to education of particular group. Therefore, inequality in education can escalate into conflict by fostering the marginalisation of minority groups. Education policies get the exposure to influence political and economic inequalities by determining economic opportunities. In such cases, education often acts as a source of violence by restricting the access of a particular group or by promoting inappropriate content. An unequal educational access causes horizontal inequalities (Omoeva and Hatch, 2015) for ethnic minorities and affects unemployment, poverty, malnutrition, and access to civil service positions and political office. Barakat et al. (2013) report that when the education system reinforces the political domination and subordination of minorities, it becomes a foundation for armed conflict. Such an environment, in turn, often result in political instability and financial uncertainty, leading to lower educational capacity and teacher shortages. Education acquires a for minority groups when it carries the values of elites. ‘negative face’ As Bourdieu (1984) argues, education plays a vital role in producing and reproducing social order by recognizing the culture and identity of economically and politically dominant social groups. Language and culture are the key components to privilege the values of social elites through the education system. Through these components, educational institutions cultural capital, irrespective of socio-economic context. Rassool legitimize elites’ others’ (2007) argues that the use of colonial language in education eventually alters the ‘inner of and values. She depicts dynamic’ colonized countries’ beliefs Bourdieu’s ‘colonial habitus’ as: “…[Formerly colonized people] often make linguistic choices that reinforce existing social, political, and economic inequalities; and, in doing so, they collude in their own collective disempowerment and/or dispossession” (p. 2). Similarly, in post-colonial Rwanda, the government failed to re-design the education system left by the Belgian colonisers in such a way as to prevent conflict. The colonial education system prioritized the Tutsis. Rather than focus on building a common identity and ensuring peace, the Hutu majority, after gaining control over the government and education, further politicized the education system in terms of access, curricular content, and teachers’ attitudes on ethnicity. The education system thus exacerbated divisions in
to education of particular group. Therefore, inequality in education can escalate into conflict by fostering the marginalisation of minority groups. Education policies get the exposure to influence political and economic inequalities by determining economic opportunities. In such cases, education often acts as a source of violence by restricting the access of a particular group or by promoting inappropriate content. An unequal educational access causes horizontal inequalities (Omoeva and Hatch, 2015) for ethnic minorities and affects unemployment, poverty, malnutrition, and access to civil service positions and political office. Barakat et al. (2013) report that when the education system reinforces the political domination and subordination of minorities, it becomes a foundation for armed conflict. Such an environment, in turn, often result in political instability and financial uncertainty, leading to lower educational capacity and teacher shortages. Education acquires a ‘negative face’ for minority groups when it carries the values of elites. As Bourdieu (1984) argues, education plays a vital role in producing and reproducing social order by recognizing the culture and identity of economically and politically dominant social groups. Language and culture are the key components to privilege the values of social elites through the education system. Through these components, educational institutions legitimize elites’ cultural capital, irrespective of others’ socio-economic context. Rassool (2007) argues that the use of colonial language in education eventually alters the ‘inner dynamic’ of colonized countries’ beliefs and values. She depicts Bourdieu’s ‘colonial habitus’ as: “…[Formerly colonized people] often make linguistic choices that reinforce existing social, political, and economic inequalities; and, in doing so, they collude in their own collective disempowerment and/or dispossession” (p. 2). Similarly, in post-colonial Rwanda, the government failed to re-design the education system left by the Belgian colonisers in such a way as to prevent conflict. The colonial education system prioritized the Tutsis. Rather than focus on building a common identity and ensuring peace, the Hutu majority, after gaining control over the government and education, further politicized the education system in terms of access, curricular content, and teachers’ attitudes on ethnicity. The education system thus exacerbated divisions in
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