Malena PRON.REFL approach-PST.3SG to him and le puso una taza de café en las manos. him.DAT put-PST.3SG a cup of coffee in the hands him and put a cup of coffee in his ‘Malena approached hands.’ The container-reading also applies to metaphorical extensions of the directional movement. As an example, in combination with seems to be lexicalized (all 7 observations vida meter (‘life’), in the corpus likewise combine with with the meaning of other meter), ‘being too curious about people’s lives’: Yo en su vida no me meto. I in his life not PRON.REFL put-PRS.1SG my nose into in his (lit. put myself in his ‘I don’t poke life.’ ‘I don’t life.’) According to the container-reading, in this kind of contexts, Spanish speakers metaphorically conceive this person as transferring himself or herself the other inside of person’s life. Next, Hypothesis 2 stated that: occurs with both large-sized and small-sized Grounds, whereas preferably meter poner combines with small-sized Grounds Again, this hypothesis was based on theory (1996: 140–141), who stated that, Cifuentes’ because of the inherently illative movement, should be easily combined with large Grounds. meter which would express a simple positioning event, would preferably not be combined with Poner, large-scaled Grounds. This hypothesis was tested in our data by the variable Dimension_Ground. Contrary to what was expected on the basis of Hypothesis 2, our model predicts that small-sized Grounds show a slight preference for Nevertheless, the model does not show very strong meter. evidence in favor of such an effect. Now, how can we account for this effect contrary to expectations on the basis of theory or even the absence of such an effect? The data Cifuentes’ actually seem to suggest that, indeed, is used for illative movements: something is moved meter a container. on the other hand, more frequently expresses a vertical or horizontal into Poner, movement, where the goal is not to put the Figure the Ground, but often to into create a contact
Malena PRON.REFL approach-PST.3SG to him and le puso una taza de café en las manos. him.DAT put-PST.3SG a cup of coffee in the hands ‘Malena approached him and put a cup of coffee in his hands.’ The container-reading also applies to metaphorical extensions of the directional movement. As an example, in combination with vida (‘life’), meter seems to be lexicalized (all 7 observations in the corpus likewise combine with meter), with the meaning of ‘being too curious about other people’s lives’: Yo en su vida no me meto. I in his life not PRON.REFL put-PRS.1SG ‘I don’t poke my nose into in his life.’ (lit. ‘I don’t put myself in his life.’) According to the container-reading, in this kind of contexts, Spanish speakers metaphorically conceive this person as transferring himself or herself inside of the other person’s life. Next, Hypothesis 2 stated that: meter occurs with both large-sized and small-sized Grounds, whereas poner preferably combines with small-sized Grounds Again, this hypothesis was based on Cifuentes’ theory (1996: 140–141), who stated that, because of the inherently illative movement, meter should be easily combined with large Grounds. Poner, which would express a simple positioning event, would preferably not be combined with large-scaled Grounds. This hypothesis was tested in our data by the variable Dimension_Ground. Contrary to what was expected on the basis of Hypothesis 2, our model predicts that small-sized Grounds show a slight preference for meter. Nevertheless, the model does not show very strong evidence in favor of such an effect. Now, how can we account for this effect contrary to expectations on the basis of Cifuentes’ theory or even the absence of such an effect? The data actually seem to suggest that, indeed, meter is used for illative movements: something is moved into a container. Poner, on the other hand, more frequently expresses a vertical or horizontal movement, where the goal is not to put the Figure into the Ground, but often to create a contact
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