each of these instances, these women reject respectability by directly highlighting, with intent to address, the structural barriers that replicate marginality. In doing this they also highlight the volatility of social mobility as a basis for democratic thought or practice. This volatility is heightened when they face public objectification, even amongst their fellow protestors: As women are the majority in the movement here in St. Louis, it puzzles me as to why we have to make sure we are heard and seen for the work we are doing, rather than just pretty faces. had to check so many brothers for coming at me me if I’ve …. [One asked] my clothing I had on were my because I looked way to[o] beautiful to ‘activist clothing’ be out there at night. Alluded by Adrienne history of the roots of sexual harassment in slavery, black Davis’s legal women in all their workspaces as laborers, mothers, and even activists continue to feel the effects of bodily objectification. And, by ways of a queer of color analysis, these women in rejecting respectability the idea that race, class, gender, and sexuality are discrete formations, “debunk apparently insulated from one another.” and evolution also centers black relationship to citizenship as BLM’s inception women’s defined by illegitimacy. Turning back to the events with which I opened this analysis, both Philadelphia and be read as borderlands. LeCount’s Bland’s Waller County, Texas can Borrowing from Gloria Anzaldúa, by this I mean they are physical sites rich with black women’s history and lived experience but are also where black female bodies are always already vulnerable to state violence. These women do not actively choose to risk life and limb in transit. They are already risk. Throughout U.S. history in their attempts to gain mobility by accessing at modes of transportation, state sanctioned violence against Black women varied from region to region and from racial regime to racial regime. The execution of such violence also shifted correspondingly to the evolution in societal advances such as technology and economic prosperity. These shifts are materially reflected in the changes of the dominant method of transit
each of these instances, these women reject respectability by directly highlighting, with intent to address, the structural barriers that replicate marginality. In doing this they also highlight the volatility of social mobility as a basis for democratic thought or practice. This volatility is heightened when they face public objectification, even amongst their fellow protestors: As women are the majority in the movement here in St. Louis, it puzzles me as to why we have to make sure we are heard and seen for the work we are doing, rather than just pretty faces. I’ve had to check so many brothers for coming at me …. [One asked] me if my clothing I had on were my ‘activist clothing’ because I looked way to[o] beautiful to be out there at night. Alluded by Adrienne Davis’s legal history of the roots of sexual harassment in slavery, black women in all their workspaces as laborers, mothers, and even activists continue to feel the effects of bodily objectification. And, by ways of a queer of color analysis, these women in rejecting respectability “debunk the idea that race, class, gender, and sexuality are discrete formations, apparently insulated from one another.” BLM’s inception and evolution also centers black women’s relationship to citizenship as defined by illegitimacy. Turning back to the events with which I opened this analysis, both LeCount’s Philadelphia and Bland’s Waller County, Texas can be read as borderlands. Borrowing from Gloria Anzaldúa, by this I mean they are physical sites rich with black women’s history and lived experience but are also where black female bodies are always already vulnerable to state violence. These women do not actively choose to risk life and limb in transit. They are already at risk. Throughout U.S. history in their attempts to gain mobility by accessing modes of transportation, state sanctioned violence against Black women varied from region to region and from racial regime to racial regime. The execution of such violence also shifted correspondingly to the evolution in societal advances such as technology and economic prosperity. These shifts are materially reflected in the changes of the dominant method of transit
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