population is increasingly located in three counties in the southeastern part of the Nebraska’s states (which include the cities of Omaha and Lincoln) that account for over half of the state’s population (Nebraska Blue Book, p.44). While nearly 70% of Nebraska counties lost population from 2000 to 2010, the two largest metropolitan areas and their suburbs experienced the fastest growth in the state with Omaha and Lincoln growing at double-digit rates (Cauchon 2011). The question is whether or not the changing nature of the rural-urban demographics in Nebraska will change the political culture of the state. Unfortunately there has been little research in recent history on the political culture of Nebraska so we are left to assume that red means conservative politics and policy in the state and that there is little difference across geographical or socio-economic characteristics. Consequently, it is assumed by many that Nebraska has little to add to our understanding of the red-blue typology because its dynamics are typical of any red state. That assumption is infrequently tested. While there is not much recent literature on the political landscape of Nebraska, Duffin (2011) examines how changes in population patterns, movement from rural to urban, affect elections to the U.S. Senate in the state. She finds that while Republicans hold a statewide advantage over Democrats, counties that are increasing in population show more support for Democratic candidates and counties with declining populations are more supportive of Republican candidates. She expects that in spite of Nebraska being tagged a red state changing population dynamics will likely insure a competitive two party system in Nebraska moving forward. Duffin (2011) describes demographic changes in Nebraska as they inform us about the changing party affiliation between counties increasing and decreasing in population. However, this paper focuses on political attitudes of Nebraskans over time, place, party, and demographics
Nebraska’s population is increasingly located in three counties in the southeastern part of the states (which include the cities of Omaha and Lincoln) that account for over half of the state’s population (Nebraska Blue Book, p.44). While nearly 70% of Nebraska counties lost population from 2000 to 2010, the two largest metropolitan areas and their suburbs experienced the fastest growth in the state with Omaha and Lincoln growing at double-digit rates (Cauchon 2011). The question is whether or not the changing nature of the rural-urban demographics in Nebraska will change the political culture of the state. Unfortunately there has been little research in recent history on the political culture of Nebraska so we are left to assume that red means conservative politics and policy in the state and that there is little difference across geographical or socio-economic characteristics. Consequently, it is assumed by many that Nebraska has little to add to our understanding of the red-blue typology because its dynamics are typical of any red state. That assumption is infrequently tested. While there is not much recent literature on the political landscape of Nebraska, Duffin (2011) examines how changes in population patterns, movement from rural to urban, affect elections to the U.S. Senate in the state. She finds that while Republicans hold a statewide advantage over Democrats, counties that are increasing in population show more support for Democratic candidates and counties with declining populations are more supportive of Republican candidates. She expects that in spite of Nebraska being tagged a red state changing population dynamics will likely insure a competitive two party system in Nebraska moving forward. Duffin (2011) describes demographic changes in Nebraska as they inform us about the changing party affiliation between counties increasing and decreasing in population. However, this paper focuses on political attitudes of Nebraskans over time, place, party, and demographics
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