one’s worldview and its adherents. is regular, often ritualistic, engagement “Communion” with one’s co-religionists. in Atran and Norenzayan (2004) refers not to “Compassion” concern for relieving the suffering of others, but to the passionate supernatural per se, engagement (and usually explanatory resolution) of common human existential concerns like the fate of human consciousness after death. in this sense might be “Compassion” more appropriately labeled resolution of existential concerns.” “supernatural The variables in the BBC dataset approximating these four features were (1) (“I have always believed in God” or believe in God but have not always” vs. “theism” “I other response), (2) martydrom” (“I would die for my God/beliefs” vs. other “willing response), (3) attendance” (“I regularly attend an organized religious service” “religious vs. other response), and (4) belief” (agreement that is not the end” vs. “afterlife “death other response). As an additional index of religiosity, we measured (5) “prayer frequency” (“regularly” vs. other response), which Ginges et al (2009) previously used as an index of religious belief. Though all five items are dissociable aspects of religiosity, our theoretical interest was in the common element shared by these measures. The measure of conservatism in this sample was a kind of religious/ideological exclusivity: agreement with God (beliefs) is the only true God (beliefs)” vs. “My response. There was no other item in the BBC’s brief survey that better approximated conservatism. Although the item as worded invites a religious interpretation, the inclusion of in parentheses provided an option for a secular exclusivist response. In “beliefs” addition, exclusivity is not one of Atran and Norenzayan’s (2004) four hypothesized features of religiosity. It is, however, close to the dogmatism identified as a feature of conservative motivated cognition (Jost et al, 2003).
one’s worldview and its adherents. “Communion” is regular, often ritualistic, engagement with one’s co-religionists. “Compassion” in Atran and Norenzayan (2004) refers not to concern for relieving the suffering of others, per se, but to the passionate supernatural engagement (and usually explanatory resolution) of common human existential concerns like the fate of human consciousness after death. “Compassion” in this sense might be more appropriately labeled “supernatural resolution of existential concerns.” The variables in the BBC dataset approximating these four features were (1) “theism” (“I have always believed in God” or “I believe in God but have not always” vs. other response), (2) “willing martydrom” (“I would die for my God/beliefs” vs. other response), (3) “religious attendance” (“I regularly attend an organized religious service” vs. other response), and (4) “afterlife belief” (agreement that “death is not the end” vs. other response). As an additional index of religiosity, we measured (5) “prayer frequency” (“regularly” vs. other response), which Ginges et al (2009) previously used as an index of religious belief. Though all five items are dissociable aspects of religiosity, our theoretical interest was in the common element shared by these measures. The measure of conservatism in this sample was a kind of religious/ideological exclusivity: agreement with “My God (beliefs) is the only true God (beliefs)” vs. response. There was no other item in the BBC’s brief survey that better approximated conservatism. Although the item as worded invites a religious interpretation, the inclusion of “beliefs” in parentheses provided an option for a secular exclusivist response. In addition, exclusivity is not one of Atran and Norenzayan’s (2004) four hypothesized features of religiosity. It is, however, close to the dogmatism identified as a feature of conservative motivated cognition (Jost et al, 2003).
religionoppression_rbb_mainmanuscript_revisedagainfinal-1.docx