included: California, Connecticut, Indiana, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jersey, New Mexico, West Virginia, and Wyoming. In the preceding era, one of the key rationalizations for higher male scores on standardized exams in secondary schools included the scenario that females infrequently registered for advanced placement mathematics and science courses (Meece & 1982). Albeit girls continued to trail after the boys in taking physics classes, by the year 2000, the number of girls registered in calculus courses in secondary schools was equal to the number of the boys (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2006). Currently, while it has been documented that gender disparities in the fields of engineering and physics still exist, 48% of the undergraduate degrees in mathematics are acquired by females (NSF, 2004). Thus, after assessing the gender gap using two meta-analysis of math skills issued between 1990 and 2007 and data from U.S. youngsters, the authors endorsed the understanding that mathematics skills of boys and girls are alike (Hyde et al., 2008). In an attempt to duplicate the done by Hyde, et al., (2008), Scafidi and Bui (2010) utilized national data from grades eight, ten, and twelve. The replicated research involved samples of students nationwide. The goal of the study was to assess whether gender equivalences in math skills would be altered by social status, economic position, race, and mathematics ranking from middle all the way through high school. Since learners’ mindsets and impressions concerning their future professions inspire the courses that they will register for, the authors of the study chose students from middle school and secondary school as participants. The rationale persisted that students would relinquish
included: California, Connecticut, Indiana, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, New Jersey, New Mexico, West Virginia, and Wyoming. In the preceding era, one of the key rationalizations for higher male scores on standardized exams in secondary schools included the scenario that females infrequently registered for advanced placement mathematics and science courses (Meece & 1982). Albeit girls continued to trail after the boys in taking physics classes, by the year 2000, the number of girls registered in calculus courses in secondary schools was equal to the number of the boys (National Science Foundation [NSF], 2006). Currently, while it has been documented that gender disparities in the fields of engineering and physics still exist, 48% of the undergraduate degrees in mathematics are acquired by females (NSF, 2004). Thus, after assessing the gender gap using two meta-analysis of math skills issued between 1990 and 2007 and data from U.S. youngsters, the authors endorsed the understanding that mathematics skills of boys and girls are alike (Hyde et al., 2008). In an attempt to duplicate the done by Hyde, et al., (2008), Scafidi and Bui (2010) utilized national data from grades eight, ten, and twelve. The replicated research involved samples of students nationwide. The goal of the study was to assess whether gender equivalences in math skills would be altered by social status, economic position, race, and mathematics ranking from middle all the way through high school. Since learners’ mindsets and impressions concerning their future professions inspire the courses that they will register for, the authors of the study chose students from middle school and secondary school as participants. The rationale persisted that students would relinquish