While economists and politicians present government as having little role in the economy, “the is not state of The decline in top income tax rates, the estate market” “some pre-political nature.” tax, and capital gains tax, the gutting of unions, the de-regulation of the FIRE (finance, insurance, and real estate) sector, the creations of through promoting and/or allowing effective ‘rents’ monopolization within numerous industries all of these changes, which radically re-structure our – economic system, fundamentally involve the work of government and are only possible because of to business interests. Washington’s submission The Radical Right and its predecessors had laid the groundwork for business’ since the 1930s, but it began in earnest in the 1970s. This was epitomized by Lewis F. American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Memorandum. That this memo, a relatively Powell Jr.’s 1971 sober articulation (at least in rhetoric and logic) of the was ‘anti-collectivist’ “paranoid style,” written by a soon to be Supreme Court Justice signifies the direction of fiscal, monetary, and regulatory tides. This was the birth of what Hacker and Pierson call the of organized “politics from 1968 to 1978, companies with registered D.C. lobbyists rose fourteen-fold, combat” (POC): from 175 to 2,500; from 1976 to 1980, corporate PACs went from less than 300 to more than 1200; etc. Lobbying and campaign expenditures (especially by wealth families once hesitant to openly fund political action in support of their ideology), interest group and policy institute (e.g. the Business Roundtable, the Heritage Foundation, the AEI, etc.) influence, and have “astroturfing” since been organized and institutionalized as ideological weapons. Lobbying becomes the most efficient means of influence because professional interest groups can provide an intense, sustained, and organized, but flexible, effort to shape policy. Coordinated across industries and directed at multiple public institutions, companies can synchronize shared aims and pursue them proactively. By 2009, during a recession, lobbying expenditures hit a record $3.5 billion.
While economists and politicians present government as having little role in the economy, “the market” is not “some pre-political state of nature.” The decline in top income tax rates, the estate tax, and capital gains tax, the gutting of unions, the de-regulation of the FIRE (finance, insurance, and real estate) sector, the creations of ‘rents’ through promoting and/or allowing effective monopolization within numerous industries – all of these changes, which radically re-structure our economic system, fundamentally involve the work of government and are only possible because of Washington’s submission to business interests. The Radical Right and its predecessors had laid the groundwork for business’ since the 1930s, but it began in earnest in the 1970s. This was epitomized by Lewis F. Powell Jr.’s 1971 American Enterprise Institute (AEI) Memorandum. That this memo, a relatively sober articulation (at least in rhetoric and logic) of the ‘anti-collectivist’ “paranoid style,” was written by a soon to be Supreme Court Justice signifies the direction of fiscal, monetary, and regulatory tides. This was the birth of what Hacker and Pierson call the “politics of organized combat” (POC): from 1968 to 1978, companies with registered D.C. lobbyists rose fourteen-fold, from 175 to 2,500; from 1976 to 1980, corporate PACs went from less than 300 to more than 1200; etc. Lobbying and campaign expenditures (especially by wealth families once hesitant to openly fund political action in support of their ideology), interest group and policy institute (e.g. the Business Roundtable, the Heritage Foundation, the AEI, etc.) influence, and “astroturfing” have since been organized and institutionalized as ideological weapons. Lobbying becomes the most efficient means of influence because professional interest groups can provide an intense, sustained, and organized, but flexible, effort to shape policy. Coordinated across industries and directed at multiple public institutions, companies can synchronize shared aims and pursue them proactively. By 2009, during a recession, lobbying expenditures hit a record $3.5 billion.
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