in these latter spheres individuals tend to meet more heterogeneous people in terms of social attributes. data were handled using social network analysis tools, resulting in 361 personal networks of individuals in poverty and 30 networks of middle class individuals. After running the statistical analyses, I intentionally chose a set of forty interviewees (twenty in each city) to comprise the qualitative part of the study in order to explore how the individuals use the networks in their daily lives. This article, however, is based mainly on the quantitative information of the research, and I refer the reader to other pieces about the qualitative results (Moya and Marques, 2013; Marques, 2012a). Several previous publications of this research explored different dimensions of the effects of the networks on poverty. The overall association between networks, segregation and poverty in São Paulo was analyzed in Marques (2012a). When compared to the middle-class networks, the personal networks of the poor were, on average, much smaller (53 in São Paulo and 41 in Salvador, against 93 nodes for the middle classes), more local (63.5% in Salvador and 60.5% in São Paulo against 20% local for middle class networks) and less varied in terms of sociability (3.8 different spheres in São Paulo and 3.5 in Salvador, against 5.5 for the middle classes). Inter-relations between different social and income groups were practically inexistent. The poorer city – Salvador - presented slightly smaller, more local and less varied networks, although these differences tended to disappear when compared with the São Paulo middle class. Physical proximity was relatively non important for the middle classes – only 5% of the of these networks lived in the same place of residence, resonating the community hypothesis stated by Wellman (1999). However, localism among the poor was much higher, reaching 32%, on average. Regardless of the differences between social groups, the networks varied substantially within each group (Bichir and Marques, 2012). To explore this variability, I developed a typology of networks and another one of sociability patterns. The combination of these typologies suggested the existence of four relational situations with different degrees of homophily. The typology also
in these latter spheres individuals tend to meet more heterogeneous people in terms of social attributes. data were handled using social network analysis tools, resulting in 361 personal networks of individuals in poverty and 30 networks of middle class individuals. After running the statistical analyses, I intentionally chose a set of forty interviewees (twenty in each city) to comprise the qualitative part of the study in order to explore how the individuals use the networks in their daily lives. This article, however, is based mainly on the quantitative information of the research, and I refer the reader to other pieces about the qualitative results (Moya and Marques, 2013; Marques, 2012a). Several previous publications of this research explored different dimensions of the effects of the networks on poverty. The overall association between networks, segregation and poverty in São Paulo was analyzed in Marques (2012a). When compared to the middle-class networks, the personal networks of the poor were, on average, much smaller (53 in São Paulo and 41 in Salvador, against 93 nodes for the middle classes), more local (63.5% in Salvador and 60.5% in São Paulo against 20% local for middle class networks) and less varied in terms of sociability (3.8 different spheres in São Paulo and 3.5 in Salvador, against 5.5 for the middle classes). Inter-relations between different social and income groups were practically inexistent. The poorer city – Salvador - presented slightly smaller, more local and less varied networks, although these differences tended to disappear when compared with the São Paulo middle class. Physical proximity was relatively non important for the middle classes – only 5% of the of these networks lived in the same place of residence, resonating the community hypothesis stated by Wellman (1999). However, localism among the poor was much higher, reaching 32%, on average. Regardless of the differences between social groups, the networks varied substantially within each group (Bichir and Marques, 2012). To explore this variability, I developed a typology of networks and another one of sociability patterns. The combination of these typologies suggested the existence of four relational situations with different degrees of homophily. The typology also
1-1-Marques.docx