won only one percentage point more of the female vote than Obama. A number of pundits and political operatives attempted depressed turnout among these traditionally Democratic groups, especially in the Rust Belt, to a strategic failure to canvass. Regardless (by extrapolating the above data on to the national level) it becomes apparent that only an electorally ‘white voters’ insignificant fraction of the four Democratic groups flipped to Trump most voted third party or – stayed home. In fact, of 700 counties won twice by Obama, about one-third (209) went for Trump, and of those 207 counties that Obama won once, nearly 94 percent (194) went for Trump; the 209 Obama strongholds that flipped to Trump were 81 percent white and those counties that split their vote in 2008 and 2012 before going for Trump were 86 percent white, whereas those counties that went for Obama and Clinton were only 55 percent white and 71 percent white, respectively. The post-1980 Republican base a middle-class of small business owners, the – professionals and managers, and evangelical Christians was pretty well assured to – vote Trump. What made the difference was picking up a percentage of the white working class unseen since Reagan. His (white) nationalist populism appealed to just enough older, white working- and middle- class, low education voters. This middling class of citizens whose financial – outlook is quite precarious due to the Great Recession (and its historically slow recovery) are – increasingly aware of shifting demographics and unhappy with the neo-liberal establishment, both of which are blamed for their plight. In summation, the idea that we are in the midst of a populist revolt is vastly overblown, and a variety of factors led to victory, but there is significant Trump’s support for the notion that Trumpism is in the vein of an that oppositional discourse populism appeals to working-class whites. The recipe for this appeal, however, is not complete without discussing the impact, of the other three starting with constants, paranoia.
won only one percentage point more of the female vote than Obama. A number of pundits and political operatives attempted depressed turnout among these traditionally Democratic groups, especially in the Rust Belt, to a strategic failure to canvass. Regardless (by extrapolating the above data on ‘white voters’ to the national level) it becomes apparent that only an electorally insignificant fraction of the four Democratic groups flipped to Trump – most voted third party or stayed home. In fact, of 700 counties won twice by Obama, about one-third (209) went for Trump, and of those 207 counties that Obama won once, nearly 94 percent (194) went for Trump; the 209 Obama strongholds that flipped to Trump were 81 percent white and those counties that split their vote in 2008 and 2012 before going for Trump were 86 percent white, whereas those counties that went for Obama and Clinton were only 55 percent white and 71 percent white, respectively. The post-1980 Republican base – a middle-class of small business owners, the professionals and managers, and evangelical Christians – was pretty well assured to vote Trump. What made the difference was picking up a percentage of the white working class unseen since Reagan. His (white) nationalist populism appealed to just enough older, white working- and middle- class, low education voters. This middling class of citizens – whose financial outlook is quite precarious due to the Great Recession (and its historically slow recovery) – are increasingly aware of shifting demographics and unhappy with the neo-liberal establishment, both of which are blamed for their plight. In summation, the idea that we are in the midst of a populist revolt is vastly overblown, and a variety of factors led to Trump’s victory, but there is significant support for the notion that Trumpism is in the vein of an oppositional discourse populism that appeals to working-class whites. The recipe for this appeal, however, is not complete without discussing the impact, of the other three constants, starting with paranoia.
Flint%20-%20Trump%20is%20Not%20the%20Excpetion,%20He's%20the%20Rule.docx