Socio-cultural policies are of utmost importance to radical right parties. By contrast, they do not have promising economic programs to ameliorate problems; indeed, they discuss economic policies only in the context of attacking the established political parties in a populist manner. Radical right parties in CEECs focus their criticisms on two socio-economic subjects in particular: privatization and corruption. For example, the Czech Republican Party (SPR-RSC) accused established politicians of having no interest in anything else but enriching themselves. Similarly, the Hungarian Justice and Life Party (MIEP) argued that all corruption in Hungary stems from foreign-minded politicians of the established system. If radical right parties have an economic policy at all, it is merely a promise to establish an autarkic system, which is not applicable in today’s context of economic globalization. For example, LPR argued that the only solution to socio-economic problems in Poland is the deportation of foreign investment and capital from the country. Similarly, one motto of the National Union Attack (ATAKA) in Bulgaria involves the elimination of ‘foreign influence’ on the economy. Likewise, the Hungarian Justice and Life party (MIEP) opposes selling property to foreign buyers in Hungary. Recognizing that socio-cultural policies rather than socio-economic policies are of primary importance to radical right parties, this study’s operational definition of radical right parties focuses on four main features of radical right parties in CEECs. First and foremost, radical right parties are anti-multiculturalist parties. This feature obviously distinguishes radical right parties from other party families. Second, radical right parties support a strong state authority and traditional society. Third, radical right parties are sceptical concerning their
Socio-cultural policies are of utmost importance to radical right parties. By contrast, they do not have promising economic programs to ameliorate problems; indeed, they discuss economic policies only in the context of attacking the established political parties in a populist manner. Radical right parties in CEECs focus their criticisms on two socio-economic subjects in particular: privatization and corruption. For example, the Czech Republican Party (SPR-RSC) accused established politicians of having no interest in anything else but enriching themselves. Similarly, the Hungarian Justice and Life Party (MIEP) argued that all corruption in Hungary stems from foreign-minded politicians of the established system. If radical right parties have an economic policy at all, it is merely a promise to establish an autarkic system, which is not applicable in today’s context of economic globalization. For example, LPR argued that the only solution to socio-economic problems in Poland is the deportation of foreign investment and capital from the country. Similarly, one motto of the National Union Attack (ATAKA) in Bulgaria involves the elimination of ‘foreign influence’ on the economy. Likewise, the Hungarian Justice and Life party (MIEP) opposes selling property to foreign buyers in Hungary. Recognizing that socio-cultural policies rather than socio-economic policies are of primary importance to radical right parties, this study’s operational definition of radical right parties focuses on four main features of radical right parties in CEECs. First and foremost, radical right parties are anti-multiculturalist parties. This feature obviously distinguishes radical right parties from other party families. Second, radical right parties support a strong state authority and traditional society. Third, radical right parties are sceptical concerning their