that clergy accept that expectations of usual work and career rewards are sacrificed in the pursuance and living out of their ordination commitment to God (Peyton and Gatrell 2013: 118). For actors the occupationally-normalised cognitive construct is to which we ‘Art’, attribute two dimensions: artistic vision and art-for-art’s-sake. Artistic vision implies creative freedom in the combination of the to free speech informed by ancient ideas individual’s right of art as sacred (Dean 2015). Art-for-art’s-sake captures the idea of human creativity as an end in itself (Jussim, 1978; Menger, 1999) and Eikhof and Haunschild (2007) explore tensions between artistic and business logics of practice in the German repertory theatre system and as a motivating driver for actors. characterise ‘l’art pour l’art’ Building on this work, we broaden application of his concept of loyalty beyond Hirschman’s that formed with the organisation or institution, to the occupation. This approach resonates with understanding of loyalty as a more deep-seated attachment than job Allen’s (2014) satisfaction, with which loyalty has sometimes been equated, as well as with Hoffmann’s where in reference to query ‘From does “loyalty” come?’ (2006: 2328), her study’s coal mining families. Hoffmann found that ideologically-tempered loyalty affected voice and exit in ways not anticipated by to occupational culture Hirschman’s model. Miners’ gendered ties meant that exit was not included in dispute resolution strategies, as to leave these jobs would be to remove a part of themselves. In addition, they would often use coping or toleration strategies rather than voice discontent. Hoffman asks whether model needs to be Hirschman’s reformulated to take account of more finely differentiated types of exit costs, linked to a version of loyalty which exists prior to the worker joining the organisation and transmitted through mechanisms such as cultural expectations. Hoffmann (2009) went on to study homecare workers and found they were willing to work unpaid from a sense of self-sacrificial loyalty and to realise self-worth. Hoffman notes these dimensions as affecting willingness to resist poor terms and conditions, returning us again to the importance of identifying causal
that clergy accept that expectations of usual work and career rewards are sacrificed in the pursuance and living out of their ordination commitment to God (Peyton and Gatrell 2013: 118). For actors the occupationally-normalised cognitive construct is ‘Art’, to which we attribute two dimensions: artistic vision and art-for-art’s-sake. Artistic vision implies creative freedom in the combination of the individual’s right to free speech informed by ancient ideas of art as sacred (Dean 2015). Art-for-art’s-sake captures the idea of human creativity as an end in itself (Jussim, 1978; Menger, 1999) and Eikhof and Haunschild (2007) explore tensions between artistic and business logics of practice in the German repertory theatre system and characterise ‘l’art pour l’art’ as a motivating driver for actors. Building on this work, we broaden Hirschman’s application of his concept of loyalty beyond that formed with the organisation or institution, to the occupation. This approach resonates with Allen’s (2014) understanding of loyalty as a more deep-seated attachment than job satisfaction, with which loyalty has sometimes been equated, as well as with Hoffmann’s query ‘From where does “loyalty” come?’ (2006: 2328), in reference to her study’s coal mining families. Hoffmann found that ideologically-tempered loyalty affected voice and exit in ways not anticipated by Hirschman’s model. Miners’ gendered ties to occupational culture meant that exit was not included in dispute resolution strategies, as to leave these jobs would be to remove a part of themselves. In addition, they would often use coping or toleration strategies rather than voice discontent. Hoffman asks whether Hirschman’s model needs to be reformulated to take account of more finely differentiated types of exit costs, linked to a version of loyalty which exists prior to the worker joining the organisation and transmitted through mechanisms such as cultural expectations. Hoffmann (2009) went on to study homecare workers and found they were willing to work unpaid from a sense of self-sacrificial loyalty and to realise self-worth. Hoffman notes these dimensions as affecting willingness to resist poor terms and conditions, returning us again to the importance of identifying causal