Mitchell and Finkelhor, 2011). Some of the studies survey only those under 18, while others include young adults aged up to 25. These issues make it difficult to draw firm conclusions about the extent of youth sexting, although it appears to be a potentially substantial, if minority, activity. Despite the lack of firm and reliable evidence regarding the prevalence and nature of youth sexting, perceived high levels of sexting among young people under 18 are associated with concern surrounding the supposed inappropriateness and riskiness of their behaviour (Lounsbury et al., 2011; Klettke et al., 2014). In several countries, including the UK, US and Australia, scholars have analysed representations of youth sexting in the media, and in campaign and educational materials directed toward young people, their parents and the general public (Crofts et al., 2015; Dobson and Ringrose, 2015; Döring, 2014; Hasinoff, 2015a; Moran-Ellis, 2012). From these analyses, some consistent themes are apparent, with discourses of fear, negativity and alarm dominating (Angelides, 2013). Crofts et al. (2015), Hasinoff (2015a) and Moran-Ellis (2012) tracked the development of the news media focus on sexting. They outline how coverage began around 2002 and initially tended to relate to adults, with reports on ‘sexting scandals’ involving celebrities, politicians and others in the public eye. The focus later shifted to children being victimised by adults and then to young people sexting among themselves. In her analysis of UK media, Döring (2014) found sexting tends to be depicted as inherently harmful and, therefore, inappropriate for young people. Unauthorised distribution, in which privately produced sexts are circulated beyond the intended recipients without the consent of the subject, is considered likely, even inevitable (Angelides, 2013; Döring, 2014). Young people are considered vulnerable to bullying and harassment by peers, and exclusion from future employment and educational
Mitchell and Finkelhor, 2011). Some of the studies survey only those under 18, while others include young adults aged up to 25. These issues make it difficult to draw firm conclusions about the extent of youth sexting, although it appears to be a potentially substantial, if minority, activity. Despite the lack of firm and reliable evidence regarding the prevalence and nature of youth sexting, perceived high levels of sexting among young people under 18 are associated with concern surrounding the supposed inappropriateness and riskiness of their behaviour (Lounsbury et al., 2011; Klettke et al., 2014). In several countries, including the UK, US and Australia, scholars have analysed representations of youth sexting in the media, and in campaign and educational materials directed toward young people, their parents and the general public (Crofts et al., 2015; Dobson and Ringrose, 2015; Döring, 2014; Hasinoff, 2015a; Moran-Ellis, 2012). From these analyses, some consistent themes are apparent, with discourses of fear, negativity and alarm dominating (Angelides, 2013). Crofts et al. (2015), Hasinoff (2015a) and Moran-Ellis (2012) tracked the development of the news media focus on sexting. They outline how coverage began around 2002 and initially tended to relate to adults, with reports on ‘sexting scandals’ involving celebrities, politicians and others in the public eye. The focus later shifted to children being victimised by adults and then to young people sexting among themselves. In her analysis of UK media, Döring (2014) found sexting tends to be depicted as inherently harmful and, therefore, inappropriate for young people. Unauthorised distribution, in which privately produced sexts are circulated beyond the intended recipients without the consent of the subject, is considered likely, even inevitable (Angelides, 2013; Döring, 2014). Young people are considered vulnerable to bullying and harassment by peers, and exclusion from future employment and educational
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