office (Paxton, 1997), hence no bias attributable to gender. Second, gender political quotas have the guarantee that a certain proportion of women will be appointed members of parliament (Tripp & Kang, 2008). We, therefore, expect both proportional representation and political quotas to have a positive impact on the number of female members of parliament. Proportional representation equals one for each year in which candidates were elected using a proportional representation system; equals zero otherwise; averaged for the years 1975-2000. This historical data, taken from Beck, Clarke, Groff, Keefer, &Walsh (2001), cannot be changed by voting choices of the period 2007-2013, the sample period of this study. Fractionalization measures are based on the probability that two randomly drawn individuals (from a country) are not from the same group (ethnic) or do not speak the same language (linguistic). Both ethnic (ethnicfrac) and linguistic (linguifrac) fractionalization variables are drawn from Alesina, Devleeschauer, Easterly, Kurlat & Wacziarg (2003), and refer to the situation in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scholars argue that highly fragmented countries are more likely to affect the composition and strength of political institutions such as parliament and government (Boubakri, Mansi & Safar, 2013). We argue that countries that are highly fractionalized, both from an ethnic and linguistic points of view, have over the years learnt to accept and to handle diversity. Such countries would, therefore, be more accepting of yet another form of diversity: gender. We, therefore, expect a positive association between ethnic and linguistic fractionalization on one side and the proportion of female members of parliament on the other. Having been collected in the 1980s -1990s and the fact that the fragmentation of societies on the basis of
office (Paxton, 1997), hence no bias attributable to gender. Second, gender political quotas have the guarantee that a certain proportion of women will be appointed members of parliament (Tripp & Kang, 2008). We, therefore, expect both proportional representation and political quotas to have a positive impact on the number of female members of parliament. Proportional representation equals one for each year in which candidates were elected using a proportional representation system; equals zero otherwise; averaged for the years 1975-2000. This historical data, taken from Beck, Clarke, Groff, Keefer, &Walsh (2001), cannot be changed by voting choices of the period 2007-2013, the sample period of this study. Fractionalization measures are based on the probability that two randomly drawn individuals (from a country) are not from the same group (ethnic) or do not speak the same language (linguistic). Both ethnic (ethnicfrac) and linguistic (linguifrac) fractionalization variables are drawn from Alesina, Devleeschauer, Easterly, Kurlat & Wacziarg (2003), and refer to the situation in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Scholars argue that highly fragmented countries are more likely to affect the composition and strength of political institutions such as parliament and government (Boubakri, Mansi & Safar, 2013). We argue that countries that are highly fractionalized, both from an ethnic and linguistic points of view, have over the years learnt to accept and to handle diversity. Such countries would, therefore, be more accepting of yet another form of diversity: gender. We, therefore, expect a positive association between ethnic and linguistic fractionalization on one side and the proportion of female members of parliament on the other. Having been collected in the 1980s -1990s and the fact that the fragmentation of societies on the basis of
women-on-boards-around-the-world.docx