Rather than stress the retention of a collective metaphysical reference, this definition also allows, as does (1997) for the active recreation of memory, myth and vision in response to the centripetal force of discrimination suffered within the host country, and discourses within their country or countries of origin. In other words, despite some measure of cohesion, Diasporas also tend to have divergent memories of, visions for and myths about their homeland based on differences in gender, age, race/colour, and class. I suggest that attention should also be paid to smaller-scale sub-national or sub-diasporic identities, family ties and other forms of kinship, as these can be equally, if not more, salient in the study of the social and dynamics of diaspora. [members of a Diaspora] believe they are not - and perhaps “They cannot be - fully accepted by their host society and therefore feel partly alienated and insulated from it”; The perception of social rejection is often a key ingredient in the formation and maintenance of Diaspora. Alienation should be widened to include 'psychic or self-alienation', where, despite its acceptance to or even control of the host society, the Diaspora continues to see itself as foreign or intrinsically belonging to a separate geo-cultural construct. Despite insistence that ’s Diaspora cultures are not separatist (Clifford 1997: 252), examples of or isolationist Diasporas such as Mennonite communities in the are readily available.
Rather than stress the retention of a collective metaphysical reference, this definition also allows, as does (1997) for the active recreation of memory, myth and vision in response to the centripetal force of discrimination suffered within the host country, and discourses within their country or countries of origin. In other words, despite some measure of cohesion, Diasporas also tend to have divergent memories of, visions for and myths about their homeland based on differences in gender, age, race/colour, and class. I suggest that attention should also be paid to smaller-scale sub-national or sub-diasporic identities, family ties and other forms of kinship, as these can be equally, if not more, salient in the study of the social and dynamics of diaspora. “They [members of a Diaspora] believe they are not - and perhaps cannot be - fully accepted by their host society and therefore feel partly alienated and insulated from it”; The perception of social rejection is often a key ingredient in the formation and maintenance of Diaspora. Alienation should be widened to include 'psychic or self-alienation', where, despite its acceptance to or even control of the host society, the Diaspora continues to see itself as foreign or intrinsically belonging to a separate geo-cultural construct. Despite ’s insistence that Diaspora cultures are not separatist (Clifford 1997: 252), examples of or isolationist Diasporas such as Mennonite communities in the are readily available.
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