Challenges to Accepted Theory The studies included in this section have resulted in findings that challenge long-held assumptions and theories. Taylor (1985) found that nonresidential land use was et al significantly correlated with crime and was a significant predictor of perceived physical decay. In a later study, Taylor (1995) concluded that nonresidential land use in a neighborhood has et al a statistically significant effect on physical deterioration. Although parks well-used by families may tend to deter crime, in general most nonresidential land uses act as magnets for neighborhood deterioration and subsequent loss of social control, and ultimately (either directly through routine travel patterns of offenders or indirectly through increased disorder) for crime. This conclusion directly refutes Jane Jacobs’ (1961) argument that businesses have positive impacts on the neighborhoods in which they are located. The authors did note that Jacobs wrote in a context in which neighborhoods and neighborhood businesses were typically more closely aligned ethnically. Further, in that context, longer hours kept by business owners may have discouraged loitering in the evening hours. Taylor suggested that policy focus on et al preventing or slowing physical deterioration and loss of social control. All of the recommended policies begin with acknowledgement of the relationship between nonresidential land uses and disorder. Sampson and Raudenbush (2004) directly challenged the broken windows and incivilities theories. In their study of Chicago neighborhoods, the authors employed SEM to examine the effects of structural characteristics—such as race, ethnicity, and class—on physical and social disorder. Observed disorder was a moderate correlate of predatory crime (e.g. robbery, aggravated assault, rape, and homicide) and varied with neighborhood demographic composition. When the demographic characteristics were taken into account, the connections between
Challenges to Accepted Theory The studies included in this section have resulted in findings that challenge long-held assumptions and theories. Taylor et al (1985) found that nonresidential land use was significantly correlated with crime and was a significant predictor of perceived physical decay. In a later study, Taylor et al (1995) concluded that nonresidential land use in a neighborhood has a statistically significant effect on physical deterioration. Although parks well-used by families may tend to deter crime, in general most nonresidential land uses act as magnets for neighborhood deterioration and subsequent loss of social control, and ultimately (either directly through routine travel patterns of offenders or indirectly through increased disorder) for crime. This conclusion directly refutes Jane Jacobs’ (1961) argument that businesses have positive impacts on the neighborhoods in which they are located. The authors did note that Jacobs wrote in a context in which neighborhoods and neighborhood businesses were typically more closely aligned ethnically. Further, in that context, longer hours kept by business owners may have discouraged loitering in the evening hours. Taylor et al suggested that policy focus on preventing or slowing physical deterioration and loss of social control. All of the recommended policies begin with acknowledgement of the relationship between nonresidential land uses and disorder. Sampson and Raudenbush (2004) directly challenged the broken windows and incivilities theories. In their study of Chicago neighborhoods, the authors employed SEM to examine the effects of structural characteristics—such as race, ethnicity, and class—on physical and social disorder. Observed disorder was a moderate correlate of predatory crime (e.g. robbery, aggravated assault, rape, and homicide) and varied with neighborhood demographic composition. When the demographic characteristics were taken into account, the connections between
The_measurement_of_disorder_-_Anthony_DL_and_Perkins_DD.docx