work would bear a detailedcommentary, predominantly historical and geographical, but withsome note of literary and linguistic questions, and that it would not,indeed, be properly intelligible without it. This commentary I haveaccordingly endeavoured to supply, and it forms Volume III of thepresent work. The reader of the translation can accordingly consultthis commentary for detailed, specific information on historical, liter-ary and linguistic points, but the translation will be intelligible to himas it stands provided he or she first reads section 1 of the Introduction,which delineates the historical background of Beyhaqi's work, andutilizes the Select glossary of names of significant persons, places, dy-nasties and peoples occurring in the History and the Glossary of tech-nical terms given below. It is a bold modern Westerner who tries to understand the personal-ity of a Persian bureaucrat working in what is now eastern Afghanistanalmost a millennium ago. Much of the mindset of such a person as this,nurtured as he was in an alien religious and cultural world, must beinevitably closed for us and be incapable of full recovery after such anlong expanse of time; we can only observe from outside the cultureand over a great temporal distance and then hope in part to compre-hend. And if the Persian language has changed less in a thousand yearsthan say English, in its transition during a comparable period from theEarly English of late Anglo-Saxon times to Modern English, it never-theless has inevitably developed, so that Beyhaqi's style and linguisticusages are not always easy for modern Persians fully to grasp. PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xxm
I would like to thank Dr. Adel Adamova and Ms. Olga Novoseltsevaof The State Hermitage Museum for their kind assistance in providingthe illustration for the cover. I am also indebted to my friends at theIlex Foundation, Niloo Fotouhi and Chris Dadian, for overseeing thefinal stages of the publication of these volumes.Mohsen Ashtiany Note on Presentation, Transliteration, Bibliography and Dating
of this is denoted within the translation by the siglum F, but the pagi- nation of the preceding edition of Qasem Ghani and Fayyaz (Tehran, 1324h945), which is cited in many historical works of the mid-twenti- eth century utilising Beyhaqi's History, has also been indicated and is denoted by the siglum Gh. The Qor'anic translations are my own, made after consultation with various existing translations such as those of A.J. Arberry and Marmaduke Pickthall and the commentaries of Richard Bell and Rudi Paret. In citing the titles of Arabic books and other works, the system of the standard bibliographies of Arabic literature, those of Carl Brockel- mann and Fuat Sezgin, is followed: i.e. for purposes of the capitali- sation of the first word of a title, words like Ketab "book," Resala"epistle" and Ta'rikh "history" are disregarded, as in e.g. Ketab al-Taj,Resalat al-Qovvad, Ta'rikh al-Rosol va 'l-moluk. For transliteration, the system basically adopted is that used in- creasingly now for the rendering of Modern Persian and recently adopted by the Encyclopaedia Iranica; it has the advantage of express- ing in a simple fashion the vowel system of Persian. As noted above, there are in Beyhaqi's text many Arabic quotations and expressions, and for the sake of uniformity, these also have been rendered in the Persian system just mentioned. The results may look rather strange toArabists used to the standard schemes for Classical and Modern Ara- bic but the reconstitution of the Arabic originals should present no problem. The main aberrancy, among the consonants, between this Persian system and the Arabic schemes is in regard to the translit- eration of the quintessentially Arabic consonant, probably in origin a voiced lateralised velarised interdental fricative, rJ,ad ld.l, rendered here as Iii and pronounced in fact in New Persian as the voiced al-veolar fricative lzl. However, for the many Turkish names and terms occurring in the History, an exact rendering of the vowel system ofTurkish, one much richer than those of Arabic and Persian, has neces- sarily been adopted. The Bibliography gives full details of most works consulted for the translation and commentary, with the exception of certain works mentioned only once or concerned with topics very peripheral to the book's main thrust. However, when these last are cited in the notes,full bibliographical details are given at that place. NOTE XXVll
Brief information only is given here. For fuller information and ex-planatory references, see these names as they appear in their appropri-ate places within the History and its Commentary.
'Abd al-Malek (II) b. Nul} (II), penultimate ruler of the Samanid dy- nasty (q.v.), r. 389-90/999-IOOO, before its extinction and the parti- tion of the Samanid lands between the Ghaznavids and Qarakhanids(q.v.).
Abu Sahl Zowzani, official who was head of the Army Departmentand then head of the Chancery during Mas'ud's reign. Beyhaqi re-gards his influence over the Sultan as making him something like thelatter's evil genius.
cChaghaniyan, a principality on the right or northern bank of the up-per Oxus river, now falling mainly in the Uzbek Republic; its Iranianprinces were in Mas'ud's time vassals of the Ghaznavids.Chaghrl Beg Davud, brother of Toghr:il Beg (q.v.), one of the threeleaders of the Seljuq family from the Oghuz (q.v.) or Ghuzz tribe of r. SELECT GLOSSARY OF NAMES XXXIX
the Turks who during the later part of Sultan Mas'ud's reign over-ran Khorasan and wrested it from the Ghaznavids after the battle ofDandanqan (q.v.).
elsa b. Mac dan, of the family of rulers of Makran, who succeeded hisfather in 416/ro25-26 but was in 421/ro3o displaced and killed by aGhaznavid expedition under the Amir Yusof b. Sebiiktegin (q.v.) andhis brother Abu'l-'Askar (q.v.) placed on the throne as a Ghaznavidtributary.Isfahan, a city of western Persia that, together with Hamadan, markedthe farthest limit westwards of Sultan Mal).mud's campaign acrossPersia of 42olro29 and the capital of the principality of the Kakuyids(q.v. and see cAla, al-Dowla MoQ.ammad, Ebn Kaku).
JJacfar b. YaQ.ya Barmaki, vizier to Harun al-Rashid, see Barmakids.Jebal or cEraq-e cAjam ("Iraq of the Persians"), the western part ofthe Iranian plateau, annexed by Sultan Mal).mud at the end of his reignbut only held by the Ghaznavids for a few years of Mas'ud's reign.
KKabul, Kabol, an ancient town of eastern Afghanistan, It was con-quered by Sebiiktegin (q.v.) from its local rulers, the Kabul Shahs, andused as a springboard for Ghaznavid raids into India.Kakuyids, a dynasty of Deylamite origin founded by 'Ala' al-DowlaMol).ammad, Ebn Kakuya (q.v.), which ruled in Jebal, with centres atIsfahan and Hamadan, before 398/before 1008 to the Seljuq conquestin 443/rop, and thereafter in the two towns of central Persia of Yazdand Abarquh, till ?n6/?II4I.Kerman, a province of southeastern Persia which Sultan Mas'ud en-deavoured to conquer from the Buyids (q.v.) but was only able to holdfor two or so years. 1. SELECT GLOSSARY OF NAMES xlv
Khottal(an), a district to the north of the upper Oxus, now in the Uz-bek Republic, that was held by the early Ghaznavids as a buffer zoneagainst the Qarakhanids (q.v.).
NNasa, a town on the northern fringes of Khorasan, on the edge ofthe Qara Qum desert and now in the Turkmen Republic. With Abi-vard and Farava (qq.v.), it was one of the towns ceded to the incomingOghuz Turkmens by Sultan Mas'ud in a vain attempt to contain them.Na~r (II) b. AQ.mad (II), Samanid amir, r. JOI-JI/914-43• the subjectof an anecdote given in the History.N a~r b. cAli, Qarakhanid prince holding the princely title of Ilig Khan("Territorial Khan"}, d. 40JIIOI2-IJ. He disputed militarily with Sul-tan Mal).mud control of northern Khorasan, invading the province in396hoo6.Na~r b. Sebiiktegin, brother of Sultan Mal).mud who was command-er-in-chief of the army in Khorasan and governor of Sistan till hisdeath in 412II021.Nishapur, ancient city of Khorasan, the seat of the Samanid andGhaznavid administrations of the province and headquarters of thearmy of Khorasan. 1. SELECT GLOSSARY OF NAMES xlix
0Oghuz or Ghuzz, a tribe of the Turks known from the time of theearly Turkish empire in Mongolia and Inner Asia, out of which sprangthe Seljuq family, who from the later fourth/tenth century were in-volved with the Samanids and Qarakhanids (qq.v.). In the decade ofthe IOJOS they gradually increased their power till they were able tooverrun Khorasan, having defeated Sultan Mas'ud at the battle ofDandanqan (q.v.), and establish the Great Seljuq sultanate in Persiaand Iraq.'On~ori,one of the leading poets at Sultan Mab,mud's court, cited byBeyhaqi, d. 44 Ih049-50.Ostova, a town of the mountain region of northern Khorasan, in thecorridor leading to the Caspian coastlands.Ozkend or Uzgand, a town in the Ferghana valley of Central Asia,now in the Kyrgyz Republic, the seat of the early Qarakhanid khanswho harried and eventually overthrew the last Samanids.
QQader, 'Abbasid caliph, r. JSI-4221991-IOJI, with whom SultanMal;J.mud was careful to cultivate a reputation for Sunni orthodoxyand hostility to radical Shi 'ism in the form of the Fatimids of Egyptand their movement.Qa,em, 'Abbasid caliph, r. 422-67/IOJI-75, who hailed Mas'ud assultan, awarding him honorific titles and confirming him in histerritories.Qadir Khan Yusof, see Yusof Qadir Khan.Qarakhanids, a Turkish confederation, possibly of Qarluq tribal ori-gin, r. J82-6o91992-1212, which established itself in Transoxania, Fer-ghana and Eastern Turkestan at the end of the fourth/tenth century.Qai:i Shirazi, Bu'l-I:Iasan b. 'Ali, judge and official from Shiraz whomSultan Mas'ud appointed to head the civil administration in India atthe same time as he made Al;J.mad Inaltegin (q.v.) commander-in-chiefof the army there.Qobadhiyan, a district to the north of the upper Oxus substantiallyin what is now the Tadjik Republic.Qo~dar, a district of what is now northeastern Pakistani Baluchistan,whose line of local princes was subject to the early Ghaznavids.
Rudaki, early poet in New Persian who enjoyed the patronage of theSamanids (q.v.), d. towards the middle of the fourth/tenth century;several of his verses are cited in the History.
sSa'ed, Qazi Abu'l-'Ala', d. 4311Io4o, member of a leading family ofHanafite ulema and jurists in Nishapur, the Sa'edis, in high favourwith both Sultans Ma}:tmud and Mas'ud.Saffarids, a dynasty centred on Sistan (q.v.), founded by Ya'qubb. Leyth (q.v.) (247-393/861-1003). Its last ruler, Khalaf b. A}:tmad,was deposed by Sultan Ma}:tmud and his principality annexed to theGhaznavid empire.Sal}eb [Esma'il] Ebn 'Abbad, famed vizier of the Buyids (q.v.) in Is-fahan and Ray, in the latter place for the Amir Fakhr al-Dowla; pa-tron of scholars and litterateurs, and himself an important stylist andscholar in Arabic, d. 385/995.Sa'id, favourite son of Sultan Mas'ud, for a while his designated heir(vali cahd), d. 430!1038 after which Mowdud (q.v.) was once more theheir.Sakavand, a place with a fortress which probably lay in southernTokharestan (q.v.).Samangan, a town of Tokharestan (q.v.), now the chef-lieu of themodern Afghan province of that name.Samanids, a dynasty of Iranian origin, dehqiins or landowners inTransoxania and the upper Oxus region, who were at first governorsfor the Tahirids and then a largely autonomous line of amirs rulingover Transoxania and Khorasan 204-395/819-I005·Samarqand, an ancient city of Transoxania, one of the main centresof Samanid rule and, subsequently, of the western branch of the Qara-khanids (q.v.), now within the Uzbek republic.Sarakhs, a town in the steppeland of the northern fringes of Kho-rasan, on the road from Nishapur and Tus to Merv, now in the Kho-rasan province of Iran. It was the base from which Sultan Mas'ud setIii GLOSSARIES
off in 431ho4o for his ill-fated campaign against the Oghuz Turkmenswhich ended at Dandanqan (q.v.) in his defeat.Sari, a town of Tabarestan (see Gargan and Tabarestan) in the Cas-pian coastlands.Sebiiktegin, in origin a Turkish slave in the Samanid army, he suc-ceeded to power, after Alptegin (q.v.) and some other Turkish com-manders, in 366/977 at Ghazna, and used this as the springboard forconstituting an amirate in eastern Afghanistan that became after hisdeath the Ghaznavid sultanate.Seljuqs, a family of the Oghuz tribe of Turkmens; see Oghuz orGhuzz.Shabahar, Shahbahar, a plain outside Ghazna, mentioned in the His-tory as a favoured review ground of the Ghaznavid troops.Shadyakh, a suburb of the city of Nishapur (q.v.) favoured as the seatof the governors of Khorasan from Tahirid times onwards.Shah Malek, an Oghuz chief based at Jand on the lower Syr Daryariver who held the ancient Turkish noble title of Yabghu and was therival and enemy of the Seljuq family. He conquered Khwarazm (q.v.)in the name of Sultan Mas'ud, but soon lost it to the expanding Seljuqsand was killed ca. 435h044·Shoburqan, a town of Guzgan (q.v.) on the road from Herat to Balkh,the modern Shebargan, chef-lieu of the modern Afghan province ofJuzjan.Simjurids, a line of commanders of the Samanids (q.v.}, originally ofTurkish slave origin, who played a leading role in events of the EasternIranian lands in the fourth/tenth century, often as governors of Kho-rasan for the Amirs.Sistan or Nimruz, a historic region of eastern Iranian lands, now di-vided between Iran and Afghanistan. In the early years of the fifth/elev-enth century it was brought under Ghaznavid rule by Sultan Mal;tmud.Somnath, a great Hindu shrine in the Kathiawar peninsula of westernIndia, the goal of Sultan Mal;tmud's famed plunder raid of 416ho25-26. 1. SELECT GLOSSARY OF NAMES liii
vValvalej, a town of the district of Tokharestan (q.v.) in northern Af-ghanistan, whose site was probably that of the modern Qonduz.Vakhsh, a district on the right bank of the Oxus, adjacent to Khottal(an)(q.v.) and now in the Tadjik Republic.
zZabolestan, a region of eastern Afghanistan in which lay Ghazna; ithad been, anciently, a principality apparently within the Indian cul-tural and religious world, conquered in the third/ninth century by theSaffarids (q.v.).
biruniyan, lit. "those outside," in Beyhaqi used for the members of theoutside palace service, as opposed to those of the inside service, thesultan's intimates and boon-companions, and the eunuchs in chargeof the harem, etc. See Year 421 n. 525·bistagani, a term found in the official terminology of eastern Islamicstates, such as the Samanids, Ghaznavids and Seljuqs, at this time de-noting the quarterly payment of salaries to the troops and other offi-cials. See Year 421 n. 237.bondar, in the fiscal terminology of the period, a tax-farmer whobought up assignments of taxation in kind, hence usually a rich andpowerful person. See Year 422 n. 107.chakar, in Ghaznavid times a general term for "servant, retainer," butin earlier Eastern Iranian usage particularly applied to the personalguard corps of a potentate or ruler. See Year 421 n. 156.chatr, the ceremonial parasol of a ruler, in battle a rallying-point forthe troops. The holder of the parasol in the sultan's entourage was thechatr-dar, a high dignitary. See Year 422 n. 74·daneshmand, lit. "learned scholar," the Persian equivalent of Arabiccalem, a person learned in the Islamic sciences of theology, law, Arabiclanguage, etc. See Year 421 n. 63.davat-dar, davit-dar, lit. "keeper of the inkstand," the official of thebureaucracy in charge of this, but apparently functioning also as akeeper of archives and records; however, a further storeplace for im-portant documents, the khezana-ye /Jojjat, separate from the davit-khana, is also mentioned. See Year 422 n. 29, Year 429 n. 56.divan-e cari, the department of the bureaucracy concerned with therecruitment, mustering, supplying and payment of the army, andheaded by the arei (q.v.). See Year 421 n. II.divan-e eshraf[-e mamlakat}, the department concerned with inspec-torial duties within the palace complex and also with the organisingof espionage and intelligence-gathering, in particular, monitoring thebehaviour of provincial officials. Its agents were known as moshrefs(q.v.).lviii GLOSSARIES
gholaman-e saray, lit. "palace gholams," the elite force within the gen-eral body of slave soldiers within the Ghaznavid army who formedthe sultan's bodyguard. See Year 421 n. 13.bajeb, lit. "one who veils something," in early Islamic palace organi-sation, the official charged with protecting the ruler from intruders,hence a chamberlain. In the eastern Iranian lands of Beyhaqi's time,this court office came to be held by a high-ranking soldier, generallya Turk, hence the title became used in a military context for "sen-ior commander," something like a general officer in modern armies.The supreme commander of an army was often designated "the Great1:-Iajeb," lfajeb-e Bozorg, al-/fajeb al-Kabir or /fajeb al-/fojjab. SeeYear 421 nn. 6, 28, 152.bashar, lit. "assemblage, collection of people." In an administrative-military context, this term can denote a group of auxiliary troops,often recruited locally for a campaign, to augment the regular, profes-sional army, but in a more general one, a body of people, usually peas-ants, brought together for labouring purposes, such as constructionwork or beating for a hunt, hence a corvee. See Year 421 n. 471, Year422 n. 567, Year 427 n. 38.
jama-dar, lit. "one who keeps the clothing," the official of the sultan'shousehold responsible for the Royal Wardrobe. See Year 421 n. 293.jan-dar, lit. "one who guards someone's person," hence a bodyguard,in Beyhaqi, the personal guard of the sultan. See Year 421 n. 491.kadkhoda, lit ... head of a household, family," in Beyhaqi's general us-age a landowner, headman or similar local dignitary, and in later timesthe standard term for the headman of a community, tribe, craft guild,etc. However, Beyhaqi frequently uses it for a specific military-ad-ministrative post, that of the person attached to a governor or militarycommander as his administrative officer and counsellor, hence com-bining the functions of adjutant to a commander and of quartermasterin a modern army. See Year 421 n. 64.khadem, basically "servant, slave." It is a general term for the sul-tan's servants; it can also mean, specifically, in the context of the royalhousehold, a eunuch who e.g. guards the women's quarters, thoughlx GLOSSARIES
this is not an invariable meaning of the term. See Year 421 n. 146, Year422 n. 458.
khatib, lit. "orator," in early Arabic the spokesman for the tribe, in Is-lamic usage the preacher, usually state-salaried, who delivered a stand-ardised oration at the Friday congregational worship (the khotba, q.v.)and offered up the formal intercessory prayer for the ruler. See Year421 n. 31.
moqaddam, lit. "one who is sent forward, placed in the van," hence"leader, chief," a military rank denoting a senior officer. See Year 421 n. 28.mo$iidara, lit. "squeezing," the routine confiscation and mulcting of ahigh official when he left office, often by the use of violence, whence ageneral term for forced confiscation. See Year 421 n. 372.mo$allii, lit. "place of prayer, instrument or appliance used in prayer,"is a large open space where the whole Muslim community of a townor district could worship en bloc at the two festivals of the Ending ofthe Fast and of the Sacrifice. The equivalent of this Arabic term in thePersian cultural world is namaz-gah or cid-gah. See Year 421 n. 185,Year 427 n. 71. Mo$alla can also denote a prayer rug, used for perform-ing the $alat (q.v.).moshiifaha, lit. "the act of delivering lip-to-lip," hence instructionsgiven to diplomatic envoys which are to be delivered orally. See Year422 n. 217.moshref, lit. "one who looks out, who inspects or oversees something,"in Beyhaqi applied first, to a group of officials with inspectorial dutieswithin the palace; and second, to officials sent out to the provincesof the empire with police and intelligence-gathering duties or elsesecretly attached to governors, commanders, etc. as spies to reporton their behaviour. The central administration contained a divan-eeshraf(q.v.) from which such operations were organised. See Year 421n. 259, Year 422 n. 59·mostakhrej or mostal;ethth, lit. "one who extracts," a collector of tax-ation, usually one designated to get this together by force if need be.See Year 422 n. 47·mostowfi, the chief accountant in the central administration, attachedto the divan-e vazir (q.v.) for supervisory and auditing purposes in aseparate, ancillary office, the divan-e estifa'. See Year 421 n. 369.mottavve<, motatavve·, lit. "one who does something beyond the call ofduty," a volunteer fighter for the faith, the equivalent of a ghazi (q. v.).moviiia•at, lit. "what is laid down mutually," a contract of service, inBeyhaqi a formal agreement between the sultan and his servants, such 2. SELECT GLOSSARY OF TECHNICAL TERMS lxiii
naqib is used, first, in a military context, for an army rank, the holder of which seems to have been in charge of ethnic and other component groups of the forces; it is often rendered in the present translation as"troop commander." Second, in a social-religious context it is used for the marshal or head of the body of 'Alids within a town or other ad- ministrative units. See Year 421 nn. 28, 55, 112, year 429 n. 88.
nowbatiyan, lit. "those who take turns," the courtiers or palace guardswho had specified turns of duty in the sultan's service. A /Jajeb-enowbat, the duty court chamberlain, is also mentioned. See Year 421nn. 15 I, 498.
owliya' va basham, lit. "those close [to the ruler] and the group [ofattendant courtiers]," a phrase much used by Beyhaqi for the group ofcourtier and retainers in close attendance on the sultan, hence nota-bles and leading figures at court. See Year 421 n. 49·
Khojand •.~,..~" .Dabusiyya r~'-\l.~t,tfl. '3' 0•···-•.~.:..:.____/-ta.1o.y· QARA QUM DESERT Bo khara ..{", Samarqand ., 1v • I -1 .._""~ Nakhshab ~'
'1;-6~"" 0
~Merv Zamm ~!if 0~ 4,~ ~Nasae Abivard ·-·~ vOKHARESTAN > kJtol?. • • Dandanqan G' Balkh • Valvalij "';:j Vl
GJ (1) l:l
-(1) ~
0 crq ...... -(") ~
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r. For a complete table of the dynasty, see Genealogical Table r in C. E. Bosworth, TheGhaznavids, their empire in Afghanistan and eastern Iran 994-1040, at the end; for the chro-nology of the dynasty, see idem, The New Islamic dynasties. A chronological and genealogi-cal manual, 296-97 no. 158.lxx GENEALOGICAL TABLES
!. MA'MUN B. MOJ:l:AMMAD (r. 995-97)
3· Asu'L-'AssA.s MA'MuN (r. 1009-17)
times sending gifts, but not forwarding to Baghdad the annual tribute regarded as another token of dependence. 2 Other newly-emergent provincial powers were less deferential to'Abbasid theoretical suzerains and even at times hostile. Such was the case of the Saffarid brothers Ya'qub and 'Amr b. Leyth who, in the later ninth century, built up a powerful if transient military empire in southern Persia, in what is now Afghanistan, and then in Khorasan from their base in Sistan. Of plebeian origin and proud of it ($affar ="coppersmith"), they were unimpressed by the sharaf, the hereditary noble descent of the 'Abbasids and of the landowning classes such as, in Persia, the dehqans, having achieved their own dominant position by force of arms alone. Yet other powers were ideologically opposed to the idea of the 'Ab- basid caliphate as the embodiment of Sunni orthodoxy, as this concept had evolved since the time of the Prophet and the Patriarchal Caliphs.The Deylamite Buyids were originally from the fastnesses of the Al- borz chain in northern Persia and the adjacent Caspian coastlands,where they had been exposed to the preaching of Zeydite Shi'ism by missionaries from Yemen. Hence they carried their personal Shi'ite beliefs into the lands of western and southern Persia and of Iraq which they overran during the middle years of the tenth century. The prac- ticalities of the resultant situation-a minority Deylamite warrior caste ruling over a majority Sunni population-led the Buyid amirs, as moderate rather than extremist Shi'ites, to come to an accommoda- tion with the 'Abbasid Caliphs. They took over the 'Abbasids' sole re- maining territories in central Iraq, circumscribing their political andfinancial freedom of action, but left them with the moral authority of religious headship of orthodox, Sunni Islam. The ambiguities arising from the resultant situation were to provide useful pretexts for the early Ghaznavid sultans to expand westwards from their province ofKhorasan inherited from the Samanids (see below) into northern and northwestern Persia at the expense of the northern Buyid ami rate and other local Deylamite and Kurdish petty rulers. The express aim in1029 of Ma]:Imud of Ghazna, in his persona as an ultra-zealous Sunni ruler, was to free the 'Abbasids from their tutelage under the Buyids,
2 R.N. Frye, "The Samanids," in CH/r. IV. From the Arab invasion to the
5 See Mul_lammad Nii?:im, The life and times of Sultan Mal?mud of Qhazna,
H. Halm, The Fatimids and their traditions of learning, London 1977, and forGhaznavid attitudes here, C. E. Bosworth, "The imperial policy of the early.Ghaznawids," Islamic Studies, Journal of the Centra/Institute of Islamic Research,Karachi, 112 (1962), 6off. INTRODUCTION 5
land (although the course of events within many states was to show upthis loyalty as a delusion). Turkish slave soldiers had been recruited bythe 'Abbasid caliphs from as far back as the reign of Hirun al-Rashid(786-809) in the hope of reducing reliance on the older Arab and Ira-nian military classes. With a decline in the caliphs' personal qualities,evident as the ninth century went on, the Turkish soldiery in Samarraand Baghdad (recruited from the South Russian steppes controlled bythe Khazars and from the Central Asian steppes beyond the amiratesof the Tahirids and then of the Samanids in Khorasan and Transoxa-nia) became increasingly the real masters of the political situation inIraq, making and unmaking caliphs/ The military value of Turkish cavalrymen, with their weapons ofthe compound bow and the lance, meant that, in the tenth century,the Buyids recruited substantial numbers of Turks to supplementtheir own Deylamite tribal following, essentially one of mountaineerinfantrymen. Likewise, Turkish slave soldiers became the nucleus ofthe army of the Samanids in Transoxania and Khorasan, and an in-fluential factor in court life and politics there from the opening yearsof this same century. As time went on, the Amirs in Bokhara becameincreasingly unable to hold their territories together, and power tend-ed to pass to their Turkish generals; it was out of the ambitions andrivalries of these commanders in Khorasan that the Ghaznavids wereto emerge. Similarly, Turkish soldiers apparently came to play a rolein the adjacent Central Asian state of Khwarazm, although detailsare lacking. They are mentioned as prominent in the events leadingto the downfall of the line of Ma'munid Shahs of Gorganj and in theensuing invasion of Khwarazm by Mal)mud of Ghazna in 1017; cer-tainly, the names of the commanders of the Khwarazmian forces op-posing the Ghaznavids are all Turkish. 8 The Samanids and KhwarazmShahs were, of course, especially well placed to draw directly on In-ner Asian resources of Turkish manpower, whether as free, tribalauxiliaries or as slaves imported to the markets within their lands; 7 Bosworth, "Barbarian incursions: the coming of the Turks into the Islamicworld," in D.S. Richards (ed.}, Islamic civilisation 950-IIJO, Oxford 1973, 1-16;Patricia Crone, Slaves on horses. The evolution of the Islamic polity, Cambridge1980, 74ff.; D. Pipes, Slave soldiers and Islam. The genesis of a military system,New Haven and London 1981. 8 See below, Gh 675. 678, F 919, 924.6 C. E. BOSWORTH
Some of the lines for future expansion had thus been alreadysketched out for Sebiiktegin's son Ma}:Imud when he eventually suc-ceeded his father in 998. Under his leadership, the Turkish com-manders who had been rival contenders with him and his father fordominion in Khorasan were finally vanquished in 999· Henceforth,Ma]:Imud was no longer theoretically a governor owing allegianceto an overlord in Bokhara but in practice an independent sovereign.Soon afterwards, the lands of the now defunct Samanid amirate werepartitioned, with Ma}:Imud taking the lands south of the Oxus, i.e.Khorasan and Tokharestan, while the lands north of the river, that is,Transoxania, were taken over by the Qarakhanids, incoming Turksfrom Inner Asia (on the dynasty constituted by these tribesmen, whowere probably from the Qarluq group-by Islamic standards a long-enduring dynasty, lasting as it did till the Anushteginid KhwarazmShahs and the Mongols appeared in Transoxania at the opening of thethirteenth century-see below, Year 421 n. 273). In the early part of his thirty years' reign, Ma}:Imud consolidatedhis position by annexing petty principalities in northern Afghanistanand the upper Oxus region and by ending the rule in Sistan of the lastSaffarid; and towards the end of his reign he expanded southwardstowards the Arabian Sea shores by making the rulers of Makran, inwhat is now coastal Baluchistan, his tributaries. But Ma}:Imud had anuneasy relationship with the Qarakhanids, a line which he would haveliked to treat as his vassals but which in practice he had to treat asequals. Although in the partition of the Samanid dominions, the Oxushad been made the boundary between the two powers (see above), theQarakhanid chief, the Ilig Na~r b. 'Ali, was ill-disposed to accept thisriver as a permanent frontier, and in 1007-08 Ma}:Imud had to repel aninvasion of the Cisoxanian, Balkh, region by the Ilig's army which wasaided by a contingent from his cousin Yusof Qadir Khan of Kashgharand Khotan. The Sultans' acquisition ten years later of the lower Oxusprovince of Khwarazm, graphically described by Beyhaqi in the spe-cial section of his History devoted to the affairs of Khwarazm (below,section 3, p. 42), was intended to turn the flank of the branch of theQarakhanids now established in Sogdia and to exert pressure upon it.In practice, diplomatic contacts, involving marriage alliances betweenthe two houses, were now used to achieve a modus vivendi, withpeace lasting until the early part of Mas'ud's reign when his general,8 C. E. BOSWORTH
11 See, e.g., Gertrud Spiess, Mabmud von Cazna bei Farldu'd-dln 'Attar, Basel1959, 26ff.; H. Ritter, The Ocean of the Soul. Man, the World and God in the Storiesof Farld al-Dzn 'Attar, tr. J. O'Kane and B. Radtke, Leiden 2003, u8-p. INTRODUCTION 9
work and achievement here, that of the Aligarh historian Mo}:tammad Habib, Sul-tan Mahmud ofGhaznin, 2nd ed. Delhi,Jullundur and Lucknow 1952, 75ff., whonotes in his Preface to the 2nd ed., Delhi 1967, p. iv, that the first edition of hisbook had been "hailed by a storm of criticism in the Urdu press ... vindictive, bit-ter, hostile ... based on a complete ignorance of the originals." 13 Na?:im, Sultan Mabmud of Qhazna, 8o-85; Bosworth, "The imperial policy
practice amongst the early Ghaznavids?", CA], VII (1962), 237-40, remains pos-sible but unproven. 15 The form adopted here, Seljuq, is really a hybrid one. The vowel harmony of
I;labibi, 2nd ed. Tehran I342-431I963-64, I, 232, Eng. tr. H. G. Raverty, Taba~at-iNd$iri, a general history of the Muhammadan dynasties of Asia, including Hindus- tan, London r881-99, I, 91. 19 Gh nr, F 132; cf. R. Gelpke, Sultan Mas'ud I. von Cazna. Die drei ersten
states that they were indeed twins but that Mas'ud had been born slightly ahead of Mo}:J.ammad.12 C. E. BOSWORTH
26 Gh 218, F 277; Abu Sa'id 'Abd al-I:Iayy b. Zahhak Gardizi, Ketab Zeyn al-
akhbar, ed. Muhammad Nazim, Berlin-Steglitz 1928, 87-88, ed. 'Abd al-I:IayyI:Iabibi, Tehran 1347/r968, 191. Cf. Gelpke, op. cit., 16; Bosworth, "The titulatureof the early Ghaznavids," Oriens, XV (1962), 219. 27 Gh So, 217-18, F 91, 277; Mo}:Iammad b. 'Ali Shabankara'i, Majma' al-ansab
when the latter had bequeathed power in Ghazna and Balkh to theless experienced son Esma'il rather than to Ma}:tmud, bringing abouta short period of civil warfare before Ma}:tmud made firm his ownclaims (see above). 28 That Ma}:tmud deliberately planned the divisionof an empire which had become too unwieldy for one man to control,as asserted by Na~im, seems, as correctly observed by Gelpke, veryimprobable; he would hardly have given the less capable son the lion'sshare. 29 With hindsight, it does seem strange that Ma}:tmud did not realizethat Mo}:tammad would be unlikely to maintain his power in Ghazna,in face of his brother's superior military experience and popularitywith the army as someone who would obviously be a successful warleader and maintain the inflow of plunder for the state and its serv-ants. The adverse effects of the Sultan's declining health, as mentionedabove, were probably also strengthened (although we do not knowthe details in the absence of the earlier part of Beyhaqi's Mojalladat,see below, section 3, p. 42) by the efforts of Mo}:tammad's supportersat court in Ghazna, who denigrated Mas'ud during his absence fromthe centre of power at Ghazna, first in his governorship of Herat andthen in the newly-conquered western Persian lands, and promotedMo}:tammad's claims. The outstanding role during Mo}:tammad'sbrief sultanate in Ghazna of the Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib orKhvishavand b. II Arslan suggests that magnates like him hoped toenjoy the real substance of power in a state where Mo}:tammad wouldbe nominal ruler only. This is, indeed, the analysis of motives put for-ward by the later historian Shabankara'i: that Mo}:tammad was wellaware of his inferiority to his brother in wisdom, experience and pop-ularity with the army, and was reluctant to accept the throne when hisfather died. The topic was discussed for a week, and Mo}:tammad waspropelled into acceptance by his ambitious counsellors who hoped to
28 Marilyn R. Waldman has remarked that Mal,J.mud's change of mind and his
share extensively in the fruits of royal power. 30 But against this idea ofan inadequate man pushed unwillingly into rule is the undoubted factthat, when offered by Mas'ud a division of power which would haveleft Mol).ammad in control of the heartlands of Afghanistan and Kho-rasan and of the position in India, leaving Mas'ud with a free hand tocarve out further conquests in the west, provided that he acknowl-edge Mas'ud's precedence in the khotba, i.e. recognize him as suprememonarch, Mol).ammad refused this very favourable offer.Jl Mol).ammad was proclaimed Sultan in Ghazna shortly after hisfather's death, but was to reign only for six or seven months, whilehis resentful brother marched inexorably eastwards from the re-gion of Isfahan, gathering support en route at Ray and such greatcentres of Khorasan as Nishapur and Herat. According to Gardizi,Mol).ammad's succession in Ghazna was at the outset received therevery favourably, probably in reaction to the preceding harsh regime ofMal).mud and the arbitrariness of his last days. Complaints of tyrannyand wrongdoing (ma?alem) were immediately heard; the tax registerswere examined and those taxes on lands which had become infertileor deserted were removed; prices were fixed at a low level; merchantsflocked to the capital as confidence in a future of just rule and prosper-ity grew; and the treasuries were thrown open to reward the troopsof the army and high civilian officials and to secure their allegiance. 32The need for donatives like these (mal-e bey'ati va $elat-ha "acces-sion money and presents," as Beyhaqi calls them) showed a weaknessin Mol).ammad's position; it does not seem that such handouts weremade by Mal).mud when he overcame his brother Esma'il. 33 Abu SahlAl).mad b. I:Iasan I:Iamdavi became Mol).ammad's vizier and Yusof b.Sebiiktegin Commander-in-Chief of the army, but it was the GreatChamberlain 'Ali Qarib who dominated the civilian administratorslike the vizier, the deputy officials (novvab) and secretaries, himselfbecoming the na'eb-e koll "person responsible for everything." 34
event, only partially successful, attempt to recover this money and these presentsfor the royal treasury. See Gh 257-60, F 336-40 . .14 Gardizi, loc. cit.r6 C. E. BOSWORTH
time, actually at the 'ld al-Fetr, the Festival of the Ending of the Fast of this year,AH 421/AD 1030 (Divan, ed. Mol;tammad Dabir-Siyaqi, Tehran 13351I956, 104-07),hence only a few days before Mol;tammad 's deposition, seems to express, in a guard-ed fashion, the poet's premonition of that event and his feeling that Mol;tammadwas inadequate for the supreme power; see JulieS. Meisami, "Ghaznavid panegyr-ics: some political implications," Iran] BIPS, XXVIII (1990), 36-39. 36 See Gelpke, op. cit., 42-43; Bosworth, "The imperial policy of the early
Ghaznavid history. C. E. BOSWORTH
42 Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, splendour and decay. The dynasty in Af-
« The events of the years 421, 422 and 423 take up almost half of the wholeextant part of the Tarikh-e Mas'udi. INTRODUCTION
from his formal designation at Gh 373, F 475 as "Abi Na~r b. Moshkan" instead ofthe usual form with the Persian eiafa "Bu Na~r-e Moshkan." 46 Concerning Mas'ud's character, the verdict of W. Barthold was that he "in-
herited only his father's faults," see his Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion,3rd ed. London, 1968, 293, and also the picture of Mas'ud as he emerges from Bey-haqi's pages delineated by Jalal Matini, "Sima-ye Mas'ud Ghaznavi dar Tarikh-eBeyhaqi," in Yad-nama-ye Abu'l-Fail-e Beyhaqi, Mashhad 13501I971, Persiansection, 520-607.20 C. E. BOSWORTH
from Inner Asia. Inevitably, the Seljuqs' promises proved hollow ones,and the inhabitants of Khorasan suffered increasingly from the Turk-mens' beasts overrunning the oases and agricultural lands and fromthe tribesmen's depredations, disrupting caravan traffic and the eco-nomic life of the province. 5° Accordingly, much of Beyhaqi's narrative of Mas'ud's later years istaken up with the saga of armies sent against the Turkmens led by vari-ous of the Sultan's generals, who were on occasion successful but moreoften the reverse: they were operating with insufficient troops andencumbered by extensive baggage trains, in terrain where water wasscanty or non-existent and which favoured the highly-mobile, lightly-burdened Turkmen raiders. Mas'ud, meanwhile, refused to take theTurkmen menace seriously enough or to give it his full personal at-tention; against all the advice of his civilian and military counsellors,he was diverted, on the plea of fulfilling a vow, into personally lead-ing an expedition against the fortress of Hinsi in India in the winterof I037-38. 51 Further, in the winter of IOJ8-39, climatically a totallyinappropriate time, he led a disastrous expedition across the Oxusinto the right-bank principality of Chaghaniyan against the Qara-khanid Boritegin, who had been harrying the upper Oxus lands. 52 InKhorasan, the Ghaznavid forces were gradually worn down, and theTurkmens were able temporarily to occupy some of the Khorasaniantowns, including, in the spring of IOJ8, Nishapur for several months.At last persuaded to conduct counter-operations in Khorasan in per-son, the Sultan nevertheless once more went against the unanimousadvice of his officials and commanders that the army was ill-preparedfor a campaign into the desert in the scorching heat of late spring 1040and that the army should rest and recover its fighting efficiency atHerat. Mas'ud insisted on marching out with an ill-equipped and ill-supplied army across the waterless desert from Sarakhs to Merv. Ina pitched battle at Dandanqan, one of the decisive ones of EasternIslamic history and one which is graphically described in detail byBeyhaqi, who was present on the field, the Ghaznavid troops were allbut annihilated. Nishapur once more, Merv and the whole of westernKhorasan passed into Seljuq hands; the Ghaznavid position in Ray 50 Ibid., 55-6o. 51 Ahmad, op. cit., 56-65. 52 Barthold, op. cit., JOI-02. INTRODUCTION
and Jebal had already become untenable and the region now revertedto the local, indigenous rulers there until the Seljuqs later arrived. 53 The psychological effects on Mas'ud of the defeat were serious, and his nerve seems now to have gone. He took his revenge on the unfortu- nate commanders of his army at Dandanqan, although they had only been carrying out his disastrous orders with reluctance and against their own better judgement. Despite assurances by his advisers that the Seljuqs were unlikely to move eastwards into the highly moun- tainous terrain of Afghanistan when they could sweep westwards through more open country, Mas'ud fell into something like despair, and he made plans to abandon Ghazna and Balkh and retire to India. However, a section of his troops mutinied at the Indus crossing. The mutineers raised Mo}:tammad once more briefly to the sultanate as a puppet ruler and the deposed Mas'ud was killed. 54 That Mas'ud's ad-visers had been right and that the position in eastern Afghanistan was far from untenable was shown by the Seljuq chiefs' decision, whether made consciously or not, against pushing eastwards into Afghanistan towards India but rather to follow the lure of rich pickings in theWest and to overrun Persia and the lands beyond, thus inaugurat- ing the Great Seljuq sultanate. Mas'ud's son and successor, Mowdud (1041-?1048) still had hopes of recovering lost territory, but after an interval his other son Ebrahim (1059-99) eventually gave up irreden- tist dreams and established a permanent frontier with the Seljuqs, onewhich ran roughly north-south, bisecting what is the modern state of Afghanistan and leaving Kabul and Ghazna in the possession of the Ghaznavids for a further century or so. Hence Ghaznavid power survived there and in northern India as an empire truncated territori- ally but still one with important contributions to make in the cultural sphere, above all in that of Persian literature. 55 Its end was not to come from the Seljuqs or any other Turkish group from the Inner Asian steppes but from a dynamic family of chiefs from the inaccessible and only recently Islamised mountainous core of Afghanistan, the region of Ghur, still known today as the Ghorat province. It was the GhuridAmir 'Ala' al-Din I:Ioseyn b. l:foseyn, unenviably called jahan-suz"the World Incendiary," who sacked Ghazna in 1150 and dealt that 53 Cahen, op. cit., 6df.; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 246-52. 54 Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, 15-20. 55 Ibid., 25ff., 5off., 74-77.24 C. E. BOSWORTH
town a blow from which it never recovered; and in 1186 another Ghu-rid chief, Mo'ezz al-Din Mobammad b. Sam, ended for ever the ruleof the last Ghaznavid in Lahore, Khosrow Malek. 56 The distinctive quality of the Ghaznavid empire as built up by Seb-iiktegin and Mal}mud and taken over by their successors was the cul-mination of a process which, as has been noted above in regard to themilitarisation of government and society in the central and easternIslamic lands, had been going on for a century and a half under thedirection of Arab and Persian rulers, but with the difference that theadvent of the Ghaznavids and Qarakhanids brought the greater part ofthe eastern Islamic world under the direction of Turkish leaders. Therules of previous Turkish governors like the Tulunids and Ikhshididsin Egypt and Syria had been on the whole short-lived and had involvedautonomy from the caliphate rather than complete independence andfreedom of action, or else rule had been local and circumscribed, likethat of the Simjurid family within Samanid Khorasan. The Ghaznavids,however, were Turks who made it to the top and stayed there for severalgenerations. Their own Turkish ethnicity was doubtless buttressed bythe continuous arrival into their military following of Turkish man-power freshly recruited or purchased from the steppes, though whatthis feeling of Turkishness amounted to is difficult to estimate, since itwas never as such the concern of the Arabic or Persian chroniclers andcan only be inferred from passing references. Nevertheless, such rulersas Mal}mud and Mas'ud, and a fortiori their successors had from thestart to function within as monarchs within a Persian administrativesystem staffed by Persian officials, and were linguistically as much athome in Persian as in Turkish; 57 we know from Beyhaqi that Mal}mudensured that his own son Mas'ud and his younger brother Yusof had athorough Islamic education, one which seems to have given Mas'ud atleast a good competence in Arabic language and culture. 58
56 Bosworth, "The political and dynastic history of the Iranian world (A.D.1000-1217)," in CHlr. V. The Saljuq and Mongol periods, ed. J.A. Boyle, Cam-bridge 1968, 157-61; idem, The later Ghaznavids, II1-31. 57 Their immersion in Persian culture is stressed by Mal,l.mud Omidsalar in
Islamic law and, according to what the Ottoman Turkish bibliographer I:Iajji INTRODUCTION
Thus it was the case that the Ghaznavid Amirs, on attaining su-preme control of the state, took over the full apparatus of monarchicalauthority as it had evolved in the Perso-Islamic tradition whose rootsstretched back into the pre-Islamic Iranian past; and they buttressedthis inheritance with an assiduous cultivation of all the moral and re-ligious authority of their role as theoretical delegates of the 'Abbasidcaliphs, though this delegated status meant virtually nothing in prac-tice. 59 Theorists of this Perso-Islamic tradition, such as the authors ofthe "Mirrors for Princes" literature, or a theologian exercised by themoral aspects of political power like Ghazali, asserted the pattern ofan autocratic ruler whose authority, being backed by divine approval,had to be accepted; in any case, all scholars and divines who musedupon the problems of power held firmly to the belief that autocracy,however capriciously exercised, was preferable to mob-rule and an-archy. Thus when, towards the end of the eleventh century, the greatstatesman and vizier Ne?:am al-Molk composed his work on politicaltheory and practice, the Siyasat-nama or "Treatise on statecraft," forhis Seljuq masters-whom he considered as too relaxed in their at-titude towards such a serious topic as royal power-he looked backnostalgically at the first Ghaznavids and the power structures thatthey erected, and made Mabmud, together with his equally forcefulBuyid predecessor 'Ai:.od al-Dowla, the hero of several anecdotes il-lustrating firm monarchical rule tempered by justice towards subjectsand regard for the rights of God. 60 This "power state" of the Ghaznavids under Mabmud and Mas'ud,as we know it from the contemporary authors 'Otbi, Gardizi and Bey-haqi, rested on various presuppositions. One was the cliche that theruler was the shadow of God upon earth and was therefore answerableonly to the deity. There followed from this that the subjects (ra' iyya, pl.raaya) had an unqualified duty of obedience and no right of resistance;
Khalifa mentions, composed a work on it, hence was necessarily literate in Arabic(see Na+im, Sultan Mahmud of Qhazna, 156-57), is unbelievable. 59 It is notable that Ne+am al-Molk in his Siyasat-nama (see on this below and
next note), makes no mention of the caliph or the caliphate of his time, nor of theconditions for legitimising royal power expressed in the writings on constitutionallaw, as was observed by Ritter, op. cit., 107-08. 60 See his Siyasat-nama, ed. H. Darke, Tehran 1340II962, tr. idem, The book of
61 Gh 551, F 729. Cf. Barthold, Turkestan, 291; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 253. INTRODUCTION
va- 'o$rat ahl al- 'a$r "The handsome idol of the palace and the refugeof the people of the age," of Abu'l-I:Iasan (or Abu'l-Qasem) 'Ali b.al-I:Iasan Bakharzi, in the same way that certain of his colleagues inthe Ghaznavid administration figure, such as the Head of the ArmyDepartment (arei) Abu Sahl Zowzani and the postal and intelligenceofficer, $ibeb-barid, of Nishapur Abu'l-Mo+affar Joma]:li. Tha'alebicertainly knew Beyhaqi from their common Khorasanian, Nishapuri,background, and he did not die until 1038 when Beyhaqi was still inmid-career, while Bakharzi, likewise a Khorasanian, was Beyhaqi'salmost exact contemporary. 66 However, Tha'alebi was concerned above all with the Arabic schol-arship of the poets and writers of ornate, chancery prose, ensha', andit does not seem that Beyhaqi by the time of the older man's deathhad achieved any special reputation as a poet and stylist in Arabic.It goes without saying that, like any literate person of his time andespecially a person with a secretarial training, Beyhaqi would have al-most certainly been able to turn his hand to Arabic and Persian verse.His daily round in the Ghaznavid Chancery must have entailed in-diting letters to outside powers such as the 'Abbasid caliphs and theBuyids (at whose courts in western and northern Persia there flour-ished, working as the Amirs' viziers, chief secretaries, etc., several ofthe most outstanding Arabic stylists of the tenth and early eleventhcenturies). However, we do not know for sure in which language hewrote his manual on secretaryship, the Ketab Zinat al-kottab "Bookof the adornment of secretaries" (see below), since the Arabic title tellsus nothing here. That Beyhaqi did not, in the later part of his life, es-tablish any great reputation as an Arabic stylist can be inferred fromthe absence of an entry on him in the literary-biographical works justmentioned above. Of external sources for Beyhaqi's life, we have to fall back on aKhorasanian but non-contemporary source: two notices, one briefbut the other more substantial, in the biographical-historical workwhich Zahir al-Din Abu'l-I:Iasan 'Ali b. Zeyd Beyhaqi, called EbnFondoq (d. I 169), wrote concerning his home town of Beyhaq (mod-ern Sabzavar), its eminent persons and its role in Khorasanian histori-
•• See £[2 arts. "al-Tha'alibi" (E.K. Rowson), and "al-Bakharzi" (D.S. Margo-liouth); Elr art. "Bakarzi" (Z. Safa). INTRODUCTION 31
historiography in early medieval Iran and the Tarlkh-i Bayhaq," Jr. St., XXX-Illlr-2 (Winter-Spring 2ooo), 140-43, with earlier works on him listed at 140 n.45; £]2 art. "al-Bayha~i', Zahi'r al-Di'n" (D.M. Dunlop); Elr art. "Bayhaqi', Zahi'ral-Di'n" (H. Halm). 68 Toward a theory of historical narrative, 39·
69 I.e. the daughter of the Seljuq Sultan Malek Shah, who had been married to
the Ghaznavid Sultan Mas'ud (III) b. Ebrahim, possibly around 1082-83, and whoacquired this title of "the Bride from Iraq." See Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, 83. 70 Tarikh-e Beyhaq, 20.32 C. E. BOSWORTH
al-kottiib; possibly some introductory words have fallen out of the text here. 72 The famed history of Sebiiktegin and Ma]:lmud by Beyhaqi's older contem-
porary, Abu Na~r Mo]:J.ammad b. 'Abd al-Jabbar 'Otbi (d. 1036 or 1039-40). See onhim Barthold, Turkestan, 19-20; Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 9-10; idem, "Earlysources for the history of the first four Ghaznavid sultans (977-1041)," IQ, VII(1963), 5-7; EP art. "a!-'Utbi. 3·" 7 ·1 Apparently a work by the traditionist and wide-ranging scholar of Nishapur
(Khargush ="a great street in Nishapur") Abu Sa'd 'Abd al-Malek b. Abi 'Othman,d. 406ho15-16; see Sam'ani, Ketiib al-Ansiib, cd. 'Abd al-Ra]:J.man al-Yamani andM. 'Abd al-Mo'id Khan, Hydcrabad 1382-1402h962-82, V, 101-02. 7~ I.e. Abu Mo]:J.ammad 'Abdallah b. Mo]:J.ammad,JZ. in the early eleventh century,
poet and anthologist of Khorasan known to Tha'alebi; see Sezgin, GAS, II, 642. 75 See for a translation of this passage, Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 64-65. INTRODUCTION 33
Beyhaqi's complete History, or, conceivably, from the Ketab Zinat al-kottab, since the tone of the passage would accord well with that ofthe manuals of secretaryship/6 After this, Ebn Fondoq ends this entry on Beyhaqi with informa-tion on Beyhaqi's latter days in official service: On account of a dowry owed to a wife, 77 the Qazi (i.e. Judge) in Ghaz- ni ordered him to be imprisoned, and after that, Toghri:l-e B.rar (?)/8 who was a runaway slave of the Mab.mudi dynasty, seized power in Ghazni, killed Sultan 'Abd al-Rashid and consigned the monarch's servants to a fortress. Included amongst these last was Abu'l-Fa:il-e Beyhaqi, who was sent there from the Qazi's prison. While he was in that fortress, Abu'l-Fa:il wrote [in Arabic], 1. While you pass a day in happiness, one day of my misery in prison passes. 2. Neither misery nor ease of life has any permanence; no people has lived for ever in ease of life or in misery. After a short period, fortune brought about Toghri:l-e B.rar's killing at the hands of Nushtegin-e Zubin-dar/9 The duration of his power was no more than fifty-seven days, and royal authority [now] reverted to the Mab.mudi dynasty. Nothing good ever comes out of rebellion against the bestower of favour (i.e. the ruler) and no lengthy period [of time] is ever granted; he who unsheathes the sword of rebellion per- ishes by it (va-man sal/a seyf al-baghy qotela behi). Al-Sheykh Abu'l- Fa:il Mob.ammad b. al-I:Ioseyn al-Beyhaqi the secretary died in Safar 470 [/August-September 1077]. 80
the royal household; for the zhupin (a characteristic weapon of the Deylamites, though here obviously wielded by a Turk), see below, Year 421 n. 181. 80 Tarikh-e Beyhaq, 177-78.34 C. E. BOSWORTH
8 ' "The Persian historian Bayhaqi," in B. Lewis and P.M. Holt (eds.), Histori-
training must also have fallen within the notable vizierate for Ma}:lmud,until his fall from grace in 1024, of A}:J.mad b. I:Iasan Meymandi, calledShams al-Kofat "Sun of the Capable Ones," who likewise had an out-standing reputation as an Arabic stylist and monshi. 85 Since Beyhaqi's duties came to include composing the drafts(savad) of official documents and correspondence, including letters tooutside powers, and then at times making the final, fair copies (bayai)when these were not done by Abu Na~r Moshkan himself, he had anunequalled opportunity to make personal copies of these documents,written in both Arabic and Persian, and to keep a personal diary ofevents, all with a view-which must have gradually matured in hismind, certainly by Mas'ud's reign (1031-41)-of eventually compos-ing a history of the Ghaznavid sultans from the viewpoint of the cen-tral administration and the court (which was, of course, peripateticand accompanied the monarch on his travels and military expedi-tions). Beyhaqi's service in the Chancery continued for over thirtyyears; whether he ever made it to the top as Chief Secretary is uncer-tain. He states that he was considered for this post when his masterAbu Na~r died, while still in harness, in 1039, but was passed over infavour of the former Head of the Army Department, Abu Sahl Zow-zani, allegedly because the Sultan considered him too young. 86 SinceBeyhaqi was then around forty-five or forty-six years old, well intowhat was at that time considered middle age, if not on the verge of oldage, this sounds an unconvincing reason. More probably, his rejectionwas connected with the earlier rivalry of Abu Na~r Moshkan and AbuSahl Zowzani. Certainly, he had no love for Abu Sahl, who emergesfrom Beyhaqi's pages as something like the evil genius for much ofMas'ud's reign. Despite this snub, Beyhaqi continued working in the Chancery, ap-parently till the reign of Sultan 'Abd al-Rashid b. Ma}:lmud (?1049-p),by which time Abu Sahl Zowzani was most likely either retired oreven dead, 87 so that it is possible that Beyhaqi at last achieved theplum post of Chief Secretary; the years of Beyhaqi's official career s; See on him, EJ2 art. "Maymandi" (M. Nazim and C.E. Bosworth). 86 Gh 6oo-o1, F 8oo.
87 A death date for Abu Sahl at some point within the late 1040s or 1050s seems
most probable, according to Jamal Re:ia'i, "Bu Sahl-e Zowzani dar Tarikh-e Bey-haqi," in Yad-nama-ye Abu'l-Fail-e Beyhaqi, Persian section, 222. C. E. BOSWORTH
under Mowdud b. Mas'ud and the two ephemeral rulers Mas'ud (II)b. Mowdud and 'Ali b. Mas'ud (1), i.e. till 'Abd al-Rashid's accession, 8Bare particularly dark. The cause of Beyhaqi's fall from grace and hisimprisonment during 'Abd al-Rashid's reign must undoubtedly havebeen more serious, as Waldman pertinently observed, 89 than a dis-pute over an unpaid dowry and must have been connected with thepolitical rivalries of the time, whose nature is unknown to us. WhatBeyhaqi mourned, in regard to this period of his life, was not so muchthe seizure of his personal property (which he probably regained sub-sequently)90 as the loss of his personal copies of official documentsand his notes on various events (see below); their confiscation impliesthat the reasons behind his disgrace were political and that his paperscontained politically sensitive or even incriminatory material. At all events, Beyhaqi regained his freedom, apparently with theoverthrow of the usurper Toghri:l and the restoration of the legitimateGhaznavid line under Farrokh-zad b. Mas'ud (I) in 1052, but at theprice of having been deprived of the copies of diplomatic documents,treaties, etc., which he had carefully made at the time and had kept,these copies having been, so he says, deliberately destroyed. 91 Wheth-er Beyhaqi, now almost a sexagenarian, ever returned to official lifeis unknown, though mentions in the History show that he at leastkept in touch with officials at court and in the administration; EbnFondoq's assertion that he returned to office under Farrokh-zad andstayed there till that Sultan died in 105992 seems dubious, since Beyha-qi was already at work composing his History during Farrokh-zad'sreign and was to carry on with it during the early years of the sue-
88 See concerning the confused chronology of the sultans during these years,
Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids, 37ff., and idem, The New Islamic dynasties, a chronological and genealogical manual, Edinburgh 1996, 296, no. 158. 89 Toward a theory of historical narrative, 43·
'Awfi's javame' al-bekayat, as quoted by Gh.-l:f. Yusofi in his Eir art. "Bayhaqi, Abu'l-Fai:.l" (this must be anecdote no. 1728 in Mul,J.ammad Ni:?amu'd-Din's In- troduction to the Jawami'u'l-l,J.ikayat wa lawami'u'r-riwayat of Mubammad 'Awfi, London 1929, 228, cited from Beyhaqi's own History ("The Ta'rikh-i Na#ri"), cf. 62-63), Beyhaqi's property had been sequestered on the Sultan's direct orders by the son of a slave, one Tuman (?). 91 Gh 294, F 389. 92 Tarikh-e Beyhaq, 175. INTRODUCTION 37
ceeding reign of Ebrahim b. Mas'ud (I). Beyhaqi 's whole career thusexemplifies what he emphasizes in the History (e.g. in his musingson the subsequent fates of various persons who had served the fallenAmir Yusof b. Sebiiktegin, see Gh 253ff., F 331ff.), that the serviceof monarchs is inevitably subject to the vicissitudes of fortune, morespecifically, to changes of regime or of state policy which might exalta person and then reduce him to imprisonment and poverty.93 Sir Henry Elliot and John Dowson, in their The history of Indiaas told by its own historians. The Muhammadan period (the firstEuropean work to contain translated passages from Beyhaqi's His-tory, see below, Section 3, pp. 49-50), dubbed Beyhaqi "an orientalMr Pepys." This is true in that the account of Samuel Pepys' officialcareer in the Naval Office under Charles II during the years 166o to1669, as revealed in his celebrated Diary, is comparable with the elevenyears of Beyhaqi's work in the Chancery as set forth in the Tiirikh-eMas'udi. In both we have a detailed calendar of high-level events andmany sidelights on the subtle interplay of personal motives, characterand emotions with those events; and it is further true that Pepys inhis Diary was probably writing with eventual publication in mind,since the shorthand system which he used was one known in the mid-seventeenth century. From the Diary we have incomparable insightsinto Pepys' personal character, morals, beliefs, mode of life, likes anddislikes, and foibles, together with information on his marriage andhis fumbling infidelities, his medical history, personal finances, etc.Where the two works diverge lies in the fact that Beyhaqi reveals vir-tually nothing of his private life: what wives he had (except for thesnippet of information about the disputed dowry payment, if this isindeed authentic), what children he produced, his life style, what in-terests he had outside his secretarial work and authorial activity, whatillnesses he suffered, how he faced death, etc. Yet this disparity be-tween our knowledge of the two men is just another instance of thefrustration of the historian of medieval Islam in attempting to get be-hind the public fa~ades of the personalities whom he encounters.94 •J See Julie S. Meisami, Persian historiography to the end of the twelfth century,
Fac;ll Bayhaqi's memoirs of court life in Eastern Iran and Afghanistan, IOJ0-1041,"]RAS, 3rd series, XIV (2004), 13-25. C. E. BOSWORTH
3· Beyhaqi's works
The lost manual for secretaries, the Ketab Zinat al-kottab, has been mentioned above in section 2, where it is noted that its language, whether Arabic or Persian, is unknown (but if it was originally writ- ten in Arabic, and the reflections on the responsibilities of royal serv- ants, etc., cited by Ebn Fondoq in this same section 2, pp. 32-33, are in fact from the Zinat al-kottab, the historian of Beyhaq must have turned them into Persian). In various places of his History, Beyhaqi refers to what he calls the Maqamat-e Abu Na?r-e Moshkan "Activities of Abu Na~r-e Moshkan'',95 giving anecdotes about its subject and episodes from his life, and illuminating his personal character and secretarial skills. If these Maqamat formed a separate work (see below), like the Zinat al- kottab, they have not survived. They have indeed been regarded as a distinct, separate work by some scholars, e.g. Mul).ammad Na~im in The life and works of Sultan Mabmud of Ghazna, r-2; Sa'id Nafisi in his EP art. "Bayha~I, Abu'l-FaQ.l Mul).ammad b. I:Iusayn Kateb," at Vol. I, u3ra; and Marilyn Waldman, Toward a theory of historical narrative, 44· Certainly, numerous extracts from them are contained in the works of later authors like 'Awfi, Seyf al-Din I:Iajji b. Ne~am'Aqili, I;Iafe~-e Abru and others; these have been conveniently gath- ered together by Sa'id Nafisi in his Dar piramun-e Tarikh-e Beyhaqi"Around the margins of Beyhaqi's History," Tehran I342II963, I, 94ff. and II. However, Gholam I;Ioseyn Yusofi has recently challenged this view, namely, that the Maqamatwere a separate work, in his Elrart. "Bayhaqi,Abu'l-Fazl," at Vol. III, 89ob-89ra. He has equated the Maqamat-eAbu Na?r-e Moshkan with the Maqamat-e Mabmudi "Activities of Sultan Mal). mud" also mentioned by Beyhaqi, on the grounds that much of the material cited by Beyhaqi on his master pertains to the reign of Sultan Ma}:tmud, under whom Abu Na~r had spent a con- siderable part of his working life. The material on Abu Na~r's career during this last-mentioned reign would thus most naturally have been included in the lost section ofBeyhaqi's History devoted to Mal).mud's 95 Concerning the apparent meaning, in this context, of the term maqama, see
reign, what Beyhaqi refers to as the Tarikh-e Yamini (see below), just as the material on the last decade of Abu Na~r's life, the years spent as Head of the Chancery for Sultan Mas'ud, naturally came within the extant Tarikh-e Mas'udi. This seems a feasible view; if the Maqamat-eAbu Na$r-e Moshkan had been a separate book, one might have ex- pected Ebn Fondoq to .describe it as such, given that material from t~eMaqamat was known m the later fifteenth century when Seyf al-Dm'Aqili used it extensively in his biographical work the Athar al-vozara'"Relics and notable deeds of the viziers".96 We thus come to Beyhaqi's magnum opus, his History, the thirty volumes of which made up, collectively, the Mojalladat "Volumes" or Tarikh-e al-e Sebuktegin "History of the house of Sebiiktegin," a complete dynastic history of the Ghaznavids as pictured by a loyal if not uncritical servant of the line. The Mojalladat extended chronologically from the time of the founder Sebiiktegin, who had established himself in Ghazna in 977 as the culmination of a line of briefly-governing Turkish gholam commanders of the Samanid gen- eral Alptegin (see above, section 1, p. 6) until, presumably, the end ofFarrokh-zad's sultanate and the succession of Ebrahim in 1059. As we have seen, Ebn Fondoq described the whole work as comprising thir- ty books or volumes. This division, based roughly on length rather than upon units corresponding e.g. to reigns or to extended historical episodes, must have been deliberately decided on by Beyhaqi to make his History more manageable, perhaps with the hope, unfulfilled as it happened, that these moderately-sized books/volumes could be more easily copied and disseminated. Exactly at what point Beyhaqi began his History is not quite clear.A general title like Tarikh-e al-e Sebuktegin implies that he beganwhen Sebiiktegin took over power in 976 from Bori/Boritegin, andwe have mentions by Juzjani of the Tarikh-e Na$eri on Sebiiktegin and by Beyhaqi himself of the Tarikh-e Yamini on Mal:tmud,97 these comprising the first four-and-a-half volumes of the complete History,
96 Sa'id Nafisi opined that 'Aqili may have got his material from the Maqamat
via the Khorasanian author who served the Timurids in Herat, Fa~i.b. al-DinA.b.mad b. Mo.b,ammad, known as Fa~i.b.i Khvafi (d. in the mid-fifteenth century),since the Maqamat are cited in the latter's historical and biographical compendi-um, the Mojmal-e Fa$ibi. See Nafisi, Dar piramun-e Tarikh-e Beyhaqi, I, 96 n. 1. 97 Juzjani, I, 225, tr. I, 67-68; Gh 26, F 27. C. E. BOSWORTH
but there are two problems here. The first is that four-and-a-half vol-umes seems woefully inadequate for a period of over fifty years' com-bined rule by Sebiiktegin and Mal).mud, compared with the intensedetail on Mas'ud's reign of eleven years only and, very likely, on theensuing nineteen years (which must have taken up to twenty volumes).Did Beyhaqi only write a sketchy outline of Sebiiktegin's period ofgovernorship and the first half or so of Mal).mud 's reign, because heknew that his fellow-historian Abu Na!;r 'Otbi had carried the storyof these two potentates up to 1020, albeit in a very different formatand style from his own work? 98 What was possibly only a rapid survey of the dynasty's early yearsmay be connected with the second problem, that of the interpretationof Beyhaqi's words at Gh 261-62, F 342, where he tells how a fel-low-historian and contemporary in Ghazna, Mal).mud Varraq ("thecopyist, bookseller") had written a universal history at almost exactlythe same time as Beyhaqi was putting together his own History of theGhaznavids, and had taken it up to the year ror8-r9, that very year,so Beyhaqi says, in which he started his own work. He goes on torelate that Mal).mud Varraq's sons had complained to him, after theirfather's death, "We, his sons, aren't agreeable that you should utilize(lit. "raise up and set down," bar dari va feru nehi) any more thanwhat you've already said," hence Beyhaqi had no alternative but to de-sist (nachar be-istadam).99 Does this mean that Beyhaqi had to abjuregiving full detail on the period of Sebiiktegin's amirate and the firsttwenty years of Mal).mud's reign, hence confined himself to a mereresume of the events of these forty-odd years? What relationship Beyhaqi 's work bears to the third extant con-temporary source for early Ghaznavid history (i.e. after 'Otbi andBeyhaqi himself), the Ketab Zeyn al-akhbar "Book of the adornmentof historical accounts" of Abu Sa'id Gardizi, 100 is unclear. Gardizi andBeyhaqi were contemporaries, and the former, from his nesba, wasa native of Zabolestan where lay both Ghazna and Gardiz. Gardizistates specifically states that he himself was close to Sultan Mal).mudand accompanied him during his campaigns in India, Sistan, Kho-rasan and 'Eraq [-e 'Ajam] (i.e. Western Persia). In the later, historical 98 See above, n. 72. 99 Cf. Barthold, Turkestan, 21-22. 100 See above, n. 26. INTRODUCTION 41
101 See on Gardizi and his work, Barthold, op. cit., 20-21; Bosworth, The
Ghaznavids, w; idem, "Early sources for the history of the first four Ghaznavidsultans (977-1041)," 8-w; Meisami, op. cit., 66-79; £[2 art. "Gardizi" (W. Bar-thold); Elr art. "Gardizi" (C. E. Bosworth). 102 See for a translation of Ebn Baba's section on the Ghaznavids, with a com-
mentary, Bosworth, The later Ghaznavids: splendour and decay. The dynasty inAfghanistan and northern India 1040-1186, Edinburgh 1977, 132-55, cf. 2. C. E. BOSWORTH
103 See Gh 99, F n6, and cf. Year 421 n. 397· For the honorifics of the early
almost the last seven months of AH 424/Ao 1033 and the first five ones of AH 425/AD1033-34, see below, Year 424 n. 211. 105 See Bosworth, "Early sources for the first four Ghaznavid sultans
(977-1041)," II. INTRODUCTION 43
so much of the History came to be lost, but we do know that the proc-ess of loss developed swiftly. Only some ninety years after Beyhaqi'sdeath, Ebn Fondoq was unable to find a complete set of volumes (seeabove, section 2, pp. 31-32). Some volumes must nevertheless havesurvived into the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries for a historianlike Juzjani in his Tabaqat-e na$eri "Na~erian tables" (thus namedafter the author's Delhi Sultan patron), a literary biographer and an-ecdotist like 'Awfi in his ]avame' al-bekayat "Collections of anec-dotes" and, so it seems, the Kurdish historian of the first half of thefourteenth century Mo}:tammad b. 'Ali Shabankara'i in his Majma'al-ansab "Collection of genealogies," 106 probably to utilize Beyhaqi'swork, not to mention various Persian and Indo-Muslim authors, upto Abu'l-Fazl 'Allami, Jahangir and Fereshta, and the Ottoman Turk-ish bibliographer l;Iajji Khalifa, who at least cited its name and wereaware of its former existence. 107 It is not hard to conjecture the reasons for the History's survival inonly an attenuated form. The incentives for copying such a giganticwork, of concern only to scholars on the far eastern fringes of theIranian world and its Indo-Muslim outlier, cannot have been great. 108Copies in the libraries of mosques and madrasas of Khorasan maywell have perished in the disorders there from the later part of Sul-tan Sanjar's reign onwards, with the ravages there of the Oghuz andwith the subsequent spoliations of the armies of the AnushteginidKhwarazm Shahs in their warfare with the Ghurids over possessionof Khorasan, with a culmination in the mass destructions of the Mon-gols in the early thirteenth century. As for Beyhaqi's original, auto-graph manuscript-assuming that he copied this out personally-theobvious place for it to be kept would be the capital Ghazna, either inthe possession of his putative progeny or in the royal library of thesultans; but we know that public buildings there, including mosques 106 See on this author, ibid., 18-2o; EJ2 art. "Shabankara'i" (C. E. Bosworthand P. Jackson). 107 Sir H.M. Elliot and J. Dowson, The history of India as told by its own hi-
torians. The Muhammadan period, 8 vols., London 1867-77 (see on this work,below}, II, 53-55. 108 Even with regard to a work on a similar, immense scale, but with a more
universal relevance and appeal for the wider Islamic literate classes, sc. Tabari'sHistory, our knowledge of substantial sections of the text depends on one or twoextant manuscripts only. 44 C. E. BOSWORTH
al-Ta'rikh al-yamini also apparently fall into two groups of texts, one group ema-nating from the Persian-speaking domain and the other from the Arabic-speakingdomain, the second with its stylistic content slightly modified (this latter groupincluding the ms. or mss. used by Sheykh Al:tmad al-Manini for his printed textof Cairo 1286h869). See R. Rubinacci, "Upon the 'al-Ta'rikh al-Yamini' of AbuNa~r al-'Utbi," in A. Gallotta and U. Marazzi (eds.), Studia turcologica memoriaeAlexii Bombaci dicata, Naples 1982, 464-67. 115 Bertotti, L'opera dello storico persiano Bayhaqf, Naples 1991, 26-27; Fayyiii:,
many place names of what are now Central Asia and Afghanistan andadjacent regions. 117 Information about the various editions that have been publishedin modern times is given by Gilbert Lazard in the short section onthe History in his La langue des plus anciens monuments de la prosepersane 118 and by Gholam l:losayn Yusofi in his Elr article "Bayhaqi,Abu' 1-Fail." The editio princeps of W. H. Morley, The Tarikh- i Baihakicontaining the life of Masaud, son of Sultan Mahmud of Ghaznin ... ,Bibliotheca Indica. A Collection of Works Published by the AsiaticSociety of Bengal, Calcutta r862, was based on three manuscriptsfrom the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries which Morley found inIndia but which are now deposited in the British Library; it thus rep-resents the "Indian" manuscript tradition. This printed edition was infact produced at a time when manuscripts of the History had hardlyceased being copied. William H. Morley (who was actually dead bythe time this text was printed, it being seen through the press by W.Nassau Lees) had a legal and administrative career in British India andin r859 became Librarian of the Royal Asiatic Society in London, ofwhose collection of Arabic and Persian manuscripts he had preparedthe catalogue (London r854). His edition, although without any in-troduction and with only a few variants indicated, mainly for per-sonal and place names, was less correct than subsequent ones but mayrepresent a more authentic copyists' tradition. For its time it was ameritorious one, not deserving the extravagant condemnation of H. G.Raverty, 119 and for many decades to come it was the basic one whichhistorians of the eastern Islamic world and Central Asia, and of thefirst Muslim penetration of northwestern India, worked, from Sachauthrough Barthold to Mu}:lammad Na~im in his Sultan Mabmud ofGhazna (see further, below). However, its unattractive Indian Persiantypography, its continuous text with no attempt at paragraphing, andthe absence of any index or even table of contents, discouraged all butthe most dedicated of scholars and probably worked against its widerusage in the West.
being particularly terse and elliptic. This is the text that has providedthe essential basis for the present translation. It was unfortunate thatFayyaz's death prevented him from writing a fuller Introduction thanthe present twelve or so-page survey of the manuscripts of the History(see above, p. 44), useful though this is, and his explanatory glosses(ta'liqat) only go up to p. 223 of the edited text (see below). Subse-quent prints, e.g. by 'Ali E}:tsani (Tehran I358h98o) and Khalil Kha~ibRahbar (three vols., Tehran 1374lr995) have not surpassed Fayyaz'sachievement. Both these last are based on Fayyaz's text; Rahbar's edi-tion does not have an apparatus criticus but gives instead extensivephilological notes on the text, clearly meant for modern Persian read-ers who find Beyhaqi's archaic usages difficult, plus detailed indices. Fayyaz meant to tackle some at least of the many difficulties inBeyhaqi's text as it has come down to us in a series of supplementarynotes (ta'liqat) appended to his text of the History, but, as mentionedabove, his death before his text of the History went to press meantthat he was unfortunately unable to get very far with these. 121 A lim-ited contribution towards filling this gap has been made by A}:tmadMahdavi Damghani, who in his "Yad-dasht-ha'i bar Tarikh-e Beyha-qi" "Notes on Beyhaqi's History" 122 deals with certain passages andwords of the text, but a full-scale study of the text and its multipleproblems is very much a desideratum. It is relevant to note here that the Beyhaqi memorial volume, ap-pearing at the same time as Fayyaz's edition and also at Mashhad,contains, amongst numerous papers read at a conference on Beyhaqiheld in IJ49Ir970, several articles which help elucidate linguistic, his-torical and geographical problems within the History's text; these ar-ticles will be noted as need arises to cite them. 123 Finally, a recent workby Sayyed A}:tmad I:Ioseyni Kazaruni provides a study of the author;a detailed vocabulary, with supporting citations, of proper names and
121 F 964-83. 112 In Majmu'a-i az maqiiliit-e ostiid doktor Abmad Mahdavi Damghani, ed.Sayyed 'Ali Mo]:lammad Sajjadi, Tehran 138II2oo2, 641-64 (I am grateful to MrAshtiany for supplying me with a copy of this). 123 [Mashhad University, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences.] Yiid-nama-
toponyms in the History; and some note also of various titles andtechnical terms occurring in the text. 124 It was Morley's merit that his pioneering Bibliotheca Indica editionbrought Beyhaqi's History to the attention of the scholarly communityin the West, or rather, to the exiguous handful of European specialistsconcerned with the medieval Eastern Iranian world, Central Asia andNorthwestern India. Hence within a decade of Morley's text's appear-ance, the German scholar Eduard Sachau (1845-1930), at that time work-ing in Vienna, used Beyhaqi's very detailed information on the rela-tions of Mal).mud of Ghazna with the last Ma'munid Khwarazm Shahsand the province's subsequent history under Ghaznavid occupation inhis "Zur Geschichte und Chronologie von Khwarazm," SBWAW, phil.hist. Cl., LXXIII-LXXIV (1973). In parallel to this, the Russian schol-ar Wilhelm Barthold (V. V. Bartol'd) (1869-1930) drew upon Beyhaqi'saccounts of Ghaznavid-Qarakhanid diplomatic contacts and militaryclashes in his doctoral dissertation Turkestan v epokhu mongol'skogonashestviya (St. Petersburg 1900), the basis of the English translation(actually by Sir E. Denison Ross) Turkestan down to the Mongol inva-sion (London 1928). Apart from a lesser amount of material in the worksof his two contemporaries 'Otbi and Gardizi (see above), and material,possibly contemporary but of rather mysterious provenance, containedin the thirteenth-century historian 'Ezz al-Din Ebn al-Athir's generalhistory, al-Kamelfi 'l-ta 'rikh "The perfect work on history," Beyhaqi isthe main literary source for the history of Khwarazm and Transoxaniaduring the first half of the eleventh century. Scholars of the calibre of Sachau and Barthold could use Beyhaqi'sPersian text directly, but for those non-orientalists interested in thehistory of northwestern India, some episodes of the History's informa-tion on events at Mas'ud's court and on the Ghaznavid plunder raidsinto India and the warfare there with the Indian princes were madeaccessible in English translation as part of that multi-volume monu-ment to mid-Victorian Anglo-Indian scholarship, The history of Indiaas told by its own historians. The Muhammadan period, compiled bySir Henry M. Elliot and John Dowson (see above, n. 107), with thetranslated extracts from Beyhaqi at Vol. II, 53-154. These translations
125 Necati Lugal armagam, Tiirk Tarih Kurumu, Ankara 1968, p. XVI. C. E. BOSWORTH
The uniqueness within his age of Beyhaqi as a historian has meant that this topic has been well covered, notably by Kenneth Allin Luther in his article "Bayhaqi and the later Seljuq historians: some comparative remarks;" 129 by Roger M. Savory in his article "Abo'l-Fa~l Bayhaqi as an historiographer;"BO by Marilyn R. Waldman in her chapter "The method of the secretary as historian: an analysis of the structure and contents of Ta'rzkh-i Bayhaqz;" 131 by R. Stephen Humphreys in his chapter "Bayhaqi and Ibn Taghribirdi: the art of narrative in Islamic historical writing during the middle periods"; 132 by Filippo Bertotti in his chapters "La tradizione storiografica," "II fine dell'opera" and"Elementi compositivi e tipologie descrittive della Storia;" 133 and byJulie S. Meisami in her article "Dynastic history and ideals of king- ship in Bayhaqi's Tarikh-i Mas'udi" 134 and, most recently, in the chap- ter "Historiography in the Ghaznavid period" in her book on early medieval Persian historical writing. 135 Hence only a few general re- marks are required here; for a fuller consideration of this topic, see the above works. One of the first things that strikes a reader of the History is its length and its discursiveness, even in the truncated form which we now possess, and Beyhaqi himself was well aware of this. Anticipat- ing criticism of the work's inordinate length, he asserts the paramount claims of completeness and of doing justice to the actors concerned in the events: Other chronicles do not have such length and breadth as this one, since they have dealt with historical events in a comparatively simple and relaxed manner, and they invoke but a whiff of the past. However, now that I have embarked on this task, I want to do this History full justice and delve into every nook and cranny so that no aspect of the events remains obscure. And should this book become overlong, and should 129 In Yad-nama-ye Abu'l-Fail-e Beyhaqi, English section. 14-33. IJO Ibid., 84-128. 131 Toward a theory of historical narrative, 51-78. 132 Islamic history, a framework for enquiry, revised ed. Princeton 1991, r 28-47. 133 L'opera dello storico persiano Bayhaqi, 37-87. 134 In Edebiyat, Ill (1989), 57-77- 135 Persian historiography to the end of the twelfth century, 79-108. INTRODUCTION 55
or else one must read them in a written document or book. The neces- sary condition for the former is that the informant should be trust- worthy and veracious, and, moreover, one's intellect should testify to the soundness of that report and the Word of God must support it, since it has been said, "Don't give credence to any reports that are not acceptable to your judgement." The case is exactly the same with a written document or book: whatever historical reports have been read which the intellect finds no reason to reject, the person hearing them should accept as accurate, and wise men should listen to them and ac- cept them. 139As a consequence of such principles, he lays down as his own guidingone that, whatever he wrote should be based on reliable documenta-tion, such as official papers which he saw or of which he acquiredcopies during his professional career, or else on personal observationor the evidence of reliable informants whose credibility was person-ally known to him. The directness and freshness of his material is fre-quently emphasized by his interposing phrases such as "1, Abu'l-Fazl,saw such-and-such with my own eyes ... "He was, of course, person-ally involved in many of the Sultan's campaigns (including Mas'ud'slast, disastrous expedition to Danadanqan against the Seljuqs) sincethe divans or administrative departments accompanied the sovereignand formed part an integral part of the court apparatus. When he hadno first-hand knowledge, such as for events before his own career inthe bureaucracy began, he sought out the requisite information fromsome more senior colleague in the administration; thus he got an eye-witness account of Prince Mas'ud's youthful bravery in the courseof an expeditions into the pagan enclave of Ghur in central Afghani-stan from the secretary 'Abd al-Ghaffar fifty years after the event inquestion. 140 As noted above, section 2, p. 35, during the course of hisofficial duties Beyhaqi had frequently to make copies of official docu-ments such as contracts of appointment and treaties with outside pow-ers, but lost these when he fell from favour in Sultan 'Abd al-Rashid'sreign so that, in some cases he was unable to quote these documentsverbatim. If he had been able to keep his own exact copies, his His-tory, so he says, would have had a different complexion. 141 As it was,
in Mar6th (ed.), Problems in Arabic literature, 1-13. Van Gelder makes the ob-servation (p. 9) that the use of poetry in Persian historical writing does not seemto have been as widespread as in the Arabic one. This may well be true for theearlier period, but closer examination is required: following Beyhaqi, there is afair amount of poetic citation in a late Seljuq historian like Ravandi and an earlyMongol one like Joveyni, and the usage thereafter becomes an established one. C. E. BOSWORTH
time, from the reign of Sultan Mowdud b. Mas'ud, i.e. a poetic contest,a mona?ara, involving an exchange of poems between Abu Sahl Zow-zani and a certain Qazi Man~ur). 145 But most of the remaining Arabiccitations tend to be of a single line or of two lines, often of an apho-ristic nature and clearly tumbling forth from the recesses of Beyhaqi'smemory (not forgetting verses composed by himself, see above, sec-tion 2, p. 33) when an historical parallel could be brought forward or amoral pointed by an apposite quotation. In general, Beyhaqi seems tohave had a preference for mohdath or "new wave" poetry, that of thehigh 'Abbasid period, rather than for that of the preceding Umayyadand pre-Islamic periods; the near-absence of poetry from the latterperiod (at least, amongst the verses whose authors or origins can bepinpointed; the only named poet would appear to be 'Adi b. Zeyd146)may come from Beyhaqi's clear lack of sympathy with the pre-Islamicpast, Arab or Persian, in general. 147 However, while Arabic citations preponderate over Persian ones inmere number, the Persian ones add up to a considerably greater numberof actual lines of poetry than the Arabic ones (325 lines of Persian vs.148 of Arabic); these tend to be made up of longer quotations and ofsubstantial, complete poems. Samanid poets like Rudaki and Daqiqiwere favourites of Beyhaqi. But it is strange that there are no quota-
145 Rubinacci, in his study of the poetry in 'Otbi's history, "Le citazioni poe-
tions (always with the qualification that we possess only a small partof the Mojalladat) from Ferdowsi's Shah-nama "Book of kings"orfrom other writers in the Iranian epic tradition; this absence seems tobe an aspect of Beyhaqi's lack of interest in Iranian legendary historyand the pre-Islamic past, to be discussed below. Of his contempo-raries, the early Ghaznavid lyric and panegyric poets, Beyhaqi statesthat he has given several outstanding odes by 'On~ori in praise of Sul-tan Ma~mud, but these must have been inserted in the lost Tarikh-eYamini section of the Mojalladat; in the extant Tarikh-e Mas'udithere figure a mere two lines by this poet. Verses by Farrokhi and Ma-nuchehri do not appear at all in the Tarikh-e Mas'udi, although bothwere eulogists of Sultans Mo~ammad and Mas'ud and their servants;he does, however, mention the court poets 'On~ori, 'Asjadi, Zeynabiand Farrokhi as amongst the masters of poetry of the age. 148 What is,however, notable is that Beyhaqi gives the complete texts of four long,elaborate odes (totalling 261 verses) by one of his contemporaries, thereligious lawyer Abu J:Ianifa Eskafi, who was personally known toBeyhaqi and from whom the historian requested complete texts ofthe poems. 149 Regarding their themes, notable are the poet's efforts tojustify Mas'ud's succession and the setting-aside of Mo~ammad (stillsignificant and sensitive issues for a poet like Eskafi writing at thebeginning of the reign of Sultan Ebrahim, Mas'ud's son) and, writingtowards the end of Mas'ud's reign, to hearten and inspirit the Sultanafter his disastrous defeat by the Seljuqs. 150 Since little is otherwiseknown of Eskafi beyond his name and exiguous citations of his workby later anecdotalists and literary biographers like Ne~ami 'Aruzi Sa-marqandi, Beyhaqi has performed a signal service for Persian literaryhistory by preserving these texts. 151
cally) Year 422 n. 199; and for biographical details on Abu Bakr Suli, below, Year431 n. 31. C. E. BOSWORTH
pass the ruin and death of his Arab rival, the lord of Karaj in westernPersia, Abu Dolaf Qasem 'Ejli. This story is used as a parallel to theepisode in Beyhaqi's History where the newly-released and restoredvizier, Al).mad b. I:Iasan Meymandi, seeks to get vengeance on thecourtier Abu Bakr I:Ia~iri, who had in the past slighted him, but isrestrained from exacting the full penalty by Mas'ud's discreet inter-vention, prompted by the Chief Secretary Abu Na~r Moshkan, just asMo'ta~em rescued Abu Dolaf from death at the Afshin's hands. 165 Whereas these stories revolving round the 'Abbasids and their serv-ants may be characterised as extra-historical, at least with regard totheir absence from the chronicles of the period, those stories relat-ing to the decline of the Samanids in Transoxania and Khorasan andthe genesis of the Ghaznavid state are particularly important as first-hand historical evidence, with many unique details absent from thestandard historical sources for the age such as those of 'Otbi, Gardiziand Ebn al-Athir and from the local history of Bokhara and its rul-ers by Narshakhi. It is true that the tale (taken, so Beyhaqi says, fromthe otherwise unknown akhbar-e Samaniyan "Historical accountsconcerning the Samanids") of how the Amir Na~r (II) b. Al).mad (II)cured his irascibility and fiery temper166 is probably pure invention,part of the build-up that seems to have occurred in the general east-ern Islamic consciousness of the Samanid amirs as being as exemplary,just and pious orthodox Sunni rulers, who always showed proper def-erence to their distant nominal suzerains the 'Abbasid caliphs, unliketheir rivals the Saffarids and Buyids. The same mythic quality sur-rounds the tales about Sebiiktegin's early years as a recently-capturedTurkish military slave within the Samanid lands, the prelude to hiseventual service under Alptegin, and about his tenderness and solici-tude even for God's animal creation, 167 these latter traits being partof those making up the image of Sebiiktegin as "the Just Amir" thatseems to have developed very swiftly around this father-founder ofthe Ghaznavid dynasty. It is, however, otherwise with the several passages describing thelast years of the Samanid amirate and the internecine warfare whichcharacterised them, with ambitious military commanders like Abu 165 Gh 172-78, F 213-2 r. 166 Gh 106-oS, F 126-28. 167 Gh 201-04, F 253-57. INTRODUCTION
174 See on him J.L. Kraemer, Humanism in the renaissance of Islam. The cul-
tural revival during the Buyid age, Leiden 1986, 222-33; £[2 art. "Miskawayh" (M.Arkoun); EAL, II, 529-30 art. "Miskawayh" (G. Endress). 175 "Ethique et histoire d'apres les Tajarib al-umam," in Atti del Terzo Congres-
so di Studi Arabici e Is/amici, Ravello 1-6 settembre 1966, Naples 1967, 84-89. INTRODUCTION
This last point is almost exactly what Beyhaqi says when he de-nounces the credulousness and irrationality of the un-wise, notkheradmand, mass of people (above, pp. 55-56), but Meskaveyh'swhole method of history writing, narrative interspersed with anec-dotal and moralising reflections and exhortations, is not dissimilar toBeyhaqi's general procedures in the History. That Beyhaqi knew theworks of the Buyid scholar, his elder by some two generations, cannever be incontrovertibly proven, but is nevertheless not improbable:the early Ghaznavid and Buyid dominions were contiguous, theywere both parts of the general Arabo-Persian cultural world of theIslamic East and there had been a perceptible, if not extensive, mi-gration of secretaries and other officials from Buyid service into thatof Ma~mud of Ghazna. 176 Meisami does in fact assume that Beyhaqiwas familiar with the work of his Arabic historian predecessors and,specifically, with Meskaveyh's Tahdhib al-akhlaq, whose influence isseen in his musings during the course of the first khotba or exordiumof his History 177 on the qualities of the wise and just man contrastedwith the vices of the tyrant. 178 Clearly, there is a speculative elementpresent here, but one senses that ideas like these were beginning toform part of the consciousness of thoughtful writers, and especial-ly those with a philosophical bent, so that Ebn Khaldun was by nomeans a figure without intellectual antecedents. Beyhaqi certainly found material in the 'Abbasid and Samanidpast histories for explaining the pattern of events in the earlier partof Mas'ud's reign, but he does not seem to have been able to come upwith an earlier parallel for the all-dominating problems of Mas'ud'slater years, the incursions of the Turkmens into Khorasan and thepressure from the Qarakhanids on the upper Oxus region. He could,in fact, have found an analogy from later Sasanid history, when therealm's northeastern frontiers were assailed by the Hephthalites from 176 Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, 59· 177 See on the two khotbas and on this first one, in particular, below, Year 421n. 380. 178 "Dynastic history and ideals of kingship in Bayhaqi's Tarikh-i Mas'udi," 62
n. 20 (where Meisami further suggests that Beyhaqi was, in this khotba, endeav-ouring to formulate a Persian vocabulary for philosophical terminology, at theside of the familiar Arabic one, his efforts here having parallels in e.g. the work ofEbn Sina in his Daneshnama-ye 'ala'i); eadem, Persian historiography to the endof the twelfth century, 82.68 C. E. BOSWORTH
Chief Secretary Abu Na~r Moshkan, tried to get back the accession money, mal-e bey'at, expended by Mol;J.ammad in an effort to secure the loyalty of the troops and the civilian officials (see above, section 1, p. 15). The attempt was only partially successful, and created a vast amount of ill-feeling, with the Sultan attempting to foist responsibil- ity for the fiasco on to his servants, including the Vizier. Beyhaqi does not mince words when recounting ugly episodes like Mas'ud's pro- curing of the downfall of ministers or of army commanders who had in the past denigrated him or who had aroused his suspicious nature from their association with the previous regime, such as Mal;tmud's old vizier, I:Iasanak, the Turkish generals Eryaruq and As!ghtegin Ghazi, and his own uncle Yusof b. Sebiiktegin, noting that during such times the Sultan would often absent himself from court and spend several days in the countryside or on hunting trips, leaving others to do the required hatchet job and thereby avoiding some of the odium. 180 Yet, in an age of veneration for the institution of kingship as some- thing buttressed by divine support and approval, even letting the facts speak for themselves cannot have been wholly easy for Beyhaqi, let alone the harbouring of strongly critical thoughts about the conduct of monarchs. As with Christians in the Europe of the Middle Ages and the early modern period, say up to the seventeenth century, pre- modern Muslims were habituated to believe that the king could do nowrong and that, if things went awry, it was the ruler's wicked servants and evil counsellors who were to blame. 181 Nevertheless, Beyhaqi is often explicit in recording the less attractive side of Mas'ud's person- ality: his obstinacy, his self-will and his failure to listen to disinter- ested advice, all vices subsumed under the single term estebdad (lit."having sole, unfettered power, with no need to listen to anyone else") and his consequent errors of judgement in dealing with the Turkmen incursions into Khorasan. He realized, too, that his account of the Sultan's behaviour at Amol in Tabarestan, when in 1035 he unleashed
his army on the town's populace so that they could forcibly collectarrears of tribute, with the result that news of the troops' violenceand excesses redounded all over the central and eastern Islamic lands,including as far as Baghdad, was very unflattering to the Sultan: "Itis very hard for me to let my pen flow with such words, but I have nochoice; there is no partiality in history. " 182 With impartiality in setting down the historical record, there shouldgo fairness, and such a sense seems to have been part of Beyhaqi's na-ture. During the early part of Mas'ud's reign he suffered personallyat the hands of Abu Sahl Zowzani, and he says of him that "evil andmalevolence were en grained in his nature, and along with that evil, hehad no compassion in his heart"; but even though Abu Sahl had beendead for several years by the time Beyhaqi was putting together hisHistory, he wanted to be fair to his memory and to avoid charges ofparti-pris and prejudice (ta'aHob va tarabbod) lest readers think hima cantankerous and resentful old man. 183
The Persian style of the Tarikh-e Mas'udi has evoked widely differing,even diametrically opposed, critical comments, as noted by Waldman. 184At one pole is the History's first critical editor, Sa'id Nafisi, who char-acterised its style as archaic and sometimes complicated (the charge ofarchaicness is hardly surprising in a text from the mid-eleventh cen-tury, when New Persian prose as we know it was not much more thana century old!), 185 whereas at the other pole is the historian MojtabaMinovi, who wrote that "In point of style and language also is hisbook very interesting: it is full of special words, terms, expressionsand turns of phrase that make his writing lively and set a model for
186 "The Persian historian Bayhaqi," in B. Lewis and P.M. Holt (eds.), Histori-
188 Sabk-shenasi, ya tatavvor-e nathr-e farsi, 2nd ed. Tehran 1337lr958, II,
67-68. Under the heading of this use of etnab, one should classify Beyhaqi's ex-tensive love of digressions such as the two khotbas to volumes 6 and 10 of the His-tory, and the interpolated pieces of poetry and tales from past, almost invariablyIslamic, history used as flashbacks to illuminate contemporary events, discussedabove in Section 4· See Meisami, Persian historiography to the end of the twelfthcentury, Edinburgh 1999, 86-87. 189 "Bayhaqi and the later Seljuq historians: some comparative remarks," in
Yad-nama-ye Abu'l-Fail Beyhaqi, English section, 24; and see the summary ofviews on Beyhaqi's style in R.M. Savory, "Abo'l-Fa~l Bayhaqi as an historiogra-pher," in ibid., 106-10. C. E. BOSWORTH
204 Cf. Lazard, La langue des plus anciens monuments, 488-91, §§ 848-56. C. E. BOSWORTH
pace and life to the flow of language. Thus, to cite only three exam- ples, we have selab-dar ba khvishtan dasht be-afgand "the Keeper of the Weapons had [a prayer rug] with him and laid it down"; 205 agar methal-e salar Begtughdi" negah dashtand in khalal nayoftadi na- dashtand ... "if they had obeyed the orders of the commander Beg- tughdi:, this disaster would not have befallen; but they did not obey them ... "; 206 ~ad hazar faryad karda budam ke zanan mayarid Jarman nakardand "I had made a hundred thousand appeals for them not to bring any womenfolk, but they paid no heed." 207 Among other syn- tactical features are variety of ways of forming passive constructions using e.g. verbs like amadan, godhashtan, oftadan, istadan, though on the whole Beyhaqi's stylistic vigour leads him to prefer active over passive constructions. 208 Where perfect or pluperfect verbs come after the first position in a series, or even when occurring singly, the ast or bud is often omitted, e.g. shoda, rafta "he has gone". Verbs are not always at the end of sentences, but may be followed by adverbs or an adjective qualifying a noun previously mentioned before the verb, e.g. be-girad-ash ke dozdi-st na-be-kar "let him seize him because he's a good-for-nothing thief." The prefix for continuous or habitual action, mi- (or, most likely, as Beyhaqi wrote it, hami-, see below) was often in his time felt as an independent particle hence separated from its verb e.g. mi che konad "what he is doing," mi rava darad setadan "he holds it licit to accept." In fact, Beyhaqi has various usages of mi- that are obsolete or unusual in later Persian usage, e.g. with an imperativeverb to give a durative, continuous aspect, e.g. gush mi-dar "keep your ears pricked"; 209 with a preterite (or, more accurately, aorist) verb to give this same durative, continuous aspect, e.g. mi-be-shod "[the situ- ation] was getting out of hand"; 210 and mi-sakhta bud "he had been reported as plotting," with a pluperfect verb to give a "distanced" or"inferential" sense (i.e. when the speaker has no direct knowledge of
211 Gh 465, F 603. See on this particular usage the study by Lazard, "L'inferentiel
ou passe distancie en persan," St. Jr., XIV (1985), 27-42; this particular examplefalls into Lazard's Category A, "rapport d'autrui." Eva Jeremias notes (with exam-ples) that the idea of remoteness (bo' d) from the speaker's present time was knownas significant to early native grammarians of Persian, see her "Kamalpasazada aslinguist,"in eadem (ed.), lrano-Turkic cultural contacts in the IIth-17th centuries,90. 212 Gh 156, F 192.
m Gh 325· F 414. 214 Gh 363, F 463.
have placed your tongues in each other's mouths"; 220 etc. When the general Al).mad Inaltegin, believed to be possibly in some way related to Sultan Mal).mud, is mentioned, he is described as the Sultan's catsa"sneeze" (in English, "spitten image", "exact likeness"). 221 From these very sketchy remarks, it is clear that an extended, de- tailed study of Beyhaqi's language and style by a specialist on the his- torical development of New Persian is very much a desideratum. A problem in such a study will obviously be the lateness of the surviv- ing manuscripts of the History, giving unknown scribes four or more centuries in which to normalise the original text; and the changes in- troduced may not have been merely orthographical ones but may have involved morphological mutations. Thus Lazard regards it as almost certain that, in place of the verbal prefix expressing continuous or it- erative action mi- and the preposition dar "in", both written mostly thus in the History's text as we have it, Beyhaqi used hami- and andar, forms still the most usual ones in his time, as older manuscripts ofworks from this period show. 222 Similarly, the older negative parti- cle ney may have been regularised to na. 223 Also, dialectical formswere probably ironed out; here Lazard cites bestakh and ostakh (var. gostakh) "bold, confident" as notable examples in Beyhaqi's text. 224 A further problem for the would-be student of Beyhaqi's language style and vocabulary is the lamentable lack of Hilfsmittel in the shape of historical dictionaries of New Persian; despite the immense achieve- ment of Dehkhoda in the compilation of his Loghat-nama, Classi- cal Persian lexicography proper has hardly advanced here since J.A. Vullers put together his still useful Lexicon persico-latinum etymo- logicum a century and a half ago (see above, pp. 52-53). As part of Beyhaqi 's preference for Persian rather than Arabic modes of expression, where Arabic uses the noun ebn "son of ... " to indicate filiation, Beyhaqi prefers usually to link them by the Persian eiafa, e.g. Al).mad-e I:Iasan, and this makes it difficult at times to distinguish filiation like this from names which include a descriptive epithet, also 220 Gh 613, F 819. 221 Gh 401, F 515· 222 La langue des plus anciens monuments, 177-79 §§ 112-13, and 179-81§§ 114-17. 22 J Ibid., 440-41 § 727. 224 Ibid, 77 and n. 1o; cf. Bahar, op. cit., II, 79· INTRODUCTION 79
[Gh 1, F 948] [In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. The narrator of this account, Abu'l-FaZI Beyhaqi the secretary,was himself present and relates that when the late Sultan Ma}:lmud b.Sebiiktegin1Ghazi/ the Ghaznavid, may God be pleased with him,died 3 in Ghazni4 and entrusted the repository of the spirit of his pre-cious soul to the Creator of the soul, his eldest son and designatedheir, Amir Mas'ud, was in Isfahan. He was intending to proceed to-wards Hamadan and Baghdad, and was very far from the royal throne(i.e. the imperial capital Ghazna). Accordingly, the trusted counsel-lors and pillars of the state from Ma}:lmud's time, including such per-sons as Amir 'Ali Qarib, 5 the Great Chamberlain6 ; Amir 'Azod al-Dowla Abu Ya'qub Yusof b. Na~er al-Din Sebiiktegin, the Sultan's (i.e.Ma}:lmud's) brother/ who was Commander-in-Chief; 8 Amir I;Iasanthe vizier, known as I;Iasanak;9 Bu Na~r Moshkan, Head of the Chan-cery;10 Bu'l-Qasem b. Kathir, Head of the Army Department; 11 Beg-tughd'i,12 Commander of the Palace Gholams13 ; Abu'l-Najm Ayaz; 14and 'Ali Daya the Sultan's kinsman 15 -all these, together with othersof the outstanding and prominent people, in consultation with eachother perceived that the time was opportune for bringing back AmirAbu A}:lmad Mo}:lammad, the younger son of the deceased sultan,from Guzganan, 16 which was near the capital, and putting him on thethrone in place of his noble father. The Great Chamberlain, Amir 'AliQarib, who was the most illustrious of the trusty men of the state,took the lead and assumed direction of the affairs of state. TARIKH-E MAS'UD/
the vicissitudes of fate have their operation, and it is His divine deci-sion concerning the carrying out of His beneficence and His trialsalike and the implementation of all kinds of successful accomplish-ments and [F 2] manifestations of power! There is justice in every-thing which He does and it is by His grace that dominion over the faceof the earth passes from this one to that one and from that one to thisone, until "God will inherit the earth and everything upon it, and Heis the best of inheritors". 21 Amir Abu A.Q.mad, may God prolong his health, is a scion fromthe main trunk of the realm of the deceased Amir, may God illumi-nate his proof. Each of the branches is strong and sturdy, with freshblossoms, [Gh 3] and Amir Mas'ud himself would never be in accordwith or find it acceptable if any of the servants of the royal house oranyone else expressed anything indecorous about him (i.e. concerningAmir Mob,ammad), since any such sentiments would reflect back onthe main trunk itselfY Since it had been foreordained that Amir Mo}:lammad should sit fora period of time on the throne of the kingdom of Ghaznin, Khorasanand India, which was the seat of the two Amirs, his father and grand-father, may God's mercy be upon them both, he necessarily assumedhis place on that throne and adorned it, and at that time he was fullydeserving of it. It was inevitable that he gave commands on every sortof thing, just as kings are wont to do, and the courtiers there of allgrades, higher and lower, carried out those commands in an obedi-ent and submissive way, and sedulously observed in this the requisiteconditions of obedience. When the time allotted to him came to an end and the Almighty Godbestowed on His servants the greater branch from the trunk of kinglypower (i.e. Mas'ud)-who was, in fact, the designated heir2 3 -and thelatter extended his power over the land as the successor of his father(khalifat) and as the successor of the successor of God's Chosen One,peace be upon him, at this juncture the humble servants have ineluctablyhad to hasten towards the true successor and have offered him the obe-dience which is more incumbent on him [than on Mob,ammad]. Also, atthis point when the letter from all us servants has been indited for him,we have acted in accordance with the lofty [F 3] command, as set forthby the exalted hand in the succinct, confidential message24 sent to them,and have kept Amir Mo}:lammad under guard in the fortress of Kuhtiz.86 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
Then, when all the troops, with their weapons, had lined up fromthe vicinity of the camp enclosure25 to far out into the countrysidemuch discussion and argument went on. 'Ali Qarib said that Ami;Mo}:lammad should either be sent back to Guzganan with an escortor else that he should be brought, in his own charge, to the exaltedcourt. In the end, it was decided that he should be held in the fortresstogether with his family, boon companions and the servants of thesegroups until the lofty command should determine what was to bedone with him. The General Begtegin 26 with his cavalry force and500 of his choicest horsemen are at the foot of the fortress, encampedin the inner town (shiirastiin) of the ZunbiP 7 in order to guard thefortress, so that when the humble servants leave this place, [Gh 4] andhead for the exalted court, no lapse of security occurs. They selectedthese two humble servants (i.e. Bu Bakr I:Ia~iri and Mengiitirek) outof the whole group of leading officers to give an exposition of the situ-ation when they should be asked about it. "It is fitting, having regard to the compassionate feelings of the lordof the world, the great sultan, may God perpetuate his royal power,that he should forgive his servants' previous deeds, since if at thattime they acted so as to bring affairs into a peaceful state, and therebychose to hold fast to the commands of the deceased lord Ma}:J.mud,now that a lord who is more deserving has appeared and his commandhas become effective, they have carried out completely all the neces-sary conditions of service and obedience to commands. We await ananswer to this petition in the hope that a reply will speedily comeback with instructions about what should be done with Amir AbuA}:J.mad and all the other matters which need to be arranged so thatwe may act accordingly. We despatched swift messengers from thebody of kheyltiishs 28 of the army to Ghaznin, and gave out informa-tion concerning what had taken place and how the exalted banner,[F 4] may God grant it victory, had arrived in Herat at a most auspi-cious time. This was done with the intention that the Queen-MotherSayyeda and the rest of the majesty's subjects might rejoice and feelthoroughly at ease. We caused this information to be sent to Sind andHind so that, the Almighty God willing, no unrest should break outin the outlying parts of that domain." Bu Bakr I:Ia~iri and Mengiitirek set off29 as described, and in thesame manner they also sent three swift-riding kheyltiishs to Ghaznin. THE YEAR421
when [Gh 6] the wine has had its full effect, the person falls asleep andwakes up later with a dreadful hangover lasting two or three days. The swift-riding kheyltashs who had left for Ghaznin returned,and they reported that there was universal rejoicing when the goodtidings (i.e. of Mas'ud's accession to the throne) reached Ghaznin, andeveryone alike, regardless of their social rank and status, celebratedfor several days. They slaughtered animals as sacrificial offerings anddistributed large amounts in alms, celebrating the re-establishment oforder and concord. The senior officer (sarhang) 39 Bu 'Ali the castellan4ohad instructed that letters should be written to all the distant cornersof the realm with this news, and in his letters he mentioned that whenthe letter arrived from Teginabad, he gave orders for them to take cop-ies of it and send them to Sind and Hind and likewise to the regionsof Ghaznin, Balkh, Tokharestan and Guzganan so that the magnitudeof this turn of events would become palpable everywhere and inducepeace and tranquillity. The swift-riding kheyltashs who had been des-patched reported that "The notables, scholars of religious law4 1 andjudges, and the state-appointed preacher had remained at the Rebafof Jormoq, 42 because of the recent upheavals, but when we reachedthere from Teginabad, they were happily reassured and returned toGhaznin." When we ourselves reached Ghaznin and gave the field of-ficer's letter [F 6] to the castellan, he immediately ordered that bar-rel-shaped drums 43 should be beaten and trumpets sounded fromthe citadel and the good news conveyed to all quarters. The Queen-Mother Sayyeda, Sultan Mas'ud's mother, together with all the noble,free womenfolk, came down from the citadel and proceeded to theresidence of Abu'l-'Abbas Esfarayeni,44 [Gh 7] Amir Mas'ud's stewardand agent in the time of Amir Mal).mud. All the religious scholars,the notables and a multitude of common people made their way thereto offer their congratulations. The musicians from the town and thetrumpet-players from Shadiabad45 came in procession with all theirinstruments in order to render service in that place, and they proc-essed to take us on a ceremonial procession.46 We received more than5o,ooo dirhams' worth of gold and silver and fine clothing. It was asplendid day, the like of which no-one could recall. We arrived early inthe morning, and at midnight we returned with replies to the letters." The Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib was filled with joy at this news,and wrote a letter to Amir Mas'ud. 47 He sent it by the hand of two THEYEAR421
they gave the letter to the Amir. He perused it, and a dark shadow flit-ted across his countenance. Nabih said, "May the Amir's life be pro-longed! The Sultan, your brother, will safeguard the Amir's rights anddisplay kindness. The Amir should not have a heavy heart; one shouldacquiesce in the decree of the Almighty God," and he spoke manyfine words on this topic, the gist of that being that what was going tohappen had happened, and once again it was time to resume merry-making and pleasure, for it has been said, 'That which is foreordained[Gh II] will inevitably happen, and worrying about it is superfluousand unnecessa1-y'. "65 The Amir treated them kindly and said, "Don'tforget me!" They returned and told the Great Chamberlain 'Ali whathad taken place. Since the Great Chamberlain had given the order to depart, thewhole of the troops dispersed and began to prepare for the journey toHerat. He further ordered that they should make an account of theallowances and expenses for Amir Mol,lammad, and gave instructionsto the provincial governor and tax-collector at Teginabad to keep agood watch on affairs so that no problems arose. He summoned theGeneral Begtegin and handed over to him an investiture diploma withthe sultan's signature and emblem affixed to it66 for the military se-curity charge of Bost and the governorship of Teginabad. The Gen-eral stood upright and then set his face toward the direction of theroyal court and kissed the ground. The Great Chamberlain gave himpermission to depart, lavished praises on him, and said, "Look afteryour cavalry, and send the rest of your troops who are stationed belowthe fortress back to the army encampment ground so that they mayjoin up with us. Remain alert and vigilant so that nothing goes amiss."Begtegin thanked him and returned. He sent the troops who werewith him back to the army encampment ground, and he summonedthe castellan of the fortress and instructed him, "You must keep upan extra high level of vigilance [F II] now that the army is depart-ing. No person is to have entry into the fortress without my expresspermiSSion." Everything now settled down peacefully, and the troops began todepart for the royal presence at Herat. THE YEAR421 93
Other chronicles do not have such length and breadth as this one,since they adopt a lighter approach to the study of historical eventsand invoke but a whiff of the past; but here, having undertaken thetask, I want to do this history full justice and delve into every nookand cranny so that no aspect of the events remains obscure. Andshould this book become overlong, and should the readers becomeincreasingly weary in its perusal, I place my trust in their graciouslearning, lest they account me a prolix bore; for there is nothing that isnot worth reading, since after all, there is no tale or episode that doesnot convey at least one useful pointY [Gh 12] Regarding what Sultan Mas'ud did in Ray and Jebal, up to thetime when he conquered Isfahan, I had related the history of all thatin a fitting manner in the story of the remainder of his father AmirMa}:tmud's time, 68 and had given it a separate section of its own, as thereaders have already seen and read. When the [brief] reign of Mas'ud'sbrother Amir Mo}:tammad came to an end and they (i.e. the GreatChamberlain 'Ali Qarib and his partisans) placed him within the for-tress of Kuhtiz, as I have described, and when the reply came back tothe letter which they had written to Amir Mas'ud, the latter orderedthat they should present themselves at the court in Herat. They madepreparations for the journey. [F 12] The exact details of that journeyand of their arrival at court I have left for another place, since myprime duty has been to recount the history of Amir Mo}:tammad 'speriod of power and what Amir Mas'ud did during that time, up tothe point when he left Ray for Nishapur and then departed from thelatter for Herat. For during that period many remarkable things hap-pened which had to be set forth in order to fulfil the requirementof a complete historical narrative. I have now taken upon myself thetask of setting down what Amir Mas'ud did and what deeds wereaccomplished through his agency during that period when his father94 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
I arose and sent servants; the courtiers arrived, and we went into the Amir's presence. When we sat down, the Amir rehearsed to them the situation and gave me the confidential message to read out to them. When I had done this, they all said, "May the lord's life be prolonged! This noble princess (lit. "queen," maleka) has given wise counsel and has conveyed the news in a most timely manner. It is a great blessing that this information [F 15] has arrived here, for if the exalted royal presence 8·} had left on an auspicious expedition (i.e. to conquer the West) and had turned his attention to an outlying region and an unfinished project, and this news had reached him there, hewould inevitably have had to turn back, and this would have been unseemly. What has the lord now decided in this matter?" He re- plied, "You yourselves, what do you say is the right course of action?"They said, "We see no alternative but to hasten back." Mas'ud said,"That's just what we think. But tomorrow, we shall order the news of our father's death to be publicly proclaimed. When the mourn- ing ceremonies have been held, we shall send a message to the Son of Kaku 84 and use conciliatory words with him. Without doubt hewill already have heard the news before our envoy reaches him, and it suits him well that we should return from this place, and he will therefore agree without a qualm to whatever we stipulate regarding the tribute money. 85 [Gh 15] For in practice, he will not hand over anything of the stipulated amount since he is fully aware of the fact that, when we leave, many critical problems will lie ahead of us, and for a long time to come we shall not be able to concern ourselves with this. However, it will serve us as a face-saving excuse for our go- ing back." All those present exclaimed, "This is extremely sound andwell-thought out, and there is no better course of action. The quicker the exalted royal presence can make for Khorasan, the better. The distance is great, and those who have seized power in Ghaznin will harbour more ambitious delusions which will make matters more dif-ficult and protracted for us." The Amir said, "You all go back now,while I look into this more thoroughly, and I shall issue the necessary orders." So those assembled went away. The next day, the Amir held court, wearing a white tunic, cloak and cloth tied round his head-dress (i.e. as a sign of mourning), and all the leading figures and senior commanders, and all the various com-ponents of the army, came to offer their service, likewise clothed in THE YEAR421 97
white. 86 Much lamenting went on, and there were three days of royal mourning, with proper decorum , to the approval of everyone. When the period of mourning came to an end, the Amir detailedan envoy to be sent to 'Ala' al-Dowla Bu Ja'far b. Kaku, and he wasdespatched. He was stationed a short distance away. [F 16] Before this message could arrive, the Commander of the Faithful had written aletter of intercession on behalf of 'Ala' al-Dowla, asking that Isfa-han should be given back to him, that he should function as Mas'ud'sdeputy there and that what had been laid down as tribute money, hewas to hand over. The bearer of the letter had stayed on, and was beingtreated in an evasive manner. 87 But now, Amir Mas'ud seized the opportunity of the caliph's letterof intercession, and he sent an envoy to 'Ala' al-Dowla. The letter andmessage were couched in the following terms: "We have put into ef-fect the Commander of the Faithful's intercession, in complete con-formity with his will, for an invitation from the lord to servants is acommand and not mere intercession. Since we have now undertakenmore momentous matters than those of Isfahan, no more suitabledeputy for there can be found than the Amir 'Ala' al-Dowla. If at theoutset, when we led an expedition against these lands, sent a messen-ger and set forth our justification, we had not encountered resistanceand obduracy, the present mishap could have been avoided. But therewas no way out; we had to accept things as they were. Now, however,the situation has changed. We are giving up the project of conquer-ing that region (i.e. Hamadan and Jebal), since we have to undertakea more pressing obligation. We are setting out for Khorasan, for thegreat sultan [Gh 16] has passed away, and the task of administeringa vast realm has been neglected there. The task of securing the cen-tre must have priority over attending to the periphery, especially asKhorasan is a great distance away from here and could be lost to us.A military governor88 will be chosen for Ray, Tarom89 and the con-quered lands, with the aim that, in our absence, no breach should takeplace there in any circumstances. Moreover, should anyone harbourdreams of rebellion and exploit this opportunity to stage an uprising,his dream and opportunity will last only for the little stretch of timethat we need to sit down on our father's throne. We shall never again,in any circumstances, allow this region to be neglected, for we havenow seen its problems for ourselves and their nature is clear to us. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
From the vantage point of our father's throne, the task of administer-ing that region will acquire a new perspective, since there are there,God be praised, large quantities of men, weapons and machines ofwar. Now the Amir 'Ala' al-Dowla must put these plans into im-mediate effect, and avoid any bickering and arguing, so that we canleave here with a well-conceived and well thought-out plan in place.[F 17] Then if anyone tries to ensnare him (i.e. 'Ala' al-Dowla, theSon of Kaku), he should not fall for the argument that, 'You shouldmake light of the agreement, given the fact that Mas'ud is about todepart and won't be here much longer'. He should not pay heed tosuch words, for we are already extremely vexed by this affair, and ifwe return incensed, the matter will be dealt with in a thoroughly dif-ferent manner. Farewell!" The envoy set off and delivered the message. The Son of Kaku lis-tened attentively and thought it a most opportune arrangement, andresponded favourably. They spent three days in parleying, until it wasdecided that, in the absence of the Amir, he should become the Amir'sdeputy in Isfahan and that each year he should hand over 2oo,oooHeravi dinars 90 and 1o,ooo pieces of clothing from the workshopsof Isfahan and its vicinity,91 in addition to Nowruz and Mehraganpresents of all kinds, Arabian horses and camels with fine accoutre-ments and travelling equipment of all sorts. The Amir accepted theSon of Kaku's excuses [Gh 17] and richly rewarded his envoy. He or-dered that an investiture patent for Isfahan and the surrounding re-gions should be written out for Abu Ja'far b. Kaku and a fine robe ofhonour prepared for him and his envoy sent on his way. 92 Having sent back the envoy, the Amir departed from Isfahan forRay, in an elated mood and confident of victory, on 24 Jomada II [/29June 1030]. When he reached the city of Ray, the local people had al-ready heard news of his approach, and had made a great effort to dec-orate and bedeck the city in a manner beyond all measure. The Amir,however, chose to halt on the edge of the city, where they had pitchedtents, and declared his intention to depart soon. The populace of Ray,high-born and low-born, came forth and performed profuse acts ofservice and submission before the Amir. He, for his part, sent histrusty retainers [F 18] into the city to see all the efforts which the peo-ple had undertaken and then give him an account of them. He praisedthe people of Ray for the devoted service which they had shown. THE YEAR421 99
'Ali the castellan. They all offered their homage and said, "In the in- terests of peace and stability at the time, Amir Mo~ammad was sum- moned to Ghaznin lest there arose disturbance and unrest in the state. But he is not up to the task, being solely interested in wine-drinking and merry-making. The lord, who is the true designated successor of his father, must hasten, with a firm heart and great zest, so that he reaches the imperial capital as soon as possible, since as soon as they hear of his exalted presence's arrival in Khorasan, they will come for- ward to offer him service." Amir Mas'ud's mother 98 and his paternal aunt I:Iorra Khottali had also written letters and had explained that complete reliance should be placed on what these humble servants said, since what they had said was the truth." The Amir became much heartened at the receipt of these letters. He held a court session and summoned the leading men from his commanders and retainers, and related these affairs to them. He said,"This is how matters stand; what is your advice?" They replied, "The right course is the one which the lord sees fit to adopt." He said, "Ifwe fix our attention on these [western] lands, we shall face difficulties.We have conquered by the sword so many regions of great repute, but ultimately, these are peripheral regions, and to set one's mind on the periphery [Gh 19] and leave the heartlands as they are would be a grave error. The correct decision for us here is that we should hasten to-wards Nishapur and Herat and make for the heartland (i.e. Ghaznin).If, as they have written, this matter can be settled without fighting, and if we assume the imperial throne without further strife, [F 20] we can think again about resolving matters in these lands." They replied,"The more correct view is the one which the lord has come up with.The sooner he departs from here, the better." The Amir said, "A mili- tary governor must be appointed for here. Whom should we designate, and how large a force of cavalry?" They answered, "Who will the lord choose? For anyone who stays behind here is going to stay behind reluctantly. It is clear that a certain number of men should be left here.If the people of Ray keep to their word and remain obedient, someone in nominal charge would do, but if they do become unruly, even a substantial garrison here will prove inadequate". The Amir said, "Yes, these are my very own thoughts. I want I:Iasan b. Soleyman to remain here with a force of 500 stout-hearted cavalry. Summon the leading citizens of Ray tomorrow so that what needs to be communicated to THE YEAR421 101
The Amir said, "We are about to depart, for we have an importanttask ahead of us and it is our main concern. Letters have arrived fromthe notables and leading figures 102 that our father the sultan has passedaway, and they have said that there is a pressing need to hasten back sothat the kingdom can be set in order. We are not referring to domainspetty in extent, but to Khorasan, India, Sind, Nimruz and Khwarazm,and in no circumstances can they be left alone and neglected, becausethey are the heartland. When we are done with these tasks, plans forthese regions will have to be made; we will either send one of our capa-ble sons, with a full retinue, or else a commander of high repute with acomplete panoply of arms and troops. [F 22] For the moment, we areappointing for here a military governor with a small body of troops,as an experiment, so that we can see what effect this will have in re-gard to your comportment. If we discern obedience and submission,with no hypocrisy or dubious behaviour, we shall act correspondinglywith justice and beneficence to such a degree that nothing better canbe imagined. But if things turn out the opposite, expect from us a cor-responding requital, and in the sight of the Almighty God we wouldbe excused, since you would have brought it upon yourselves. Whatwas done to the region of Isfahan and its people [Gh 21] serves as athoroughly convincing example to mankind. 103 You must give a firmand decisive answer, and not indulge in sophistry and disputation, sothat one can have full confidence in it." When the Amir had finished his speech, the notables of Ray alllooked at each other, and great fear and perturbation were visible ontheir faces. They made a signal to the state-appointed preacher of thecity, who was an aged man, of excellent character, eloquent, 104 andmuch travelled. He got to his feet and said, "May the life of the mon-arch of Islam be prolonged! Here in this great court session, with itsboundless display of splendour, we are impotent at giving an answerand have shrunk back in fear. If the exalted judgement sees fit andgives the command, let one of the trusty attendants of the court sitdown outside, and let we servants make our way to the place [whereTaher the secretary is sitting], 105 and we will give an answer." TheAmir said, "That's a fitting suggestion." They conducted the notables of Ray into the great tent where Taberthe secretary was sitting. All affairs went through his hands, since hewas the most exalted of the secretaries. Taber came in and sat down, THE YEAR421 103
and this group of notables came before him, having come to a deci- sion amongst themselves [F 23] what answer they would give. Taher said, "You heard the lord's words; what is your answer?" They replied,"May the life of the most eminent Secretary (Kh•aja 'Amid) be pro- longed! All of us have agreed upon a single statement. We have spokenwith the preacher and what he heard from our lips he will pass on to the Amir." Taher said, "You have done well to ensure that the discus- sion does not drag too long. What is your answer?" The preacher said, "These notables and elders of Ray would agree as a group to whatever was said and stipulated for them as tribute, even if it amounted to two million dirhams 106 on the city and its dependent territories, and they would respond obediently. [Gh 22] They say that they were captives in the hands of the Deylamites for nearly thirtyyears, with the usages of Islam obliterated, since after the time of Fa- khr al-Dowla and the Sal,J.eb Ebn 'Abbad, the royal power fell into the hands of an incompetent and ineffective woman and boy. 107 Handswere raised in supplication to the Almighty God until He instilled in the mind of the monarch of Islam, Mal,J.mud, the idea of proceed- ing here and responding to our cries for help. He freed us from the oppression and corruption of the Carmathians (Qarameta) and the evildoers, and rooted out those incompetent ones who were unable to maintain us in security, and he expelled them from this land;108 andwhen he returned from here in an auspicious manner, he appointed for us a just, benevolent and decisive lord (i.e. Mas'ud). Since that lord(i.e. Mal,J.mud) departed, this lord (Mas'ud) has never been at rest and the saddle-felt of his horse has never had time to dry. He was engaged in conquering the world and removing those too tyrannical and in- competent to govern, to such a point that, if this great misfortune of his father's death had not occurred, he would by now have reachedBaghdad and have overthrown the other impotent and useless rulers.He would have answered the distress calls of the subjects of those re- gions and would also have given them a taste of his own sweet justice.Up to the time when his banner was at Isfahan, it is well known that there has been a general officer (l;ajeb) as military governor here in our city and its environs, with two hundred cavalrymen, and no-onefrom the rump of the group of evildoers would have had the temerity to stir. For if someone [F 24] bent on creating mischief had come thisway, and even if his military power had amounted to a thousand men,104 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
When everything was in good order, Taher went back to the notables of Ray and said, "I conveyed to the lord the answer that you gave. It proved very pleasing and acceptable, and he ordered for those of you notables who hold high offices to be awarded worthy and prestigious robes of honour. Now go ahead with my blessings and proceed to the Royal Wardrobe (jama-khana) so that you may be clothed in an auspicious manner." 116 The black-clothed attendants 117 conducted all five [Gh 24] to the royal wardrobe and dressed them in their robes of honour. After this, Taher went into the Amir's presence and they brought in the group of the notables of Ray. The Amir made much of them and spoke to them in an encouraging way. They, for their part, offered up fervent prayers and then returned home. The court officials escorted them back to the city in a group and in the most dignified manner possible. The city populace made great rejoicings; they threw down unprecedented amounts of dirhams and dinars, and then sent back court officials in a handsome and joyous manner. The next day, when the court session had come to its end-the notables of Ray having come en bloc to render service, together with these commanders, and there being more than ten thousand men and women standing watching the spectacle-they caused the no- tables to be seated within the domed tent (nim-tark) 118 • The Amir summoned I:Iasan b. Soleyman, who was one of the great command- ers of the mountain regions of Herat, greeted him warmly and said,"We intend to depart tomorrow and are entrusting the military gov- ernorship of this province to your care. You heard what the notables said; be prudent and alert so that no untoward incident occurs dur- ing our absence. Treat the people of these regions well and be con- siderate in your conduct. Rest assured that once we have ascended the royal throne and things have worked out to our satisfaction, we shall make provision for these regions and despatch here [F 26] a strong commander with troops, accompanied by a high-ranking and trustworthy secretary {lit. "one of the lords of the pen"), 119 who will all work under his command and for his purposes, so that, if God so wills, the remainder of Western Persia120 may be seized. The notables and the subjects must be contented with your rule and be thankful for it. Because of our high regard for you, you will enjoy the full panoply of high rank and prestige, with all your needs and desires fulfilled."106 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
those of the other courtiers. 130 Bu Sahl was the one who was now issu-ing commands on every subject, and this added further to his powerand status. 131 When Amir Shehab al-Dowla (Mas'ud) moved on from Damghan,after one parasang he came to a village, which had a very copious sub-terranean conduit. 132 Here there came into his presence the courierwho had been despatched on the orders of Sultan Ma}:tmud with theletter under the exalted seal and signature conveying praise and thanksfor the tribute money sent from Isfahan, [Gh 27] the wardrobe and thetreasuries, but also with those [F 29] slim, confidential letters to thearmy commanders and to the Son of Kaku proclaiming his disapprov-al of his unruly son (i.e. Mas'ud), 133 as I have explained previously. 134 The courier dismounted, kissed the ground and drew that momen-tous letter from inside his tunic and held it out. The Amir reined backhis horse and one of the senior officers took the letter and gave it tohim, and he began to read it. When he had come to the end, he said tothe courier, "It's five or six months since this letter was written; wherehave you tarried all this time and what is the reason for this late ar-rival?" The courier replied, "May the lord's life be prolonged! When Iset out from Baghlan135 for Balkh, I fell ill and had to stay for a while atBalkh. When I reached Sarakhs,136 the Commander-in-Chief of Kho-rasan, the General Ghazi, was there, and the news arrived of SultanMa}:tmud's decease. He went off to Nishapur, taking me with him andnot allowing me to proceed, saying that 'The lord will arrive with aus-piciousness; there is no point in proceeding, since the roads have be-come unsafe, and it is inadvisable for a solitary rider to travel lest someoutrage occur.' When the letter reached Ghazi with the news that thelord had set out from Ray, he gave permission for me to continue myjourney. The road to here from Nishapur is very disturbed. I took verykeen precautions, so that I was able to arrive here in safety." The Amir said, "Where are those confidential letters which BuNa~r Moshkan gave you, with instructions that you were to keepthem well concealed until they could be delivered?" He replied, "Ihave them safe." He took off his saddle, opened up the layer of saddlefelt, took out the letters encased in wax and extracted them from thewax covering them. The Amir said to Bu Sahl Zowzani, "Read themand see what they say." He read through the first one and said, "Itdeals with the same matter that the lord was talking about.'' He scru- THE YEAR421
tinised another, and it was identical with the first one. He said, "Theyare all written in the same way." The Amir took one of them and readit, exclaiming, "It corroborates exactly what they wrote to me fromBaghlan when they informed me of the contents of these confidentialletters, Praise be to the Almighty God! A monarch in his last daysand with all his wishes fulfilled, leaves his son [F 30] with no succourin an alien land [Gh 28] in the midst of many foes. 137 Now if the Al-mighty God happens to come to the son's aid and lead him to victoryand success in several missions, it should have been incumbent uponthe father to express his delight and joy, so how can one explain thisanger and wrath?" Bu Sahl and the rest of the courtiers who were with the Amirsaid, "Mabmud 138 wanted one thing, and the Almighty God wantedanother, and lo, He has bestowed on you, Amir Mas'ud, his royalseat, the kingdom, the treasuries and everything that he possessed. 139These confidential letters ought to be preserved so that people mayread them and learn what your father's thoughts were, and what theAlmighty God had intended. They should also know about the heartsand minds of the persons who wrote these letters." The Amir replied, "Do you realize what you are saying? If, at theclose of his life, our father thought that a single harsh act was expedi-ent, and he displayed some animus in it, know that one must take intoconsideration a thousand beneficial acts which he did on our behalfand how he forgave many serious lapses of ours. Those reproofs willnow hold a profitable example for me. May the Almighty God havemercy upon him! For no mother can ever give birth to another likeMabmud. As for those who wrote out the letters, what offence can onelay at their door? They were acting as agents, and agents have perforceto carry out the orders they are given, especially those issued by kings.If we were to command a secretary to write something out, even if themessage involved his own destruction, would he have the audacity notto write it?", and he ordered the lot of those secret letters to be tornup and thrown into that subterranean conduit. 140 He spurred on hishorse, and ordered the courier to be given 5,ooo dirhams. When wise men come to this story, however noble and praisewor-thy the manner of behaviour and habits of this king may have been,they will recognize him as even more laudable, and it will becomemore firmly fixed in their minds that he was unique in his time.110 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
testament from the Almighty God and from the Commander of theFaithful and will see it through." In that very same night, Harunpassed away, God's mercy be upon him. Next day, they buried him and performed the appropriate mourn-ing ceremonies. FaZl accordingly addressed the entire assembly oftroops and retainers and said, "We must go to Baghdad." They set off,except those individuals who favoured Ma'mun, and either stealthilyor openly, without their retinues and possessions, 143 went to Ma'munin Merv. FaZl set out and went to Baghdad, and the administration ofthe caliphate devolved on him, while Mol}.ammad b. Zobeyda was oc-cupied with merry-making and diversions. After this, Fazl embarked upon a policy of depriving Ma'mun ofhis title of next designated heir, and told the preachers to make dispar-aging remarks about Ma'mun from the pulpits and ordered the poetsto satirize him-it is a long story and not relevant to my purpose here.Fazl did everything possible to inflict harm and damage to Ma'mun'sposition, but he could not prevail over the decree ordained by theAlmighty God. Taher Dhu'l-Yamineyn set out against 'Ali b. 'Isa b.Mahan, who was at Ray. They cut off 'Ali's head and brought it toMerv. From there they marched against Baghdad from two directions,Taher from one direction and Harthama b. A'yan from the other. Thewar continued for two-and-a-half years until Mol}.ammad b. Zobey-da fell into Taher's hands and they killed him, sending his head toMa'mun's court at Merv. The caliphate was now firmly establishedunder Ma'mun's rule. He remained at Merv for two years and variousevents took place in this period till the time when he arrived in Bagh-dad. The affairs of the caliphate were now on a secure basis, and allthe causes of disruption, schism and internecine strife were removed,so that all minds were set at rest. Fazl b. Rabi' went into hiding and remained there for over threeyears until he fell into Ma'mun's hands; that is in itself a long storyand is clearly recorded in the histories of the caliphs. Ma'mun wasforemost in his era in displaying shrewd judgement, intelligence,learning and chivalry and in all the virtues associated with the great.[Gh 3I; F 33] Despite the many acts of disloyalty that Fazl had com-mitted and the evil designs that he had harboured, Ma'mun forgavehis offences and pardoned him, and sent him back home on conditionthat he should not come to the court and render service. After he hadII2 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
their respects to him, for they had known him at a time when he hadenjoyed great power and prestige and they still held him in awe andrespect. He, for his part, would ask after each one of them cordiallyand make his apologies until they left his presence. When the lead-ing figures, pillars of the state, and the chamberlains began to comein, each one of them, according to his own status, would likewise askafter him warmly, and they were paying him the requisite honour andrespectfulness. The Great Chamberlain 'Abdallah b. Taher adoptedan even more reverential attitude towards him, and offered apologiesfor having installed him in the outer palace, following a direct com-mand that he had to obey. He further filled him with hope, sayingthat he would leave nothing undone in the way of facilitating care forhis interests and favourable speech on his behalf. He passed on andwent to his own designated place until it was time for the court ses-sion to begin. When the Commander of the Faithful opened the audience ses-sion, all the leading figures, the Vizier, the holders of high offices, thepillars of the state, the chamberlains and the top commanders of thearmy, the lowly and the noble, went forth according to their statusand official rank, and stood or sat down in their allocated places asbefitting their rank. 153 'Abdallah b. [F 36] Taher, in his capacity asthe Great Chamberlain, went into the Commander of the FaithfulMa'mun's presence and sought instructions, "The servant Fazl b. Rabi'has come in compliance with the exalted command. Following yourorders, I placed him in the outer palace at a lowly position. What isyour command in regard to his presentation?" The Commander of theFaithful thought for a moment and, swayed by his own noble instinctsand magnanimous nature, issued an order that Fazl b. Rabi' should bebrought in. 'Abdallah b. of Taher instructed a chamberlain to bringhim forward. When the latter entered the exalted caliphal presence, heconducted himself with the utmost humility and performed the obli-gations of obeisance up to the hilt, pleading ardently for his offencesto be forgiven, and he wept, uttered lamentations and supplicated forpardon. The Caliph was moved to compassion and acted kindly to-wards him; he forgave him his crimes and pardoned him, bestowingon him the rank of those privileged to kiss the caliph's hand. When the ceremonial session came to an end and all had returnedto their places, 'Abdallah b. Taher, the Great Chamberlain, enlisted THE YEAR421
panoply of arms. Also, let it be known that those whom he has freshlyenrolled will be retained by us in their rank and station according tothe way which he has deemed right and seen as fitting, and there areto be bounties and pay increases. We are confident that the supplies offodder, which the local governors and tax officials and the mayor hadto assemble, are prepared and ready, but if anything is amiss, it mustbe speedily redressed, for our arrival is imminent." [Gh 37] When the letters arrived by a swift-riding cavalryman (kheyltash),the General Ghazi and the others set to work with greater exertion,and completed the unfinished tasks, and all conceivable preparationswere carried out by the army. Amir Mas'ud reached the district (rusta) of Beyhaq in an assuredand triumphant manner. 160 Ghazi, the Commander-in-Chief of Kho-rasan, went out to greet and render homage to the Amir, 161 accom-panied by a large body of troops with full and splendid trappings.The Amir stood on an eminence, and Ghazi went forward, kissingthe ground in three places. The Amir ordered that great honour andfavour should be shown to him, and they took his arm while he ad-vanced and kissed the Amir's stirrup. The Amir said, "You have doneyour duty. Now we must do ours. Today we appoint you to the of-fice of Commander-in-Chief, and when we reach Nishapur in goodstate, orders for an appropriate robe of honour will be given." Ghazikissed the ground three more times. The black-clothed attendants162asked for the Commander-in-Chief's horse to be brought in, 163 andthey set him upon it. He stood some distance away from the Amir;and he summoned the troop commanders for the various army groups(naqiban) and told them, "You must instruct the troops to come intheir proper battle formations and file past the Amir, so that the lordmay see them, and the senior commanders (moqaddaman) and leaders(pish-ravan) are to pay homage smartly." The troop commanders hur-ried back, informing the troops about this and addressing them, anda deafening clamour arose of trumpets and barrel-shaped drums andthe roar of the troops. First of all came large numbers of troops lead-ing their horses (janibatiyan), 164 with a complete array of weaponsand with horse armour; then fully-armed gholams bearing bannersand streamers;165 and then a contingent of the Amir's personal guards,comprising a great number of cavalry and infantry. On their heelscame individual cavalry detachments, each under a sarhang [F 41] clad THE YEAR421
Then he turned to all those present and said, "This is a blessed cityand the town and its citizens are dear to me. What you have done inthe way of celebrations in my honour, has not been done in any othertown of Khorasan. As you know, I have a task before me, which, GodWilling, shall be resolved very quickly. When this is over and donewith, we shall turn our attention to the people of Khorasan, and thiscity will be singled out for special consideration. For the present, weare giving orders that the innovations brought in by I:lasanak 174 areto be declared immediately null and void, and the rules of procedurein Nishapur with regard to the conduct of legal cases (morafa'at) andother matters should all now revert to the ancient custom. For news ofwhat I:Iasanak and his followers were doing was reaching us at Herat,and we did view it with disapproval; but the time was not right forvoicing our opposition. For what they did, they will reap their ownrewards. There will now be two sessions held each week in whichcomplaints against injustice and tyranny (ma?alem) can be raised. 175The sessions and the gates of the palace will be thrown open, andanyone with a complaint should come along and speak without anyfear or trepidation, so that justice can be meted out. In addition tothe said sessions for hearing complaints, the Commander-in-Chief,the General Ghazi, will be present at 176 the court and other trustyofficials will be there too. People with complaints should make theirway to them at the court and in the administrative office and shouldtell them their stories, so that whatever is required to be done, thoseresponsible may do. [F 43] We have further commanded that on thisvery day the prisons should be inspected and those incarcerated setfree, so that the beneficial effects of our coming may reach all hearts.If after this, someone is emboldened to oppress and molest others, hewill get a fitting requital." [Gh 40] When those present heard these royal words, they were filled withjoy and offered up profuse prayers and invocations for the Amir. TheJudge Sa'ed said, "The Sultan has vouchsafed so much justice and be-nevolence in this session that there is no occasion for any person toadd a word; but I have one petition to make, if I may be granted per-mission to voice it, since this is an auspicious day and a blessed ses-sion." The Amir said, "Whatever the Judge says will be judicious andbeneficial." The Judge Sa'ed said, "The king knows that the houseof the Mika'ilis is an ancient one; its members are notables of some THEYEAR421 121
import in this city, and their good works are apparent. I personally,after the benevolence and favour of God, and after the blessings ofknowledge and learning, have found prominence and fame throughthe patronage of the house of the Mika'ilis; it is incumbent upon meto acknowledge my debt to them. Now the surviving members of thefamily have suffered great harm on account of I::lasanak and others.Their lands have remained sequestered; the charitable endowments(owqaf) of their ancestors and forefathers are no longer operative; andthe pious uses and institutions (toroq u sobol) of those endowmentshave been diverted. If the Amir sees fit, let him make an order in thiscase, as is befitting his piety and lofty resolution, so that the manymembers of the Mika'ili family who have fallen on hard times andinto distressed circumstances, may prosper again, and so that thosecharitable endowments may be reactivated, with their income releasedfor the benefit of those pious uses and institutions." The Amir replied, "This is most appropriate." He thereupon gaveinstructions to the Judge Mokhtar b. Bu Sa'd that all those charita-ble endowments made by members of the Mika'ili family should berescued from the hands [F 44] of those who had usurped them andcommended to the care of a trustworthy person to oversee, collect therevenues and convey that income to institutions for pious ends. "Asfor the family's estates," [the Amir continued] "their exact status isnot known to us and we do not know what decision regarding thesewas made by the illustrious late Amir our father. Bu'l-FaZl and BuEbrahim, the two sons of A}:tmad b. Mika'il 177 and others of the family,should go to Bu Sahl Zowzani at the Divan and explain to him the cir-cumstances in detail, so that he may then inform us. Whatever needsto be done will be decreed by us. It is incumbent upon the Judge toraise such [Gh 41] items of public policy so that they can be addressed,and he can keep in touch with us by correspondence after we havedeparted." The Judge Sa'ed said, "I will do just as the Amir says," andthey offered up profuse praises. The whole group of the Mika'ili family and their clients and de-pendents went along to the Divan and explained their present plight,describing how they would seize and extort a great deal of wealthfrom all the landowners, stewards, the rich and notable, and whoeverthey summoned, and thus the most respectable and esteemed ones ofthe family would be left downtrodden and destitute. Bu Sahl repeated122 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
these true accounts to the Amir, and he gave the lands back to the Mika'ilis, who were thus greatly favoured. 178 During these days, letters arrived from Ray to the effect that,"When the exalted stirrup moved onwards, a certain member of the Shahanshahis, 179 accompanied by a powerful force of resolute war- riors, launched an attack on Ray in order to stir up mischief. 180 Their commander, who was one of the surviving members of the Buyid house, sent an envoy to I:Iasan b. Soleyman. I:Iasan asked the nota- bles of Ray, 'What is our answer, and what is to be done?' They re- plied, 'You should remain silent, and let us give the answer.' [F 45]They brought that envoy into the city, and for three days they were busy at work and they gathered together all the people. Then on the fourth day they brought the envoy out into the open country and set him down on an eminence. I:Iasan b. Soleyman came with his fully- equipped force of cavalrymen and passed by, followed by the people of the city, numbering more than ro,ooo men, all heavily armed, the greater part of them infantrymen made up of the city dwellers and thepeople of nearby regions. When all this throng had marched past, thenotables of Ray said to the envoy, 'Did you witness all this?', and they added, 'Our ruler is Sultan Mas'ud b. Mab.mud, and we are obedient subjects of his and of his agents; as for your own lord and for thosewho come here without the authority of our sultan, there await thewell-tempered steel of our short spears 181 and swords. Go back, andrepeat what you have seen and heard; do not indulge in any trickery,but report that the sultan rescued us from the hands of the Deylam-ites, and the people of Ray have enjoyed peace and security ever sincethey were freed from them.' The envoy said, 'I will convey the mes- sage accordingly.' He was given the customary reward. He went off and described what he had seen. 182 A handful of mischievous rabble-rousers who had banded together said to the Buyid prince (lit. 'the deluded one from the Buyid dy-nasty'), 'The mass of common people present no danger. We shouldattack, and in a couple of days we will present you with Ray.' They sounded trumpets and prepared to attack Ray. When I:Iasan b. Soley man and the notables of Ray got news of theiropponents' [Gh 42] approach, they marched out with those troopsthat they had collected along with others who had arrived in the in-tervening period when the envoy had come and then gone. When the THE YEAR421 123
two opposing groups made contact with each other on the outskirtsof the city, I:Iasan b. Soleyman said, 'They are just a bunch of rootlessruffians; it will not take us long to make a graveyard of their corpses.[F 46] We should send an envoy to them and give them a clear ulti-matum so that, if they refuse to withdraw, we shall be absolved andforgiven in the sight of the Almighty God for shedding their blood.' The notables of Ray nominated the official preacher of the cityand gave him a message for the deluded Buyid prince, saying, 'Stop!Fear the Almighty God and don't make yourself responsible for theshedding of blood of this band of misfits whom you have collectedtogether. Go back, for you are not our ruler and shepherd. We areshowing you some favour on account of your noble birth and strait-ened circumstances which have driven you to make an importunatedemand on us, for we have no fear of this leaderless rabble around you.We are saying all this in order to avoid bloodshed, and you now bearthe burden of blame for such an outcome.' The preacher went off and delivered this message. That deludedBuyid prince and the rabble rose up, made a tumult with one accord,and ignited into a flame, eager to embark upon war. The preacher re-turned and reported that 'The answer they gave us was, war. Nowyou know what to do.' I:Iasan b. Soleyman devised a skilful stratagemin deploying his troops, and placed each one of them appropriately.He kept the people who were less well-armed ready as a back-up force.More than fifty to sixty thousand men had come out of the city tothe gate. I:Iasan told the mayor and the notables, 'Appoint some mento hold the mass of people back so that they don't stream forth fromthe city gate, and give orders for them to remain in their place untilI and this body of troops who are fully armed and prepared for bat-tle go forth against the enemy.' The mayor and the notables selectedsome men and took these precautions. Putting his trust in God, theexalted one, I:Iasan sallied forth into action in an extremely measuredand orderly manner. The infantry, clad for war, stood in front of thecavalry. The enemy also came on the scene, and fierce fighting ensued.On several occasions that God-forsaken lot launched strong attacks,but to no avail, since I:Iasan's battle-line proved [F 47] extremely sol-id. As the day grew hotter, and thirst and exhaustion overcame theforsaken ones. [Gh 43] Near the time of the midday worship, I:Iasanordered the great battle standard to be carried forward, and using124 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
bearers of the good news brought forward and heaped great favoursand largesse on them. The notables of Nishapur went along to theopen prayer-ground185 in order to give thanks for the Amir's comingto Nishapur and this fresh vouchsafing of victory. They offered upmany sacrificial animals and distributed alms, and each day was oneof fresh rejoicing for the Amir. Also during this week, news arrived that the envoy of the caliph al-Qader be'llah 186 had reached the vicinity of Beyhaq with such mani-festations of bounty as never before bestowed on a monarch in livingmemory. The Amir was heartened at the receipt of this news, and heordered a most worthy and ceremonious welcoming reception for theenvoy. 187 The people of the city came along to the Judge Sa'ed and saidthat when they had heard that the Amir had reached the neighbour-hood of Nishapur, they had wanted to erect festive platforms witharches 188 and make a very joyful occasion. [F 49] But the mayor hadsaid, "That would not be fitting, for a great calamity has befallen theAmir through the death of Sultan Ma}:tmud, may God illuminate hisproof. However desirable such celebrations might seem-and I am tell-ing you this at his express command-it must be left to another occa-sion." But a sufficient amount of time had passed, and every day thingswere improving and turning out better; and now the envoy from Bagh-dad was approaching with all our wishes in tow. "If the Judge sees fit,"they said, "let him request the Amir to bring joy to the hearts of themasses of people by the lord's revoking his previous ban and allowinga celebration to be prepared on an unlimited scale." [Gh 45] The Judge replied, "This is an excellent idea; you have spoken well,and the time is most opportune." The next day he spoke to the Amirand received permission to proceed. The Judge passed this on to themayor, telling him that a great display should be put on. The mayorreturned home and summoned the important persons of the variousquarters and markets, telling them, "The Amir has given his permis-sion. Decorate the city and do all that needs to be done, so that thecaliph's envoy may know what sort of a city this is and so that theAmir may hold this city even more dear to his heart, seeing that theseacts of favour and benevolence emanating from the caliph are beingvouchsafed to him in our city." They obeyed the command and wentback and strove to produce effects of such splendour as no-one couldever remember, in such a way that, from the gates along the road into126 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
the city to the market, there were row upon row of festive platformsand decorative cupolas (qobba) as far as the inner city (sharastan) andthe congregational mosque, where they had made a lodging-place forthe envoy. When these preparations had been finished, and the news camethat the envoy was two parasangs away from the city, the officialsin charge of protocol went out to meet him, leading with them fiftymounts and with all the troops mounted. They went forward in a greatcavalcade, with outfits of unparalleled splendour and led by the Com-mander-in-Chief. [F 50] Then came a group of the judges, sayyeds,ts9ulema and religious lawyers, and a further group of the high officialsof the court, the masters of the pen, all with the finest possible array,and they escorted the envoy, Bu Mol;tammad Hashemi, one of thecaliph's close relatives, into the city on Monday, 19 Sha'ban 190 of thisyear [/22 August IOJ0]. 191 The leading figures and senior commandersof the army detached themselves from the envoy at the city gate andreturned to their homes. The officials in charge of court protocol ledthe envoy into the market and paraded him around, while the peoplewere scattering about dirhams and dinars, pieces of sugar loaf and allsorts of other things, and jugglers were entertaining people; it was aday whose like no-one could remember. The ceremonies lasted un-til the middle of the afternoon, 192 at which time the envoy's officialescort193 brought the envoy along to the special residence preparedfor him. When he arrived there, a most lavish meal was served at theorder of the envoy's official escort. In the course of the meal, the en-voy extolled Nishapur in Arabic, and offered up profuse prayers andinvocations for this ruler, saying that he could not, in his entire life,recall the like of what he had seen that day. When they had finishedeating, sweetmeats and dessert of unparalleled quality and quantitywere brought in, and 2o,ooo silver dirhams as a token pourboire andwelcoming present/ 94 [Gh 46] and the envoy was struck with wonder.The Amir praised the Nishapuris for their efforts. When two or three days had passed, 195 the Amir ordered that theenvoy should be received at court and that the utmost in decorumshould be performed. Bu Sahl Zowzani said, "Whatever the lord hasto command regarding the army, the court, the government council(majles-e emarat), the gholams, the holders of court offices (F 5r) andall functionaries like these, let him give orders to the Commander- THEYEAR421 127
in-Chief to put into effect, and let him give me the scope to performwhatever is necessary. I shall ensure that they act correctly by draw-ing on what I have read and seen on similar occasions at the court ofthe late sultan." The Amir agreed and ordered them to summon theCommander-in-Chief Ghazi. The Amir said to him, "We have given you orders that the cal-iph's envoy should be presented, with all that he has brought: the in-vestiture patent, robe of honour, marks of favour and honorific titles(no'ut). Let the news of what is about to take place here be despatchedeverywhere. You are to instruct the army that tonight they are to geteverything ready, and at dawn they will be present on parade withtheir complete panoply of arms and full apparel, at the peak of perfec-tion, so that we may then issue our orders." He obeyed the commandsand went back. Whatever was necessary to be ordered, he ordered,and whatever command had to be given, he gave. The Amir issuedfurther orders concerning the gholams and others, and they were putinto effect in a regal manner. The next day, the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi came to the courtand stood there with the whole body of the troops. He gave orders toall the sarhangs so that they paraded outwards from the court in twolines with their cavalrymen, the latter accompanied by their battlestandards, their fine fabrics stretching in two lines from the gate ofthe Garden of Shadyakh to a distant point. Within the garden, frombefore the royal dais as far as the court, there stood the gholams intwo ranks facing each other, with their complete array of weaponsand their multi-coloured coats accompanied by the court masters ofceremonies. Mules had been sent to convey the robe of honour fromNishapur, and these had been left at the envoy's disposal. Also, BuSahl had discreetly sent someone and had asked for the investiturepatent and the caliphal decrees; he had examined them carefully andhad prepared the translations of them, had replaced them in theirblack satin brocade pouches and had sent them back. 196 [Gh 47] When the official escort for the envoy arrived, the latter, dressed inblack, was placed on a steed which was led forth, [F p] and the flagwas given to a cavalry trooper, who brought this along behind theenvoy. Directly after the envoy they brought the mules making upthe formal procession, loaded with chests containing robes of honourfrom the caliph, and ten horses, two of them with gold accoutrements128 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
and golden horseshoes, and eight with gold-woven 197 horse coveringsand head-dresses. They had decorated the envoy's route in a hand-some fashion. He passed along while being showered with dirhamsand dinars up to the point where he reached the line of the army's cav-alry troopers, and the noise of the barrel-shaped drums and trumpetsand the enthusiastic shouts of all the people rose up. The envoy and the leading men were led through the two lines ofthe army, and from both sides the sarhangs were scattering coins tothe populace until the envoy reached the throne. The Amir had takenup his seat on the throne and was holding court, and the retainersand courtiers were either seated or standing in attendance. The en-voy was brought forward to the appropriate place with the utmostdecorum. He came forward and kissed the Amir's hands, and wasinstalled before the throne. When he sat down, he gave greetings fromthe Commander of the Faithful and conveyed heartfelt prayers andinvocations. Amir Mas'ud responded in regal terms. Then the envoygot to his feet and placed the investiture patent and the letter fromthe caliph at the throne. The Amir kissed them, and then he made asign to Bu Sahl Zowzani to take the documents, and the latter beganto read them. When the passage was reached offering greetings to theAmir, the latter rose to his feet, kissed the throne carpet and then satdown. Bu Sahl read out the investiture patent and the letter, togetherwith a succinct Persian translation, in one or two sections. 198 Then they opened up the chests and brought forth the robes ofhonour, comprising sewn and unsewn garments. The envoy rose tohis feet, and they took out seven one-piece cloaks, 199 one of them blackand the rest of fine Dabiqi cloth, 200 made up in Baghdad, of most rareworkmanship and of regal quality. The Amir came down from histhrone, and a prayer rug (mo$alla) was laid down according to theprevious practice of Ya'qub b. Leyth. 201 [F 53] Amir Mas'ud put on arobe of honour and performed two rak 'ats of the ritual prayer. 202 BuSahl Zowzani had told the Amir that he should act thus, since his don-ning the robes of honour was an indication of the caliph's awardinghim his father's rule in its entirety. They brought forward the crown,the collar and the riding horse, [Gh 48] together with a sword, swordbelts and other presents which it was customary to bring from Bagh-dad. The retainers and courtiers laid down offerings of money beforethe throne in vast quantities, surpassing all scales and standards. THE YEAR421
They conducted the envoy back again in the most formal and dig- nified manner. The sultan arose and proceeded to the bath house and changed his clothes, and ordered 2oo,ooo dirhams to be distributed to the poor. Then those attending the feast 203 came in, and a most splendid spread had been prepared. They brought in the envoy and sat him down in the sultan's vicinity. When the food had been consumed, they dressed the envoy in an especially splendid robe of honour, and they conducted him back to his lodging with great pomp. At the time of the afternoon worship on that day, the official escort for the en- voy brought presents from the sultan (i.e. for the caliph), comprising 2oo,ooo dirhams, a horse with gold accoutrements, fifty high-qual- ity, seamless garments, and several pouches containing sandalwood, musk and camphor; and he conveyed the sultan's permission for the envoy to leave. The envoy departed at the end of Sha'ban [II Septem- ber IOJO]. The sultan ordered that letters should be written to Herat, Pushang, Tus, Sarakhs, Nasa, Bavard, Badghis and Ganj Rosta(q) 204 conveying the good news about these honours and status, newly conferred on him by the caliphal court. They made copies of the investiture patent and the letter, and made known publicly the honorific titles (alqab) so that people might address this mighty sultan accordingly and [Gh 49] refer to him correctly in the khotba (the formal intercessory prayer). The sultan's titles (no'ut) were thus as I have written them: Upholder of the Religion of God, Protector of God's Servants, the One who Wreaks Vengeance on God's Enemies and Staunch Defender of God's Caliph, the Commander of the Faithful (Na$er Din Allah, l:/a[e?'Ebad Allah, al-Montaqem men A'da' Allah, Zahir Khalifat AllahAmir al-Mo'menin), and the investiture patent enunciated that "the Commander of the Faithful has entrusted to you the lands which your father the Right Hand of the State and Trusted One of the Religious Community, Support of Religion and Refuge of Islam and the Mus- lims, Friend of the Commander of the Faithful (Yamin al-Dowla va-Amin al-Mella va-Ne?am al-Din va-Kahf al-Islam va 'l-Moslemin, Vali Amir al-Mo'menin) had in his possession. 205 Also, [F 54] what you have yourself conquered, including Ray, Jebal, Isfahan, Tarom and other lands, as well as those realms in both east and west which you will conquer in the future, are yours and will be deemed as yours."The envoys bore away these letters with glad tidings, and in thoseIJO TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
towns and cities which I mentioned above, they made the formal in- tercessory prayer in the name of Sultan Mas'ud, and his fame spread throughout Khorasan. When the caliph's envoy went back home, Sul- tan Mas'ud was strengthened in his resolution, and affairs began to take on a new colour. Ramazan, the month of fasting, began and they set about observing it. Sultan Mas'ud departed from Nishapur in the middle of Ramazan of this year [/r6 September IOJO]. On this same day, he ordered that the Judge Sa'ed and his sons, Sayyed Bu Mobammad 'Alavi, Bu Bakr b. Ma}:Imashad, and the judge and the official preacher of the city, should all be given robes of honour. The Amir reached Herat on 28 Ramazan [/29 September IOJO]. He lodged in the blessed Palace (kushk-e mobarak) 206 there and celebrated the FestivaF 07 on such a scale that people averred that no monarch had ever held a Festival like it. They had set up a festive spread for the sultan in the new building which they had constructed in the 'Adnani Garden. Other spreads had been set up in the 'Adnani Garden itself, and there they installed the senior officers commanding the various divisions of the army (sarhangan-e tafariq) and the swift-riding cavalrymen (kheyltashs). The poets were meanwhile reciting their verses. In the course of the feast, the lead- ing figures of the court, who were sitting at the sultan's own spread, rose to their feet, kissed the ground and said, "Five or six months have elapsed since the lord had a wine-drinking session. If there was good reason for this abstention, it is now past, and affairs are now on the desired course. If the lord's exalted judgement sees fit, let him give orders for some carousing." The sultan gave his assent and summoned wine, and they brought it in. The musicians plucked the strings of their instruments, [Gh so] the festivities reached a new height and wine was handed round, so that everyone went home merry with wine, with the exception of the Commander-in-Chief, who never drank wine. 208 Confidential letters were arriving every day from the army in Ghaznin, giving information on what [F 55] they were doing and what steps they were taking, and how, in accordance with what the lord had commanded, they were ordering affairs. In the late morning of Monday, ro Shavval [/u October IOJO], there arrived suddenly at Sultan Mas'ud's court Mengiitirek, brother of the Great Chamberlain'Ali Qarib, and the religious scholar I:Ia~iri the boon-companion. The sultan was informed immediately. He ordered a court session to be THEYEAR421
held. They came in, kissed the ground and said, "Blessed be the royal lord, for things have become settled! Your brother has been placed in custody." The sultan gave them permission to be seated and made much of them. The letter from the forces at Teginabad was presented, and the sultan ordered that it should be taken and read out. Then he commented, "The Commander has done what we expected of his wisdom and friendship; the rest of those who followed his example recognized our just rights, and the just rights of the subordinates will be observed. You have come in great haste; go back now and rest for a while, and then return at the time of the afternoon worship, so that you may convey messages and explain the situation." They both went back, and they were lodged together in a worthy abode, and copious quantities of food and dessert were sent to them. They had a meal and then went along to the bath-house. After he had sent the two of them away, the sultan summoned Bu Sahl, Taher the secretary and other notables for a private session, and they talked at length about diverse matters and it was agreed that, at the time of the afternoon worship, the rank of I:Iajeb should be con- ferred on Mengiitirek and that they should dress him in black and award him a fitting robe of honour; I:Ia~iri was likewise to receive honours. When the time of the afternoon worship came round, they led along two mounts and brought back Mengiitirek and I:Ia~iri, and they came forward. The two of them sat down in private with the sultan, in the same manner as Taher the secretary and Bu Sahl Zow- zani had done earlier in the sultan's presence. They handed over their messages and explained the situation. When they departed, the sultan ordered that Mengiitirek [F 56] should be taken to the Royal Ward- robe and dressed in a robe of honour appropriate for the rank of l}ajeb, that is, a black coat (qaba-ye siyah) and a two-pointed hat (kolah-e do shakh), 209 and then he came back before the sultan. The sultan said,"May this be blessed! Your status now as a commander is to stand im- mediately below your brother, the Great Chamberlain 'Ali." Mengii- tirek kissed the ground and went back. [Gh 5r] They clothed the religious scholar Bu Bakr I:Ia~iri in a very splen- did robe of honour, of the quality that is given to the ruler's boon companions. They brought him forward as well, and the sultan alsovouchsafed favour to him, saying, "You suffered many hardships in our cause and out of friendship for us during the time of my father;132 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
you have now done us this service, and we are even more beholden toyou. This is a preliminary reward, made at the official level; you willsee more acts of beneficence after this." I:la~iri offered up prayers andinvocations for the sultan and went back. The Amir ordered all thenotables and courtiers to go to the lodging of those two men withmessages of congratulation, and they fulfilled all the respects due tothem in a most substantial manner. 210 At the time of the evening worship, the sultan ordered that theyshould compose a reply, with encouragement and promises of favour,in answer to the letter from the army at Teginabad. They also wrote aletter to the Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib replete with many a kindword. The sultan affixed his signature and seal and added a sectionin his own writing. They composed instructions and letters and des-patched them. A swift-riding cavalryman and a man from the corps ofswift-running, daredevil Arab cavalry troopers 211 were detailed, andat the time of the night worship they set off towards Teginabad. Godis most knowing about the right course of action!
time again when he set out from Isfahan until he arrived in Herat, in order that readers should have a full and exact exposition. Now I have set about describing the army's departure from Teginabad for Herat, detachment by detachment, with the Great Chamberlain 'Ali on their heels, and every aspect of what subsequently happened, so that it may be known and set on record that I have left nothing out. 214 When the reply from Herat arrived by hand of the kheyltiish and the Arab rider, it was read out, as I have previously related. Next day, the Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib mounted and rode out to the open country and the entire army assembled there. He instructed them,"According to the Sultan's decree which has arrived, you must travel to Herat, so that during the course of today and tomorrow all of you will have departed, except for the army of India which is to go with me. I will form the rearguard and from here will follow in your traces."They acknowledged the order and immediately hurried forth at great speed so that no-one waited for anyone else. The notables and the conspicuous figures of the court circle like the boon companions and others left the greater part of their baggage and impedimenta behind so that these might come on later with the Great Chamberlain, and moved on in haste. They had taken the vizier l:fasanak to Herat by night, since an or- der with the royal seal and signature had come with instructions that he should be sent on ahead of the army. Three cavalry troopers from the retinue of Bu Sahl Zowzani [F 58], who bore a great animosity towards l:fasanak, had brought this order. The Head of the Chancery,Kh•aja Bu Na!;r Moshkan, was also in a hurry, but when he was about to set off he went to the Great Chamberlain 'Ali and remained with him till the time of the midday meal and then came back. He then set off in company with Bu'l-l:fasan 'Aqili, 215 the Judge Mo?:affar, [Gh 53]Bu'l-I:Iasan Karaji 216 and the religious scholar Nabih 217, together with the boon-companions and a host of other people of all sorts. He wasvery pens1ve. I heard Bu Na~r Moshkan say, "When I said to the Great Cham- berlain, 'I am about to leave; is there any matter in Herat that I might be able to arrange until the time when the Great Chamberlain himself arrives in a state of good fortune?' He took me aside and said to me inprivate, 'Let this be farewell, 0 my good friend! For a long time wehave been at the same place and harbour no grievances against each134 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
other.' I replied, 'What does the Great Chamberlain have on his mind that makes him appear so dejected and talk in such a manner?' He said, 'I bear nothing but good will and honest intentions in my heart and I have never been guilty of treachery and duplicitous behaviour.When I said to you "Let this be farewell!" I did not intend to imply that I would not follow after you, but meant farewell in the absolute and ultimate sense of the word, for the reason that, in truth, Sultan Mas'ud has for some time now nurtured ill-will against me, and you will not be able to see me for much longer. These finely-phrased let- ters, with fulsome forms of address, this writing messages to me in his own hand and appointing my brother to the rank of General (l;ajeb), are all deceit 218 and cannot be concealed from a man like myself. All this is bait put down so that I may walk into the middle of the trap.'Ali Daya is at Herat, together with the General Bilgetegin 219 and other duplicitous and supine (lit. "are neither women nor men") retainers.And now this bunch will also approach the sultan and will convince him that the Great Chamberlain 'Ali [F 59] should be set aside. 220 The General Ghazi has obtained the post of Commander-in-Chief and he claims to have overall control. How could he bear the sight of me? It is very easy for me, who have charge of this treasury, elephants and a strong force of Indian and all sorts of other troops, and possess a body of gholams, followers and personal retainers, to take the road for Sis- tan. With this army I can conquer Kerman and Ahvaz as far as the gates of Baghdad, since I will only be facing a worthless, ill-fated and already depleted rabble, and I shall be safe. But the disturbed state of this house will not subside, and I shall be the efficient cause of it. The kings of neighbouring states [Gh 54] will impute the shame of such an occurrence to my lord, Ma]:lmud, and will say that a monarch like him enjoyed a long life and subjugated all the rulers on the face of the earth, yet before he died, he did not know how to regulate the affairs of his house, with the result that a situation like this arose. I consider it licit that they should imprison me in some place and incarcerate me so that I might spend the rest of my life seeking God's forgiveness, since my sins are many. But I am aware that these wretched creatureswill not allow this prince to keep me alive, for they fear me, and he himself will covet this wealth and other worldly trash of mine andwill bring infamy upon himself. At the outset, when my lord passed away, I committed a great mistake; I have now realized this, but it is THE YEAR421 135
actually seeing before his own eyes what was going to befall him andwas prescient of it. A long while after they had seized him in Herat,and his career and life had ended, I heard that when he left Teginabadand headed for Sultan Mas'ud at Herat, he had written a letter to hiscounsellor and adjutant and his trusty confidant at Ghaznin by thecare of a man called Sh.b.y223 (his son Mo}:tsen is still alive today). Inthis letter, in [F 61] 'Ali's own handwriting, was this passage. "I haveset out for Herat, and I suspect that my next encounter with you andmy household and family will be at the Day of Resurrection. Becauseof this, I am not sending you detailed instructions about every topic.If subsequently, through the grace of God, things should turn outotherwise than what I fear, I shall give you the necessary detailed in-structions about everything." I heard this passage from his secretaryBu Sa'id after 'Ali's life had come to an end. May God's mercy beupon them all! When the army reached Herat, Sultan Mas'ud rode out into the opencountry with a great panoply of weapons, equipment and finery. Thearmy came forward detachment by detachment, and offered their serv-ice from the depth of their hearts, since they were sincerely attachedto the Sultan, and it was exactly as if they had found Paradise and theGarden of Eden here and now. The Amir heaped praises on them allwith his express words and to an unparalleled extent. All affairs werenow conducted by the General Ghazi, the Commander-in-Chief. 'AliDaya's words also carried weight and he was held in some esteem sincehe had brought the force of gholams from Ghaznin and had gone toNishapur, but his voice was not so influential as Ghazi's. This vexedhim a great deal, but there was not much he could do about it. The Amir gave a very fulsome welcome to my master Bu Na~r, butthe situation was such that you would have said that the men of theformer regime (mabmudiyan) had committed great wrongs and werealiens amongst the men of the current establishment (mas'udiyan). 224Bu Na~r went each day to do service but kept well away from theChancery. Taher the secretary presided over the Chancery [Gh 56] ina grand manner and with much pomp. News arrived that the Great Chamberlain 'Ali had reached Esfezarwith the elephants, the treasury, [F 62] the army of India, and the bag-gage and impedimenta. The Amir rejoiced exceedingly; I heard thathe had not thought it at all conceivable that 'Ali would come to Herat, THE YEAR421 1 37
and he was sending out successively trusted envoys to meet him, eachbearing fresh marks of benevolence and all kinds of favour and heart-warming cordiality. 'Ali's brother the I::Iajeb Mengi.itirek wrote say-ing, "It is necessary for you to come as speedily as possible, for affairsare going according to your wishes." 'Ali arrived on Wednesday, 3 Dhu'l-Qa'da of this year [h Novem-ber 1030] before dawn, with twenty gholams, with his baggage andtrain of followers and equipment five or six parasangs behind him.It was still very dark. He came by the road to the court and haltedin the entrance hall of the old 'Adnani Palace. Apart from this pal-ace, there was another palace, very spacious and fine, and beyond thatgarden, further gardens 225 and buildings constructed by Amir Mas'ud.At times the Sultan resided in the 'Adnani Palace, holding court there,and at times he stayed in his own buildings. When 'Ali settled himselfin the entrance hall, all those who came there displayed towards himthe kind of respect reserved for kings, for their hearts and eyes werefilled by the imposing figure of this man. He, for his part, was treatingeveryone with courtesy and was smiling wryly, for he was a stern manand I had never seen him laugh out loud but only smile. He was verydowncast, as if he knew what was going to happen. It became day, and the Sultan held court in those buildings beyondthe 'Adnani Garden. [F 63] 'Ali and the great men of state came intothis garden by this door of the palace, while the Khwarazm Shah anda group of other people came in by that door which is on the side ofthe inner city. 226 The Sultan was seated on his throne in that open-col-umned chamber (revaq) which is connected with the Spring Hall. 227He made Altuntash sit on the right of the throne and his paternaluncle Amir 'Azod al-Dowla Yusof [Gh 57] opposite him, while thegreat men and the dignitaries of state sat or stood according to theirstatus. The Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib came forward and kissedthe ground in three places. The Sultan raised his hand, summonedhim to come before the throne and held out his hand for him to kiss.He laid before the Sultan a most precious bejewelled necklace, and hehad with him I,ooo siyah-dari (?) 228 dinars which were then scatteredon his behalf. Then the Sultan made a sign for him to go to his leftside. The General (I:lajeb) Mengi.itirek took him by the arm. Oppo-site the Khwarazm Shah Altuntash, the Great Chamberlain kissed theground, took up his seat and then kissed the ground once more. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
ed, and the Sultan held a private discussion with him, with the Gen- eral Mengiitirek, Bu Sahl Zowzani and Taher the secretary likewise seated, while 'Eraqi the secretary was standing there together with Badr, the Palace Chamberlain (bajeb-e saray) also standing in attend- ance, armed guards (selab-daran) round the throne and a hundred of the gholams from the palace barracks. 231 The Sultan said to the Great Chamberlain, "Should my brother Mol}.ammad remain detained there at Kuhtiz, [F 65] or at some other place? In the present heat, there is no point in bringing him to the court just now. Our intention is to set out for Balkh this winter. Then, when the season of spring comes round and we have reached Ghaznin, whatever necessary decision is arrived at regarding him, will be ordained." 'Ali replied, "It is for the lord to issue commands now, and whatever the exalted judgement sees fit, he will ordain. Kuhtiz is a secure fortress, and the General Begte- gin is stationed at the foot of the citadel awaiting commands." The Sultan said, "Those few things 232 which he sent off with his adjutant I:Iasan to Guzganan, what's happened to them?" 'Ali replied, "May the lord's life be prolonged! I;lasan has had them delivered to the fortress at Shadyakh. 233 He is experienced and far-sighted, and he has not em- barked upon something beyond his capabilities. If the exalted judge- ment sees fit, a trusty envoy can perhaps hasten there and bring back that treasury?" The Sultan said, "Very well! Go back, halt a while and have a rest, for you are much needed for counsel and for various tasks."'Ali kissed the ground and arose, and the court officials responsible for ceremonial duties made way for him by that same side of the garden [Gh 59] from which he had entered, and he departed. 234 The Sultan said to 'Abdus, 235 "Go after the Great Chamberlain and tell him that there is another message, and that he is to wait for a mo- ment in a covered dais 236 close by us." 'Abdus went off. The Sultan said to Taher the secretary, "Ask the Great Chamberlain, until when have the army been paid their salaries, 237 and which of the troops are most ready prepared for sending off on a campaign? For I am going to send a force to Makran in order to overthrow that arrogant one, 'Isa, since he appears rebellious, and his brother Bu'l-'Askar, who came as a fugitive from him a while ago and is still here at court, is to be set up in '!sa's place." 238 Taher went off, and then came back with the reply, "The Great Chamberlain says that the army's salaries have been fully paid up to the end of the year, and that they are completely ready TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
and prepared, with no-one [F 66] able to bring forward any excuse;every man who may receive his orders is able to go off forthwith." TheSultan said, "Everything has worked out very well. You must ask theGreat Chamberlain to come back." The General Mengiitirek kissed the ground and said, "Will the lordgive permission for the humble servant 'Ali and those who are withhim, to come today to my place, since I have ordered some stew tobe prepared?" The Sultan answered cheerfully, "That's most appro-priate! Should you need anything else, our own servants will see toit." Mengiitirek kissed the ground a second time and went out in ajoyful mood. Now for which brother and 'Ali was he acting as host!For they had already fast secured 'Ali, and that message conveyed byTaher about the matter of the army and Makran had been a completecharade. 239 They had already formulated a plan for what was to bedone and had ordered the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi, "When theGreat Chamberlain comes into the Sultan's presence, go out immedi-ately, fully armed and with a very large force of cavalrymen, to 'Ali'sbaggage and possessions, and seize and confiscate the lot." The Com-mander-in-Chief Ghazi had gone off to do this. When the GeneralMengiitirek came out, they said to him, "The Great Chamberlain isat present at the covered dais." When Mengiitirek reached the dais,thirty gholams [Gh 6o] went into there and seized him, and strippedhim of his cloak, cap and boots, just as they had done with his brother.They brought him into a house by the side of that dais. The attendantsbore them away on their backs, since they were fastened with heavyfetters; and that was the last that was ever seen of the two of them! 240 This is what happened to 'Ali, his fortune and his retinue, and howit all ended. Only a fool would set his heart on this treacherous anddeceitful world and account his ease of life, high rank and govern-mental authority [F 67] as anything at all. Wise persons will not bedeluded by it. 'Attabi has expressed this very well: (Poetry)I. Let my appointed way of death come to me as a person whose mind is at peace, since I have not painfully experienced the terror of those watering-places (i.e. of death).2. For indeed, grave and momentous events are bound up with what are stored up in the interiors (literally, "bellies") of events which are to come. 241 THE YEAR421
He is a great man indeed, who can lay hold of the garment of content-ment and who can break down the grip of covetousness! Regardingthis meaning, Ebn al-Rumi also hit the mark when he said: 242 (Poetry)1. When God clothes you with the garment of good health, and He gives you sustenance which comes and then goes away, [Gh 61]2. Do not envy those who multiply riches, for just as Fate gives to them, it will only take away.That master of poetry Rudaki has said, and has well understood therevolutions of fortune and made people aware of them: 243 (Poetry)1. This present world is purely a dream effect, and the person whose mind 244 is alert recognizes that.2. Its good things are in fact bad ones, and its happiness in fact grief.3· How can you see yourself as secure (hamvar) in this world, when all its workings are against order (na-hamvar)? [F 68]4· Its actions 245 are not good, although its face is good; it is evil in its deeds and comely in appearance. In regard to 'Ali, whom they struck down, the lesson clearly to be drawn is 246 that, over the ages, many people were struck down, such as Bu Moslem and others, as is clearly set down in the history books. If people say that 'Ali intended in his heart some mischief, well, theAlmighty God alone can know the innermost thoughts of His devo- tees. I myself have no concern with that sort of thing; my business is to tell in words my story. They have all passed on, but they will come together in a certain place (i.e. at the Day of Resurrection and Gath- ering Together for Judgement) when secrets will be revealed. The ex- cuse of those wise persons who were able to raise their voices against this powerful man, with his numerous following, was that people said,"What business had he with placing rulers on the throne or arresting them?" Since for this reason, his fortunes were destined to come to ruin, how could he overcome the foreordained decree? We seek refuge in God from a decree offate bringing evil! When the momentous affair of 'Ali came to its close and the Com- mander-in-Chief Ghazi returned from the formal review 47 of 'Ali's property and possessions, whatever gholams and baggage which he TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
had, had been plundered, and there was some fear that the baggage and equipment of the retainers and troops stationed at the court and troops who had come with 'Ali would likewise be thoroughly plun- dered. However, the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi had taken careful precautions so that not a single thread 248 of any of those persons' pos- sessions suffered loss or damage. The leading figures from Ma}:lmud's reign 249 were stricken with profound fear at this arrest of 'Ali and shrank away into the background. The Sultan sent 'Abdus to the Khwarazm Shah Altuntash with a message, saying250 , "In bringing himself to this end, 'Ali did not act worthily and in accordance with his exalted office. Why did he not look to the Khwarazm Shah, and why did he not emulate [Gh 62] his conduct? What business was it of his to raise my brother to the throne? He should have waited until we arrived. He was just one of the retainers and courtiers; what they did, he likewise should have done. If he raised my brother to the throne, why did he then act so faithlessly (i.e. in abandoning Mo}:lammad's cause)? Why did he sell his soul by swearing such solemn oaths? He was nurturing treason in his heart, and when all this became appar- ent to us, he was placed under arrest, for that was the most prudent course. No harm will befall his person. [F 69] They have imprisoned him in a certain place and he is being treated well until such timewhen our views concerning him become favourable. This situation in regard to him has been explained to the Khwarazm Shah so that he may not get a different picture of events." 251 The Khwarazm Shah Altuntash gave the reply, "The wise and safe course for subjects lies in what lords command, and what the exalted judgement sees as appropriate, who else can determine? I had sent this advice to 'Ali from Khwarazm, both in the form of letters and in that of messages, that he should not undertake these extreme courses. But he had become closely involved in a momentous affair; he did not listen in a sensible fashion, and the stroke of fate was such as it was. But he is a man of great renown and much courage, and such men are hard to find. He has those who envy him and are his enemies, but he is also a kinsman; the lord should not discard him because of mali- cious slanderers, for he has no-one like him." The Amir sent a reply,"I will do this. 'Ali will be of use to me for great enterprises; this was in the manner of a chastisement, and a display of our wrath for his benefit." THE YEAR421 143
prince, for this is a charge which must be properly filled. If the case is presented in this manner, he will not be further cross-examined and will be speedily despatched back to Khwarazm; for the Sultan knows that the security of that frontier region cannot be maintained without the Khwarazm Shah's powerful presence and aura." These two responses, and particularly that of Khvaja Bu Na~r Moshkan, had a most reassuring and uplifting effect upon the Khwarazm Shah Altuntash's spirit and he calmed down. 254 [F 71] The Sultan sent an investiture patent in the name of the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi for the governorship of Balkh and Samangan, 255 and his retainers speedily conveyed that information to Balkh so that the formal intercessory prayer could be made there in his name. 256 They took matters into their own hands, and Ghazi had the ultimate say. The private sessions and consultations of the Sultan regarding affairs of the army were held with him, and the old guard from Mal;tmud's time were much troubled by this [Gh 64] and grum- bled to themselves in rage and frustration. In the end, they brought about Ghazi's downfall, as I shall later describe. Sa'id Sarra£ ("the money changer"), Ghazi's counsellor and adju- tant, was riding high, 257 but "for every people there is an appointed day". 258 In truth, he managed things well, but he made one single mis- take in that they suborned him into becoming a spy (moshref) over his master. 259 He was bought over by the award of a robe of honour and the gold-adorned saddle and accoutrements of a horse that he received. He acted as a spy in this way and his master fell into hardship, and he likewise. For a servant's finest embellishment should be his recti- tude. After the fall from power of the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi, Sa'id was pinned to the wheel of fortune and rose and fell, and was in and out of office, "so that after mighty and elevated status, he became the keeper of mangy, tar-smeared camels". 260 At the present moment, in this year [4]50 [1Io58], he is at Multan in the service of the Khvaja'Amid 'Abd al-Razzaq, 261 having been for many years a boon-com- panion of his, and having opted for a modest status and a secluded life. I have for you all a detailed account of these events, which is very perspicacious, as will be set forth, if God Most High so wills. The position of the vizier I:Iasanak now became disturbed. Thiswas because, during his youthful days, he had done various things which ought not to have been done and had not guarded his tongue, THE YEAR421 145
and had affronted this great and powerful Sultan for no good rea-son. 262 The poet has expressed it well, (Poetry)1. Keep guard of your tongue; don't say anything which will bring down calamity on your head; indeed, calamity is brought along by speechF63Also, on the subject of the young, he has expressed it extremely well,[F 72] (Poetry)1. Indeed, when youthful ones 264 take charge of affairs to the exclusion of the elders, you see defectiveness in some of those affairs.I heard from Bu 'Ali b. Es}:taq, who said that Bu Mo}:tammad b. Mika'ilused to say, "What's the relevance here of the word 'some'-there's de-fectiveness in all of them!" The Vizier265 Bu Sahl Zowzani had a very great animus against thedismissed vizier I;Iasanak, since the latter, in the time of his vizierate,used to treat Bu Sahl with contempt and scorn, until the Sultan's angerwas permanently fixed on him and he wrought on Bu Sahl at Balkhwhat he wrought. At this juncture, Bu Sahl immediately ordered theVizier I;Iasanak to be conveyed to the custody of 'Ali Rayez, 266 Bu Sa-hi's retainer, who brought him along to his own house and subjectedhim to all sorts of humiliations. [Gh 65] People began to talk about BuSahl Zowzani 's behaviour in this matter and criticized him, for peopleof high renown owe their good repute to the benevolent way in whichthey treat a vanquished foe, since that benevolence is more noble thanhumiliating people, and the maxim "Be forgiving when you are in aposition ofpower," is much praised. 267 There is also the proverbial say-ing, "When you have someone in your power, be forbearing". 268 ButBu Sahl did not consider such conduct incumbent upon himself andtook pleasure in exacting retribution. Bu Sahl and I;Iasanak have bothpassed away, and I have set down these lines hoping that someonemight find it useful and instructive. Bu Sahl Zowzani selected the troop commander Bahram and pro-vided him with orders under the Sultan's seal and signature and senthim to Janki 269 at the pass leading into Kashmir (dar-e Kashmir) withthe command to release the Great Khvaja A}:tmad b. I;Iasan [Meyman-di] immediately, and send him, in an honourable and dignified manner,to Balkh, since he was needed for assisting in important affairs of theq6 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
I have explained previously how, when the Great Chamberlain 'Ali set out from Teginabad for Herat, he took stringent precautions in regard to Amir Mol,lammad, according to the exalted command of Sultan Mas'ud which had arrived and which provided for the appointment of the General Begtegin and laid on him complete responsibility for that prisoner. Now that I have finished setting forth the story of the armies travelling to Herat and the arrest of the Great Chamberlain'Ali Qarib, and the carrying out of various other affairs; and having arrived at the point of Sultan Mas'ud's departure from Herat towards Balkh, I am interrupting that historical narrative and taking up again the remainder of the story and the circumstances of that prisoner. This is so that there may be set forth in its entirety what happened in that period when the army left Teginabad for Herat and Amir Mol,lammad was brought from that fortress of Kuhtiz to the fortress of Mandish and the history becomes complete. When I have finished this, I shall return to the beginning of the narrative of Amir Mas'ud's journey from Herat to the vicinity of Balkh, if God wills. I heard from master 'Abd al-Ral,lman the singer and reciter 97 that,"when the army departed from Teginabad to Herat, I and those like me who were servants and attendants of Amir Mol,lammad were like fish out of water, abandoned on the dry land, and we felt altogether dispossessed and reduced to misery. Yet we could not bear to be any distance away from the foot of the fortress of Kuhtiz, and were hoping [F 8o] that Sultan Mas'ud might perhaps summon Amir Mol,lammad to Herat and that a ray of hope might appear on the horizon. Every day, [Gh 71] and following our old courtly routine, myself and the rest of our company, the musicians, singers and the aged compan- ions, would have an audience with Amir Mol,lammad. We would have something to eat there and then go back at the time of the eveningworship. The General Begtegin took extremely stringent precautions, but never barred any of us from access to the Amir. He lavished more and more hospitality upon the Amir and seemed only too willing to TA.RIKH-E MAS'UDI
with him and what the secluded womenfolk of the harem had from thetreasury, he handed over to the General. It took two whole days at thattime before they had finished with all this; and during these two days,[F 83] they did not allow anybody near Amir Mo.bammad. On the third day, the General rode forth and approached nearer tothe fortress. They brought the elephants there with howdahs, and gavethe message that the Sultan's command was that Amir Mo.bammadwas to be conveyed to the fortress of Mandish 305 so that he could bemore suitably accommodated there; and the General was to come withthe army that was stationed at the foot of the fortress, for the Generaland those soldiers with him were required to leave for an importantpurpose. When Amir Jalal al-Dowla Mo.bammad heard this, he wept,realizing what was really happening. They brought him down, willy-nilly, alone from the fortress, and wailing and lamentation arose fromhis household. When the Amir reached the ground below the fortress,he called out that they were to ask the General, did the royal ordi-nance stipulate that they were to bear away him alone? The Generalanswered, "No, all his retinue and folk are to go with him, but hischildren are being got ready in a separate group, since it would be un-seemly that they should be borne along with him. I am remaining hereuntil all of them are brought following him, in a proper and respectfulmanner, in such a way that, at the time of the afternoon prayer, theywill arrive and join him safely." They conveyed the Amir along, with an escort of 300 cavalrymen,accompanied by the castellan of the fortress of Kuhtiz with 300 heav-ily-armed infantrymen. They placed the womenfolk in litters 306 and theattendants and retainers on mules and asses. Many indignities and im-proprieties were committed in regard to scrutiny and searches. Peoplevoiced their disapproval of the spectacle, and rightly so, since, when allwas said and done, Mo.bammad was the son of Ma.bmud. When Sul-tan Mas'ud heard about this, he reprimanded Begtegin severely, but thematter was left to rest there. That [Gh 74] master of words, the poet La-bibi,307 has expressed himself very eloquently on this situation. (Verses)1. A caravan was travelling from Ray towards Daskara; 308 a torrent of water came on, and all the people on the bridge perished. 309 (F 84)2. When a band of robbers saw that 310 from afar, you would have said that each one of them had become a fierce lion [in audacity]. THE YEAR421 155
3. Whatever the robbers fancied, they carried away and then went off. There happened to be there another person too, who joined in the pillaging with the robbers.
gris and the Euphrates. Na~er Baghavi, who was one of the boon com-panions319 of this monarch and was good at reciting poetry and sing-ing couplets, wept and then recited a fine extemporisation: (Poetry)I. 0 Shah, what was this that befell you! Your enemy came out of your own stock (lit. "out of your own shirt").2. Your tribulations surpassed all other tribulations; out of your fa- ther's estate, your share came out as Mandish.Two powerfully-built men took his arms and he began to walk with great effort. When he had climbed a few steps, he would sit down for a good while and have a rest. When he had ascended a considerable distance but was still within sight, he sat down. A swift courier came into view from the road. Amir Mo}J.ammad saw him, and did not go on further in order that he might enquire the reason for the courier's arrival, and he sent one of his entourage to the General Begtegin. The courier arrived with a letter. It was a letter in Sultan Mas'ud's own hand addressed to his brother. The General Begtegin sent it up at once.The Amir was sitting down on that step along the way up, and we were meanwhile watching. When he read the letter, 320 he fell to the ground in prostration, then arose, proceeded up to the fortress and disappeared from sight. They delivered to that point all the family and entourage of Mo}J.ammad, together with several of his male servantswho were included [Gh 76] in the provisions of the Sultan's orders.The General Begtegin and that body of troops of his now returned. I, 'Abd al-Ra}J.man the busybody (joiuli), [F 86] as the old men of Nishapur say, "with a dead mother and ten dirhams in debt," came upon those two men who had gripped the Amir's arms and asked,"Why did the Amir perform that prostration?" They replied, "What has it got to do with you? Why don't you sing what the poet says, and that is this verse, (Poetry)I. 0 desert tents, will our time come back again, or is there no way to recover it once it has gone?321I said, "Indeed, this is an appropriate day for this melody, but I havestood waiting for a while so that I might hear this one further itemof what was said and then go away." They said, "It was a letter tohim in Sultan Mas'ud's own hand with the information that 'We have THE YEAR421 157
given orders that the Great Chamberlain 'Ali, who imprisoned theAmir, should himself be consigned to captivity, and his punishmentwas meted out to him so that no servant should in future venture suchboldness against his own lord.' I wished this felicitous news to bepassed on to my brother the Amir, since I knew that he would beoverjoyed." Amir Mo}:lammad prostrated himself to the AlmightyGod and exclaimed, "I am content with everything which has hap-pened to me up to today, since that ungrateful and faithless one hasbeen brought low, and his hopes and ambitions in this present worldhave come to an end!" I then departed with my friend. I, Beyhaqi also heard from the same master 'Abd al-Ra}:lman, sevenyears after I had begun composing this history, on Sunday, II Ra-jah 455 [/ro July 1063], and while I was narrating the story of AmirMo}:lammad's reign, that "Out of many outstanding melodies in myrepertoire, Amir Mo}:lammad used very often to ask me for this par-ticular song, to the extent that there were few festive sessions when Idid not sing this, the verses being: (Poetry) [F 87]r. Your treacherousness is no novelty or cause for wonder, but your be- ing faithful is one of the most novel of novelties.2. It is not a question of your treacherousness but a question of my own eagerness and my accounting as reliable words of falsehood and deception. 322Although these two verses are those of a lover addressing his beloved,a wise person should see them as a moral example, since this was anomen expressed on the tongue of this monarch. There were [Gh 77]during his time many wanton and ill-conceived decisions 323 of whichhe was unaware, despite the many acts of goodness which he usedto perform during the period of his royal power towards both thesoldiery and the populace, exactly like the meaning of these two vers-es. What has been divinely ordained will happen, 324 and what the Al-mighty God decrees will take place. May God with His favour awakenus from the sleep of the heedless ones! After this, I shall set forth what happened concerning this captiveMo}:lammad in its appropriate place. When the General Begtegin hadcompleted this assignment, he set out for Ghaznin with orders that hewas to proceed from there to Balkh, taking with him Sultan Mas'ud's TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
mother (valeda) and others of the royal womenfolk and l:Iorra Khat-tali, in such a manner that they might arrive there with due care. When all matters had become completely settled at Herat, SultanMas'ud said to my master Bu Na~r, "We have issued all the necessaryinstructions in all matters. During this week we will set off in thedirection of Balkh in order to spend this coming winter there, andwhatever needs to be negotiated with the Khans of Turkestan willbe negotiated, and we shall turn our attention to the affairs of thatregion. 325 Khvaja AQ.mad b. l:Iasan is also due to arrive and will as-sume responsibility for the affairs of the vizierate. Then the journeyto Ghaznin will be made." Bu Na~r replied, "The lord's thoughts anddecisions contain the very essence of sound judgement and it is in-cumbent upon us to carry them out in their entirety." [F 88] The Sultan said, "A letter must be written to the Commander of theFaithful detailing all these recent events, as is the usual practice, so thatit may be set forth that all these matters have been settled without anyblood being shed." Bu Na~r replied, "This is one of the things whichneeds to be done, and it is also necessary to write to Qadir Khan, so thata courier may carry the message with speed and convey the good news.Then, when the exalted stirrup reaches Balkh in a state of good for-tune, plans should be made for despatching a messenger of high statusfor drawing up the contract and agreement." The Sultan said, "Thesethings must be set in hand speedily, since our departure is near at hand,and these two letters despatched before we set out from Herat." My master drew up two documents for these two letters in his ac-customed manner, one in Arabic to be sent to the Caliph, and onein Persian to be sent to Qadir Khan; and these [original] documentshave been lost, as I have already mentioned in several places elsewherein this History. A remarkable feature was that Amir Mas'ud and hisentourage had brought with themselves a group from Western Persia('Eraq), [Gh 78] including Bu'l-Qasem b. J:Iarish 326 and others, andthey were seeking to raise them up above my master, on the plea thatthey were more learned than him. I concede that they composed ex-cellent poetry and were highly competent in the secretarial skills, butthe style required for writing from one royal throne to another royalthrone is of a different order. A person only becomes aware of thatwhen he embarks on such writing and realizes the full extent of thetask. My master, in addition to being the man of wisdom and wide THE YEAR421 159
In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. After the open-ing formulae and invocation: The Khan knows that the great men andmonarchs of the age, when they bear friendship towards each otherand travel along the way of righteous behaviour, continually striveto bring about mutual harmony and consideration, and then 328 theybring329 that happy state of affairs to such a high level that they seeeach other in a personal meeting, one held in a fitting manner. In thecourse of that meeting, they put in place all the necessary conditionsfor a bond of strong mutual support, 330 and the compacts and agree-ments which are envisaged and on which they had expended limitlesseffort are in fact put in place, so that the houses might become unitedand all occasions of hostility and suspicion dispelled. They do all thisin order that, when the Herald of the Last Days comes for them andthey say farewell to the throne of royal power and pass away, theirchildren, who are deserving of that throne and who will sit in theirplace, can live out their lives in peace and reign undisturbed, withtheir enemies unable to find and exploit an opportunity to ventureagainst them and succeed in their aims. The Khan is fully aware what the high status and the affairs of ourfather the late Amir were like. Of the qualities and virtues associated160 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
we should hasten and go to the City of Peace (i.e. Baghdad) and savethe exalted status of the caliphate from a group of vile scoundrels whotarnish that exalted status of the caliphate, and remove their weak andabject rule.m [Gh So] We had come to the decision that, of necessity and unavoidably, theexalted command of the Caliph should be obeyed and that we shouldattain the felicitation of meeting with the Commander of the Faithfulfor ourself, when the news arrived that our father [F 91] had passedto the abode of God's mercy. Then after that, we heard that, since wewere far away, the retainers and courtiers had immediately summonedour brother Amir Mo}:Iammad from Guzganan, had set him on thethrone and had hailed him as Amir, regarding this as a way of keepingthe situation calm, since we were far away. Also, although our fatherhad made us his designated heir during his own lifetime, in his finaldays his health was failing and some weakness became preponderantover that firmness of judgement which had formed part of his great-ness. He did not in reality show vexation and irritability towards us,as is part of human nature, especially on the part of kings for whom itbecomes hard to see and acknowledge someone who is worthy of theirown place; but he kept us at Ray, knowing that all those lands as faras Byzantium (Rum) and, in another direction, as far as Egypt, would,in their entire extent, become adorned through our conquest of them.He also envisaged that Ghaznin and those parts of India which haveso far been conquered, 335 we should leave to our brother so that theywould not fall to a stranger, and he would act as our deputy, and wewould regard him with the greatest possible esteem and honour. We despatched an envoy to our brother with words of condo-lence on Sultan Ma}:Imud's death and of congratulation on his acces-sion to the throne. We gave messages to the envoy which containedwise counsels for achieving harmony between the two of us and forthe pacification of Khorasan and Western Persia and the allaying ofworry for thousands and thousands of people. We stated clearly thatwe had ahead of us, by the order of the Commander of the Faithful,the task of conquering many regions of limitless size and proportion.There had to be mutual support and unity of purpose between thetwo brothers, and all causes of disagreement and discord had to bedispelled so that the world and all things of value and renown thereinmight accrue to us. However, the condition for all that was set out TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
as follows: 336 From [F 92] the royal armoury and storehouse, 337 s,ooocamel loads of weapons and 2o,ooo horses both for riding and as re-serve (markab);m 2,ooo gholam cavalrymen, suitably adorned with acomplete array of weapons and equipment; and 500 of choice, swiftand agile war elephants should speedily be despatched to ourself. Afurther condition is that our brother should act as our deputy, in sucha way that our own name is proclaimed first from the pulpits in thetowns, and the formal intercessory prayers at the Friday sermon pro-nounced in our name at those places and then afterwards in his name.With the minting of dirhams and dinars, and the official embroideryon luxury garments, 339 they are likewise to write our name first andthen his. The judges and the postal and intelligence system officials 34Cwho will spread and communicate these arrangements [Gh 81] areto be chosen at our royal court so that all that needs to be ordainedamong the Muslims 341 is commanded by ourself. We personally will become concerned with the region of lraq342 andthe raiding of Byzantium, and he with Ghaznin and India, so that wemay establish in those places the Sunna of our Prophet and keep tothe way which our forefathers followed, that the blessed influence ofthis policy may be perpetuated for our descendants. It was stated ina forthright manner that "if those measures which we have stipulatedare not speedily executed, and a policy of procrastination and denialis adopted, we shall inexorably have to return. The conquered landswill have to be abandoned, and we will turn our attention to the taskof attending to the realm itself, for that is the essence (a$1) of it all, therest is subsidiary (jar'). For when one attains the central objective,dealing with peripheral matters will not be hard. If, God forbid, anyenmity and hostility343 between the two of us should arise, it will leadto bloodshed, and suffering, and dire consequences will ensue whichwill be blamed on our brother; for since we are our father's designat-ed heir and consider this courtesy and fairmindedness as incumbentupon ourself, everybody in the world will know that we have actedwith perfect justice." By the time that the envoy reached Ghaznin, ideas of graspingthe throne and the royal power for himself had already swollen ourbrother's head. He had taken control of the treasuries and had be-gun to hand out money, and had immersed himself in feasting andpleasure night and day, [F 93] thereby closing the door to his own THEYEAR421
and secret letters reached us from Ghaznin that the Great Chamber-lain 'Ali [b. Il Arslan], supreme leader of the great commanders (za'imal-bojjab), and the General Begtughd'i, Commander of the Ghohims,had offered their allegiance to us. Bu 'Ali the castellan and the restof the leading figures of state and high commanders had written andhad offered their allegiance and submission, and Bu 'Ali had said thatour brother would not be able to direct the affairs of state, and thatas soon as our banner appears, they would all come forward offeringtheir submission and service. We ordered that the group who had come from Ghaznin should beshown marks of favour and that encouraging replies should be writtento the notables of Ghaznin. We set out from Nishapur. Twelve daysafter the Festival [of the Breaking of the Fast], a letter arrived fromthe Great Chamberlain 'Ali Qarib and the army leaders who wereat Teginabad with our brother to the effect that, when news of ouradvance from Nishapur reached them, they imprisoned our brotherin the fortress of Kuhtiz. 'Ali's brother Mengiitirek and the religiousjurist Bu Bakr I:Ia~iri, who now arrived in Herat, gave a full accountand explanation of all those events. They had sought our instructionsso that they might act accordingly. We ordered a reply, and encouraging and heartwarming responseto 'Ali, to all the leading commanders and to the whole army, and inthe reply it was specified that our brother should be kept under carefulguard in the fortress and that 'Ali and all the army should now cometo the court. After that, they began to arrive in successive detach-ments until all of them reached Herat, and both the armies (i.e. that ofMas'ud in Herat and that from Teginabad) were compounded into oneforce; and both the troops [F 95] and the subjects felt safe and securein our service and under our rule. Letters were despatched [Gh 83] tothe entire realm, including also to Ray, Isfahan and those surroundingregions, giving a full account of these events, so that it would becomeapparent that matters had been resolved and all the causes of warfareand strife removed. Also, an envoy was sent to the Caliph and letterswritten detailing these events, and the exalted commands of the Cal-iph were sought on every topic. We likewise ordered letters to be sentto the Son of Kaku and other local rulers at Ray and in Jebal and asfar as the pass of I:Iolvan intimating how these affairs had been settledeasily and smoothly. We explicitly stated that, immediately after this, THE YEAR421
this, no-one is to have the temerity to say anything except good abouthim." The Amir then ordered that a robe of honour should be madefor him so that he might then depart. He summoned the boon-com-panion Bu'l-l::lasan 'Aqili and gave him messages couched in friendlyterms for him to convey to Altuntash, saying, "I had intended thathe should be brought to Balkh and there be given a robe of honourand the command authorising his return to Khwarazm. However, wewere afraid [F 98] that he might perhaps stay too long, and perchancesome breach or crisis might occur in those lands (i.e. in Khwarazm).Furthermore, the journey between Paryab and Andkhudh 351 is a shortone; he must get ready to depart from Paryab." When Altuntash heard the message, he arose, kissed the groundand said, "It would be better for me, since I have become old, toretire from the army, go to Ghaznin and dwell in the vicinity of thetomb of the late Sultan; but since the lord's command is thus, I shallobey it." The next day, the Amir arrived in Paryab, and ordered that theyshould garb Altuntash in the robe of honour which had been preparedfor him. It was a most magnificent robe, and more opulent than whathe had been accustomed to receive in the time of Sultan Mal,lmud.Altuntash stepped forward and performed his obeisance. The Amirclasped him to his bosom and showed him much affection, and hereturned home in a most honoured and dignified state. All the lead-ing figures and great men of the court went to visit him and fulfilledthe duties of congratulating him in a most handsome fashion. He wasgiven leave to depart the next day. That night, Altuntash sent his secretary Bu Man~ur to me, Bu Na~r,secretly-this man Bu Man~ur being one of his trusty intimates-andconveyed the message: "I have received permission to depart forKhwarazm, and [Gh 86] tomorrow night they will realize that wehave already gone, for I will not seek to request another confirmationbefore I leave, since I discern some crookedness at work. This mon-arch is most magnanimous and generous, but, as I read the situation,this motley bunch of people who have gathered round him all act asviziers, and he listens to them and acts upon their words. They willdestroy all the well-laid foundations of the realm. [F 99] I am aboutto leave, and I don't know how you will all fare, for I see no hopefulsigns here. You, Bu Na~r, must safeguard my interests at court just as168 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
you have always done, though you yourself are not so secure, since theold order has broken down and things have taken a different turn; butlet's see how things develop." I expressed my assent and went back.I now felt more worried and concerned than before, even though Iknew more about the state of affairs than he described. When one watch of the night still remained, Altuntash mountedand rode forth with his close retainers, having ordered that no kettle-drums should be beaten lest they realize that he had departed. Duringthe course of the night, they had persuaded the Amir that Altuntashmust of necessity be incarcerated and that this opportunity shouldnot be wasted. However, by the time they got news of his departure,he had covered ten or twelve parasangs of the journey back to hishomeland. They sent 'Abdus after him with the message, "There areseveral important matters still to be discussed, and several marks ofhonour which were not conferred. We gave him the authorisationto depart, and he departed, and these matters have been left unset-tled and unresolved." They were exercised in their minds whether hewould return or not. 352 When 'Abdus caught up with Altuntash, the latter sent back the an-swer, "I had the order to depart, so, according to the exalted command,I departed, and it would be unseemly now to return. Those mattersthat have been left outstanding can be dealt with by letter. Moreo-ver, last night a letter arrived from Khvaja A~mad b. 'Abd al-Samad,my counsellor and adjutant, 353 that the Kiijet (k.jiit), the Chaghraq (ch.q.riiq) and the Q'ipchaq (kh.fchiiq) are on the move; some disturbancemay well occur in my absence." 354 He then rewarded 'Abdus hand-somely for his pains, so that he would plead well on his behalf andset forth his excuses. He mounted his horse and took 'Abdus alongwith him for one or two parasangs, saying that he had some importantmatters to discuss with him. He spoke with him privately [F 100] andthen sent him back. [Gh 87] When 'Abdus got back to the army encampment and recountedwhat had happened, it became abundantly clear that Altuntash hadbecome most apprehensive and alarmed at the turn of events. On thesame day, many deceitful words had been conveyed to the Amir, andthey accused Bu'l-I:Iasan 'Aqili, who had acted as conveyor of mes-sages to Altuntash, of treachery and said that he was in league withhim. They said that "These men of the former reign (pedariyan) will THEYEAR421
not allow the lord to achieve any of his desires or collect together any wealth. They all put words into each other's mouths and connive together." But the Amir had angrily shouted them down and treated them with cold contempt. Then he summoned me for a private session and said, "It appears that Altuntash has gone off in a state of suspicion and fear." I replied, "May the lord's life be prolonged! Why was this? It is not likely that he should have left in a state of suspicion and fear, for he is most loyal and sagacious, and has been the recipient of much favour from the lord. He has expressed his immense gratitude in our presence." The Amir replied, "This was indeed the case, but we hear that suspicions have arisen." I said, "What is the reason for this?" He recounted the story and said, "These people will not allow affairs to run smoothly," and he told me everything that had happened. I said,"I had already pointed this out in Herat, and the lord had then com- mented that these people did not enjoy such power and scope. But now, from what I hear and see, they have gained an absolute ascendan- cy. Altuntash has raised several points with me while we were riding along together. He did not utter any complaints, but he expressed sev- eral words of sincere advice meant for the Amir, for he is wholeheart- edly devoted [F 101] to the realm. The thrust of his argument was that 'I do not see affairs proceeding along the right lines. The lord is magnanimous 355 and peerless, generous and forbearing, and noble; but he is too indulgent a listener. All sorts of people have the temerity to talk to him of matters above their rank and station, and they will not leave him alone, while I, Altuntash, am only capable of loyalty and plain obedience. Hence I am departing in accordance with the exalted command, but as his servant and devotee, I feel most dejected and shudder with anxiety for this mighty empire. I do not know how this state of affairs will turn out.' This much he said to me, and I can de- tect no traces of suspicion in these words. [Gh 88] Has the lord heard anything else?" Then the Amir recounted in its entirety what had happened and what they had persuaded him to do. I said that I, BuNa~r, would stand guarantee that Altuntash will behave obediently and in an upright fashion. The Amir said, "Although such is the case, he must be appeased and won over, and a letter must be written under my own seal and signature, and we shall add a section below it in our own handwriting, for we had sent a verbal message through 'Abdus tothe effect that we had several things to discuss with him, and he sent TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
back an answer in the terms which you heard. If we do not put thesewords down in writing, he will remain suspicious." I replied, "The lord can rehearse to me whatever is the best courseso that I may be certain and know exactly what should be written." Hesaid, "You must write about the affairs of the realm and our presentand future plans: whatever is deemed right and would appeal to himand restore his confidence, so that all his suspicions and fears are al-layed." I then set to work and said, "I now know how the letter shouldbe worded. Whom does the exalted command see as suitable for con-veying the letter?" He answered, "It should be given to Altuntash'spersonal representative here at court, who can accompany 'Abdus."[F 102] I obeyed the command and came away, and the letter was in-dited according to this text that has here been appended: In the name of God, The Merciful, the CompassionateAfter the opening formulae and invocation: We find that the ExcellentCommander, our Uncle, the Khwarazm Shah Altuntash, occupies thesame exalted place in our heart as did our father, the late Amir sincefrom the time of our childhood till the present day he has shown usthe kind of concern and affection that fathers have for their own sons.At the time when our father wished to appoint a designated successorto himself, and sought the opinions of Altuntash and other leadingmen about it, he strove hard on our behalf until that momentous affairwas resolved in our favour. After that, when envious people and ene-mies poisoned the late Amir's mind against us and he acted harshly, tothe point that he despatched us to Multan and had intended to rescindthe decision that he had taken in our favour and bestow the successionon someone else, Altuntash proceeded with much tact and employedsubtle ploys in order that our position as heir might not be divertedfrom the rule of succession. He was biding his time and using strata-gems, and gathering supporters, until he regained and restored ourfather's goodwill towards us and our father recalled us from Multanand sent us back to Herat. 356 [Gh 89]. When he set out for Ray, with us accompanying him, and the I:Iajebcame from Gorganj to Gorgan, 357 and discussions went on about thedivision of the realm between us brothers Mas'ud and Mol:tammad,Altuntash was most vigilant in acting on our behalf, and sent a mes-sage to us secretly with the words, "Clearly, now is not the time for THE YEAR421
speaking out. You should fall in with whatever the lord sees fit andordains." We took that fatherly advice, and everything ended up as isevident today. When our father died and they brought our brother to Ghaznin,the letter which Altuntash wrote and the sincere advice which he gave,his personal espousal of our interests and his keeping aloof from ouradversaries, were all in that vein which true friends and men of wis-dom and goodwill [F 103] say and write. All that was conveyed tome, and its truth has become apparent. When one witnesses a personacting in this manner, one can see how highly he places his faith infriendship and obedience. As for us, having seen in him at all timessuch devoted allegiance and upright behaviour, it becomes clear howfar we would be prepared to go in demonstrating our trust and beliefin him: by entrusting an entire province to him, increasing his rankand position, promoting the status of his sons and bestowing titlesand honours upon them. More recently, when we reached Herat, we summoned him so thathe might see us and reap the rewards of his beneficial deeds, but beforethe letter had reached him, he had already set out in order to come andoffer his service. We had wished to take him back with us to Balkh,first, to benefit from his sound judgement regarding some importantstate affairs which we have to tackle and which have been left in abey-ance, such as correspondence with the Khans of Turkestan; makingtreaties and covenants; cutting down to size our neighbour 'Alitegin,who has become overweening and rebellious thanks to the recent fal-low stretch of weak and indecisive rule; and second, the matter of re-instating and showing and distributing favour amongst retainers andcourtiers, according to their worth, status and function, and fulfillingtheir hopes of favour. We had hoped that all this could have been donein his presence and with his advice and approval. Our other reason forkeeping him with us till we reached Balkh was so that he would havean even more worthy and splendid send-off from there. But because we thought that, since Khwarazm is an importantfrontier region, and given that he had departed from it already whenwe had ourself still not reached Ghaznin, it might well happen thatenemies would put a different construction on events, and it was im-perative that no troubles or crises should arise there in his absence;so we gave [Gh 90] orders that he should return. As 'Abdus reported, TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
items that have been conveyed to him in messages, and give full an-swers that may then be perused and studied. He must know that in allimportant state decisions we shall confer with him, just as our father,the late Amir used to do, since his judgement is a blessed one. He, forhis part, must adopt the same ways and open his heart to us, and offerus his advice in a plain and forthright manner, for he should know thathis words occupy an unassailable place in our heart and mind. The personal hand of Amir Mas'ud: "Let the excellent General, theKhwarazm Shah, may God perpetuate his might, place reliance onthis letter and have a stout heart, since our own heart is with him.God is the One who gives aid for the fulfilment of His rights!"When 'Abdus and Bu Sa'd Mas'adi returned, we had reached Balkh.They brought back a reply set out in very respectful and deferentialterms and containing much humility and submissiveness togetherwith very well-expressed excuses for the hurried departure. The Amircloseted himself with myself and 'Abdus and said, "We did well to ex-ert ourselves in regard to Altuntash, for we were a hair's breadth awayfrom alienating him, for they had made him deeply afraid and he wasgoing away in haste. With this letter, however, his fears have been al-layed and all grounds for apprehensiveness dispelled. He regained hiscomposure and went off a happy man." Altuntash sent a reply to our letter, as follows:Regarding the matter of the Khans of Turkestan, [F 106] it is essen-tial to enter into correspondence with them when you have arrived inBalkh, safe and sound, and at the height of good fortune, and subse-quently to despatch envoys and seek a treaty and agreement. For it iswell-known that the late Amir went to a considerable amount of trou-ble and expended much money until Qadir Khan attained the Khanatewith Ma}:lmud 's military assistance and he became firmly settled on thethrone. At this present time, the former arrangements must be consoli-dated to augment the friendship; not that the Khans can be regarded astrue friends, but ostensibly amicable relations will remain between usand they will not incite others against us. 'Alitegin is our veritable ene-my, and is writhing with venom like a serpent with a crushed tail sincehis brother has managed to drive out [his other brother] Toghan 359Khan from Balasaghun, 360 thanks to the might and military power ofthe late Amir. 361 An enemy never becomes a friend. 362 1t is nevertheless174 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
necessary to seek a treaty [Gh 92] and affect a rapprochement with him,for although no reliance can be placed on that, it has to be done. Whenthis has been achieved, it will be necessary to fill the regions of Balkh,Tokharestan, Chaghaniyan, Termez, Qobadhiyan and Khottalan withtroops, since whenever he finds an undefended spot and an opportu-nity, he will strike out and plunder. 363 As for the matter of Khvaja A]:tmad, this servant has nothing tocontribute in this respect and stands on the sidelines. 364 Whatever theexalted judgement considers the best and most suitable course of ac-tion should be done, for it is a matter of public knowledge that be-tween that peerless master and myself there is some ill feeling. Regarding the matter of the General Aslghtegin, when ArslanJadheb passed away, the late Amir chose him as worthy of fillingArslan's place out of the many alternatives available to him. The Amirwas well acquainted with the other possible candidates, and if Aslght-egin had not been deemed worthy of such an eminent position, hewould not have appointed him. He has rendered much good service,and the lord should disregard what people say, and keep the welfare ofthe realm in view. Since the lord, in the letter which he has command-ed to be written to me, [F 107] has ordained that I should set forthsound counsels through correspondence, I have transmitted one pointwith this trusty confidant-though the lord himself is well aware ofall this, and my words, and those of others, are perhaps superfluous-that the late Amir had a long reign and handed over a strong state withfirmly-based rules of government to the lord, and then departed thislife. If the lofty judgement sees fit, no-one must be allowed to have theaudacity and the power to change one single rule or custom of that,for it will subvert the basis of the whole state's affairs. I shall not sayany more than this, as this should suffice.
This answer greatly pleased the Amir, and we, Bu Na~r and Mas'adi,went away. The next day Mas'adi came to me, Bu Na~r, and brought amessage from the Khwarazm Shah, which said, "The enemies had donetheir work, but the lord Sultan ordained what was worthy of his great-ness regarding myself, a servant uniquely sincere and devoid of treach-erous intentions, and I know that you are fully aware of the situation.I felt somewhat more at ease in my mind and went off, but you shouldknow for certain [Gh 93] that, after this, should a thousand urgent mat- THE YEAR421 175
[Khotba]
Section
I begin by stating that, amongst the excellent kings of the past are agroup who can be regarded as outstanding, and amongst them twohave been singled out as particularly memorable. One is Alexander, theAncient Greek (yunani), and the other is Ardashir, the Persian (parsi).But since our own lords and monarchs have surpassed these two inall things, one should necessarily know that our kings have been thegreatest on the face of the earth; for Alexander was a man whose royalflame took light strongly, flared up for only a very short while andwas then turned into ashes. His manner of conquering those mightykingdoms and traversing the inhabited regions of the world was akinto that of a sightseer passing through different places. 386 [F 113] As forthose monarchs whom he subdued, when he asked them to submit tohim and style themselves his inferiors, it was as if his action was in-stigated by a solemn oath that he had once vowed to perform and wasnow going through with it so that he would keep to his word (i.e. allthis was triggered by the whim of a moment). But what is the point ofjust wandering around the world? A monarch must keep a tight rein,for by seizing some realm and region but failing to maintain his grip,and then impetuously moving on to invade yet another land, and re-peating the same process and abandoning it, he would have given fullscope for all and sundry to call him weak and impotent. It is generally held that the greatest deeds of Alexander [Gh 97] asrecorded in books were that he killed Darius (Dara), king of the Per-sians, and Porus (Fur), king of India. 387 Yet he committed a demeaningblunder in relation to each of these two. His great blunder regardingDarius was that he betook himself to Nishapur during the course ofhis campaign disguised as a messenger to Darius's army; they recog-nized him and tried to seize him, but he fled, and Darius was killed byhis own trusty retainers, bringing about a drastic reversal in the situa-tion. 388 As for the error regarding Porus, this was that when the battlewas raging between them and became protracted and Porus sought toengage Alexander in single combat, and they fought each other hand-to-hand. It is not fitting that a monarch should accept such a riskr8o TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
You will and humble whomsoever You will. All good things come fromYou; indeed, You have power over all things." 394 Thus one must knowthat, in the Almighty God's Decree, in removing the robe of royalpower from one group and cladding another group in it, there liesa divine wisdom and general concern for the welfare of all creatureson the face of the earth which is beyond human understanding, andno-one [F u5] can fathom this and give a reason for it, let alone beingable to express this outwardly and in their discourse. Although thisrule is correct and true, and one must inescapably be content with theAlmighty God's decree, wise men, if they focus their minds on thisveiled procedure, and explore and probe deeply until they acquire il-lumination by means of this proof, will become firmly assured thatthe Exalted Creator has knowledge of hidden things and prescienceof things still to come. Further, in His knowledge of the Unseen, itwould have been envisaged that, in a certain region in some part of theworld, a man will appear through whom His servants would becomesecure and contented and that land prosperous and fecund. God setsup firm rules, such that, when kingly rule arrives from that seed tothat man, it will have so come to pass that the people of his age, hum-ble and noble, show themselves submissive to him, and are obedientand docile, and in that obedience they do not give themselves over toany shame. Just as He makes manifest this ruler, He will send withhim a group of men as his helpers and servants, suitable for him, onegreater, more competent, more worthy, more courageous and morelearned than the other, so that that region and its people will becomemore adorned by that monarch and by those helpers during that pe-riod which the Almighty God has decreed. Blessed be God, the finestof creatorsf3 95 The same applies to the divine messengers, God's blessings be uponthem all, from the time of Adam to that of the Seal of the Prophets,Mo~tafa (i.e. Mo}:lammad, "the Chosen One"). One must observe that,since the latter was the unique one on the face of the earth, God pro-vided him with helpers of such a calibre that, after his decease, theydid such exalted deeds and raised Islam to such a high level as is mani-fest in the histories and biographies of the Prophet (siyar); and untilthe Resurrection, this faith of Islam (lit. "divine law," shari'at) willcontinue in existence [Gh 99], each day stronger, more apparent andmore exalted, "even though the polytheists may dislike it." 396 (F u6) TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
Further, the matter of the Na~eri, Yamini, l;:lafe?i and Mo'ini dynas-ty, 397 which is today manifest, and which the Exalted Sultan (soltan-emo'a??am) Abu Shoja' Farrokh-zad b. Na~er Din Allah, may Godprolong his existence, holds by inheritance as a lawful inheritance,has likewise come about in this manner. Since the Almighty God waseager that a dynasty with this eminence should become manifest onthe face of the earth, He raised the just Amir Sebiiktegin from thestage of infidelity to the stage of faith, and bestowed upon him thegift of the Muslim religion. Then He raised him up until, stemmingfrom that blessed tree, there appeared branches many degrees moresturdy than the stem itself. With those branches He adorned Islam,and He entrusted them with upholding the power of the successors 398of the Prophet of Islam, so that if one ponders over this, Mal). mud andMas'ud were two bright suns concealed by a morning and a sunsetglow, and with the passing away of that dawn and dusk, the brillianceof those suns has now become apparent. And now, from those suns,several illustrious stars and countless glittering planets are the off-shoot. May this great dynasty endure for ever, each day more power-ful, despite the opponents and the envious onesP 99 When I had finished this section, I began another section such asmay be closer to the heart and which will be easier to follow and re-quire less mental exertion. Know that God Most High has given onepower to the prophets, may God's blessings be upon all of them, andanother power to kings. He has made it incumbent upon the crea-tures on the face of the earth that [F I I 7] they should follow those twopowers and through them recognize that divinely-given straight path.Anyone who considers that as coming from the heavenly firmament,the stars and planets400 and the zodiacal constellations, is denying theDivine Creator His status, and is a Mo'tazelite, a heretic (zendiq), anda materialist and atheist (dahri), and his place is in Hell. We seek ref-uge in God from the withdrawal of His grace. 401 The power specific to the Prophets lies in their evidentiary miracles,that is, things that ordinary people are incapable of doing. The powerof monarchs comprises a discriminating intellect, military might, con-quests and victory over enemies, together with the justice which theydispense in conformity with the commands of God Most High. Forthe distinction between divinely-assisted and successful monarchsand a tyrannical rebel is that, since monarchs are characterised by the THE YEAR421
Section
The greatest sages of ancient times have said that, from among the an-cient revelations which the Almighty God sent through the prophet ofthat age was that he told people, "Know yourself, [Gh 101] for whenyou have come to know yourself, you will understand [other] things."Our Prophet has said, "He who knows himself(i.e. his soul) has cometo know his Lord".405 This is a succinct expression with many mean-ings, for how can anyone who is unable to know himself know otherthings? He is to be accounted among the beasts, indeed, he is evenworse than the beasts since they have no faculty of discernment andhe has. Then, when [F I 19] mulled over, beneath this significant anddeftly expressed and pithy saying is to be found much benefit. Forwhoever knows himself, and realizes that he is alive but will in theend be reduced to nought by death yet will inevitably rise again fromthe grave through the power of the Almighty Creator, such a per-son will know his Creator and will realize His difference from Hiscreatures, and will acquire the right religion and the true creed. Hetherefore knows that he is composed of a mixture of four things, 406 thefundamental basis for his body, and whenever some defectiveness orimbalance occurs in one of these, the correct balance goes awry anddeficiency becomes apparent. Within this body there are three faculties (qovva). One is the fac-ulty of intellect and speech, whose seat is in the head in partnershipwith the heart; the second is that of anger, whose seat is in the heart;and the third is that of desire, whose seat is the liver. Each of these fac-ulties is thought to provide a location for a spirit (nafs), even thoughthey all originate in one body. There is much to be said about thismatter, but if I indulged myself in explaining that, the thrust of the ar-gument would be lost, so I shall make a few apposite points that mayprove generally beneficial. As for the faculty of intellect and speech,it has three seats within the head. 407 One is called the seat of imagi-nation (takhayyol), the first level of which can see and hear things.The second level is the one that can discriminate between things andkeep them in the mind; after this, it is possible to know truth fromfalsehood, and the beautiful from the ugly, and what is possible fromwhat is not possible (i.e. cogitatio). The third level is that which can THE YEAR421
understand and retain in the mind whatever it has seen (i.e. memoria).From this, one should know that in regard to this analogy, the mid-dle one (i.e. the second seat of the faculty of intellect and speech) isthe most important, since it is like a judge (l;akem), to whom resortis made in affairs and who has the responsibility for delivering judge-ments and issuing ordinances. That first level is like the testimony ofa fair and veracious witness who tells the judge whatever he hears andsees (F I 20] so that he may take it to the third level to be preservedand where it can be retrieved when asked for. 408 This is the position ofthe speaking spirit (nafs-e guyanda, i.e. the spiritus loquens). 409 As forthe spirit of anger (nafs-e kheshm-giranda), this is the seat of seekingfame and reputation, the repudiating of disgrace, the throwing-off ofoppression, and the concern for seeking vengeance when it [Gh I02]suffers tyranny and injustice. As for the spirit of desire (nafs-e arzu,i.e. the spiritus appetivus), it is concerned with the love of food andwine and other pleasures.410 One must know very clearly that the rationally speaking spirit isthe ruler-commanding, masterful and overbearing. He must exercisejustice and administer punishment whole-heartedly and firmly butnot so as to uproot all, and display kindness but not so as to leave animpression of weakness. Thus anger is the army of this ruler, throughwhich he repairs deficiencies, secures the frontiers, wards off the en-emy and protects the subjects. The army must be totally ready, andthus equipped and prepared to carry out his command. Desire is thesubject population of this king; it is vital that they should be in com-plete fear of the king and the army and give them obedience. Whosoever fits the conditions I have mentioned and deploys thesethree faculties to the full, in such a way that they interact in a balancedway, deserves to be called virtuous and perfect in intellect and wisdom.Hence if within a man one of these faculties gains an ascendancy overanother, there will inescapably arise a deficiency there commensuratewith the ascendancy. When the make-up of a man is closely scruti-nized, it seems akin to that of the beasts. However, man, to whom theAlmighty God has given these two divine favours which are knowl-edge and works, must necessarily be distinguished from beasts, and issubject to rewards and punishments. Hence one can now, of necessity,know that whoever [F I 2 I] attains this level is obliged to keep his ownbody under his personal control so that he may traverse whichever186 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
way is more praiseworthy and so that he may know the exact pointmarking the distinction between goodness and evil. He can then in-cline towards whichever is the more praiseworthy, and be free fromwhat is the more blameworthy and abstain from it. Given the above considerations, two ways present themselves now,one right and the other crooked, and they bear signs from which thegood can be distinguished from the bad. A man of discernment mustreflect upon the conduct of other people: whatever appears good tohim, he will know that it is good and then compare his own conductwith that; for if he does not find it in accord with that, he will knowthat it is evil, since a man cannot discern his own shortcomings. Acertain wise man has demonstrated that in an allusive fashion, sayingthat no-one has the eye for discerning faults, (Poetry)1. I see that every human being sees the faults of another, but is blind to the fault within himself2. A man's own faults are in every case hidden from him, whereas the fault within his brother is clear to him.411 [Gh 103]It may happen that a man has a perfect intellect, and the faculties ofanger and desire become dominant in him, so that the intellectualfaculty is overcome and flees away, and this person inevitably fallsinto error. It may be that he realizes that he has fallen between twogreat enemies, both of which are stronger than his intellect, hencehe must employ many stratagems with his intellect in order to pre-vail over these two enemies; as has been said, "Woe to the strong onecaught between two weak ones/".412 So when a weak thing falls be-tween two strong things, one can realize what the situation is like,and at that point defects and blameworthy things show themselveswhile good qualities and merits remain hidden. Men of learning havelikened the human body to a house with a man, a pig, and a lion in-side it [F122]. By man they meant the intellect, by pig desire, and bylion anger. 413 And they have said that out of these three, whicheveris stronger, the house is his. For them, this is a matter of direct ob-servation as well as of understanding through analogy; for whoeveris able to keep a firm grip on his body and is able to break the back(lit. "neck") of greed and desire is worthy of being called a wise andself-possessed person; whoever is totally gripped by his passions, to THE YEAR 421
the extent that everything inclines towards desire and the eye of hisintellect remains blind, is like a pig; and whoever is dominated bywrath, and in that angry state never inclines towards clemency andcompassion, is like a lion. This topic must necessarily be expounded more clearly. If somecaptious person should say that, if desire and anger did not have toexist, God, He is magnified and exalted, would not have created themwithin a man's body, then the answer to that is that in everythingwhich the Creator, may His mightiness be magnified, has createdthere is some benefit for mankind, general and apparent. If He did notcreate an appetite, no-one would incline towards food, which is themainstay of the body, nor towards sexual coupling, which ensures theperpetuation of the race, and no human being would be left and theworld would be in ruins. If He did not create anger, no-one would sethis face towards exacting revenge, protecting himself from disgraceand oppression, concerning himself with exacting retribution, andshielding his family and possessions from predators, and he would nolonger be able to protect his own interests. But the appropriate and commendable course is that the facultiesof desire and anger should obey the faculty of the intellect, and that aman should consider both these faculties as a horse which he mountsand rides how he likes. If it is not docile [Gh 104] and does not pro-vide a good back for the rider, he straightaway instils fear into it bythe whip, and thrashes it if necessary, and if required, he hobbles it414[F 123] and ties it up securely in its stable so that it cannot be unshack-led, for if it were let loose, the horse would destroy both itself andits rider. A man should know that these two enemies within him areenemies of the toughest and strongest breed, so that he should alwaysbe on his guard against them lest they deceive and profess friendshipas if, like the intellect, they were true friends to him, so that he is ledto perform an evil act and harm someone and think that he has actedjustly. In whatever he intends to do, he should consult his true friend,the intellect, in order to be secure from the guile of these two foes. Every servant on whom the Almighty God has bestowed a clear in-tellect, who lays open to this intellect, which is in truth his friend, cir-cumstances and events, and who by means of that intellect becomesthe friend of knowledge, reads the histories of past generations andponders over415 them, and also looks at the affairs of his own time- 188 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
such a servant can know what good conduct is and what bad conduct is, and whether the consequences of both of them are good or not, and will know what people say and favour, and what constitutes the best memorial a man can leave behind. There are many sages who direct men to travel along the way of correct behaviour but do not themselves go along that road which they have pointed out. I see a great number of persons who "com- mand people to do what is good and forbid them from what is bad "416 and tell people that such-and-such a deed must not be done and some other such deed must be done, while considering themselves above all that! In the same way, there are many physicians who assert that one must not eat a certain thing as liable to bring about a certain malady, [F 124] but then go on to eat vast amounts of that same thing. Then there are also philosophers, who are regarded as physicians of morals and who pronounce against many a heinous deed, and yet when they find the coast clear, they indulge in those very acts. Ignorant people, who are incapable of deciphering the consequences of their deeds, can be excused on the grounds of their ignorance; but those perceptive enough to realize the significance of their actions have no excuse. The wise man possessing firm resolution and determination is he who, because of [Gh 105] his own clear reason, has indeed become sin- gle-minded and has subjugated his enthusiasm (/:Jemyat) for vain de- sires.417 So if a man does not find his own resolve sufficient enough, he should select a few persons, the more virtuous and capable of provid- ing sound advice the better, in order to point out his faults to him, and when he is combatting those mighty enemies who are lodged within his heart and soul, and finds them overpowering, he can seek advice from these counsellors and be directed to the right path. The Cho- sen One (i.e. Mo}:Iammad) has said, "The believer is the mirror of the believer" (al-mo'men mer'at al-mo'men). 418 Galen (Jalinus) was the greatest of the wise men of his age, unequalled in the science of medi- cine and anatomy (lit. "flesh and blood") and the humours (taba'e') of the human body, and unsurpassed in the treatment of moral and ethi- cal aspects, in which context he has some excellent epistles concerning an individual's self-knowledge from which readers may derive much profit. 419 The basic thrust of the argument, according to him, is that"An intelligent person who cannot recognize the error of his ways and finds himself at fault, should make it his duty to select amongst his THE YEAR421
friends [F 125] the wisest and the one most capable of giving soundadvice, and to commission him to enquire into his own circumstances,habits, and manners so that the friend can lay open before him, dis-passionately, his virtues and faults. Monarchs are more needful of thisthan anyone else, for their commands are as incisive as a sword blade,and no-one dares to oppose them and any error of judgement issuingfrom them is hard to unravel." I read in the Akhbar-e moluk-e 'Ajam "Historical accounts of thePersian Kings", as translated by Ebn Moqaffa', 420 that it was the cus-tom of their greatest and most virtuous monarchs to have the wisestsages of the age present and seated in their company at all times of dayand night until they retired to sleep. These men would restrain themand enlighten them about events, 421 and would point out whatever wasworthy of praise or blame in the affairs, customs and commands oftheir proud and powerful monarchs. Then when the king was stirredby a reprehensible passion and wished to give vent to and exercisehis wrath, thereby causing much bloodshed [Gh ro6] and the destruc-tion of notable families, those wise men would delve into that matterand lay before him the good and bad consequences of his action andwould recount to him stories and chronicles of past kings, cautioningand advising him by appealing to the divine law (share). In this way,they enabled him to evaluate the situation through his own intellectand reasoning; that anger and impetuosity of his would subside, andhe would do what was incumbent upon him according to the normsof justice and uprightness. For when he is carried away by anger anddisplays impetuosity, it signifies that a great affliction has overcome[F 126] his intellect and that he has become needful of a physicianwho can cure that affliction so that the turbulence subsides. All men, whether they be monarchs or not, have a spirit (nafs),which they call the soul (rub), most noble and substantial, and have abody (tan) which they call the jesm, very insignificant and petty. Nowwhile they (i.e. monarchs and people at large) have their appointedphysicians and healers for the body so that they can quickly treat anyillness which may befall them, and can concoct medicines and dishesin response so that they return to health, it would be even more fittingto select physicians and healers for the soul so that they may cure anyaffliction there too. For any wise man who does not do this has madea bad choice, since he has neglected the most important aspect and TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
tackled the least important one. Just as those physicians of the bodyhave potions and medicinal plants brought from India and every otherplace, these physicians of the mind also have medicines; those are theintellect and worthy experiences, whether observed directly or readabout in books. I have read in the historical accounts of the Samanids that Na~r b.A}:J.mad the Samanid was eight years old when he was orphaned by hisfather's death, since they killed A}:J.mad at the hunting ground and thenext day raised the child to the royal throne in his father's place.422That lion's cub grew up to be a very agreeable prince, and masteredall the arts of kingship and was peerless in his time. But he had in himexcessive amounts of devilry, bile, pugnacity and aggressiveness, andhe issued drastic commands out of anger so that people kept awayfrom him in fear and revulsion. Despite all this, he would resort to hisown reasoning faculty and would realize that this conduct was mostreprehensible. [Gh 107] One day he closeted himself with Bal 'ami, his senior vizier, and BuTayyeb [F 127] Mo~'abi, Head of the Chancery'123 -both of these menbeing peerless in their time in all branches of learning-and he gavethem a full account of his condition. He said, "I know that I am com-mitting a grave error in the way I conduct myself, but I cannot controlmy anger, and when its flame dies down, I am filled with remorse; butwhat does this avail, since heads have rolled, households uprooted andthe rod applied without limit? What is to be done?" They replied, "Itmay be that the right course is for the lord to station before himself thewisest of his boon-companions, in whom, together with the completewisdom which they possess, there may be mercy, compassion and for-bearance.424 Also, he should give them an injunction that, without anyholding back, when the lord is carried away by anger, they shouldmake unstinting intercession and dampen down that anger by sub-tle and gentle methods; and when he ordains something good, theyshould render it attractive in his sight so that he may ordain more likeit. We believe that if the matter is handled thus, matters will return toa normal and beneficial state." This suggestion was highly pleasing to Na~r b. A}:J.mad, and heap-proved of their speech and praised what they said. He said, "I'll addanother proviso to make this complete: I swear a solemn oath that,whenever I issue an order in a fit of anger, they should not put it into THE YEAR421
practice for three days in order to allow the fire of my anger to cooldown and the pleas of intercessors to sink in. Then at that point I willlook into it and make enquiries, so that if it transpires that my angerwas justified, they will apply the rod to a moderate extent, say lessthan a hundred strokes; but if I was carried away unjustifiably, I willannul that punishment and reinstate and promote those persons forwhom I had ordered correction, if indeed they merit promotion, and ifthe punishment is in line with the requirements of the divine law andaccording to the sentence of the judges, it will be carried out." [F 128]Bal'ami and Bu Tayyeb replied, "Nothing else remains to be said, andmatters have returned to a normal and beneficial state." Na~r b. Al_tmad then issued a command, saying, "Go round andseek out within my realm the wisest men, and whatever number maybe found, let them be brought to the court so that I may commandwhatever is necessary." These two eminent men went away feelingvery relieved and contented, for hitherto they had to bear the bruntof the calamities. 425 They made a thorough search among the wholebody of wise men [Gh 108] in the realm, and out of them brought backseventy odd persons, of high quality, good family and resourceful-ness, to Bokhara. They informed Na~r b. Al_tmad, and he ordered thatthese seventy odd selected persons should be tested for a year so that,out of these, a handful of the wisest ones might be chosen. This wasdone, and out of that group three old men emerged, the wisest, mostexcellent and most experienced. They were brought before Na~r b.Al_tmad and he tested them for a week. When he found them unique intheir high qualities, he told them his secret, wrote out a copy of a verysolemn oath in his own handwriting and read it out. He gave the threemen permission to make intercession on any matter and to speak en-tirely freely. This state of affairs went on for a year. Na~r had becomeanother Al_tnaf b. Qeys in magnanimity and forbearance to the extentthat he became proverbial for this quality, and his blameworthy traitswere altogether removed from him. 426 This section has come to an end also, and although I have beensomewhat lengthy in my discourse, I know that judicious readerswill find it acceptable, for anything penned on paper is worth readingthrough once; and after this present age, people in later eras will referto and learn from it. I am convinced that today, as I am composingthis History at this exalted court-may it endure for ever-there are TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
men of great stature who would truly have hit the mark if they hadembarked on a chronicle of this monarch, Mas'ud's, reign, and woulddemonstrate to everyone that they are accomplished equestrians, andthat in their company I am a mere footsoldier [F 129] with a goutylimp,417 and it would have been more appropriate for them to writeand for me to learn, and for them to speak and for me to listen. Butsince they are taken up by the affairs of state and are pre-occupiedby important tasks, and exert their considerable talent and capabilityto ensure that no crisis ever occurs to gladden the heart of an enemyor an envious party and gratify their wishes, 428 how can they findtime for writing history and collecting historical reports and record-ing them, and how can they put their hearts and minds to it? Hence Imyself, functioning as a deputy for them, undertook this task, sinceit was possible that if I did hang back and wait for them to embark onthis task, it would be to no avail for they would never find the time todo it, and when a long period of time elapsed, these historical accounts[Gh 109] would fade from people's memory and the matter would betaken up by someone without my grasp and mastery of the material(lit. "would not have had the horsemanship for this mount"), and themighty achievements of this illustrious house would be effaced. I have seen many histories which, before my time, their servantshave composed for past monarchs, and in which they have made addi-tions and left things out and have sought to embellish those historiesby means of them. Now the position of the monarchs of this house-may God have mercy on its past monarchs and exalt those who remainalive now!-is the opposite of that, since, praise be to God Most High,their lofty virtues are resplendent like the shining sun, and the Al-mighty God has relieved me of the need to put on a false glitter or acloak of deceit on my account, since I have clear proof for what I havewritten so far and for what I am going to write in the future. When I completed these sections from the khotba, I went back towriting the History, [F I 30] and I seek the favour of Almighty Godfor its completion according to the rules of historical writing. 429
after Amir Ma}:tmud returned from Ray and entrusted that provinceto him. The other was concerned with the good fortune which cameto him after his father's decease, through the favour of the AlmightyGod, during his brother Mo}:tammad's governorship in Ghaznin untilthat time when he reached Herat and his affairs went smoothly andharmoniously and his desires were completely realized, as readershave been informed. There were various remarkable things and won-ders that befell him in his father's time; these comprised several events,all of which I have recounted in this History in their appropriate placein the annals of the reign of Amir Ma}:tmud. There were also several other points well worth knowing whichhad taken place in the time of his youth when he grew in stature andhis father made him his designated heir. I had heard something aboutthis when I was in Nishapur, not having yet acquired the good for-tune of serving this dynasty, may God maintain it, and I was foreverseeking to hear an account from a reliable eye-witness, but to no avail,until I embarked on writing this History and became even more ea-ger to succeed in my search. For I have been engaged on this task formany years, and I feared that if those details were not retrieved bythe time I reached the blessed era of this monarch Mas'ud, their losswould have been deleterious. However, a felicitous happening occurred in the opening daysof the year [Gh 110] 450 [/March 1058] when Kh•aja Bu Sa'd430 'Abdal-Ghaffar Fakher b. Sharif, I;lamid Amir al-Mo'menin,431 may Godperpetuate his exalted status, displayed his magnanimity and soughtme out in the corner of my retirement and took the trouble to ap-proach me. He gave me what I was seeking, and [F I 31] then wroteit out in his own hand. He is such a reliable authority that anythingwith the stamp of his intellect and learning upon it requires no otherwitness. For this Kh•aja, may God keep him in a blessed state, wasin the service of this monarch from the age of fourteen, and experi-enced many vicissitudes of fortune during that period of service withhim, suffered various hardships and performed momentous deeds ofgreat daring and significance in the company of a king like Ma}:tmud.Hence when the lord attained the royal throne, he inevitably held himin high esteem and with complete trust. My contact with this Kh•aja came from the latter part of the year[4]21 [/end of 1030] when the banner of the Martyred Sultan Mas'ud194 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
During the months of the year 401 [/roro-u], when Amir Mal).mudmarched off to wage holy war against Ghur from Bast by way of theZamindavar road, he ordered that his two sons, Amirs Mas'ud andMol).ammad, and his brother Yusof should stay behind in Zamindavarand also that the heaviest baggage should be left there. These twoprinces were fourteen years old 437 and Yusof was seventeen years old.He kept them back there because he used to consider Zamindavar asan auspicious place since it was the province allocated to him for hisfirst governorship by his father, the just Amir Sebiiktegin. When thatmonarch Mal).mud went to Ghur, those [three] Amirs were left at thehouse of Baytegin438 Zamindavari, who had been appointed governorof that region by [F 133] Amir Mal).mud. The latter ordered my grand-father-the grandfather of myself, 'Abd al-Ghaffar-to take chargeof looking after them and to issue to them faithfully their appointedstipends and living allowances as was necessary. I had a grandmother,a woman who was pious and modest, a reciter of the Qor'an, whoknew how to write and who also was well acquainted with Qor'anicexegesis, the interpretation of dreams, and historical reports aboutthe Prophet. In addition to these achievements, she used to preparedelicious food and most refreshing drinks; she was a marvel at those.Both my grandfather and grandmother were thus engaged in attend-ing to those princes who had been lodged there. They would ask thatold woman for sweets and things to eat and make other requests, andshe would be meticulous in preparing their requests and presentingthem in a most pleasing way, and they used frequently to ask her to re-gale them with religious sayings and stories, [Gh 112] and they wouldbe enthralled by them. I myself was very advanced for my age andused to attend the school for Qor'an learning and recitation; and Iwould render some service, as children are wont to do, and then goback. It happened that Amir Mas'ud said to his tutor, who was calledB.sal.mi (?), 439 "'Abd al-Ghaffar must be taught something of politelearning (adab)." He taught me two or three odes from the Divan ofMotanabbi and Qefa nabki,440 and this made me more self-confident. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
At that time, I saw them seated in that manner for which the eunuch(khadem) Reyl;tan had been appointed by Amir Mal;tmud to overseeand regulate. He would bring in Amir Mas'ud, and they would sethim down first in the place of honour. Then they would bring in AmirMol;tammad and set him down on his right, in such a way that oneof his knees would be outside the place of honour and the other onthe cushion, and then Amir Yusof would be brought in and set downoutside the place of honour on the left-hand side. When they usedto mount for outdoor activities and polo,441 Mol;tammad and Yusof[F 134] would be in attendance before Amir Mas'ud together with achamberlain who had been appointed for that purpose. At the timeof the afternoon worship, when the tutor would return, first thosetwo, Mol;tammad and Yusof, would retire and go away, and then AmirMas'ud an hour after that. The eunuch Reyl;tan was supervising allthese arrangements, and if he saw anything improper, he would pointit out most vociferously. Twice a week they would mount and go out to the rural areas. AmirMas'ud had the custom that, every time he rode out, he would offerthem (i.e. the people of the rural areas) hospitality. Many items of foodwould be brought out with great ceremony from my grandfather andgrandmother, for on many occasions he would ask for things secretlyso that no-one in the [royal] kitchen knew about it. There was a younggholam called Qarategin442 whose job it was to bring messages to mygrandfather and grandmother (it is said that this Qarategin was at firsta gholam of the Amir; at Herat he was promoted to the rank of troopcommander, and from that rank became a general for Amir Mas'ud).They used to bring items of food out to the open country at his whim,and the Amir used to invite I:Iasan, the son of Amir Farighun, Amirof Guzganan, 443 and others of his peers, and bestow presents on themafter eating. Baytegin Zamindavari, the governor of the region, was also at firsta gholam of Amir Mal;tmud, and the latter [Gh 113] held him in es-teem. He had a very capable and pious wife, and afterwards, whenAmir Mas'ud succeeded his father on the royal throne, he used to holdthis woman in great esteem out of respect for her past services, as ifshe were on a level with the lady, the queen mother. On several oc-casions here in Ghaznin at Amir Mas'ud's court sessions-and I wasmyself present-this woman would talk about old times, and [F 135] THE YEAR421 197
would reminisce about those virtuous deeds and ways of the Amir(i.e. of Mabmud), and this would please Amir Mas'ud greatly and hewould ask many questions about those places and rural areas and theirlocal fare and produce. At the time when Amir Mabmud seized Sis-tan and overthrew Khalaf, 444 this Baytegin Zamindavari had broughtback with him one hundred and thirty peacocks and peahens. It wassaid that they were indigenous to Zamindavar, and there were someof them in our houses. They would mostly hatch their young in thedomed roofs. Amir Mas'ud used to be fond of them and would comein search of them on the roofs; in our house they had laid eggs in adome in two or three places and produced chicks. One day he shouted down from the roof to my grandmother andsummoned her. When she came, he said, "I saw in a dream that Iwas in the land of Ghur, and just like here, there were strongholdsthere too with many peacocks and cock fowls. I was catching themand putting them under my coat, and underneath my coat they werefluttering and rolling about. You know everything: what is the inter-pretation of this?" The old woman replied, "If God wills, the Amirwill seize the princes of Ghur and the Ghuris will be subjugated."He said, "I haven't taken over my father's authority, so how can Iseize them?" The old woman answered, "When you grow up, if theAlmighty God so wills it, this will come to pass, for I remember yourfather, the Sultan, when he was here in his youth and held this prov-ince. Now he has seized the greater part of the world and is aboutto conquer still more; you will be just like your father." The Amirreplied, "If God wills." In the end, it turned out just as he had seen inthe dream, and the region of Ghur fell under his obedience. He hadmany fine exploits in Ghur, as will be mentioned in this account ofhis exploits. During the months of the year 411 445 [!Io2o-1], [F 136]when it happened that I, 'Abd al-Ghaffar, came to join the serviceof this monarch, may God be pleased with him, he commanded meto bring with me several of those peacocks and peahens. Six pairswere brought, and he ordered them to be put in the garden. They laideggs and produced chicks. There is a breed at Herat derived fromthem. The princes of Ghur came to render service to the Amir, somewillingly, some unwillingly, for he performed such great exploits[Gh 114] [in their land] that they were filled with fear and were re-duced to quiescence. For at no time was it indicated, nor was it to be TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
read in any books, that the Ghuris were so obedient and submissiveto a monarch as they were to him. In the year 405 [ho14-15], Amir Ma}:lmud set out from Bost ona raid against the region of Khvabin, which is one of the districts ofGhur bordering on Bost and Zamindavar. 446 The infidels there wereextremely malevolent and powerful, and controlled many defiles andwell-fortified strongholds. He had brought Amir Mas'ud along withhim, and Mas'ud performed great deeds in the presence of his fatherand numerous heroic exploits, including knocking the champion war-rior of the Ghuris off the back of his horse. 447 When a group of theGhuris took refuge in their stronghold, one of their commanders stoodon a tower of the fortress and was showing great courage and audac-ity in the face of the attackers and causing the Muslims much trouble.Mas'ud loosed a single arrow at the man's throat, killing him with thatshot, and he fell down from the tower. His companions thereuponlost heart and yielded up the stronghold. All this was thanks to onebold, manly shot. When Amir Ma}:lmud finished the engagement andreturned to his tent, he brought in that lion cub for a feast, showeredhim with favours and ordered an increase in the privileges allotted tohim. It was because of these and similar exploits that Ma}:lmud ap-pointed him, while still in his early youth, as his designated heir, be-cause he perceived and realized that, when he himself should departfrom this deceitful abode, no-one apart from Mas'ud could preservethis great house, may it always endure! And behold, the clear proof isapparent that it is twenty-nine years since the death of Amir Ma}:lmud,[F 137] and in spite of the many setbacks (tanazzolat) that occurred,those praiseworthy customs and established practices, the security,justice and the decorum in affairs of government that is in evidenceat this great court today, cannot be found elsewhere, and there is notrace of unbelief anywhere in this land of Islam. 448 May this greathouse always stand firm, may its upholders always be victorious andits enemies crushed, and may the Exalted Sultan Farrokh-zad, the sonof this great monarch Mas'ud, bask in the enjoyment of power, thefulfilment of his aims and enjoy to the full his royal power and hisyouth, through the divine right of Mobammad and his family! In the year 411[ho20-21], the Amir Mas'ud went to Herat andmarched against Ghur. 449 On Sunday, 10 Jomada I [II September1020] he set off from Herat with a large force of cavalry and infantry THEYEAR421 199
and with five swift and lightly-armoured elephants. The first halt-ing-place [Gh ns] was at Bashan, the next at Kheysar, and the nextat B.r.yan,450 where he waited for two days for the whole of the armyto come up. Then from there he proceeded to Par and stayed theretwo days, then from there to Chesht, then from there went forth toBagh-e Vazir, that rebat 451 being the first point on the frontier withGhur. When the Ghuris got news of his approach, they took refugein their securely-built fortresses and prepared for war. Before em-barking on this expedition, the Amir had conciliated and won overto his side Bu'l-I:Iasan b. Khalaf, one of the most prominent of thechieftains (moqaddam) in Ghur, and brought him into his obedi-ence. The Amir had pre-arranged with him [F 138] to be there with awell-prepared force at this rebat when the victorious royal troops ar-rived. On this day, Bu'l-I:Iasan appeared with a large, well-equippedarmy which was said to have numbered 3,ooo cavalry and infantry.He came forward, rendered service, having brought many offerings452and gifts, comprising shields, mailed coats and whatever was specialto Ghur. The Amir welcomed him heartily. On his heels there cameShirvan, another chieftain from the frontier region between Ghur andGuzganan, whom prince Mas'ud had conciliated and won over, withnumerous cavalry and infantry and bringing boundless presents. 453Amir Mol_tammad, by virtue of the fact that this man's territory ad-joined Guzganan, had used many stratagems and devices to attractthis chieftain to his own side and thereby bring him into his own fol-lowing, although of course he had not responded favourably, since allthe world was on Mas'ud's side. When these two chieftains arrived and the Amir was reinforcedwith their men, he departed from this place on the Friday and set offin the vanguard, unencumbered and ready for battle, with a force ofabout fifty or sixty gholams and two hundred infantrymen of themost dashing picked from all ethnic groups. 454 He arrived at a strong-hold that had the local name of B.r.t.r, an exceedingly secure fortressand with heavily-armed defending warriors. [Gh I 16] The Amir wentall round the fortress and looked at places suitable for fighting. Thatfortress and its defenders did not appear in his sight and to his loftydetermination and courage as anything much. He did not wait forthe mass of the army to come up, but joined battle with that forceof men he had with him, and led the onslaught with his own noble200 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
person [F 139], with the gholams and infantrymen. They shouted thetriumphal cry "God is great!" (i.e. the takbir). The accursed defend-ers in the Ghurid stronghold rose up in challenge and with one ac-cord let out a terrifying shout that almost rent the earth asunder. Theywere under the impression that the entire army consisted of those atthe foot of the fortress. The Amir told the gholams, "Let your handsloose your arrows!" The gholams began to shoot their arrows, andshot such an intense hail that none of the Ghuris dared to raise hishead above [the parapet of] the tower. The infantrymen, exploitingthis advantage, 455 began to assault the tower using scaling ropes, andwrought great slaughter, and those accursed ones took to flight. Thegholams and infantrymen cleared out the Ghuris from the fortifica-tions and towers, and killed large numbers of them, took many pris-oners and gained great plunder of all kinds. After that stronghold hadbeen taken, the rest of the army arrived, and all of them applaudedvociferously the fact that a fortress like that had been taken by such asmall number of men. From there, the Amir marched onwards to the district of R.zan.When the news of the fall of this fortress B.r.t.r had reached the peopleof R.zan, the greater part of them had fled and only a small numberof people remained in those forts (kushk). The Amir offered them aguarantee of quarter and of safe conduct with the result that the massof fugitives returned, agreed to pay tribute, and handed over numer-ous presents, including gold, silver and weapons. From this vicinity toJorvas, 456 the seat of Darmish Bat,457 was ten parasangs. The Amir didnot launch an assault and attack on it because this Darmish Bat hadsent an envoy and had offered to submit and become a vassal, promis-ing that when the Amir returned to Herat he would come and renderservice and would hand over the tribute. The Amir turned away and led the army to the region of V.y. 458[Gh rr7] This last [F 140] is one of the most highly fortified re-gions in the whole of Ghur, and its men most warlike and valiant.It had been the centre of ruling power for the Ghuris in times past,and every ruler who held that particular place used to control thewhole region. Before the Amir began his advance on that place, hesent there a scholar (daneshmand) as an envoy, accompanied by twoGhuris, retainers of Bu'l-I;Iasan b. Khalaf and Shirvan, to act as in-terpreters,459 and he conveyed messages couched in strong terms, full THE YEAR421 201
of the midday worship, the main wall came down [Gh 119] throughthe stones hurled by the mangonels, and there arose a cloud of dust,smoke and fire. The stronghold was breached and the Ghuris withinit thrown into a panic. The troops converged on the breach from allfour sides. Those accursed ones fought fiercely within that breach,parading their martial skills to the full since they were fighting fortheir lives. In the end, they were routed, and the Amir's troops tookthe stronghold by the sword. Large numbers of the Ghuris werekilled, and many of the Ghuris asked for quarter , which was grant-ed and they became captives. The number of the captives and theamount of plunder exceeded all counts and measures. The Amir gaveorders for a herald to go round and proclaim, "I bestow the property,the silver and gold, and the captives on the army, but the weaponsthat have been acquired are to be brought forward." A large numberof weapons of all kinds were brought to the door of the Amir's tent.Those of them which were the most useful or most fine and rare weretaken away as the Amir's personal share 462 while the rest were di-vided up among the troops. He handed over half of the prisoners toBu'l-I:lasan b. Khalaf and half to Shirvan for them to transport backto their own principalities. The Amir gave orders for them [F 143]to level that stronghold with the ground so that evildoers should nolonger find a refuge there. 463 When news of the fate of the village and the stronghold and theirdefenders reached the Ghuris, they all became obedient and submis-sive; and stricken with fear, they offered to pay tribute. Darmish Batwas likewise filled with fear, realizing that if an attack should be madeon his territory, he would be overthrown within a week. He des-patched an envoy, displaying a very high degree of obedience and sub-missiveness, and offering an increased amount of tribute and presentsover what he had previously agreed to pay. Bu'l-I:lasan b. Khalaf andShirvan, whom he had asked to act as intercessors and to whom hehad sent messages, interceded for him, with the result that the Amiraccepted his excuses and refrained from attacking him. The Amir gaveorders for Darmish Bat's envoy to be sent back with due decorum, onthe condition that he give back all the fortresses which he had seizedalong the frontiers with Gharjestan. 464 Darmish Bat reluctantly andthrough necessity 465 entrusted the fortresses to the Amir's castellans,and sent all that he had pledged to the court while the Amir was still204 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
admonish him in his letters and furnish him with advice, for Mas'ud was Ma]:tmud 's designated heir and he knew that the royal throne would one day be his. And just as his father secretly had spies (jasusan) over him, so he too secretly had them, from the same ranks, over his father, and they would report whatever was happening. One of these was the eunuch Nushtegin, his special servant (kha$$a), 477 for no other servant was as close to Amir Ma]:tmud as him, and I:Iorra Khottali, Mas'ud's paternal aunt, was completely besotted by him (i.e. by Mas'ud). It so happened that the information about the summer-house with the erotic paintings was reported to Amir Ma]:tmud in extreme secre- cy, and it was indicated that "When one has passed from the 'Adnani Palace there is a large garden. On the right side of this garden is a large pool, and on the left side of this pool is the summer-house in question. There are two locks on it night and day, above and below, and they are opened at the time when Amir Mas'ud goes for his siesta there. The keys are held by a eunuch called Besharat." When Amir Ma]:tmud learnt about this state of affairs, he came to the large tent at the time of the midday siesta and told his special serv- ant, the eunuch Nushtegin, about this message, and gave the order,"Tell so-and-so kheyltash," who was a swift rider unequalled among his class, "that he is to get ready to be sent to a certain place on an im- portant mission, so that he may ride quickly and ascertain the status of this summer-house. No-one must become aware of this matter." Nushtegin replied, "I obey the command." The Amir then went to sleep, and Nushtegin came to his own tent, and detailed a trooper from his own crack cavalrymen (div-sovaran), with three of his own choice horses, instructing him to travel to Herat in complete secrecy to Amir Mas'ud within six days, six nights and half a day. He wrote in his own hand a brief private message to Amir Mas'ud informing him of these developments and saying, "After this cavalry trooper of mine, a kheyltash of the Sultan's will come, one-and-a-half days after the arrival of this trooper, in order to see that summer-house of yours.This kheyltash will not be intimidated by anyone [F 147] and will go straightaway to the house and break the locks. The Amir should at- tend to this matter at once and act as he sees fit." That crack cavalry trooper rode off immediately. Nushtegin then sent someone for the kheyltash who had been designated for this mission, and he came all ready and prepared. Amir Ma]:tmud woke from his sleep between the THE YEAR421 207
two times of worship, 478 performed the midday worship and havingcompleted it, summoned Nushtegin [Gh 123] and enquired, "Did thekheyltash come?" He replied, "He came, and is waiting in my tent."The Amir said, "Bring a pen-case and paper. Nushtegin brought theseand the Amir wrote out in his own hand an open document settingforth his mandate, 479 in these terms: In the name of God, the Merciful, the CompassionateMabmud b. Sebiiktegin's order to this kheyltash is that he should go toHerat within eight days. When he reaches there, he is to go straighta-way to my son Mas'ud's palace. He should fear no-one, should drawhis sword and should cut off the head of anyone who impedes hisprogress. He should go down through the 'Adnani Palace, paying noheed to my son, to the garden. On the right side of the garden is a pool,and beside it on the left, a summer-house. He is to go inside that sum-mer-house, take a good look at its walls to ascertain what is on them,and see what there is in that house. Then he is to return immediately,without speaking to anyone, and head back to Ghaznin. It is incum-bent upon the Chamberlain Qotloghtegin Beheshti480 (i.e. Mas'ud'sdoor-keeper) to act according to this order, if he values his life, andif he shows any partiality (i.e. for Mas'ud's interests), he will lose hislife. He must provide the kheyltash with all necessary assistance sothat he maintains his position in our esteem, with God's 'will and Hisassistance. Farewell!When this letter had been written, Mabmud summoned the kheyltashand he affixed his seal to that official mandate 481 [F 148] and gave it tohim, saying, "It is so required that you go to Herat within eight days,do such-and-such and such-and-such, acquire information about allthe matters which have been set forth, and keep this affair secret."The kheyltash kissed the ground and said, "I'll carry out the orders,"and went back. The Amir told his special servant Nushtegin, "Thekheyltash must be given a good-running horse from the Royal Sta-ble and 5,000 dirhams." Nushtegin came outside from the palace andspent a considerable time on giving out the horse and the silver and incarefully selecting the best horse, using up the entire day,482 and whenthe evening worship had been performed, the kheyltash was given hisneeds and he left swiftly.208 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
there and evacuate the palaces. The womenfolk [Gh 125] and thegholams accordingly left. Then Qotloghtegin Beheshti, the moshrefand the postmaster and intelligence officer conducted the kheyltashround all the palaces and showed each place to him one by one, un-til he had seen them all and it became apparent that there was nosummer-house of the sort which had been reported. Letters werethen composed laying out the aspects of the case, the kheyltash wasgiven 1o,ooo dirhams and he was sent back home. Amir Mas'ud, mayGod be pleased with him, returned to the town. When the kheyltashreached Ghaznin, and had recounted all that had passed and theletters had also been perused, Amir Mal:tmud exclaimed, "They aretelling many lies about this son of mine," and he cut short any moreof those searches and enquiries. Also in that time of his early manhood and youth, he used to in-dulge in arduous physical exercises, such as trials of strength, liftingheavy stones, wrestling and suchlike activities. [F 150] He had givenorders for the construction of traps 485 for catching pelicans and otherbirds. I have several times seen him mount and ride forth on daysof intense cold and heavy snowfalls, go to the hunting grounds andhunt there on foot, and endure such hardships between the times ofthe two worships (i.e. in the morning) of an intensity naught but ahard stone could withstand. He used to put his boots on his bare feetwith no covering in such conditions of cold and hardship, and wouldsay, "One should get accustomed to such things, so that one wouldnot be helpless when faced with an arduous task or difficult condi-tions." In the same way, he used to go out hunting lions as far as themeadows of Esfezar486 and Adraskan, and from those wild lands andthickets to Farah and Zir.kan and Sh.y.r.n.r (sarbor) 487• When he hadpassed by these places, he would come back to Bast and Ghaznin. Heused to go after lions alone, and would not allow any of his gholamsor retinue to give any help. He acted in this way because [Gh 126]he possessed such strength and courage that if his weapon failed todeliver the fatal blow, he would himself tackle the lion valiantly andkill it swiftly. At the time when he was on his way to Multan with the intentionof taking up residence there, for his father had become estranged fromhim on account of allegations fabricated against him488 -and that is along story-he encountered a lion in the vicinity of Kikanan489 at a210 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
time when he was suffering from a quartan fever. He had the customthat, when the lion advanced, he would take a short javelin (khesht)with a strong handle in his hand, and a short, thick-stemmed spear(neyza) so that if he should hurl the javelin and it should prove inef-fective, [F 151] he could quickly use his spear to pierce through thelion and hold it fixed on the spot-and he did all this alone, with hisown strength and might-so that the lion would twist and turn uponhis spear to the point when it became weakened and fell down. It usedto happen that the lion would show itself stronger in the struggle, andhe would order the gholams to intervene and hack the lion to pieceswith their swords and battleaxes.490 On this particular day it happenedthat he hurled his javelin, but the lion dodged aside so that the javelindid not strike home on it and passed over its head. The Amir took uphis spear and struck a powerful blow at its breast, but because of hissick condition, he was unable to keep it in one spot as was necessary.The lion was very big, swift-moving and strong, to such an extentthat it came on to the spear and showed such strength that the spearbroke, and it was about to attack the Amir. Using both his hands, themonarch battered the lion's head and face with all his might so thatthe lion was overcome and fell down. The Amir pressed down on itand shouted for his gholams. One of them, called Qomash, was theRoyal Swordbearer (shamshir-dar), which in official terms is calleda "bodyguard" (jan-dar). 491 He dashed forward and dealt the lion apowerful blow, such that, through the blow, it was all up with it andit fell down dead. All those present remained in a state of amazement,and it was agreed that what had been written in books about the ex-ploits of Bahram Gur was true. 492 Later, the Amir grew so sturdy in stature that he did all his huntingfrom the back of an elephant. I (i.e. 'Abd al-Ghaffar) once saw him, inthe borderlands of India, where he used to hunt from the back of anelephant.493 They had covered the elephant's face with iron plating,as is the custom. A powerful lion sprang out of the thicket and wentfor the elephant. The Amir hurled his javelin [Gh 127] and struck thelion's breast, inflicting a serious wound. Mad with pain and anger,the lion sprang up so that it [F 152] reached the nape of the elephant'sneck, and the elephant was shaking in fear. The Amir knelt down andstruck one blow with his sword, which cut off the lion's two forelegs.The lion fell down on the two stumps and gave up the ghost. All those THE YEAR421 2II
who were present averred that they could not recall, in the whole oftheir lives, such a deed on the part of anyone. Before he had ascended the royal throne, he went forth one day onan outing with Herat as his destination, and he killed eight lions inone day and caught another one with his lasso. When he got back tohis tent, he embarked on a feast of merry-making and wine. I, 'Abd al-Ghaffar, was present. The story of these lions came up, and everyonewas saying something in praise. Khvaja Bu Sahl Zowzani sent for anink-holder and paper and composed several verses of exquisite beauty,such as he was wont to utter, since he was the unique one of the age inpolite learning, apt diction and poetry. The Amir was highly pleasedwith these verses, and all present expressed their approval and madecopies of them, including myself. I have, alas, lost this copy, but I havewritten down at this time a few verses that I recalled to mind, eventhough they are not in proper sequence,494 so that the story may bemade complete. Verses written by the Sheykh Abu Sahl al-Zowzani in praise of the Most Exalted Sultan Malud b. Mahmud, may God be pleased with them bothf495(Poetry)r. You do not need the sword, the spear, arrows and bowstrings, and Fate itselffollows your will. 4962. You do not embark on any affair that is difficult to obtain except to come back from it with victory in your clutch. (?) [F153]3· All mankind humbles itself in the presence of a man who was hunt- ing down in the chase eight lions.4· When you rise into view, there is no sun or moon, and when you bestow generously, there is no sea or rain (i.e. more full of bountifulness).This master had spoken truly, for all these qualities and achievements,and more, were gathered together in this monarch. Poetry of praisefitted him well, and as for the popular saying that "the finest poetry itthat which is most full of lies, "497 in his case there was no need to uttera lie. [Gh 128] 212 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
Tabbani, may God prolong his state of health and security, [now] lives.The story of this Imam will be recorded in a very exhaustive fashionin its appropriate place, if God, He is exalted and magnified, so wills. The tale of Mank b. 'Ali b. Meymun and the Amir happened in thiswise. This man used to prepare every year a large quantity of picklesand other appetising tidbits, 501 and [Gh 129] bring them along to AmirMa]:lmud [as a present]. When the throne and royal power502 passedto Amir Mas'ud and he came from Balkh to Ghaznin, he presenteda large quantity of pickles and fine white linen garments hand-made[F 155] by pious women. The Amir was highly delighted and showedhim great favour, and he said, "Mank b. 'Ali looked after a large flockof sheep from the personal property of my father, God's mercy beupon him. I have now left them to him. Also, the sheep which makeup our own personal flock, and which have been brought from Herat,should be given to him so that he might take care of them. When afinancial reckoning is made for the care of the sheep, he should bedealt with lightly so that he reaps maximum profit out of this, for heis a pious man and he is of great import to us." The order was speedilycarried out. The next year, the Amir went to Balkh, where there wereimportant matters to be tackled, as will be set forth. According tohis custom, Mank b. 'Ali b. Meymun sent a large quantity of pickles,adding to this dried meat (qadid) and all sorts of other things. Herequested Mika'il Bazzaz (i.e. the cloth merchant), who was a friendof his, to present them on his behalf. He also sent a document contain-ing his financial reckoning, which showed him responsible for paying5o,ooo dinars and for the 16,ooo sheep. He had also written out a peti-tion503 and had pleaded that the Sultan's sheep, which he was caringfor, should be handed over to someone else, since he had become anold man and could no longer keep them, and that there should be adelay and respite for him to pay that sum, for which he was liable, ininstalments over three years. At the time when Mika'il Bazzaz arrived and they brought in thosepickles, and opened the necks of the large jars and were offering tast-ings, I, 'Abd al-Ghaffar, was present. Mika'il proffered the documentand the petition. The Amir said, "Take them and read them out. Helaughed and said, "Our house owes many rights and favours to Mank.We have bestowed on him this sum owed and the sheep. 'Abd al-Ghaffar is to go to the Accounting Office504 and tell the accountants214 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
to draw a line across the account and strike out what remains againsthim." I wrote out the order [F 156] and he affixed the royal emblemand signature, and Mank secured a respite through this magnanimousact. It requires a great resolution and abundant forbearance to be ableto act like that. May God, His mention is exalted, have mercy on thatgreat sovereign! There is another action showing even more greatness and renownregarding Bu Sa'id b. Sahl. This man was for a long period the counsel-lor and adjutant [Gh 130] and the Head of the Army Department 505 forAmir Na~r, the Commander-in-Chief and brother of Sultan Mal).mud,may God envelop them both with His mercy. 506 When Na~r passedaway, Mal).mud, because of Bu Sa'id's suitability and competence, en-trusted to him the oversight of all the crown domains at Ghazni. Thisjob is on a level with the headship of the Divan at Ghazni. He exercisedthis function for a long period. After Sultan Mal).mud's decease, AmirMas'ud gave to him the important office of headship of the Divan atGhazni, together with the crown domains. 507 He exercised these func-tions for nearly fifteen years. Then the Amir ordered that an account-ing should be made of his Bu Sa'id's activities. The accounting officialslooked into his accounts, and there was a sum of 17,ooo,ooo dirhamsnet for which he was liable. His salary5°8 for the crown domains wasonly one million dirhams. Everybody said, "What's going to becomeof Bu Sa'id when he is held liable for a huge sum like this?", for theyhad seen what punishments Amir Mal).mud ordered for Mo'addel-dar(?), who was the local governor and collector of taxation for Herat; forthe special servant Ba Sa'id, who held the crown domains of Ghaznin;and for the collector of taxation for Gardiz, against all of whom ac-countings were raised, and what punishments he ordered to be inflict-ed-floggings, amputations of hands and feet, and tortures. But AmirMas'ud was a man with complete modesty and compassion; moreover,Bu Sa'id b. Sahl, had, in past times, done him from the depths of hisheart, many acts of laudable service, and also at that period [F 157]when he held the crown domains in Amir Mal).mud 's time. When they showed that monarch, Amir Mas'ud, a statement of ac-counts due from Bu Sa'id of such enormity, he said, "Send for Taherthe Chief Accountant and Bu Sa'id," 509 and he ordered "You must ex-plain fully to me this state of affairs!" Taher was going through theaccounts item by item and was demonstrating that, in the end, a mil- THEYEAR421 215
lion dirhams were due to Bu Sa'id but r6,ooo,ooo dirhams were owed by him and could not be found anywhere. It was incontrovertible that Bu Sa' id would have to pay it out of his personal wealth. The Amir said, "0 Bu Sa'id, what do you have to say, and what is the explana- tion of this sum of money?" He replied, "May the lord's life be pro- longed! The tax revenues of Ghazni are a sea whose depth and extent cannot be fathomed. I swear by the Almighty God [Gh 13 r] and by the lord's soul and head that I am not guilty of any treacherous be- haviour. This sum is that still to be collected 510 from many years, and this accounting is rightfully due to the lord from me." The Amir said,"We have bestowed this money on you, since you have a right to it. Rise and return home in good health and preservation." Bu Sa'id burst out weeping with joy in a most heartfelt manner. Taher, the ChiefAccountant, said, "It's an occasion for joy and not for grief and weep- ing!" Bu Sa'id said, "I am weeping because we servants are rendering service to a lord like this who shows us such forbearance, nobility of character and greatness on his part, and if he should take away from us his care, favour and benevolence, what state of affairs would we be in?" The Amir spoke kindly with him, and Bu Sa'id departed. There cannot be a greater nobility than this. All have now passed on, God's mercy be upon them all! The amount of largesse that he bestowed on the poets was bound- less. Thus in one night he bestowed on 'Alavi Zeynabi, 511 who was a poet, an elephant's load of dirhams, a million dirhams, of such a standard that [a nominal] ten dirhams had in them nine-and-a-half dirhams' weight of silver. He ordered that that weighty gift should be loaded on an elephant and borne to 'Alavi's house. A thousand dinars or five hundred dinars, or ten thousand dirhams, [F 158] or more or less, were not too great sums for him on several occasions to bestow on poets, and likewise such sums on his boon-companions, secretar- ies and personal retainers, and he used to seek excuses for bestow- ing something on them. 512 At the beginning of his reign he bestowed largesse in very great quantities, but in the later part of his reign that benevolent breeze lost much of its force. But the way of time is such that nothing remains the same, and change affects all things. Amir Mas'ud had a very high degree of magnanimity and compas- sion. Thus one year he came to Ghaznin, and various shortcomings on the part of the household attendants, and offences which could not be216 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
passed over, became apparent there. The Amir told the Palace Cham- berlain, "These attendants, who number twenty, must receive twenty strokes of the bastinado." The Chamberlain assumed that each one had been ordered twenty strokes of the bastinado. They seized one of them outside the house, and when they had inflicted three strokes, he shouted out in pain. The Amir said, "We had ordered one stroke for each of them, and that we have now forgiven. Stop beating them!"All of them thus escaped the punishment. This is the acme [Gh 132] of magnanimity and nobility of character; how excellent is forgiveness from a position ofpower/513 At the time when Amir Mabmud set out from Gorgan for Ray he laid down a contractual agreement 514 between his sons, the princes Mas'ud and Mobammad, as was required. Accordingly, on that day, a horse was summoned at court for Amir Mobammad as the Amir of Khorasan, and he returned to Nishapur. 515 The two Amirs Mabmud and Mas'ud, father and son, set out the next day for Ray. When affairs in that region (i.e. Ray) settled down, and Amir Mabmud prepared to return, he bestowed a robe of honour on his son. A message ar- rived for Mas'ud, delivered by Bu'l-I:Iasan 'Aqili, to the effect that,"As you heard, a horse suitable for the Amir of Khorasan was ordered at our court for my son Mobammad. [F 159] You are at this present moment our deputy, and you know our commands regarding this limitless governorate. What is your choice: is a horse suitable for an emperor the horse required for you, or a horse suitable for the Amir of Western Persia?" When Amir Mas'ud heard this message from his father, he rose to his feet, kissed the ground and then sat down, saying,"Tell the lord, 'How can I express my thanks for so many bounties? For every hour I find a new and unimaginable favour bestowed upon me. There is no greater obligation on lords and fathers than that they should bestow on their dutiful children fine and appropriate names at that moment when they appear in the world. It is incumbent upon the children and becomes a duty for them that, when they grow up, they should show commendable acts of service and thereby enhance their good reputation (nam). The lord bestowed on me a very fine name (nam), that being Mas'ud ("he who is fortunate, happy"), and even greater than that is the fact that it is in the same versificatory or poetic measure as the lord's name (i.e. Mabmud "he who is praised"), may he live for ever! 516 Now that I shall be bereft of close service and attend- THEYEAR421 217
The Amir replied, "It's just as you are saying. Manuchehr has been insistent on the setting up of this treaty because he knows that my father's days are numbered. He wants to bolster up his position in re- lation to us, for he is a shrewd, ripe-aged and far-sighted person, and I would feel ashamed to deny him this when he has rendered so many acts of service and has shown his desire for close relations." I said,"The best course would be to write something which cannot be used as evidence against the lord and be exploited by Sultan Mabmud, should the letter fall into his hands." He replied, "How should such a letter be couched?" I said, "Assuredly, the best course would be to write that 'The Amir has continuously sent envoys and letters and sought our favour, and has performed acts of service in a frank and honest fashion, and he has asked that there should be a treaty between us. We have granted his wishes, for we would not think it right if a venerable person pleads to enter into a bond of friendship with us [F 166] andwe repulse him and reject his wishes. However, it is an agreed fact thatwe are the servant and the son of Sultan Ma}:lmud, and are obedient to his words. Whatever we do in matters like these should be done in accordance with and in the light of his august sovereignty, or else itwould not be right, since if it were not so, first the Amir would blameus and then people in general. On the other hand, how could I consent to bringing embarrassment to the Amir (i.e. Manuchehr) by refusinghim this? So I have perforce to make this treaty.'" I then wrote out thetext of a treaty with this proem532 and in this manner: [Gh 138] The treaty documentMas'ud b. Mabmud thus states: By God and by God's covenant, andby the Lord who knows the secret thoughts and the public actions ofHis creatures, that so long as the lofty, victorious Amir Manuchehr b.Qabus remains submissive and obedient to the commands of the lord,the Exalted Sultan Abu'l-Qasem Mabmud Na~er Din Allah-mayGod prolong his existence perpetually533 -and pays his tribute money,and upholds the terms of that treaty which he has concluded (i.e. withMa}:lmud) and has reinforced with solemn oaths and witnesses, anddoes not alter a single iota of it, I shall be his friend in heart, intentand belief. I will show friendship to his friends and enmity to his foes.I will hold my assistance and military backing ready for him and willput in place all the necessary conditions of concord and unity. I will THEYEAR42r 223
behind, in such a way that every person bore some weapon or itemof equipment. I never saw the Khwarazm Shah or Arslan Jadheb andthe rest of Amir Mal).mud 's senior commanders come to court in thisfashion. They used to bring his horse into the outer palace at Balkh, aswas done in previous times with those of Amir Mas'ud, Mol).ammadand Yusof. He used to sit in the open portico or loggia (taram) 537 ofthe Chancery until the time when the court was held. 'Ali Daya, theruler's relatives and the powerful commanders had a very extensiveplatform within the palace, and they used to seat themselves there be-fore the court began. The General Ghazi used to pass by them on hisway to the portico. All of them used perforce to rise to their feet andpay their respects to him until he had gone past. It was most offensivefor these people to see him in such a lofty position since they hadknown him in the days when he was of a lowly rank. They would mut-ter and say things about this, but it was all unjustified and unseemly,for the world revolves round sultans and they raise up to a lofty posi-tion whom they like. It is inappropriate for anyone to complain whythings are such, for [the Caliph] Ma'mun said in this connection. "Wecomprise the whole of this present world; those whom we raise up arebrought to a lofty position, and those whom we abase are laid low. "538 In the historical accounts of prominent persons I read that whenAshenas-whom they called Afshin 539 -successfully terminated thewar against Babak Khorram-Din, brought back victory and reachedBaghdad, the Commander of the Faithful Mo'ta~em ordered whenAshenas came to court, the officials of the court were to dismount inhis presence and go before [F r69] him on foot until the point when hereached the Caliph. I:Iasan b. Sahl, despite his great eminence in hisown time, dismounted on account of Ashenas's presence. His cham-berlain saw him walking along, dragging his feet, and he burst outweeping. I:Iasan saw this but said nothing. When he came back to thehouse, [Gh 140], he said to his chamberlain, "Why were you weep-ing?" He replied, "I couldn't bear to see you in those circumstances."He said, "My boy, these monarchs have made us great, and they didnot become great through us. As long as we are with them, we mustnecessarily obey them." The mutterings of that group and their talk would be reported tothe General Ghazi, but he used merely to laugh it off and was notalarmed by it, for that arrogance was planted in Ghazi's head by THE YEAR421 225
Amir Mal,lmud when Mal,lmud gave him the office of a man of ArslanJadheb's calibre, for he could find no-one more worthy of it than him.I have already recounted this episode in the Tarikh-e Yamini. 540 Inthis connection, I recall a remarkable story, which I have set downhere so that it may be better known, for it is such stories that add lus-tre and colour to chronicles.
They have related that Fazl, the Caliph Ma'mun's vizier at Merv, re-proached I:foseyn b. Mo~'ab, the father of Taher Dhu'l-Yamineyn,saying, "Your son Taher has changed his demeanour, and has becomehaughty and proud, and does not know his place." I:Ioseyn said, "0Vizier, I am an aged man, a servant of this dynasty and obedient toit, and I know that you are fully convinced of my wise counsel andsincerity, but my son Taher is even more faithful a servant than I andeven more obedient. I can give a very succinct answer regarding him,but it is blunt and unpalatable. If you grant me permission, I will sayit." "Granted," he replied. I:foseyn said, "May God strengthen theVizier! The Commander of the Faithful took him into his servicefrom among the lowliest of his retainers and following, split open hisbreast and took out from there the feeble heart which a person likehim has and replaced it with a new heart, 541 [F 170] by means of whichhe killed Ma'mun's brother, a caliph like Mol,lammad b. Zobeyda. 542Together with that heart which he bestowed, he also gave the means,the strength and the troops. Now at this present time, when his posi-tion has reached that high point which is obvious, do you wish himto abase himself before you and be exactly as he was before? Underno circumstance can this ever come about, unless you take him downto the level he was before! I have said what I know; it is for you tocommand." Fazl b. Sahl fell silent, to the extent that he did not utter aword that day and was highly discomfited. This story was brought toMa'mun. He found the reply of I:Ioseyn b. Mo~'ab most pleasing andacceptable to him. He said, "These words have impressed me more226 TARIKH-E MAS'UDJ
was filled with a feeling of intense reluctance, since he knew that this scheme would not go far. However, he gave his assent to it because he was unable to reject Ma'mun's decision, and secretly and in dis- guise came to Baghdad, and they accommodated him in a handsome lodging. After a week, when he had become rested and refreshed, Taher came to him at night in a very secret manner, made elaborate obei- sance to him and abased himself very deeply. He showed him that letter in Ma'mun's own handwriting and said, "The first person who will make the handclasp of allegiance to you at the behest of my lord the Commander of the Faithful's command is myself. [Gh 142] When I myself have given this allegiance, I have with me xoo,ooo cavalrymen and infantrymen who will have given their allegiance likewise. Reia, may God grant him eternal rest, put forth his right hand to make the handclasp of allegiance, as is the usual practice. Taher extended his left hand. Reza said, "What's this?" He replied, "My right hand is taken up with giving allegiance to my lord Ma'mun, but my left hand is free, hence I have put it forward." Reia [F 172] was impressed by what he had done and they exchanged the handclasp of allegiance. The next day, he sent off Reza with many gifts and marks of respect. They brought him to Merv, and after he had rested a while, the caliph Ma'mun came at night to see him, accompanied by Fail b. Sahl. They greeted each other cordially, and Reia gave profuse thanks for whatTaher had done, and he repeated that incident of the left hand and the oath of allegiance. This pleased Ma'mun very much, and what Taher had done was heartily approved. He said, "0 Imam, that was the first hand that clasped your blessed hand; I have now given that left hand the name of the right one. This is the reason why Taher was called Dhu'l-Yamineyn. 546 After that, they made public 547 the matter of Reza. Ma'mun made him the designated successor, and laid aside the black banners and substituted green ones for them. Reza's name was placed on dirhams and dinars and on the embroidered teraz bands of luxury clothing, 548 and the whole affair became public knowledge. Ma'mun said to Reza,"You should have a vizier and a secretary to look after your affairs." He replied, "0 Commander of the Faithful, Fail b. Sahl would be a competent person to manage the job of acting as counsellor and adju- tant for me, together with 'Ali [b. Abi] Sa'id, 549 the head of the caliph's228 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
[as follows:] one day, Mas'ud was drinking wine and had spent allthe night drinking. Early in the morning he held court on the greatdais. The chamberlains went forward, according to tradition, and thegreat men began to come in after them according to a fixed and regu-lar order, and they would either sit down or remain standing. Ghazicame in through the door. [F 174] It was a long way up to the dais.The Amir gave an order to two chamberlains that they were to goto greet and receive the Commander-in-Chief. No-one could recallsuch a mark of favour ever being shown before to any Commander-in-Chief. The chamberlains went forward and reached Ghazi in themiddle of the hall. Several people had preceded the chamberlainsand had already given him the good news of this favour. When thechamberlains came up to him, he lowered his head and kissed theground. They took his arms and in a solemn manner set him downin his place. The Amir turned his face towards him and said, "TheCommander-in-Chief is like a brother to us, and that service whichhe performed for us at Nishapur and to such an unbounded extent, isin no way forgotten by us. Part of those obligations of reward due toyou has been performed, and yet more remains which will be fulfilledin due course of time. We hear that your position as Commander-in-Chief is resented by a certain group, and that they are resortingto deceit and falsehood. If they try to cause misunderstandings andrifts by making you worried in regard to me, take care not to becomeworried, for your position in our favour is exactly what you haveheard from my own lips." Ghazi rose to his feet and kissed the ground, saying, "Since the ex-alted judgement regarding me [Gh 144] is in this wise, I fear no-one."The Amir gave orders for a special coat to be brought, and they held iton his back; he rose, donned it and kissed the ground. The Amir gaveorders for them to bring a hunting belt set with jewels; he summonedhim forward and fastened it round Ghazi's waist with his own exaltedhand. Ghazi kissed the ground and returned home with such gifts andmanifestations of favour whose like no-one could remember. 556 My master Bu Na~r continued to be in something like a depressedstate of mind at Herat, as I have previously described, and the Amiron several occasions made his spirits revive so that he became moreassured in mind. Now at this time in Balkh, he became the recipient ofmuch favour. When the courtiers came into the Chancery, they used230 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
to speak with my master, [F 175] despite the fact that Taher had as-sumed the prestige and glory (i.e. as Head of the Chancery). Peoplehad seen Taher stand before Bu Na~r and guard the door of this mon-arch. The open portico of the outer palace was our Divan. Bu Na~r satin that place where he used to sit in times past, on the left-hand sideof the portico, where there was more light. The Khvaja 'Amid 557 AbuSahl, 558 may God strengthen him perpetually, who is the Head of theChancery at this present time of the Great Sultan Abu Shoja' Farrokh-zad b. Na~er Din Allah-may this empire endure for ever!-and BuSahl Hamadani, 559 that elegant son of the master, whose father servedthe great viziers and who is now still alive enjoying an exalted andhonoured status, and his brother 560 Bu'l-Qasem Nishaburi, the highlycapable master, and the scholar versed in polite learning (adibak) BuMol;J.ammad Dughabadi, 561 a man of great learning and with a fineknowledge of polite literature and poetry, but a mediocre (lit. "pedes-trian") secretary: all these sat on Taher's left hand. They set down avery large silver inkstand in front of Taher with a black brocade clothon one side of the rim. Bu'l-l:fasan 'Eraqi the secretary, although hewas considered as part of the Chancery, himself [Gh 145] seldom satin the Divan and was mostly with the Amir himself, and involved inother activities. He had an assured place in the court circle of thismonarch. On this day when the eminent masters of the Divan andthe secretaries were seated according to this arrangement, he cameinto the portico and sat down on the right hand of Khvaja Bu Na~r inthe domed tent so that he planted himself between the two mastersin the front of the open portico and began to direct affairs. All whocame into the Chancery, whether of lofty status or not, when theysaw Bu Na~r would invariably speak with him, and if a letter wasrequired, they would ask him to do it. The boon-companions [F 176]who brought verbal messages from the Amir on some or other im-portant affair of state that would require letters to be written wouldlikewise speak with Bu Na~r. This meant that, on this side, businesswas transacted continuously, while on the other, people were just sit-ting and watching, except that, from time to time, some person fromamong those who had seen Taher in Western Persia would come inand would seek a letter from Taher concerning complaints of wrong-doing or some favour or grant of permission. He would order it to bewritten out and they would converse awhile. THE YEAR421 231
When matters had gone on this way for a short while, the Amir one day summoned Bu Na~r around noon-he had heard what was going on in the Divan-and said, "The names of the secretaries must be written down [in two groups], those who were with you (i.e. in the central Divan based in Ghazna) and those who were with us and were brought back from Ray, so that orders may be given for whatever needs to be done." My master came to the Divan and the names of the two groups were written down. He submitted the document. The Amir said, "The names of 'Obeydallah, the grandson through his daughter (nabasa) of Bu'l-'Abbas Esfarayeni, 562 and Bu'l-Fatl:t I:Iatemi, 563 should not be there, for we will appoint them to some other charges." Bu Na~r said, "May the lord's life be prolonged! Amir Mo}:tammad gave orders that I should take 'Obeydallah into the Divan out of respect for his grandfather. He is a discreet and circumspect youth, with good calligraphic skills, and he will make a very good secretary. The lord gave orders that Bu'l-Fatl:t l:latemi should be taken into the Divan in the time of Amir Ma}:tmud because he is the offspring of one of the lord's retainers." He replied, "It's exactly as you are saying, but these two persons were in the past secret spies and observers for me in your Divan, so it would not be appropriate to have them in the Divan now." Bu Na~r said, "Alas that I should only learn about this today!" TheAmir said, "If you had become aware of this earlier, what would you have done?" He replied, "I would have banished them both from the Divan, for a treacherous secretary is of no use." The Amir laughed and said, "There's no need to reveal this con- versation to them, [F 177] for they would become distressed"-! had never seen anyone more noble-hearted and more compassionate than him-and he went on to say, "We will issue instructions for whatever is necessary. [Gh 146] What was 'Obeydallah's position?" Bu Na~r replied, "That of postmaster and intelligence officer at Sarakhs, while Bu'l-Fatl:t held the same function in Tokharestan." The Amir said,"You may go back." Bu Na~r went back. Next day, when the Amir held court and we were all standing in attendance, he called out, and 'Obeydallah stepped forward from the line of courtiers. The Amir said, "Are you in the Chancery?" Here- plied, "Yes, I am." He said, "What post did you hold in my father's time?" He replied, "That of postmaster and intelligence officer at Sar- akhs." He said, "We have bestowed that same post on you, but you232 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
do not meanwhile need to attend the Divan because there are ample staff there already. Your grandfather and father served at the court, 564 and you will be of service to us there. You must come forward with the boon-companions, until an appropriate time, when you will be allotted a seat in the Sultan's circle." 'Obeydallah kissed the ground and went back to the line. Then he called out for Bu'l-Fatl;t I:Iatemi, and he stepped forward. The Amir said, "An observer and overseer (moshref) who is both faithful and competent, is required for Balkh and Tokharestan, and we have chosen you for the job. 'Abdus, speak- ing at our behest, will tell you all that is necessary." He likewise kissed the ground and went back to the line. Then the Amir told Bu Na~r,"Two investiture patents need to be written out for these two and then we can affix our emblem and signature." He replied, "Excellent!" The court broke up. My master went back to the Divan, and the two in- vestiture patents were written out and adorned with the seal and sig- nature. The two of them, 'Obeydallah and Bu'l-Fatl;t, left the Divan, and no-one was cognisant of the true background to this. I, Bu'l-Fazl, heard this from my master. All those persons have passed on, God's mercy be upon them all. The official posts and the grants of local administration and tax- collecting were now confirmed for them. The postal and intelligence service of Sis tan, an important and prestigious post that in the former reign had been held nominally by I:Iasanak, 565 was now given to the secretary Taher, and the same post for Qohestan given to Bu'l-I:Iasan'Eraqi. [F 178] At that time, an accounting was made; the monthly sal- ary (moshahara) bill for all those was 7o,ooo dirhams per month. What greater magnanimity could there be than this? Also, those secretarieswho had newly entered the Divan and did not yet have a salary, ob- tained after this time grants of tax revenues and monthly salaries. The secretary Taher was becoming disenchanted with the lack ofwork and began to feel somewhat ashamed, so that he went to the Divan less frequently, and if he did go, he soon came back home and occupied himself with wine-drinking and merry-making, since he enjoyed much wealth (bazzi) 566 and luxury, together with many hand- some-faced gholams and had a luxurious life with all its trappings. [Gh 147] One day, it happened that the Amir had given orders that four menwere to be chosen to act as observers and overseers for the whole em- THE YEAR421 233
pire. This was done, and the Amir said to Taher, "Bu Na~r must beinstructed to have the investiture patents for these persons writtenout." Taher came in and told Bu Na~r. The latter said, "Very good,we'll have the documents written out." Taher went away in a disgrun-tled mood and with a long face (i.e. because he had expected that BuNa~r would hand over the writing-out of the patents to him), and senthis major-domo to me, Beyhaqi, saying, "I have something that I needto say to you, and there is a message for Bu Na~r. When you leave theDivan, you must pass by my house." I told this to my master, and hesaid, "You must go." So, when I left the Divan, I went to him. He hada house in the street of the silversmiths in the inner city of Balkh. Isaw a residence, decorated like paradise and with immense luxury, forhis noble virtues and lofty resolution were at a level of perfection andhe was a highly respected figure. He [F 179] sat me down in the placeof honour next to himself, and a spread of highly delicious food, pre-pared with great refinement, was set before me. His boon companions,musicians and singers, came in. We ate some food, and another placehad been sumptuously prepared for a wine-drinking session. We pro-ceeded to there. I saw a display of luxury, boundless and indescribable.We waded in, and the celebrations got under way. After the wine hadbeen passed round a few times, his treasurer came in and five outfitsof high-class, costly clothing and a purse containing 5,ooo dirhams,were set before me. Then they went out, and following that, muchsilver and many items of clothing were given to the boon-companions,musicians and singers, and gholams. Then in the midst of all that, he said to me privately, "I do not denythe greatness and pre-eminence of the Kh•aja 'Amid Bu Na~r and theposition of great prestige which he has acquired since a long timeback, but other people are coming on the scene and are finding favourand high positions with the sovereign lord. Although we two are theleading figures in this Divan at this present time, I acknowledge hisprimacy and am the lesser figure in relation to him. The lord Sultanhas the intention of appointing me to an office superior to the onethat I hold at present. Until that time when he eventually appointsme, just as I have regard for Bu Na~r's great position and eminence,I expect that he will likewise recognize my just claims. Today, whenthe Amir gave orders for these investiture patents for the observersand overseers, he chose me to speak to about it because it is fully234 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
apparent to him and others that I am better able to manage the pro- cedures and practices of the Divans and of grants of financial respon- sibility and tax-collecting (a'mal va amval) than him (i.e. Bu Na~r). But I had regard for his high position and spoke to him about this. I had expected him to suggest that I write out the investiture patents [Gh 148], and when he said nothing, I was offended. I have troubledyou to come so that I could tell you this and so that you would be able to explicate and relay this in a way you think fit." In response I said what needed to be said, and made his mind happy. Then larger bumpers of wine were passed around. The day drew to its close, andwe all dispersed. [F 18o] The next morning my master summoned me. I went along and he asked me what had happened. I described it all. He laughed and said, "Today I will show you the difference between knowing and not knowing how to deal with Divan transactions." 567 I went back. He took up his place in the Divan, and I went after him. When the court session opened, by a remarkable combination of circumstances, theAmir turned his face towards my master and said, "I had told Taher the story of the investiture patents for the appointments to the Of- fice of Observing and Oversight (eshraf) so that he might speak withyou. Have the final copies (noskhat) been prepared?" Bu Na~r replied,"I have done a draft (savad), and today they are doing the fair copy (bayai) so that the lord may look through it first and then it can bewritten out (i.e. in its final form)." He said, "Well done!" Taher was taken aback, and we came back to the Divan. Bu Na~r took up the pen of the Divan and began to prepare the final copy, and sat me down in front until I had prepared the fair copy. The time passed in doing this until the hour for the midday worship; and then there appeared an investiture patent, concerning which all the great men and leading authorities averred that no-one had ever seen its like for an investiture patent for the office of observing and overseeing nor was ever likely to see one. The patent was written on three quires of paper in my small, closely-written hand. 568 He took it along to the Amir and read it out, and it met with great approval. Various copies of that investiture pat- ent were written out. Taher at once admitted defeat 569 and recognized completely the extent of Bu Na~r's capability. After that, up to the time when he went out with Tash Farrash as Vizier of Western Per- sia he never said any more words about the art of secretaryship and THE YEAR421 235
did not bring the matter up again. Although this was the situation,my master gave me a message couched in pleasant terms to Taher. Iwent off and delivered it, and on receiving this, he became refreshed inspirit and happy. After this time, marks of kindness and correspond-ence passed continuously between the two of them, and they sat anddrank wine together. In such matters (i.e. of conciliating people andsmoothing down their ruffled feathers), my master was the uniquefigure of the age, despite his complete self-control and reserved quali-ties (enqebai). May God's mercy and His good favour be upon him![F 181] An Account of the History of the Year 422 (/29 December IOJO-I8 December 1031)
[Gh 148, F 181] This year the opening day of Mo}:Iarram fell on Tues-day [422/29 December 1030]. On this day, Amir Mas'ud went from 1the Pavilion [Gh 149] of the Gate of 'Abd al-A'la to the Garden inorder to take up residence there. Government offices had been set upthere in proper fashion, and additional buildings erected there also.When I went there after a year, the entrance vestibule to the palacecomplex and the platforms had all been refashioned according to thismonarch's orders, for he was so knowledgeable about building andconstruction work that he used to take scant notice of any (profes-sional) architect and builder. Indeed, the New Palace which can beseen in Ghazni is sufficient witness for my words. In Nishapur, atShadyakh, 2 there was no portal or courtyard, and it was he who de-signed them all with his own hand, i.e. that beautiful palace with sev-eral smaller mansions (saraycha-ha) and courtyards which still existtoday. At Bost, at the polo ground 3 of the army encampment (lashkar-gah) of his father the Amir (i.e. of Ma}:Imud), he gave orders for sev-eral additional new buildings, some of which are still standing today. 4This king was a marvel in every art; may the God the Exalted Onehave mercy on his soul!5 An official letter with the royal signature and seal had gone fromHerat by hand of some of Kh•aja Bu Sahl Zowzani's retainers sum-moning Kh'aja A}:Imad b. J:Iasan [Meymandi] back to the royalcourt; and Janki, the keeper of the fortress, had released him fromhis bonds. 6 Kh•aja A}:Imad had then said to the General Eryaruq, theCommander of the Indian Troops (salar-e henduyan), "You have THE YEAR422 237
been placed in a bad light, and it would be therefore advisable for youto accompany me to the court and have an audience with the Amir.[F 182] I will say what needs to be said, so that you may come backhere with a robe of honour and tokens of beneficence; for affairs havenow become settled, a lord as noble-minded and forbearing as AmirMas'ud now sits on the royal throne." Eryaruq swallowed this entic-ing lie/ fell under the spell of this great man and accompanied him tothe court. On the way there, he performed numerous acts of servicefor the Khvaja. There was no-one among the masters of the pen in that age withgreater reputation and prestige than he, A}:tmad b. I:Iasan. At his orders,Sarlgh8 the Royal Wine Steward9 released the Khvaja 'Abd al-Razzaq,who was the son of the [former] Grand Vizier A}:tmad b. I:Iasan 10 andwho had been imprisoned in the fortress of Nandana, and broughthim to his father, and his son thanked Sarlgh profusely in the pres-ence of his father, who said that he was even more grateful to him. TheKhvaja A}:tmad b. I:Iasan, then told Sari:gh, "Go back to Nandana, 11for that vital frontier post (thaghr) cannot be left unattended. When Ireach the court, I shall set forth what you have done [Gh 150] and youwill receive favour which will increase your rank. Sari:gh went back,and the Grand Vizier travelled to Balkh in a relaxed and unhurriedmanner. He came into the Amir's court session and offered the marksof service, exhibiting due obeisance and homage. The Amir greetedhim warmly and with the utmost civility and spoke many kind wordsto him. A}:tmad took his formalleave, 12 went back and took up resi-dence in the house that had been prepared for him. He rested for threedays and then came to the court. 13 Bu'l-Fazl Beyhaqi thus relates, that when this eminent figure hadrested sufficiently, the matter of the vizierate was put to him throughmessages, but he remained adamantly non-committal. Bu Sahl Zow-zani was [F 183] embroiled in that and was involved in all transac-tions; he used to oversee all confiscation orders and public contracts,and control all commercial activities; the Amir's private audiencesused to be mainly with him and 'Abdus. These two had been pickedout of all the rest, and were on bad terms with each other. The oldguard (pedariyan va ma}Jmudiyan) had put up with that situation inorder each to save his own skin. 14 I had never seen my master Bu Na~rso apprehensive and perturbed in mind as I saw him then. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
of a trusty confidant to the exalted court, and hear the reply. Then at that point, I will act according to the lofty command." The Amir said,"That's a good idea; which trusty confidant do you desire?" Al;tmad replied, "Bu Sahl Zowzani is already involved in the matter, but per- haps it would be a sound idea if Bu Na~r Moshkan was also engaged in the proceedings, since he is an upright person, and in former timeswas fully involved in dealing with my messages and correspondence."The Amir said, "That's a very sound course of action." The Khvaja went back and came into the Chancery, and they cleared the audience hall of the public. I heard from Khvaja Bu Na~rMoshkan, who said: I made a move to leave, but he made me sit down and said, "Don't go, you are needed here, since there's a verbal mes- sage for the sultan's court. He will not let me go and retire to some desolate corner, seeing that it is time when I should spend my days seeking pardon from the Almighty God rather than acting as a vizier."I retorted, "May the lord's life be long! The best course for the Amir lies in this view which he has expressed, and it is also very welcome to us servants, but the lord will find it painful and trying. Many difficult problems lie ahead, and these cannot be resolved [F 185] except withthe Khvaja's far-sighted and clear judgement." He said, "It's just as you say, but I can see here a surfeit of viziers already, a point that I knowis not lost upon you." 18 I said, "Things are as you say, but one can only obey orders." Then I added, "What's my particular role in all this? Bu Sahl will suffice for it. I am at the end of my tether because of him and have to use all my ingenuity to keep my head above water." Al;tmad said, "Don't dwell upon and worry about this matter; I have completetrust in you." I took my formal leave. Bu Sahl came in, bearing a verbal message from the Amir in theseterms, "The lord Sultan says, 'In the time of my father, the Khvaja suf-fered many an injury and torment, and incurred much blame. It is amarvel that they left him alive; his remaining alive has been so that he could be the adornment of our age. He must consent to take up office,for it needs someone of his calibre. [Gh 152] There will be assistants(or "apprentices,"shagerdan) and aides (i.e. in the Divan), all of whomwill work under your command, so that affairs may settle down and run in an orderly fashion'." The Khvaja replied, "I had made a solemn vow not to accept anycourtly office, but since it is the lord who is giving a command and TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
is saying that he will make expiation for breaking the oaths, I willtherefore consent. However, there are conditions incumbent uponthis office. If I request these conditions in their entirety, and the lordordains their acceptance, 19 all at once the whole of these office hold-ers and court servants will rise up against me and become hostile,and they will indulge in the same games they used to play in the lateAmir's time, and I shall once again find myself in great peril; whereasat the present time, I have no enemies and live a carefree existence. Butif I do not insist upon the conditions and do not see them through, Ishall have committed an act of betrayal and will be accused of weak-ness and impotence, and will not be forgiven either by the AlmightyGod or by the lord. [F x86] If, in the event, I must unavoidably as-sume this office, I desire acceptance of my conditions for this positionin their entirety. If this is acceptable and I find myself invested withthese powers, I shall bring to bear whatever is necessary by way ofgood counsel and sincere advice. " 20 The two of us went off so that these words could be conveyed tothe Amir. I said to Bu Sahl, "Since you are acting as intermediary,what's the use of my coming along?" He replied, "The Khvaja A.bmadb. J:Iasan has asked for you; it may be that he has no confidence inme," and he was most annoyed by my involvement in all this. Whenwe came into the royal presence, I held back out of politeness, wishingBu Sahl to speak. When he started to speak, the Amir turned towardsme and asked me to speak instead. Bu Sahl was highly discomfited. Iconveyed the verbal message in its entirety. The Amir said, "I shall en-trust all affairs to him except for arranging convivial sessions of wine-drinking, 21 polo-playing and contests of equestrian skill. 22 All otherspheres of activity fall upon his shoulders, and there will be no criti-cism or objection raised against his judgement and opinions." I wentback and conveyed the answer. Bu Sahl had been very put out, thoughI did my utmost to defer to him. But what could I do? For neither theAmir nor the Khvaja were prepared to do without me. Abmad, sonof J:Iasan, replied to the Amir, "I will obey the order, and will lookinto the matter and write out a contractual agreement (movaia'a) 23 sothat it may be submitted tomorrow for the exalted judgement-mayGod increase him in loftiness-and answers made to its stipulationsin the lord Sultan's own handwriting, that it may be made firm withthe royal seal and signature, and that this arrangement be adhered to THE YEAR422
just as it was in the time of the late Amir, for you,Bu Na~r, must well remember how it was done in those days." [Gh 153] We went off and conveyed the words. The Amir said, "Well done! Tomorrow, these tasks must be completed so that, the day afterwards, he may garb himself in a robe of honour." We replied, "We will in- form him," and went away. He called out to me, Bu Na~r, and said,"When the Khvaja comes back here, you should also come, for [F 187] I have something to tell you." I obeyed and then went into the Khvaja's presence and recounted [the Amir's words] to him. Bu Sahl went back, and the Khvaja and myself remained behind. I said, "May the lord's life be long! I was speaking with Bu Sahl on the way, the first time we brought a message, and I said, "Since you are the intermediary, what is my function?" He replied, "The Khvaja has asked for you, since it would appear that he has no faith in me." Al).mad said, "I asked foryou because I sought an upright and God-fearing person for my en- tourage, one who would not tell lies or pervert words and who would know what to do. This wretched fellow 24 and others imagine that, if I undertake this office, they can still carry on acting as so many viziers by stealth. The first thing I shall do is to squeeze the noose round his neck so that he will squirm in agony and give up playing the vizier for good, and the others will follow suit. I know that he will not be able to last like this and will land in trouble, for this lord has allowed many base hangers-on 25 to secure positions round his throne and has made them emboldened, but I shall do whatever is necessary through good counsel and sound advice, and I'll see what happens." He went back, and I went into the Amir's presence. He asked,"What will the Khvaja set down?" I replied, "The custom has become established that when the vizierate is given to a distinguished person, that vizier writes out a contractual agreement and seeks the condi- tions for his office, and the lord writes out, in his own hand, the an- swer to that. Then he affixes his seal and signature to the answer and finally he invokes the name of God Most High that He will hold the vizier to observe the terms. There should then be a written oath of office (sowgand-nama), with all the conditions set out, and the viz- ier enunciates them orally and pledges in his own handwriting un- derneath that he will act according to their terms." He said, "You must therefore prepare the document containing those things whichwe must write down as answer to the contractual agreement, as well TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
was pretending to the people that this office of the vizierate had beenoffered to him but he had turned it down, and [F 189] that it was hewho had secured the Kh•aja's appointment. However, those personswho had any wisdom and sense knew better than to believe him andrecognized that Sultan Mas'ud was too discerning, of loftier statureand too percipient than to have given the vizierate to someone elsewhile Kh•aja A}:tmad was alive, for he had a good measure of every-one's stature and capabilities. The clear proof of what I have said isthe fact that, when Kh•aja A}:tmad b. I:Iasan passed away at Herat, theAmir would survey this group, would recall to mind Kh•aja A}:tmadb. 'Abd al-Samad and would say that there was no-one more suitablefor the office than he. When I reach this relevant point in the History,I shall set forth this matter in full detail. 31 I do not say this becauseI have suffered much at the hands of Bu Sahl; for Bu Sahl and his ilkhave all passed on, and it is evident to me how much time I have left inthis world. But I am setting forth the truth, and I well know that wisemen and those people who have experience of the world, and whoread this today, will not find fault with me for what I have written.For I consider my writing as my direct responsibility which I intendto perform to the full. May the Exalted God protect me and all theMuslims from errors and lapses, through His bounty and grace and thebreadth of His mercy! [Gh 155] The next day, this being Sunday, 4 Safar of this year [422/31 Janu-ary 1031],32 Kh•aja A}:tmad b. I:Iasan came to the court and into theroyal presence. The leading figures, the civilian notables, the field of-ficers (sarhangs), the retainers and courtiers came in after him andperformed the requisite rites of service. The Amir turned towards theVizier and said, "You must don the robe of honour appropriate for thevizierate, for we have many tasks before us. It must [F 190] be recog-nized that the Vizier is our deputy in everything which appertains tothe welfare of the realm, and his commands and instructions are validin all matters, and no-one is to raise any objections to what he deemsadvisable." The Vizier kissed the ground and said, "I am obedientto the lord's command." The Amir made a sign to the General Bilge-tegin, who was the head of the chamberlains (moqaddam-e ~ajeban),to conduct the Vizier to the Royal Wardrobe. He stepped forwardand took the Vizier by the arm. The Vizier arose and went to theRoyal Wardrobe, and until near the mid-morning, he remained there244 TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
until the moment when the astrologer-n deemed the time auspiciousfor donning the robe of honour. All the retainers and courtiers wentback to their places/ 4 whether they were seated or on foot, and theVizier donned the robe of honour- I was there myself, standing andwatching the spectacle, and what I am now saying is therefore basedon direct observation and from my notes 35 and my diary3 6 -there wasa coat of fine, gold-threaded silken cloth of Baghdad, 37 the whitest ofwhite in colour, displaying its very delicate and fine pattern; a largeturban of fine Egyptian muslin, but extremely delicate and preciousand with a very slender and long, laced38 teraz band; and a belt stud-ded with a thousand methqals of turquoises. 39 The I::Iajeb Bilgetegin was seated at the door of the Royal Wardrobe.When the Vizier came forth, he rose to his feet and expressed his con-gratulations, and he placed in the Vizier's hands a sum of dinars anda cloth together with two very large turquoise stones set in a ring. Hebegan to go in front of the Vizier. The Vizier said, "By the Sultan'shead, I beseech you to walk along with me as an equal, and tell theother chamberlains to go in front." Bilgetegin said, "The Grand Viz-ier shouldn't say such things to me, since he knows of my friendshipand, moreover, he has donned the lord Sultan's robe of honour, andwe servants must observe the dignity and precedence of that," and hewent in front of the Vizier accompanied by two other chamberlainsand a numerous body of the holders of court offices. They also desig-nated one of the Vizier's gholams as a chamberlain and he was clad ina coloured coat, since it is not the custom for a chamberlain of viziersto go in front of them dressed in black. When [F 191] he reached the midst of the palace, other chamber-lains came forward to meet him, [Gh 156] conducted him before theAmir and sat him down. The Amir said, "May it be a blessed occasionfor the Vizier!" The Vizier rose to his feet, kissed the ground and wentup to the throne, and placed a bejewelled collar in the Amir's hands;it was said to be worth 1o,ooo dinars. Amir Mas'ud placed in the Viz-ier's hand a turquoise seal ring, with the Amir's name engraved onit, and said, "This is the signet of our realm, and we have bestowedit on you so that it becomes firmly established that the Vizier's de-crees come next in validity to our own commands." The Vizier tookit, kissed the Amir's hand and the ground, and returned home. Hewas accompanied by a vast retinue, the like of which no person could THE YEAR422 245
recall, so that there was no-one left at the Sultan's court except thoseon regular duty there (nowbatiyan). He came out by the Gate of 'Abd al-A'la and went to his house.Visitors of eminence and high-ranking officials began arriving, eagerto ingratiate themselves-some out of a genuine, heartfelt desire andothers out of fear-and brought with them so many gifts of slave boys,offerings of money and clothing, the like of which had never previ-ously been witnessed for any vizier. They were drawing up a list ofwhat they had brought so that the whole lot could be presented to theSultan; thus the Vizier did not retain an iota40 for himself; for they hadlearnt and been instructed in such things by him, who was the mostrefined and illustrious figure 41 of the age. He sat there until the timeof the midday worship, only getting up to perform his prayers. It wasa magnificently memorable day. The next day, he came to the court (i.e. as Grand Vizier), but notin his robe of honour, for he was wearing, in the manner of formertimes, a coat and a Nishapuri or Qayeni turban, 42 clothes which thismaster had been seen wearing in the past. I heard from his trustedconfidants, including Bu Ebrahim Qayeni, who was his counsellorand adjutant, and others, that he had twenty or thirty coats, all of oneand the same colour, which he used to wear over the year, and peopleused to conclude from this that there was just one coat and would say,[F 192] "Good gracious! Doesn't this coat ever wear out? Behold, whatan awe-inspiring and upright figure!" And indeed, his manly virtuesand endeavours were boundless-as I shall set forth subsequently inits proper place-and at the end of the year, a further twenty or thirtycoats were made and delivered to his wardrobe. 43 On this particular day, when he came to render service and thecourt broke up, Sultan Mas'ud went into a private session with theVizier, a session which went on till the time of the midday worship.Certain people were haunted with fear and were plotting and spread-ing rumours,44 which became all too evident later; not that I nor oth-ers beside me were privy to [Gh 157] what went on in that session,but when changes began to appear in that some people were rewardedwith official posts and given robes of honour, while others were de-prived of office, denounced and disgraced, and matters came out intothe open, wise people realized that it was all the outcome of that sin-gle private session. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
turquoise-coloured satin brocade, had been spread out near his usualprominent place. 51 He performed two rak'ats of the worship and thensat down away from the forefront of the Divan. He sent for an ink-stand, which they set down, and also for a quire of paper and a smallcasket, 52 of the kind that they bring along and set down for viziers.He set to work and wrote there: "In the name of God, the Merciful,the Compassionate. Praise be to God the lord of the worlds, and bless-ings upon His Messenger, the Chosen One, Mohammad, and all hishouse. God is my sufficiency, and how excellent a guardian is HeJ5 30 God, help me to do what You desire and what is pleasing to You,through Your mercy, 0 most merciful of those who show mercy! Letthere be given out to the poor and destitute, by way of thanks to God,the Lord of the Two Worlds, 1o,ooo dirhams of silver coinage, 1o,ooodirhams' worth of bread, 5,ooo dirhams' worth of meat and 1o,ooocubits' lengths offine cotton cloth." Those instructions were passed tothe Keeper of the Records and Archives, 54 and the Vizier immediatelyauthorised their issue. He then said, "Let those with complaints ofacts of oppression and grievances, and those with requests and peti-tions, be summoned." Several persons were brought forward [F 194],and he listened to their stories and meted out justice, and then sentthem back contented, saying, "The sessions of the Divan and the doorof the palace are open, there are no barriers or impediments and everyperson who seeks redress must come forward." People offered up pro-fuse prayers for him and took hope. The accounting officials and the secretaries had come in and hadsat down, following strict rules of decorum, some at one side, someat the other. He turned towards them and said, "Tomorrow you mustcome prepared in such a way that you will be able to answer whateverI put to you and not try to shift responsibility on to someone else. Upto now, affairs have been conducted in a very unsatisfactory manner.Each person has been occupied with his own personal concerns andthe Sultan's affairs have been neglected. I, A}:lmad b. I:Iasan, know youall well and will not put up with the way things have been done up tonow. You must change your ways 55 and each person should apply him-self to his task." No-one breathed a word, and all of them were filledwith fear and remained petrified. The Vizier arose and went home. That day, until nightfall, they were bringing in more offerings andpresents for the Vizier. At the time of the afternoon worship, he sent TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
for the inventory lists and checked them with what the Sultan's treas- urers and the court financial inspectors (moshrefan-e dargah) had set down, and these were submitted to the Amir according to their various categories. They comprised limitless wealth, made up of both gold and silver objects; uncut pieces of clothing; valuable Turkish slave boys; horses and camels of high value; [Gh 159] and everything whichwould be of a splendour and lavishness fit for kings no matter how grand. The Amir was very favourably impressed by all this and said,"The Vizier is not a rich man; why doesn't he take these back?", and he ordered that 'Abdus should present to him 1o,ooo dinars, 5oo,ooo dirhams, ten valuable Turkish slave boys, five riding horses from the royal stables, two finely-caparisoned mules and ten camels. When 'Ab- dus reached the Vizier's house with those handsome presents, [F 195], the Vizier arose, kissed the ground and offered up profuse prayers for the Sultan. 'Abdus then went back. The next day, Wednesday, 7 Safar [422/3 February 1031], 56 the Vizier came to the court. The Amir held a session for hearing grievances and petitions; it was a most august occasion, with much dignity and splen- dour. When the court session was over, the Vizier came to the Divan, took up his work and set about handling affairs in his own inimitableway. When it was mid-morning, he summoned Bu Na~r Moshkan, and the latter came to the Divan. He handed over to Bu Na~r a confi- dential verbal message for the Amir, to the effect that "The adminis- tration of military affairs (shoghl-e 'ari) is in a parlous state, as I have already informed the lord. Bu Sahl Zowzani has the suitable stature and has achieved prominence. If the exalted judgement sees fit, thelord should summon him and order him to be given a robe of honourwith the aim of his taking over this office, since this is the most vital of charges. I will bring to bear everything I know by way of guidance and assistance, so that the affairs of the army may run in an orderlyfashion." Bu Na~r went away and delivered the message. The Amir made a sign to Bu Sahl, who was seated with the Sultan's boon companions in the court chamber, that he was to come forward, and he said a few words to him. Bu Sahl kissed the ground and leftthe court chamber. Two chamberlains, one from the internal palacehousehold establishment and the other from the outside service, 57 conducted him to the Royal Wardrobe. They dressed him in a verysplendid robe of honour and a belt made with 700 methqals of gold, THE YEAR422 249
all of which had been made in the course of the night. Bu Sahl camein and rendered service. The Amir said, "May it be a blessed occasion!You must go along to the Vizier and act according to his instructions;and you should pay close attention to the matter of the army, sinceit is the most important of all affairs." Bu Sahl replied, "I will carryout these instructions." He kissed the ground and went back, and atonce came to the Vizier's Divan. The Vizier made him sit down im-mediately below himself, and said many encouraging and laudatorywords to him. Bu Sahl went homewards. All the great men, courtiersand retainers went along to his house, paid their due respects in anenthusiastic manner and brought along limitless offerings of money.He, too, ordered that the whole of what they had brought should berecorded in a list and he sent it all to the treasury. [F 196] The next day, a very fine robe of honour was bestowed on Bu Sahll:famdavi, who had been removed from the vizierate, 58 for his newappointment to the Office of the Oversight of the Realm, 59 in such away that the four persons who had previously been in charge of thisoffice of the Oversight of the Realm [Gh 16o] were to become his as-sistants, together with all the moshrefs at court. He came before theAmir and rendered obeisance. The Amir said, "You deserve much foryour long service, and have shown great loyalty and done many deedsin our dynasty's cause. You must perform your duties in this office tothe full." Bu Sahl l:famdavi replied, "I obey your command," and hereturned and went along to the Divan. The Vizier set him down onhis left hand with great decorum and spoke with him in very cordialterms. Presents were lavished on him too, and he sent along to thetreasury what they had brought. Affairs in the Divans were now on an even course, and the pres-tige of the Vizier's Divan was at such a high level that no-one couldrecall its like in the past, and the Amir bestowed full authority onit. From the outset, the Vizier began settling old scores and quietlyuttering fulminations, 60 and he was secretly inveighing against sucheminent figures as Bu'l-Qasem b. Kathir, who had been dismissedfrom the office of Head of the Army Department, and Bu Bakr I:Ia~iriand Bu'l-l:fasan 'Aqili, who belonged to the circle of boon compan-ions at the court. They had in the past stirred up trouble, as I havealready related in this History. Regarding l:fa~iri, he was somethingof a bully and, in the time of Amir Mabmud, he had taken this present TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
did not have the strength, in my old age and having just escaped fromone calamity, to embark upon further strife with people and turn theworld into my enemy. However, since the lord, with his lofty utter-ances, had high hopes and bestowed regal provisions, and since, afterthe grace of God Most High, it was to the lord that I owed my life, theexalted command had perforce to be complied with. And yet beforeten days have passed, l:la~iri has already nipped this in the bud. I:Ia~iriwas coming back from the garden in a litter, having drunk wine to thelees, and in the Sa'idi markd 5 and not in a secluded spot but in the fullview of the public, he ordered his gholams to give a trusty retainer ofmine a thorough thrashing and they tore his coat to shreds; and whenhe had declared 'I am A~mad's retainer,' I:Ia~iri had heaped a hundredthousand curses on A~mad. In no circumstances will I come to thecourt after this, and I won't function as vizier, since the contemptand insults of folk like these are more than I can bear. If the exaltedjudgement could see fit, I could be released from this post so that Icould take up residence in a rebiit or in any fortress which the exaltedjudgement thinks appropriate. But if he does not grant me release, lethim ordain punishment for I:Ia~iri so that the injurious effects of thataffect his wealth and his own person, for he has become too cocksureand arrogant, and the great wealth that he and his son have amassedinduces them to act above their station. I can get from father and sonJOo,ooo dinars for the exalted treasury/6This note, written in my ownhand, is an undertaking binding upon me to do this. Farewell!" When the Amir read the note, he folded it up and gave it to one ofthe gholams of his household who was the keeper of the archives andrecords, saying, "Keep this safe," and then he urged the elephant on-wards. Everyone was saying, "What's going to happen? What will bethe outcome of this?" [F 201] While still in the open country, he gaveinstructions that the Commander-in-Chief Ghazi, the Commander(siiliir) in India, Eryaruq, and other notables should go back since theyhad not been ordered to go out with the hunting party, and he himselfwas going off with his personal retainers only. Then he summoned theGreat Chamberlain Bilgetegin to approach the elephant, and he spokeseveral sentences to him in Turkish. 77 Bilgetegin then went back. The Amir summoned Bu Na~r Moshkan, and a troop commander(naqib) hurried off. Bu Na~r was in the Divan. The envoy said, "Thelord is summoning you." Bu Na~r mounted [Gh 164] and hurried off. TARIKH-E MAS'UDI
He reached the Amir, and spent a while there. They spoke together forsome time and then the Amir sent him back again. He did not returnto the Divan but proceeded to the Grand Vizier A}:tmad's house. BuNa~r sent back Bu Man~ur the Guard of the Divan 78 with an orderthat the secretaries were to go home, and we did so. I followed my master's steps up to the residence of the Grand Viz-ier, and I witnessed a tumult and a throng of onlookers. I asked some-one, "What's happening here?" He answered, "The governor of thetown 79 brought along Bu Bakr I:Ia~iri and his son, without robe andboots, 80 to the Vizier's house and held them fast there. Two posts forpunishment81 were brought; no-one knows what it's all about." A considerable number of prominent persons had come to renderservice and were stationed there mounted on their horses, since itwas Friday; but no-one was allowed access except for Khvaja Bu Na~rMoshkan, who came and went in. I myself, Bu'l-Fazl, was highly per-turbed when I heard the news, for that master I:Ia~iri and his son haddone me many favours. I dismounted and joined the people outside,and remained there 82 till it was almost noon. Then they brought inan inkstand and paper, and I heard this much of what Bu 'AbdallahParsi spoke publicly, to the effect that "The Grand Vizier [F 202] says,although the lord Sultan ordained that you and your son should eachget a thousand strokes, I have had mercy on you and have spared youthe rod, but you must pay 50o,ooo dinars to buy back the imposedcorporal punishment; if not, the order is to go ahead with all des-patch. Do not tarry lest you suffer both the beatings and paying themoney." Father and son both said, "We'll obey whatever he ordainsbut we request him to be lenient with us, for he knows that we cannotafford one-tenth of this." Bu 'Abdallah went back and forth (i.e. withmessages) until they settled on the figure of 30o,ooo dinars, and theygave a written undertaking for this. The order was issued that theywere to be taken to the police guardhouse. The town governor tookthem along to the police guardhouse and had them incarcerated there,and the crowd dispersed. My master Bu Na~r remained at the Vizier'shouse drinking wine, and I returned home. After an hour, the head of the palace household Sengiiy83 came upto me and said, "Khvaja Bu Na~r has sent me and has given the verbalmessage that you, Bu'l-Fazl, are to go and attend the lord Sultan andconvey the message to him that, acting upon your orders, I, Bu Na~r, THE YEAR422
went to the Vizier's residence [Gh 165] and, in accordance with the loftycommand, poured water on the flame (i.e. assuaged Khvaja A}:J.mad'swrath), so that I:Ia~iri and his son did not get a beating; 30o,ooo dinarswere taken on a written bond and they were then brought into custody.The Grand Vizier was greatly cheered and heartened by what the lordhad decreed and these fresh favours bestowed on him, and he kept meback to drink some wine. It would have been imprudent of me not tohave accepted, and this was the reason for my not coming personallyand my sending Bu'l-FaZI-this so that lack of manners and failure torecognize due rights of service should not be imputed to me." I went off immediately and found the Amir on [F 203] the edge ofthe town, installed in a garden, busy with merry-making and wine-drinking, with his boon-companions sitting there, while singers andmusicians were playing. I said to myself, "This message must be writ-ten down and then, if I don't get the chance to speak, he can peruse ithimself, and the required aim will be achieved." So I then wrote outa note giving a complete account and went forward. The Amir calledout, "What is it?" I replied, "The servant Bu Na~r has sent a message,"and I showed him the note. He told the keeper of the royal inkstandto take it. He took it and gave it to the Amir. When he had read it, Iwas summoned to th
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