263). In Russia, news media is increasingly characterised by intense commercialisation pressures, leading to media doing bidding of sparring elites in return for “the financial support” (Lowrey & Erzhikova, 2011, p.275). Yet, the media reality is more nuanced. In China, there is evidence that commercial imperatives are entering news media production in China (Tang and Iyengar 2011) challenging government interferences. is showing a growing India’s record disrespect to the role as a of and Xiao (2007) argued that media’s ‘watchdog democracy’. Stone Russian news bias in favour of its own post-Soviet government is now expected despite granted freedoms. Our study presents media framing of foreign counterparts both in primarily free media and controlled press countries. In the former, foreign news coverage serves as an “important source of information and a potentially powerful lobbying for local governments force” (Rubin 1979: 7) and also to cascade activation in democratic systems, shaping voter’s preferences. Related “the assumption is that an enlightened public will receive politically important information through the press and in turn will provide guidance to and Chen 1992: 82). Even policymakers” (Larson in controlled media news coverage is a current political “prime indication…of attitudes” internally and externally (Rubin 1979). In addition to news coverage, external political structure is also ‘internal’ factors influencing important. Alleyne (1995: 6) noted that global flow of news is political: it reflects and ‘the determines the international configuration of China, India and Russia are power’. ‘emerging’ powers, competing with the EU and the US for superpower status and contemplating their responses to the changing international realities (e.g. crisis), as well as EU’s growing economic calculating its effects and impacts. While the three powers differ in many geo-political terms, the three are united by ‘emerging’ status in their bilateral relations with the EU. Neither a federation, nor a pure ‘strategic partner’ intergovernmental organisation, the EU is constantly changing, often fundamentally. The EU’s recent history has featured a set of ongoing crises financial, economic, social, political all – – triggered by the euro crisis. What is commonly referred to as the to ‘euro crisis’, is, according Shambaugh (2012), three distinct crises. Since 2009 the eurozone economy has been crippled as
263). In Russia, news media is increasingly characterised by intense commercialisation pressures, leading to media doing “the bidding of sparring elites in return for financial support” (Lowrey & Erzhikova, 2011, p.275). Yet, the media reality is more nuanced. In China, there is evidence that commercial imperatives are entering news media production in China (Tang and Iyengar 2011) challenging government interferences. India’s record is showing a growing disrespect to the media’s role as a ‘watchdog of democracy’. Stone and Xiao (2007) argued that Russian news bias in favour of its own post-Soviet government is now expected despite granted freedoms. Our study presents media framing of foreign counterparts both in primarily free media and controlled press countries. In the former, foreign news coverage serves as an “important source of information and a potentially powerful lobbying force” (Rubin 1979: 7) for local governments and also shaping voter’s preferences. Related to cascade activation in democratic systems, “the assumption is that an enlightened public will receive politically important information through the press and in turn will provide guidance to policymakers” (Larson and Chen 1992: 82). Even in controlled media news coverage is a “prime indication…of current political attitudes” internally and externally (Rubin 1979). In addition to ‘internal’ factors influencing news coverage, external political structure is also important. Alleyne (1995: 6) noted that ‘the global flow of news is political: it reflects and determines the international configuration of power’. China, India and Russia are ‘emerging’ powers, competing with the EU and the US for superpower status and contemplating their responses to the changing international realities (e.g. EU’s growing economic crisis), as well as calculating its effects and impacts. While the three ‘emerging’ powers differ in many geo-political terms, the three are united by ‘strategic partner’ status in their bilateral relations with the EU. Neither a federation, nor a pure intergovernmental organisation, the EU is constantly changing, often fundamentally. The EU’s recent history has featured a set of ongoing crises – financial, economic, social, political – all triggered by the euro crisis. What is commonly referred to as the ‘euro crisis’, is, according to Shambaugh (2012), three distinct crises. Since 2009 the eurozone economy has been crippled as