workplace itself. The reasons for this emerge primarily from the qualitative data outlined below, which suggest that the defensive behaviours enacted by garment workers in the community travelling in groups and minimising time spent outdoors – reduce workers’ exposure to people who are neither family nor close friends, – compared with the workplace. Table 9. Forms of harassment reported by female workers experiencing sexual harassment in the community Form of harassment Percentage of workers Stared at/Leered at 72.1% Whistled at 59.2% Inappropriate comments or language 38.8% Told pornographic jokes 12.2% pornographic imagery 5.4% Touched, hugged or kissed 1.4% inappropriately 0.7% Sexual assault Note: Responses total more than 100% because multiple response was captured. n = 147 (Source: Employee Survey, 2016.) Similarly to the socio-demographic variables of women experiencing harassment on the way to and from work, women who were younger, unmarried, migrant workers, living in Phnom Penh or living with friends, relatives or alone, were more likely to have experienced harassment than those who were older, married, living with spouse or parents, living in other provinces, or non-migrant workers. The reasons for this are explored in greater depth in the case study on Chanthavy (section 6.5) presented below and in section 8.2. Broadly, the majority of this harassment appears from qualitative informant accounts to occur as groups of – – male migrant workers line the roads that lead to factories prior to the start of the working day. Workers reported that these groups were usually young males and often assumed they were locally employed migrants, suggesting that the behaviour of young male migrant workers in mixed occupation areas may be responsible for the high levels of harassment reported by female migrant garment workers in the community. The quantitative data presented in this section has provided an overview of the characteristics of the research participants and their experiences of
workplace itself. The reasons for this emerge primarily from the qualitative data outlined below, which suggest that the defensive behaviours enacted by garment workers in the community – travelling in groups and minimising time spent outdoors – reduce workers’ exposure to people who are neither family nor close friends, compared with the workplace. Table 9. Forms of harassment reported by female workers experiencing sexual harassment in the community Form of harassment Percentage of workers Stared at/Leered at Whistled at Inappropriate comments or language Told pornographic jokes pornographic imagery Touched, hugged or kissed inappropriately Sexual assault 72.1% 59.2% 38.8% 12.2% 5.4% 1.4% 0.7% Note: Responses total more than 100% because multiple response was captured. n = 147 (Source: Employee Survey, 2016.) Similarly to the socio-demographic variables of women experiencing harassment on the way to and from work, women who were younger, unmarried, migrant workers, living in Phnom Penh or living with friends, relatives or alone, were more likely to have experienced harassment than those who were older, married, living with spouse or parents, living in other provinces, or non-migrant workers. The reasons for this are explored in greater depth in the case study on Chanthavy (section 6.5) presented below and in section 8.2. Broadly, the majority of this harassment appears – from qualitative informant accounts – to occur as groups of male migrant workers line the roads that lead to factories prior to the start of the working day. Workers reported that these groups were usually young males and often assumed they were locally employed migrants, suggesting that the behaviour of young male migrant workers in mixed occupation areas may be responsible for the high levels of harassment reported by female migrant garment workers in the community. The quantitative data presented in this section has provided an overview of the characteristics of the research participants and their experiences of