Royalists were well aware of the propaganda campaign of early1591. On 7 April Ligue noblemen with Navarre at Chartres wrote to the pope explaining that he was being duped by mis-information from the they added that les roys et pas permi Ligue; ‘Dieu donne n’est aux subiectz choisir à leur The royalist envoy to Rome, François de d’en volonté’. Luxembourg, wrote the next day beseeching the pope not to judge hastily; replying on 4 June, the pope conceded no ground. Indeed he could not, for by then his assistance to the had gone far beyond moral support. Landriano had reached Paris; 15,000 per Ligue écus month had been made available to the for the upkeep of a garrison in . More money Ligue had followed. Next had come news that infantry from Switzerland and cavalry from Naples would soon set off for France under the leadership of Ercole Sfondrati, duke of Montemarciano, a nephew of the Ligueurs wrote Pope. ‘Les applaudirent,’ L’Epinois. Referring probably to influence, Rozée noted that the army had been procured Ligue through agents qui estoient a ‘les Rome’. In chapter four we noted that when Rozée imported long passages from contemporary writings typically several sides it was because the views expressed in them mirrored his – – own. A key import on the 1591 gallican controversy was the Supplication et advis fait au which sought with an array of arguments to bring Navarre to Roy de se faire Catholique conversion. There was the force of antiquity: the Catholic church had outlasted all others, its doctrines unchanged, and all previous kings had professed the Catholic faith. Then there were political arguments: if the king remained Protestant, all his key men would be in a different church, meaning that they would have more support from the people than the king himself. As for the Protestants they would surely remain loyal to a converted Navarre (‘s’ils ont obey au deffunct Roy, ils vous obeiront a plus forte would also raison’). Conversion
Royalists were well aware of the Ligue propaganda campaign of early1591. On 7 April noblemen with Navarre at Chartres wrote to the pope explaining that he was being duped by mis-information from the Ligue; they added that ‘Dieu donne les roys et n’est pas permi aux subiectz d’en choisir à leur volonté’. The royalist envoy to Rome, François de Luxembourg, wrote the next day beseeching the pope not to judge hastily; replying on 4 June, the pope conceded no ground. Indeed he could not, for by then his assistance to the Ligue had gone far beyond moral support. Landriano had reached Paris; 15,000 écus per month had been made available to the Ligue for the upkeep of a garrison in . More money had followed. Next had come news that infantry from Switzerland and cavalry from Naples would soon set off for France under the leadership of Ercole Sfondrati, duke of Montemarciano, a nephew of the Pope. ‘Les Ligueurs applaudirent,’ wrote L’Epinois. Referring probably to Ligue influence, Rozée noted that the army had been procured through ‘les agents qui estoient a Rome’. In chapter four we noted that when Rozée imported long passages from contemporary writings – typically several sides – it was because the views expressed in them mirrored his own. A key import on the 1591 gallican controversy was the Supplication et advis fait au Roy de se faire Catholique which sought with an array of arguments to bring Navarre to conversion. There was the force of antiquity: the Catholic church had outlasted all others, its doctrines unchanged, and all previous kings had professed the Catholic faith. Then there were political arguments: if the king remained Protestant, all his key men would be in a different church, meaning that they would have more support from the people than the king himself. As for the Protestants they would surely remain loyal to a converted Navarre (‘s’ils ont obey au deffunct Roy, ils vous obeiront a plus forte raison’). Conversion would also