were to attend ordinary church services in the mornings, and to listen to the preaching of the word. Processions might take place only in the afternoons, each parish being allocated just one afternoon per week. It was by no means the end of public enthusiasm. Rozée was well aware of the rapturous welcome given to Caetani in January 1590. The occasion was a good example of what Ann Ramsey has called the shared performance of ‘performativity’ – religious rituals. In so far as the welcomers encompassed several social levels of both laity and clergy it reinforced unity in ranks. At the same time the presence of dignitaries Ligue gave the occasion legitimacy and enhanced the plausibility of the Ligue. Though the Blois assassinations provoked a mood in Paris that left preachers temporarily redundant, the were generally glad of support from clerics. But their organisational Seize structure they borrowed from the laity. Using the term Descimon has ‘Ligue-confrérie’, suggested that the 1585 founders of the Paris had in mind the devotional lay Ligue confraternities that had been engaged in the struggle against Protestantism for a quarter of a century. Thus, pas de meilleur définition du mouvement des Seize que celle qui ‘[i]l n’est à une l’assimile confrérie laïque’. One of four confraternities discussed in an article by Robert Harding, the Confrérie du Saint Nom de Jésus appeared in Paris, and then shortly afterwards in Orléans, in 1590. Its goal was manutention de la Religion Catholique, Apostolique, & Romaine, sous ‘la du Roy, des Princes, & magistrats Claiming to have l’authorité Catholiques’. ‘aucune esperance mondain, ou the themselves to d’honneur proffit particulier’, ‘brothers’ pledged personal holiness. They vowed obedience to the Pope, the bishop and other senior clergy, to Charles X, Mayenne and the leaders of the They would seek help from the Sainte Union. Catholic King and never recognise Henri de Navarre as King of .
were to attend ordinary church services in the mornings, and to listen to the preaching of the word. Processions might take place only in the afternoons, each parish being allocated just one afternoon per week. It was by no means the end of public enthusiasm. Rozée was well aware of the rapturous welcome given to Caetani in January 1590. The occasion was a good example of what Ann Ramsey has called ‘performativity’ – the shared performance of religious rituals. In so far as the welcomers encompassed several social levels of both laity and clergy it reinforced unity in Ligue ranks. At the same time the presence of dignitaries gave the occasion legitimacy and enhanced the plausibility of the Ligue. Though the Blois assassinations provoked a mood in Paris that left preachers temporarily redundant, the Seize were generally glad of support from clerics. But their organisational structure they borrowed from the laity. Using the term ‘Ligue-confrérie’, Descimon has suggested that the 1585 founders of the Paris Ligue had in mind the devotional lay confraternities that had been engaged in the struggle against Protestantism for a quarter of a century. Thus, ‘[i]l n’est pas de meilleur définition du mouvement des Seize que celle qui l’assimile à une confrérie laïque’. One of four confraternities discussed in an article by Robert Harding, the Confrérie du Saint Nom de Jésus appeared in Paris, and then shortly afterwards in Orléans, in 1590. Its goal was ‘la manutention de la Religion Catholique, Apostolique, & Romaine, sous l’authorité du Roy, des Princes, & magistrats Catholiques’. Claiming to have ‘aucune esperance d’honneur mondain, ou proffit particulier’, the ‘brothers’ pledged themselves to personal holiness. They vowed obedience to the Pope, the bishop and other senior clergy, to Charles X, Mayenne and the leaders of the Sainte Union. They would seek help from the Catholic King and never recognise Henri de Navarre as King of .