text_combined: kitahara review hisatsugu kitahara 1997 elementary operations optimal derivations mit press cambridge mass 140 pages 15 00 reviewed julie legate jlegate mit edu book firmly situated within minimalist approach syntactic theory begun chomsky 1991 perhaps fully articulated chomsky 1995 adopts much basic architecture 1995 version minimalism henceforth mp deriving several principles assumptions first three chapters book propose comparatively minor alterations mp system demonstrate alterations allow several stipulations mp dropped retaining improving framework empirical coverage final chapter retains proposals previous chapters putting forth new condition clear departure mp approach condition kitahara able account several notoriously problematic whconstructions kitahara first chapter consists review minimalist syntactic framework discusses conceptual foundation approach unflinching application occam razor every aspect computational system guiding principles global economy well internal mechanisms computation including creation syntactic trees successive operations merge morphological featuredriven move second chapter contains core proposals book kitahara replaces operations merge move erase two elementary operations concatenation replacement concatenation procedure joins two objects alpha beta form new object k replacement hand substitutes object alpha object beta beta contained within larger object sigma mp operations redefined using elementary operations follows p35 cyclic merge concatenation cyclic move concatenation noncyclic merge concatenation replacement noncyclic move concatenation replacement erase replacement redefines shortest derivation condition chomsky 1991 1993 epstein 1992 terms operations ii p26 ii shortest derivation condition sdc minimize number elementary operations necessary convergence given technology proceeds derive several principles assumptions mp first considers cyclicity providing detailed summary comparison approaches taken chomsky 1993 1994 1995 derives simple cases cyclic convergent derivations preferred noncyclic convergent ones since cyclic operations yield shorter derivation shown cyclic operations involve one elementary operation concatenation whereas noncyclic ones require two concatenation replacement next turns mp principle procrastinate covert movement e movement occurs computation derivation sent pf pronunciation preferable overt movement separates discussion head movement object shift expletive insertion adopts mp assumptions movement results two instances identical elements one merged position moved position e copy theory movement b element overtly attracted entire category moves whereas element covertly attracted formal features move c one identical elements created movement interpreted lf finally proposes novel interpretation effect strong features grammar iii p37 iii strong feature condition spell applies sigma sigma contains category strong feature regarding head movement languages overt verb raising strong v feature thus overt raising necessary convergence languages without overt verb raising sdc selects derivations covert rather overt verb raising although covert overt head movement involve one operation replacement since head movement necessarily noncyclic kitahara claims overt head movement category movement requires additional instance replacement thus resulting longer derivation reasoning follows verb moves overtly semantic features carried along therefore lf necessary delete one instances semantic features since elements interpreted requires application replacement needed covert movement since covert movement affects formal features semantic features well notice reasoning extend phrasal movement overt movement require one instance replacement delete semantic features one member chain considering simple twomembered chain however covert movement also require one instance replacement since covert movement necessarily noncyclic thus sdc choose derivations overt object shift without predicts optionality object shift languages like icelandic without resorting mp optional strong feature analysis simple restatement facts languages without overt verb movement object shift predicted impossible assuming object shifts outside specifier vp inside specifier merged position subject multiple specifiers equidistant higher head unless head movement renders equidistant thus shifted object would block movement subject tp unless verb raised kitahara acknowledges p144 fn26 however explain languages like french display overt verb raising prohibit object shift finally kitahara considers timing expletive insertion notice although mp assumes merge cheaper move kitahara reanalysis predicts merge equally economical cyclic move since consist one application concatenation since timing expletive insertion primary empirical motivation mp assumption kitahara demonstrates timing equally captured within system consider familiar sentences iv v iv seems man room v seems man room iv expletive inserted embedded spec raised matrix tp v hand man raised embedded tp expletive inserted directly specifier matrix tp mp claimed iv preferred v cheaper merge expletive embedded tp move associate kitahara claims facts follow sdc since expletives assumed semantic features overt raising require application replacement delete instance semantic features iv v hand overt raising man require replacement delete one resulting two instances semantic features man therefore derivation iv shorter v thus preferred side point notice analysis requires formal features man raise covertly directly matrix features raised embedded tp covertly noncyclic movement would result additional application replacement iv v equally economical equivalent situation object shift kitahara concludes chapter two note timing expletive insertion icelandic transitive expletive constructions assumes mp analysis associate e subject transitive moves inner specifier tp expletive merges outer specifier tp verb appearing two verbsecond phenomenon notes although situation opposite english situation discussed e category movement precedes expletive insertion predicted restriction downwards movement assuming associate must move adjoin expletive lf associate must appear lower expletive order movement raising rather lowering chapter three kitahara demonstrates chomsky 1995 minimal link condition explain phenomena previously received disparate analyses literature vi minimal link condition mlc h k attracts alpha beta beta closer h k alpha h k attracts beta kitahara begins relativized minimality chomsky 1993 violations vii superiority condition violations viii vii john seems john certain viii persuade buy mlc accounts naturally facts vii closer john matrix thus blocks attraction john viii closer matrix cp thus blocks attraction next kitahara considers proper binding condition violations like shown x ix proper binding condition traces must bound x picture wonder john likes picture argues proper binding condition analysis x longer available minimalist approaches condition longer apply structure since structure eliminated model lf reconstruction picture could create configuration trace bound instead kitahara offers mlc solution observes x involves two violations minimal link condition first closer embedded cp thus blocks attraction note picture would necessarily carried along embedded cp independent convergence condition second given illegitimate attraction embedded cp becomes closer matrix cp thus blocks attraction assuming xi derivation employing greater number illegitimate steps induces greater degree deviance p72 derivation xii preferred x x involves two violations mlc whereas xii involves one xii wonder picture john likes picture kitahara extends analysis crossing versus nesting dependency data xiii nested dependency condition pesetsky 1987 two wh trace dependencies overlap one must contain paradigm cases xiv xv xiv wonder john persuaded buy xv wonder john persuaded buy xiv kitahara observes mlc disobeyed raising matrix cp xv hand mlc disobeyed twice raising embedded cp second time raising matrix cp thus following ix grammar prefers xiv xv finally kitahara considers scrambling topicalization german japanese demonstrating certain restrictions phenomena also receive mlc treatment assumes phenomena feature driven scrambling topicalization feature attracted element interpretable thus remains accessible computation checking basic pattern considered possible scramble element constituent scramble remnant however possible topicalize remnant german examples provided xvi xvii xvi scrambling scrambling remnant dass das buch zu lesen keiner das buch das buch zu lesen book read one book book read versucht hat tried one tried read book xvii scrambling topicalization remnant das buch zu lesen hat keiner das buch das buch zu lesen book read one book book read versucht tried one tried read book assumptions xvi violates mlc twice first scrambling dp book closer vp book read second scrambling vp book read nowcloser dp book xvii hand violate mlc assuming features drive topicalization scrambling distinct book would closest available element scrambling feature attracting head since book read would topicalization feature rather scrambling feature similarly vp book read closest available element attracted topicalization since book scrambling feature topicalization feature chapter four kitahara discusses differences deviance derivations involve one violation mlc whelement provides generalization xviii examples xix xxii p83 85 xviii mlc violation involving adjuncts subjects quasi objects e many phrases far severe mlc violation involving objects xix adjunct wonder whether john fixed car xx subject wonder whether fixed xxii quasi object many pounds wonder whether john weighed many xxii object wonder whether john fixed order explain phenomenon kitahara proposes following condition p90 xxiii chain formation condition application move forms 1 1 chain legitimate violationfree assumes traces may attracted least covertly claims illegitimate whmovements xix xxii form chain therefore whelements able interpreted lf causing derivation crash accounts ungrammaticality xix xxii xxii however kitahara claims formal features trace raise covertly check accusative case movement saves derivation notice covert movement traces whelements xxiv xxvi occur adjuncts quasi objects check case subjects move overtly check case according chain formation condition movement formal features object legitimate may form one chains particular forms chain raised position matrix cp merged position thus derivation interpreted lf status mlc violation kitahara extends analysis xxiv xxiv adjuncts wonder whether john fixed car assumes adjuncts complement null preposition therefore formal features trace must raise covertly check case null preposition creating necessary chain moved position matrix cp merged position chapter concludes book although book stands solidly foundations previous minimalist syntactic research remains accessible wellversed minimalist theory provides clear explanations details previous minimalist approaches well kitahara proposals furthermore relevant derivations presented stepby step pace designed accommodate nonspecialist thus presents good opportunity interested learn research issues minimalist syntax familiar minimalist research find interesting reworking application 1995 style minimalism anyone convinced recent discussions computational complexity local economy see collins 1997 johnson lappin 1997 yang 1997 among others however dissatisfied approach continues rely global economy conditions since course everyone convinced discussion note prospective readers criticism similar note crucial assumption analyses grammar count controversial obviously false note regarding cyclicity notoriously problematic case head movement chomsky 1995 managed incorporate cyclicity requirements forcing apply introduction another head derivation falls outside analysis cyclicity since head movement require operation replacement longer clear way force apply another head introduced perhaps serious reformulation strong feature condition various strong feature conditions previous minimalist approaches simplified first chapter ii repeated xxv xxv strong feature condition spell applies sigma sigma contains category strong feature difficulty formulation renders strong feature condition structure condition thus anti minimalist since minimalism took great pains eliminate structure conditions notice would trivial reformulate previous structure conditions manner parallel xxv spell applies sigma sigma contains traces bound thus reducing minimalist claim structure redundant matter terminology furthermore last chapter condition involving strong features introduced order rule certain noncyclic derivations additional condition given xxvi essentially weakened version chomsky 1995 formulation strong feature condition xxvi alpha beta concatenated sublabel alpha sublabel beta strong p95 thus proposed simplification strong feature condition actually results positing two conditions one structure condition another seemingly anti minimalist proposal chain formation condition given xxiii repeated xxvii xxvii chain formation condition application move forms 1 1 chain legitimate violationfree minimalist theory claims computation human language meets inclusiveness condition e new elements added course computation instead computation arranges rearranges items selected lexicon therefore minimalist theory notion chain independent entity exist would added course derivation violating inclusiveness instead chain simply convenient term used refer identical elements derivation chain formation condition however crucially requires chains independent existence computation comments aside book represent step forward minimalist research program kitahara able derive several assumptions principles previously could stipulated account optionality icelandic object shift satisfying optional strong feature approach although noted raise cross linguistic considerations e g french systematic application minimal link condition data captured various conditions sorely needed confirm intuitions mlc would equal superior empirical coverage finally analysis wh extraction asymmetries presented final chapter one minimalist treatments phenomenon reader find book well considered clearly explained thoughtprovoking biography julie anne legate phd student department linguistics philosophy mit research interests include syntactic theory irish syntax bibliography chomsky noam 1991 notes economy derivation representation principles parameters comparative grammar ed robert freidin 417454 mit press cambridge mass chomsky noam 1993 minimalist program linguistic theory view building 20 eds kenneth hale samuel jay keyser 152 mit press cambridge mass chomsky noam 1994 bare phrase structure mit occasional papers linguistics 5 mitwpl cambridge mass chomsky noam 1995 minimalist program mit press cambridge mass collins chris 1997 local economy mit press cambridge mass epstein samuel 1992 derivational constraints chain formation linguistic inquiry 23 135159 johnson david shalom lappin 1997 critique minimalist program linguistics philosophy yang charles 1997 minimal computation master thesis department electrical engineering computer science mit end forwarded message