''There is a real attempt to produce a second economic revolution, this time with a more coherent blueprint,'' said Anthony Saich, a professor of international affairs at Harvard University, who spent the last several years in China. ''But what kind of society do they want, what kind of politics? These issues are in limbo because nobody can talk about them.'' Far from providing an inspired vision of political change, party leaders seem united above all on the necessity of continued Communist rule. They appear to fear that any sign of weakness could cause their power to unravel. That fear is reflected in the obsessive security surrounding the 50th anniversary parade, whose aim is to prevent demonstrations or violence by workers, ethnic separatists, democracy activists or members of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement. Mr. Jiang is using the anniversary celebrations to portray himself as the next great leader in the mold of Mao and Deng. Speaking this week to many of the world's top corporate executives in gleaming Shanghai, he vowed again to create ''a wealthy, strong, democratic and civilized modern socialist country.'' With Mao-style Marxism totally discredited, Mr. Jiang constantly evokes a fuzzy ''Deng Xiaoping theory'' as the nation's guide, and he often appears to be groping for his own true course. He is a leader who one week can mount the harsh repression of Falun Gong then another week select a daring modern French design for a national theater right next to the Great Hall of the People; a leader who in the same statement can pledge radical economic reform and call for a stronger role for the party in managing companies. As long as the party leadership remains united and resolute, its power seems secure for now. But many scholars think that the brew of slower growth, rising unemployment, spreading inequality and popular resentment of corrupt officials will give rise to more turmoil.
''There is a real attempt to produce a second economic revolution, this time with a more coherent blueprint,'' said Anthony Saich, a professor of international affairs at Harvard University, who spent the last several years in China. ''But what kind of society do they want, what kind of politics? These issues are in limbo because nobody can talk about them.'' Far from providing an inspired vision of political change, party leaders seem united above all on the necessity of continued Communist rule. They appear to fear that any sign of weakness could cause their power to unravel. That fear is reflected in the obsessive security surrounding the 50th anniversary parade, whose aim is to prevent demonstrations or violence by workers, ethnic separatists, democracy activists or members of the banned Falun Gong spiritual movement. Mr. Jiang is using the anniversary celebrations to portray himself as the next great leader in the mold of Mao and Deng. Speaking this week to many of the world's top corporate executives in gleaming Shanghai, he vowed again to create ''a wealthy, strong, democratic and civilized modern socialist country.'' With Mao-style Marxism totally discredited, Mr. Jiang constantly evokes a fuzzy ''Deng Xiaoping theory'' as the nation's guide, and he often appears to be groping for his own true course. He is a leader who one week can mount the harsh repression of Falun Gong then another week select a daring modern French design for a national theater right next to the Great Hall of the People; a leader who in the same statement can pledge radical economic reform and call for a stronger role for the party in managing companies. As long as the party leadership remains united and resolute, its power seems secure for now. But many scholars think that the brew of slower growth, rising unemployment, spreading inequality and popular resentment of corrupt officials will give rise to more turmoil.
china_economy_in_1993-1999_2003_2004_2008_2012.docx