What about referring to determiner phrases that are not in a coordination relation (by conjunction) like: The mechanism of transmitting more met Mary. They smiled”? “John than one value of the antecedent to the plural anaphoric pronoun is the same: they Again, the predicate is taken to be distributive. smiled Note that reversing the order of Binding and Lifting for the two gives the DPs denotation. As usual, the layers act like indices; a superior level takes scope at inferior levels and left expressions take scope at right expressions, to account for left-to-right natural language order of processing. An open problem still remains: how to block “John or Bill called. *They hang up”? The third case, the case of introducing plural entities by singular is the most DPs difficult. We will stipulate that a singular may bind a plural entity (introduced by a DP pronoun or a definite) if and only if it is logically a plural, that is: Either the singular is bound by universal quantifier, DP Or the singular is embedded inside an expression in which it co-varies with a DP variable bound by the universal quantifier (the so-called structural dependency). Consider the following example, in which the is universally DP every man quantified: We give it the following derivation: man came. They whistled”. “Every To exemplify the case in which the binding is embedded inside an expression in DP which it co-varies with a variable bound by the universal, consider the following examples: kid climbed every tree.” followed by “A or “He was full of energy.” were full of energy.” “They Note that the sentence has two distinct readings, one in which takes scope a over and one in which takes scope over If the first sentence is continued by every every a. the second, then the only possible reading in natural language becomes that with taking a
What about referring to determiner phrases that are not in a coordination relation (by conjunction) like: “John met Mary. They smiled”? The mechanism of transmitting more than one value of the antecedent to the plural anaphoric pronoun they is the same: Again, the predicate smiled is taken to be distributive. Note that reversing the order of Binding and Lifting for the two DPs gives the denotation. As usual, the layers act like indices; a superior level takes scope at inferior levels and left expressions take scope at right expressions, to account for left-to-right natural language order of processing. An open problem still remains: how to block “John or Bill called. *They hang up”? The third case, the case of introducing plural entities by singular DPs is the most difficult. We will stipulate that a singular DP may bind a plural entity (introduced by a pronoun or a definite) if and only if it is logically a plural, that is: Either the singular DP is bound by universal quantifier, Or the singular DP is embedded inside an expression in which it co-varies with a variable bound by the universal quantifier (the so-called structural dependency). Consider the following example, in which the DP every man is universally quantified: “Every man came. They whistled”. We give it the following derivation: To exemplify the case in which the binding DP is embedded inside an expression in which it co-varies with a variable bound by the universal, consider the following examples: “A kid climbed every tree.” followed by “He was full of energy.” or “They were full of energy.” Note that the sentence has two distinct readings, one in which a takes scope over every and one in which every takes scope over a. If the first sentence is continued by the second, then the only possible reading in natural language becomes that with a taking
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