Terminology The glyph ancestral to modern is first recorded in bronze script, where it could refer to shamans or sorcerers of either sex. Modern Mandarin wu (Cantonese mouh) continues a Middle Chinese mju or mjo. The Old Chinese reconstruction is uncertain, given as *mywo or as *myag, Bernhard Karlgren), mjuo < * (Zhou Fagao), *mjag (Li Fanggui), mju < *ma (Axel Schuessler). the presence of a final velar -g or -ɣ in Old Chinese being uncertain. Joseph Needham (1954:134) suggests "shaman" was transliterated xianmen in the name of Zou Yan's disciple Xianmen Gao (or Zigao ). He quotes the Shiji that Emperor Qin Shi Huang (r. 221–210 BCE), "wandered about on the shore of the eastern sea, and offered sacrifices to the famous mountains and the great rivers and the eight Spirits; and searched for xian "immortals", [xianmen], and the like."  compares two later Chinese terms for "shaman": shanman , which described the Jurchen leader Wanyan Xiyin, and sizhu , which was used for imperial Manchu shamans during the Qing Dynasty. Translations Shaman is the common English translation of Chinese wu, but some scholars (; ) maintain that the Siberian shaman and Chinese wu were historically and culturally different shamanic traditions. Arthur Waley (1955:9) defines wu as "spirit-intermediary" and says, "Indeed the functions of the Chinese wu were so like those of Siberian and Tunguz shamans that it is convenient (as has indeed been done by Far Eastern and European writers) to use shaman as a translation of wu. In contrast,  describes the "untranslatableness" of wu, and prefers using the romanization "wu instead of its contemporary English counterparts, "witches," "warlocks," or "shamans"," which have misleading connotations. Taking wu to mean "female shaman", Edward H. Schafer translates it as (1951:153) "shamaness" and (1973:11) "shamanka". The transliteration-translation "wu shaman" or "wu-shaman" implies "Chinese" specifically and "shamanism" generally. Wu, concludes  , "may be rendered as "shaman" or, perhaps, less controversially as "spirit medium"."  criticizes "the majority of scholars" who use one word shaman to translate many Chinese terms (wu , xi , yi , xian , and zhu ), and writes, "The general tendency to refer to all ecstatic religious functionaries as shamans blurs functional differences." Characters The contemporary Chinese character for wu combines the graphic radicals gong "work" and ren "person" doubled (cf. cong ). This character developed from Seal script characters that depicted dancing shamans, which descend from Bronzeware script and Oracle bone script characters that resembled a cross potent. The first Chinese dictionary of characters, the (121 CE) Shuowen Jiezi defines wu as zhu "sacrifice; prayer master; invoker; priest" ("" , ) and analyzes the Seal graph, "An Invoker. A woman who can serve the Invisible, and by posturing bring down the spirits. Depicts a person with two sleeves posturing." This Seal graph for wu is interpreted as showing "the 工 work of two dancing figures set to each other – a shamanistic dance" or "two human figures facing some central object (possibly a pole, or in a tent-like enclosure?)". This dictionary also includes a variant Great Seal script (called a guwen "ancient script") that elaborates wu .  analyzes this guwen graph as gong "two hands held upward" at the bottom (like shi 's Seal graph) and two "mouths" with the "sleeves" on the sides; or (1920:424) "jade" because the Shuowen defines ling "spiritual; divine" as synonymous with wu and depicting , "an inspired shaman serving the Spirits with jade."  compares the Shang Dynasty oracle graphs for wu and nong "play with; cause" (written with "jade" over "two hands") that shows "hands (of a shaman?) elevating a piece of jade (the rain-compelling mineral) inside an enclosure, possibly a tent. The Seal and modern form may well derive from this original, the hands becoming two figures, a convergence towards the dancer-type graph." Tu Baikui suggests that the wu oracle character "was composed of two pieces of jade and originally designated a tool of divination." ( "" 2014 ; citing ) Citing Li Xiaoding that gong 工 originally pictured a "carpenter's square",  argues that oracle inscriptions used wu interchangeably with fang "square; side; place" for sacrifices to the sifang "four directions".  proposed a relation between Mongolian bügä "shaman", Turkish bögü "shaman", "Chinese bu, wu (shaman), buk, puk (to divine), and Tibetan aba (pronounced ba, sorcerer)".  puts forward a Sino-Tibetan root * "magician; sorcerer" for Chinese wū < mju < *mjag "magician; shaman" and Written Tibetan 'ba'-po "sorcerer" and 'ba'-mo "sorcereress" (of the Bön religion).  notes Chinese xian < sjän < *sen "transcendent; immortal; alchemist" was probably borrowed as Written Tibetan gšen "shaman" and Thai < Proto-Tai * "doctor; sorcerer". In addition, the Mon–Khmer and Proto-Western-Austronesian * "shaman" may also be connected with wū. Schuessler lists four proposed etymologies: Secondly, wu could be cognate with wǔ "to dance". Based on analysis of ancient characters,  proposed that wū "shaman", wú "not have; without", and wǔ "dance", "can all be traced back to one primitive figure of a man displaying by the gestures of his arms and legs the thaumaturgic powers of his inspired personality" (1945:5) . Many Western Han Dynasty tombs contained jade plaques or pottery images showing "long-sleeved dancers" performing at funerals, who identifies as shamans, citing the Shuowen jiezi that early wǔ characters depicted a dancer's sleeves. Thirdly, wū could also be cognate with mǔ "mother" since wū, as opposed to xí , were typically female. Edward Schafer associates wū shamanism with fertility rituals. "Linguistic facts reveal the intimate relationships between the word wu (*myu) "shamanka" and such words as "mother", "dance", "fertility", "egg", and "receptacle". The ancient shamanka, then, was closely related to the fecund mother, to the fertile soil, to the receptive earth. The textual evidence supports these philological associations. In Shang and Chou times, shamankas were regularly employed in the interests of human and natural fertility, above all in bringing rain to parched farmlands – a responsibility they shared with ancient kings. They were musicians and dancers and oracles." . cites the Japanese sinologist Shirakawa Shizuka 's hypothesis that the mother of Confucius was a wū. 120px|Drawing of the bronze script character wū (*mjag). Fourthly, wū could be a loanword from Iranian *maguš "magus; magician" (cf. Old Persian maguš, Avestan mogu), meaning an "able one; specialist in ritual". Mair (1990) provides archaeological and linguistic evidence that Chinese wū < *myag "shaman; witch, wizard; magician" was a loanword from Old Persian *maguš "magician; magus". Mair connects the bronze script character for wū with the "cross potent" symbol ☩ found in Neolithic West Asia, suggesting the loan of both the symbol and the word. Wu in Shang oracular inscriptions  lists 58 occurrences of the character wu in concordance of oracle inscriptions: 32 in repeated compounds (most commonly "wu spirit/sacrifice" and "bring the wu) and 26 in miscellaneous contexts.  differentiates four meanings of these oracular wu: "a spirit, wu of the north or east, to which sacrifices are offered" "a sacrifice, possibly linked to controlling the wind or meteorology" "an equivalent for shi , a form of divination using achilea" "a living human being, possibly the name of a person, tribe, place, or territory" The inscriptions about this living wu, which is later identified as "shaman", reveal six characteristics:whether the wu is a man or a woman is not known; it could be either the name for a function or the name of a people (or an individual) coming from a definite territory or nation; the wu seems to have been in charge of some divinations, (in one instance, divination is linked to a sacrifice of appeasement); the wu is seen as offering a sacrifice of appeasement but the inscription and the fact that this kind of sacrifice was offered by other persons (the king included) suggests that the wu was not the person of choice to conduct all the sacrifices of appeasement; there is only one inscription where a direct link between the king and the wu appears. Nevertheless, the nature of the link is not known, because the status of the wu does not appear clearly; he follows (being brought, presumably, to Shang territory or court) the orders of other people; he is perhaps offered to the Shang as a tribute. Based on this ancient but limited Shang-era oracular record, it is unclear how or whether the Wu spirit, sacrifice, person, and place were related. As mentioned above, wu "shaman" was depicted in the ancient variant character for yi "healer; doctor". This archaic yi , writes  , "ideographically depicted a shaman-doctor in the act of exorcistical healing with ( 'arrows' in) a 'quiver', a 'hand holding a lance', and a wu 'shaman'." Unschuld believes this character depicts the type of wu practitioner described in the Liji. Several times a year, and also during certain special occasions, such as the funeral of a prince, hordes of exorcists would race shrieking through the city streets, enter the courtyards and homes, thrusting their spears into the air, in an attempt to expel the evil creatures. Prisoners were dismembered outside all gates to the city, to serve both as a deterrent to the demons and as an indication of their fate should they be captured. Replacing the exorcistical "shaman" in with medicinal "wine" in yi "healer; doctor" signified, writes  , "the practice of medicine was not any longer confined to the incantations of the wu, but that it had been taken over (from an official standpoint) by the "priest-physicians," who administered elixirs or wines as treatments for their patients." Hexagram 32, Heng Wu and yi are compounded in the word wuyi "shaman-doctor; shamans and doctors", translated "exorcising physician", "sorcerer-physician", or "physician-shaman". Confucius quotes a "Southern Saying" that a good wuyi must have heng "constancy; ancient tradition; continuation; perseverance; regularity; proper name (e.g., Yijing Hexagram 32)". The (ca. 5th century BCE) Lunyu "Confucian Analects" and the (ca. 1st century BCE) Liji "Record of Rites" give different versions of the Southern Saying. Wu-shamans as rainmakers Wu anciently served as intermediaries with nature spirits believed to control rainfall and flooding. During a drought, wu-shamans would perform the yu "sacrificial rain dance ceremony". If that failed, both wu and wang "cripple; lame person; emaciated person" engaged in "ritual exposure" (Schafer 1951 rainmaking techniques based upon homeopathic or sympathetic magic. As  explains, "Shamans had to carry out an exhausting dance within a ring of fire until, sweating profusely, the falling drops of perspirations produced the desired rain." These wu and wang procedures were called pu / "expose to open air/sun", fen "burn; set on fire", and pulu "reveal; lay bare; expose to open air/sun". For the year 639 BCE, the Chunqiu records, "In summer, there was a great drought" in Lu, and the Zuozhuan notes a discussion about fen wu wang : The duke (Xi) wanted to burn a wu and a cripple at the stake. Zang Wenzhong said: this is no preparation for the drought. Repair the city walls, limit your food, be economic in your consumption, be parsimonious and advise (people) to share (the food), this is what must be done. What use would be wu and cripple? If Heaven wanted to have them killed, why were they born at all? If they (the cripple and the wu) could produce drought, burning them would augment very much (the disaster). (, citing ) The duke followed this advice, and subsequently "scarcity was not very great". The Liji uses the words puwang and puwu to describe a similar rainmaking ritual during the reign (407-375 BCE) of Duke Mu of Lu. There was a drought during the year. Duke Mu called on Xianzi and asked him about the reason for this. He said: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time. I want to expose to the sun a cripple and what about that?' (Xianzi) said: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time but to expose to the sun the crippled son of somebody, that would be cruel. No, this cannot be allowed.' (the duke said): 'Well, then I want to expose to the sun a wu and what about that?' (Xianzi) answered: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time but to put one's hope on an ignorant woman and offer her to pray (for rain), no, this is too far (from reason).' (, citing ) Commentators interpret the wu as a female shaman and the wang as a male cripple. First, in 581 BCE the lord of Jin, who had slain two officers from the Zhao () family, had a nightmare about their ancestral spirit, and called upon an unnamed wu "shaman" from Sangtian and a yi "doctor" named Huan from Qin. The marquis of [Jin] saw in a dream a great demon with disheveled hair reaching to the ground, which beat its breast, and leaped up, saying: "You have slain my descendants unrighteously, and I have presented my request to the High God in consequence." It then broke the great gate (of the palace), advanced to the gate of the State chamber, and entered. The duke was afraid and went into a side-chamber, the door of which it also broke. The duke then awoke, and called the witch of [Sangtian], who told him everything which he had dreamt. "What will be the issue?" asked the duke. "You will not taste the new wheat," she replied. After this, the duke became very ill, and asked the services of a physician from [Qin], the earl of which sent the physician [Huan] to do what he could for him. Before he came, the duke dreamt that his disease turned into two boys, who said, "That is a skilful physician; it is to be feared he will hurt us; how shall we get out of his way?" Then one of them said: "If we take our place above the heart and below the throat, what can he do to us?" When the physician arrived, he said, "Nothing can be done for this disease. Its seat is above the heart and below the throat. If I assail it (with medicine), it will be of no use; if I attempt to puncture it, it cannot be reached. Nothing can be done for it." The duke said, "He is a skilful physician", gave him large gifts, and send him back to [Qin]. In the sixth month, on the day [bingwu], the marquis wished to taste the new wheat, and made the superintendent of his fields present some. While the baker was getting it ready, [the marquis] called the witch of [Sangtian], showed her the wheat and put her to death. As the marquis was about to taste the wheat, he felt it necessary to go to the privy, into which he fell, and so died. One of the servants that waited on him had dreamt in the morning that he carried the marquis on his back up to heaven. The same at mid-day carried him on his back out from the privy, and was afterwards buried alive with him. In this quote, "witch" is a translation of wu. Commentators have attempted to explain why the wu merely interpreted the duke's dream but did not perform a healing ritual or exorcism, and why the duke waited until the prediction had failed before ordering the execution.  suggests the wu was executed in presumed responsibility for the Zhao ancestral spirit's attack. Second, in 552 BCE a wu named Gao both appears in and divines about a dream of Zhongxing Xianzi. After conspiring in the murder of Duke Li of Jin, Zhongxing dreams that the duke's spirit gets revenge. In autumn, the marquis of [Jin] invaded our northern border. [Zhongxing Xianzi] prepared to invade [Qi]. (Just then), he dreamt that he was maintaining a suit with duke [Li], in which the case was going against him, when the duke struck him with a [ge] on his head, which fell down before him. He took his head up, put it on his shoulders, and ran off, when he saw the wizard [Gao] of [Gengyang]. A day or two after, it happened that he did see this [Gao] on the road, and told him his dream, and the wizard, who had had the same dream, said to him: "Your death is to happen about this time; but if you have business in the east, you will there be successful [first]". Xianzi accepted this interpretation. In this quote, "wizard" is a translation of wu. Boileau questions: why wasn't the wu asked by Zhongxin to expel the spirit of the duke? Perhaps because the spirit went through him to curse the officer. Could it be that the wu was involved (his involvement is extremely strong in this affair) in a kind of deal, or is it simply that the wu was aware of two different matters concerning the officer, only one connected to the dream? (2002:369) According to these two stories, wu were feared and considered dangerous. This attitude is also evident in a Zhuangzi story about the shenwu "spirit/god shaman" Jixian from Zheng. In [Zheng], there was a shaman of the gods named [Jixian]. He could tell whether men would live or die, survive or perish, be fortunate or unfortunate, live a long time or die young, and he would predict the year, month, week, and day as though he were a god himself. When the people of [Zheng] saw him, they all ran out of his way. "As soothsayers." writes  , "the wu in ancient China no doubt held a place of great importance." Wu-shamans as officials Sinological controversies have arisen over the political importance of wu in ancient China. Some scholars (like and ) believe Chinese wu used "techniques of ecstasy" like shamans elsewhere; others (like ) believe wu were "ritual bureaucrats" or "moral metaphysicians" who did not engage in shamanistic practices. Chen Mengjia wrote a seminal article (1936) that proposed Shang kings were wu-shamans. In the oracle bone inscriptions are often encountered inscriptions stating that the king divined or that the king inquired in connections with wind- or rain-storms, rituals, conquests, or hunts. There are also statements that "the king made the prognostication that ...," pertaining to weather, the border regions, or misfortunes and diseases; the only prognosticator ever recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions was the king ... There are, in addition, inscriptions describing the king dancing to pray for rain and the king prognosticating about a dream. All of these were activities of both king and shaman, which means in effect that the king was a shaman. ( , cited in ) Chen's shaman-king hypothesis was supported by Kwang-chih Chang who cited the Guoyu story about Shao Hao severing heaven-earth communication (above). This myth is the most important textual reference to shamanism in ancient China, and it provides the crucial clue to understanding the central role of shamanism in ancient Chinese politics. Heaven is where all the wisdom of human affairs lies. ... Access to that wisdom was, of course, requisite for political authority. In the past, everybody had had that access through the shamans. Since heaven had been severed from earth, only those who controlled that access had the wisdom – hence the authority – to rule. Shamans, therefore, were a crucial part of every state court; in fact, scholars of ancient China agree that the king himself was actually head shaman. (1983:45) Some modern scholars disagree. For instance,  calls Chen's hypothesis "somewhat antiquated being based more on an a priori approach than on history" and says, In the case of the relationship between wu and wang [king], Chen Mengjia did not pay sufficient attention to what the king was able to do as a king, that is to say, to the parts of the king's activities in which the wu was not involved, for example, political leadership as such, or warfare. The process of recognition must also be taken into account: it is probable that the wu was chosen or acknowledged as such according to different criteria to those adopted for the king. Chen's concept of the king as the head wu was influenced by Frazer's theories about the origin of political power: for Frazer the king was originally a powerful sorcerer. The Shujing "Classic of History" lists Wu Xian and Wu Xian as capable administrators of the Shang royal household. The Duke of Zhou tells Prince Shao that: I have heard that of ancient time, when King Tang had received the favoring decree, he had with him Yi Yin, making his virtue like that of great Heaven. Tai Jia, again, had Bao Heng. Tai Wu had Yi Zhi and Chen Hu, through whom his virtue was made to affect God; he had also [] Wu Xian, who regulated the royal house; Zu Yi had [] Wu Xian. Wu Ding had Gan Pan. These ministers carried out their principles and effected their arrangements, preserving and regulating the empire of [Shang], so that, while its ceremonies lasted, those sovereigns, though deceased, were assessors to Heaven, while it extended over many years. Names in this quote have been standardized to pinyin. According to Boileau, In some texts, Wu Xian senior is described as being in charge of the divination using [shi ] achilea. He was apparently made a high god in the kingdom of Qin during the Warring States period. The Tang subcommentary interprets the character wu of Wu Xian father and son as being a cognomen, the name of the clan from which the two Xian came. It is possible that in fact the text referred to two Shang ministers, father and son, coming from the same eponymous territory wu. Perhaps, later, the name (wu ) of these two ministers has been confused with the character wu () as employed in other received texts. Ever since Emperor Wu of Han established Confucianism as the state religion, the ruling classes have shown increasing prejudice against shamanism (, ) . Some modern writers view the traditional Confucianist disdain for female shamans as sexism. Schafer wrote: In the opinion of the writer, the Chou ruling class was particularly hostile to women in government, and regarded the ancient fertility rites as impure. This anti-female tendency was even more marked in the state of Lu, where Confucius approved of the official rain-ceremony in which men alone participated. There was, within ancient China, a heterogeneity of culture areas, with female shamans favored in some, males in others. The "licentiousness" of the ceremonies of such a state as Cheng (doubtless preserving the ancient Shang traditions and customs) was a byword among Confucian moralists. Confucius' state seems on the other hand to have taken the "respectable" attitude that the sexes should not mingle in the dance, and that men were the legitimate performers of the fertility rites. The general practice of the later Chou period, or at least the semi-idealized picture given of the rites of that time in such books as the Chou li, apparently prescribed a division of magical functions between men and women. The former generally play the role of exorcists, the latter of petitioners. This is probably related to the metaphysical belief that women, embodying the principle yin, were akin to the spirits, whereas men, exemplifying the element yang, were naturally hostile to them. Accepting the tradition that Chinese shamans were women (i.e., wu "shamaness" as opposed to xi "shaman"), Kagan believes: One of the main themes in Chinese history is the unsuccessful attempt by the male Confucian orthodoxy to strip women of their public and sacred powers and to limit them to a role of service ... Confucianists reasserted daily their claim to power and authority through the promotion of the phallic ancestor cult which denied women religious representation and excluded them from the governmental examination system which was the path to office, prestige, and status. In addition,  refers to a "Confucian medicine" based upon systematic correspondences and the idea that illnesses are caused by excesses (rather than demons). The managerial Siwu, who was of Shi "Gentleman; Yeoman" feudal rank, yet was not a wu, supervised "the many wu". The Managers of the Spirit Mediums are in charge of the policies and orders issued to the many Spirit Mediums. When the country suffers a great drought, they lead the Spirit Mediums in dancing the rain-making ritual (yu ). When the country suffers a great calamity, they lead the Spirit Mediums in enacting the long-standing practices of Spirit Mediums (wuheng ). At official sacrifices, they [handle] the ancestral tablets in their receptacles, the cloth on which the spirits walk, and the box containing the reeds [for presenting the sacrificial foodstuffs]. In all official sacrificial services, they guard the place where the offerings are buried. In all funerary services, they are in charge of the rituals by which the Spirit Mediums make [the spirits] descend (jiang ). (, citing ) The Nanwu and Nüwu have different shamanic specializations, especially regarding inauspicious events like sickness, death, and natural disaster. The Male Spirit Mediums are in charge of the si and yan Sacrifices to the Deities of the Mountains and Rivers. They receive the honorific titles [of the deities], which they proclaim into the [four] directions, holding reeds. In the winter, in the great temple hall, they offer [or: shoot arrows] without a fixed direction and without counting the number. In the spring, they make proclamations and issue bans so as to remove sickness and disease. When the king offers condolence, they together with the invocators precede him. The Female Mediums are in charge of anointing and ablutions at the exorcisms that are held at regular times throughout the year. When there is a drought or scorching heat, they dance in the rain-making ritual (yu). When the queen offers condolence, they together with the invocators precede her. In all great calamities of the state, they pray, singing and wailing. (part 26 , , citing ) The poetry anthology Chu Ci, especially its older pieces, is largely characterized by its shamanic content and style, as explicated to some extent by sinologist David Hawkes (2011: passim ). Among other points of interest are the intersection of Shamanic traditions and mythology/folk religion in the earlier textual material, such as Tianwen (possibly based on even more ancient shamanic temple murals), the whole question of the interpretation of the 11 verses of the Jiu Ge (Nine Songs) as the libretto of a shamanic dramatic performance, the motif of shamanic spirit flight from Li Sao through subsequent pieces, the evidence of possible regional variations in wu shamanism between Chu, Wei, Qi, and other states (or shamanic colleges associated with those regions), and the suggestion that some of the newer textual material was modified to please Han Wudi, by Liu An, the Prince of Huainan, or his circle. The Chu Ci contents have traditionally been chronologically divided into an older, pre-Han dynasty group, and those written during the Han Dynasty. Of the traditionally-considered to be the older works (omitting the mostly prose narratives, "Bu Ju" and "Yu Fu") David Hawkes considers the following sections to be "functional, explicitly shamanistic": Jiu Ge, Tian Wen, and the two shamanic summons for the soul, "The Great Summons" and "Summons of the Soul". Regarding the other, older pieces he considers that "shamanism, if there is any" to be an incidental poetic device, particularly in the form of descriptions of the shamanic spirit journey. In the Li Sao, two individual shaman are specified: Ling Fen () and Wu Xian (). This Wu Xian may or may not be the same as the (one or more) historical person(s) named Wu Xian.  suggests an equation of the word ling in the Chu dialect with the word wu. In Shanhaijing (Classic of Mountains and Seas), the name of some individual shaman includes "Wu" () in the normal position of the family surname, for example, in the case of the following list, where the 6 are depicted together reviving a corpse, with Wu Peng holding the Herb of Immortality. Wu Peng and Wu Yang and others are also known from the Chu Ci poetry anthology. Wu Yang is the major speaker in Zhao Hun (also known as, Summons for the Soul). From  : The six shamans receiving a corpse: Wu Yang (, "Shaman Bright"), Wu Peng (), Wu Di (), Wu Li () [Tang reconstruction *Lǐ, Hanyu Pinyin Lǚ], Wu Fan (), Wu Xiang () Ten other individuals named Wu in Shanhaijing: Wu Xian (), Wu Ji (), Wu Fen (or Ban) (), Wu Peng (), Wu Gu (), Wu Zhen (), Wu Li (), Wu Di (), Wu Xie (), Wu Luo (). Aspects of Chinese folk religion are sometimes associated with "shamanism".  provided descriptions and pictures of hereditary shamans in Fujian, called saigong (pinyin shigong) .  analyzed tongji mediumistic activities in the Taiwanese village of Bao'an . References Notes Bibliography  
Terminology The glyph ancestral to modern is first recorded in bronze script, where it could refer to shamans or sorcerers of either sex. Modern Mandarin wu (Cantonese mouh) continues a Middle Chinese mju or mjo. The Old Chinese reconstruction is uncertain, given as *mywo or as *myag, the presence of a final velar -g or -ɣ in Old Chinese being uncertain. Joseph Needham suggests "shaman" was transliterated xianmen in the name of Zou Yan's disciple Xianmen Gao (or Zigao ). He quotes the Shiji that Emperor Qin Shi Huang (r. 221–210 BCE), "wandered about on the shore of the eastern sea, and offered sacrifices to the famous mountains and the great rivers and the eight Spirits; and searched for xian "immortals", [xianmen], and the like." Needham compares two later Chinese terms for "shaman": shanman , which described the Jurchen leader Wanyan Xiyin, and sizhu , which was used for imperial Manchu shamans during the Qing Dynasty. Translations Shaman is the common English translation of Chinese wu, but some scholars maintain that the Siberian shaman and Chinese wu were historically and culturally different shamanic traditions. Arthur Waley defines wu as "spirit-intermediary" and says, "Indeed the functions of the Chinese wu were so like those of Siberian and Tunguz shamans that it is convenient (as has indeed been done by Far Eastern and European writers) to use shaman as a translation of wu. In contrast, Schiffeler describes the "untranslatableness" of wu, and prefers using the romanization "wu instead of its contemporary English counterparts, "witches," "warlocks," or "shamans"," which have misleading connotations. Taking wu to mean "female shaman", Edward H. Schafer translates it as "shamaness" and "shamanka". The transliteration-translation "wu shaman" or "wu-shaman" implies "Chinese" specifically and "shamanism" generally. Wu, concludes von Falkenhausen , "may be rendered as "shaman" or, perhaps, less controversially as "spirit medium"." Paper criticizes "the majority of scholars" who use one word shaman to translate many Chinese terms (wu , xi , yi , xian , and zhu ), and writes, "The general tendency to refer to all ecstatic religious functionaries as shamans blurs functional differences." Characters The contemporary Chinese character for wu combines the graphic radicals gong "work" and ren "person" doubled (cf. cong ). This character developed from Seal script characters that depicted dancing shamans, which descend from Bronzeware script and Oracle bone script characters that resembled a cross potent. The first Chinese dictionary of characters, the (121 CE) Shuowen Jiezi defines wu as zhu "sacrifice; prayer master; invoker; priest" ("" ) and analyzes the Seal graph, "An Invoker. A woman who can serve the Invisible, and by posturing bring down the spirits. Depicts a person with two sleeves posturing." This Seal graph for wu is interpreted as showing "the 工 work of two dancing figures set to each other – a shamanistic dance" or "two human figures facing some central object (possibly a pole, or in a tent-like enclosure?)". This dictionary also includes a variant Great Seal script (called a guwen "ancient script") that elaborates wu . Hopkins analyzes this guwen graph as gong "two hands held upward" at the bottom (like shi 's Seal graph) and two "mouths" with the "sleeves" on the sides; or "jade" because the Shuowen defines ling "spiritual; divine" as synonymous with wu and depicting , "an inspired shaman serving the Spirits with jade." Schafer compares the Shang Dynasty oracle graphs for wu and nong "play with; cause" (written with "jade" over "two hands") that shows "hands (of a shaman?) elevating a piece of jade (the rain-compelling mineral) inside an enclosure, possibly a tent. The Seal and modern form may well derive from this original, the hands becoming two figures, a convergence towards the dancer-type graph." Tu Baikui suggests that the wu oracle character "was composed of two pieces of jade and originally designated a tool of divination." "" 2014 , citing Citing Li Xiaoding that gong 工 originally pictured a "carpenter's square", Allan argues that oracle inscriptions used wu interchangeably with fang "square; side; place" for sacrifices to the sifang "four directions". Laufer proposed a relation between Mongolian bügä "shaman", Turkish bögü "shaman", "Chinese bu, wu (shaman), buk, puk (to divine), and Tibetan aba (pronounced ba, sorcerer)". Coblin puts forward a Sino-Tibetan root * "magician; sorcerer" for Chinese wū < mju < *mjag "magician; shaman" and Written Tibetan 'ba'-po "sorcerer" and 'ba'-mo "sorcereress" (of the Bön religion). Schuessler notes Chinese xian < sjän < *sen "transcendent; immortal; alchemist" was probably borrowed as Written Tibetan gšen "shaman" and Thai < Proto-Tai * "doctor; sorcerer". In addition, the Mon–Khmer and Proto-Western-Austronesian * "shaman" may also be connected with wū. Schuessler lists four proposed etymologies: Secondly, wu could be cognate with wǔ "to dance". Based on analysis of ancient characters, Hopkins proposed that wū "shaman", wú "not have; without", and wǔ "dance", "can all be traced back to one primitive figure of a man displaying by the gestures of his arms and legs the thaumaturgic powers of his inspired personality" . Many Western Han Dynasty tombs contained jade plaques or pottery images showing "long-sleeved dancers" performing at funerals, whom Erickson identifies as shamans, citing the Shuowen jiezi that early wǔ characters depicted a dancer's sleeves. Thirdly, wū could also be cognate with mǔ "mother" since wū, as opposed to xí , were typically female. Edward Schafer associates wū shamanism with fertility rituals. Jensen cites the Japanese sinologist Shirakawa Shizuka 's hypothesis that the mother of Confucius was a wū. 120px|Drawing of the bronze script character wū (*mjag). Fourthly, wū could be a loanword from Iranian *maguš "magus; magician" (cf. Old Persian maguš, Avestan mogu), meaning an "able one; specialist in ritual". Mair provides archaeological and linguistic evidence that Chinese wū < *myag "shaman; witch, wizard; magician" was a loanword from Old Persian *maguš "magician; magus". Mair connects the bronze script character for wū with the "cross potent" symbol ☩ found in Neolithic West Asia, suggesting the loan of both the symbol and the word. Wu in Shang oracular inscriptions Shima lists 58 occurrences of the character wu in concordance of oracle inscriptions: 32 in repeated compounds (most commonly "wu spirit/sacrifice" and "bring the wu) and 26 in miscellaneous contexts. Boileau differentiates four meanings of these oracular wu: "a spirit, wu of the north or east, to which sacrifices are offered" "a sacrifice, possibly linked to controlling the wind or meteorology" "an equivalent for shi , a form of divination using achilea" "a living human being, possibly the name of a person, tribe, place, or territory" The inscriptions about this living wu, which is later identified as "shaman", reveal six characteristics:whether the wu is a man or a woman is not known; it could be either the name for a function or the name of a people (or an individual) coming from a definite territory or nation; the wu seems to have been in charge of some divinations, (in one instance, divination is linked to a sacrifice of appeasement); the wu is seen as offering a sacrifice of appeasement but the inscription and the fact that this kind of sacrifice was offered by other persons (the king included) suggests that the wu was not the person of choice to conduct all the sacrifices of appeasement; there is only one inscription where a direct link between the king and the wu appears. Nevertheless, the nature of the link is not known, because the status of the wu does not appear clearly; he follows (being brought, presumably, to Shang territory or court) the orders of other people; he is perhaps offered to the Shang as a tribute. Based on this ancient but limited Shang-era oracular record, it is unclear how or whether the Wu spirit, sacrifice, person, and place were related. As mentioned above, wu "shaman" was depicted in the ancient variant character for yi "healer; doctor". This archaic yi , writes Carr , "ideographically depicted a shaman-doctor in the act of exorcistical healing with ( 'arrows' in) a 'quiver', a 'hand holding a lance', and a wu 'shaman'." Unschuld believes this character depicts the type of wu practitioner described in the Liji. Several times a year, and also during certain special occasions, such as the funeral of a prince, hordes of exorcists would race shrieking through the city streets, enter the courtyards and homes, thrusting their spears into the air, in an attempt to expel the evil creatures. Prisoners were dismembered outside all gates to the city, to serve both as a deterrent to the demons and as an indication of their fate should they be captured. Replacing the exorcistical "shaman" in with medicinal "wine" in yi "healer; doctor" signified, writes Schiffeler , "the practice of medicine was not any longer confined to the incantations of the wu, but that it had been taken over (from an official standpoint) by the "priest-physicians," who administered elixirs or wines as treatments for their patients." Hexagram 32, Heng Wu and yi are compounded in the word wuyi "shaman-doctor; shamans and doctors", translated "exorcising physician", "sorcerer-physician", or "physician-shaman". Confucius quotes a "Southern Saying" that a good wuyi must have heng "constancy; ancient tradition; continuation; perseverance; regularity; proper name (e.g., Yijing Hexagram 32)". The (ca. 5th century BCE) Lunyu "Confucian Analects" and the (ca. 1st century BCE) Liji "Record of Rites" give different versions of the Southern Saying. Wu-shamans as rainmakers Wu anciently served as intermediaries with nature spirits believed to control rainfall and flooding. During a drought, wu-shamans would perform the yu "sacrificial rain dance ceremony". If that failed, both wu and wang "cripple; lame person; emaciated person" engaged in "ritual exposure" rainmaking techniques based upon homeopathic or sympathetic magic. As Unschuld explains, "Shamans had to carry out an exhausting dance within a ring of fire until, sweating profusely, the falling drops of perspirations produced the desired rain." These wu and wang procedures were called pu / "expose to open air/sun", fen "burn; set on fire", and pulu "reveal; lay bare; expose to open air/sun". For the year 639 BCE, the Chunqiu records, "In summer, there was a great drought" in Lu, and the Zuozhuan notes a discussion about fen wu wang : The duke (Xi) wanted to burn a wu and a cripple at the stake. Zang Wenzhong said: this is no preparation for the drought. Repair the city walls, limit your food, be economic in your consumption, be parsimonious and advise (people) to share (the food), this is what must be done. What use would be wu and cripple? If Heaven wanted to have them killed, why were they born at all? If they (the cripple and the wu) could produce drought, burning them would augment very much (the disaster). , citing . The duke followed this advice, and subsequently "scarcity was not very great". The Liji uses the words puwang and puwu to describe a similar rainmaking ritual during the reign (407-375 BCE) of Duke Mu of Lu. There was a drought during the year. Duke Mu called on Xianzi and asked him about the reason for this. He said: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time. I want to expose to the sun a cripple and what about that?' (Xianzi) said: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time but to expose to the sun the crippled son of somebody, that would be cruel. No, this cannot be allowed.' (the duke said): 'Well, then I want to expose to the sun a wu and what about that?' (Xianzi) answered: 'Heaven has not (given us) rain in a long time but to put one's hope on an ignorant woman and offer her to pray (for rain), no, this is too far (from reason).' , citing . Commentators interpret the wu as a female shaman and the wang as a male cripple. First, in 581 BCE the lord of Jin, who had slain two officers from the Zhao () family, had a nightmare about their ancestral spirit, and called upon an unnamed wu "shaman" from Sangtian and a yi "doctor" named Huan from Qin. The marquis of [Jin] saw in a dream a great demon with disheveled hair reaching to the ground, which beat its breast, and leaped up, saying: "You have slain my descendants unrighteously, and I have presented my request to the High God in consequence." It then broke the great gate (of the palace), advanced to the gate of the State chamber, and entered. The duke was afraid and went into a side-chamber, the door of which it also broke. The duke then awoke, and called the witch of [Sangtian], who told him everything which he had dreamt. "What will be the issue?" asked the duke. "You will not taste the new wheat," she replied. After this, the duke became very ill, and asked the services of a physician from [Qin], the earl of which sent the physician [Huan] to do what he could for him. Before he came, the duke dreamt that his disease turned into two boys, who said, "That is a skilful physician; it is to be feared he will hurt us; how shall we get out of his way?" Then one of them said: "If we take our place above the heart and below the throat, what can he do to us?" When the physician arrived, he said, "Nothing can be done for this disease. Its seat is above the heart and below the throat. If I assail it (with medicine), it will be of no use; if I attempt to puncture it, it cannot be reached. Nothing can be done for it." The duke said, "He is a skilful physician", gave him large gifts, and send him back to [Qin]. In the sixth month, on the day [bingwu], the marquis wished to taste the new wheat, and made the superintendent of his fields present some. While the baker was getting it ready, [the marquis] called the witch of [Sangtian], showed her the wheat and put her to death. As the marquis was about to taste the wheat, he felt it necessary to go to the privy, into which he fell, and so died. One of the servants that waited on him had dreamt in the morning that he carried the marquis on his back up to heaven. The same at mid-day carried him on his back out from the privy, and was afterwards buried alive with him. Commentators have attempted to explain why the wu merely interpreted the duke's dream but did not perform a healing ritual or exorcism, and why the duke waited until the prediction had failed before ordering the execution. Boileau suggests the wu was executed in presumed responsibility for the Zhao ancestral spirit's attack. Second, in 552 BCE a wu named Gao both appears in and divines about a dream of Zhongxing Xianzi. After conspiring in the murder of Duke Li of Jin, Zhongxing dreams that the duke's spirit gets revenge. In autumn, the marquis of [Jin] invaded our northern border. [Zhongxing Xianzi] prepared to invade [Qi]. (Just then), he dreamt that he was maintaining a suit with duke [Li], in which the case was going against him, when the duke struck him with a [ge] on his head, which fell down before him. He took his head up, put it on his shoulders, and ran off, when he saw the wizard [Gao] of [Gengyang]. A day or two after, it happened that he did see this [Gao] on the road, and told him his dream, and the wizard, who had had the same dream, said to him: "Your death is to happen about this time; but if you have business in the east, you will there be successful [first]". Xianzi accepted this interpretation. Boileau questions: why wasn't the wu asked by Zhongxin to expel the spirit of the duke? Perhaps because the spirit went through him to curse the officer. Could it be that the wu was involved (his involvement is extremely strong in this affair) in a kind of deal, or is it simply that the wu was aware of two different matters concerning the officer, only one connected to the dream? According to these two stories, wu were feared and considered dangerous. This attitude is also evident in a Zhuangzi story about the shenwu "spirit/god shaman" Jixian from Zheng. In [Zheng], there was a shaman of the gods named [Jixian]. He could tell whether men would live or die, survive or perish, be fortunate or unfortunate, live a long time or die young, and he would predict the year, month, week, and day as though he were a god himself. When the people of [Zheng] saw him, they all ran out of his way. "As soothsayers." writes de Groot , "the wu in ancient China no doubt held a place of great importance." Wu-shamans as officials Sinological controversies have arisen over the political importance of wu in ancient China. Some scholars believe Chinese wu used "techniques of ecstasy" like shamans elsewhere; others believe wu were "ritual bureaucrats" or "moral metaphysicians" who did not engage in shamanistic practices. Chen Mengjia wrote a seminal article that proposed Shang kings were wu-shamans. In the oracle bone inscriptions are often encountered inscriptions stating that the king divined or that the king inquired in connections with wind- or rain-storms, rituals, conquests, or hunts. There are also statements that "the king made the prognostication that ...," pertaining to weather, the border regions, or misfortunes and diseases; the only prognosticator ever recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions was the king ... There are, in addition, inscriptions describing the king dancing to pray for rain and the king prognosticating about a dream. All of these were activities of both king and shaman, which means in effect that the king was a shaman. , cited in . Chen's shaman-king hypothesis was supported by Kwang-chih Chang who cited the Guoyu story about Shao Hao severing heaven-earth communication (above). This myth is the most important textual reference to shamanism in ancient China, and it provides the crucial clue to understanding the central role of shamanism in ancient Chinese politics. Heaven is where all the wisdom of human affairs lies. ... Access to that wisdom was, of course, requisite for political authority. In the past, everybody had had that access through the shamans. Since heaven had been severed from earth, only those who controlled that access had the wisdom – hence the authority – to rule. Shamans, therefore, were a crucial part of every state court; in fact, scholars of ancient China agree that the king himself was actually head shaman. Some modern scholars disagree. For instance, Boileau calls Chen's hypothesis "somewhat antiquated being based more on an a priori approach than on history" and says, In the case of the relationship between wu and wang [king], Chen Mengjia did not pay sufficient attention to what the king was able to do as a king, that is to say, to the parts of the king's activities in which the wu was not involved, for example, political leadership as such, or warfare. The process of recognition must also be taken into account: it is probable that the wu was chosen or acknowledged as such according to different criteria to those adopted for the king. Chen's concept of the king as the head wu was influenced by Frazer's theories about the origin of political power: for Frazer the king was originally a powerful sorcerer. The Shujing "Classic of History" lists Wu Xian and Wu Xian as capable administrators of the Shang royal household. The Duke of Zhou tells Prince Shao that: I have heard that of ancient time, when King Tang had received the favoring decree, he had with him Yi Yin, making his virtue like that of great Heaven. Tai Jia, again, had Bao Heng. Tai Wu had Yi Zhi and Chen Hu, through whom his virtue was made to affect God; he had also [] Wu Xian, who regulated the royal house; Zu Yi had [] Wu Xian. Wu Ding had Gan Pan. These ministers carried out their principles and effected their arrangements, preserving and regulating the empire of [Shang], so that, while its ceremonies lasted, those sovereigns, though deceased, were assessors to Heaven, while it extended over many years. According to Boileau, In some texts, Wu Xian senior is described as being in charge of the divination using [shi ] achilea. He was apparently made a high god in the kingdom of Qin during the Warring States period. The Tang subcommentary interprets the character wu of Wu Xian father and son as being a cognomen, the name of the clan from which the two Xian came. It is possible that in fact the text referred to two Shang ministers, father and son, coming from the same eponymous territory wu. Perhaps, later, the name (wu ) of these two ministers has been confused with the character wu () as employed in other received texts. Ever since Emperor Wu of Han established Confucianism as the state religion, the ruling classes have shown increasing prejudice against shamanism . Some modern writers view the traditional Confucianist disdain for female shamans as sexism. Schafer wrote: In the opinion of the writer, the Chou ruling class was particularly hostile to women in government, and regarded the ancient fertility rites as impure. This anti-female tendency was even more marked in the state of Lu, where Confucius approved of the official rain-ceremony in which men alone participated. There was, within ancient China, a heterogeneity of culture areas, with female shamans favored in some, males in others. The "licentiousness" of the ceremonies of such a state as Cheng (doubtless preserving the ancient Shang traditions and customs) was a byword among Confucian moralists. Confucius' state seems on the other hand to have taken the "respectable" attitude that the sexes should not mingle in the dance, and that men were the legitimate performers of the fertility rites. The general practice of the later Chou period, or at least the semi-idealized picture given of the rites of that time in such books as the Chou li, apparently prescribed a division of magical functions between men and women. The former generally play the role of exorcists, the latter of petitioners. This is probably related to the metaphysical belief that women, embodying the principle yin, were akin to the spirits, whereas men, exemplifying the element yang, were naturally hostile to them. Accepting the tradition that Chinese shamans were women (i.e., wu "shamaness" as opposed to xi "shaman"), Kagan believes: One of the main themes in Chinese history is the unsuccessful attempt by the male Confucian orthodoxy to strip women of their public and sacred powers and to limit them to a role of service ... Confucianists reasserted daily their claim to power and authority through the promotion of the phallic ancestor cult which denied women religious representation and excluded them from the governmental examination system which was the path to office, prestige, and status. In addition, Unschuld refers to a "Confucian medicine" based upon systematic correspondences and the idea that illnesses are caused by excesses (rather than demons). The managerial Siwu, who was of Shi "Gentleman; Yeoman" feudal rank, yet was not a wu, supervised "the many wu". The Managers of the Spirit Mediums are in charge of the policies and orders issued to the many Spirit Mediums. When the country suffers a great drought, they lead the Spirit Mediums in dancing the rain-making ritual (yu ). When the country suffers a great calamity, they lead the Spirit Mediums in enacting the long-standing practices of Spirit Mediums (wuheng ). At official sacrifices, they [handle] the ancestral tablets in their receptacles, the cloth on which the spirits walk, and the box containing the reeds [for presenting the sacrificial foodstuffs]. In all official sacrificial services, they guard the place where the offerings are buried. In all funerary services, they are in charge of the rituals by which the Spirit Mediums make [the spirits] descend (jiang ). , citing . The Nanwu and Nüwu have different shamanic specializations, especially regarding inauspicious events like sickness, death, and natural disaster. The Male Spirit Mediums are in charge of the si and yan Sacrifices to the Deities of the Mountains and Rivers. They receive the honorific titles [of the deities], which they proclaim into the [four] directions, holding reeds. In the winter, in the great temple hall, they offer [or: shoot arrows] without a fixed direction and without counting the number. In the spring, they make proclamations and issue bans so as to remove sickness and disease. When the king offers condolence, they together with the invocators precede him. The Female Mediums are in charge of anointing and ablutions at the exorcisms that are held at regular times throughout the year. When there is a drought or scorching heat, they dance in the rain-making ritual (yu). When the queen offers condolence, they together with the invocators precede her. In all great calamities of the state, they pray, singing and wailing. (part 26 ), citing . The poetry anthology Chu Ci, especially its older pieces, is largely characterized by its shamanic content and style, as explicated to some extent by sinologist David Hawkes : passim ). Among other points of interest are the intersection of Shamanic traditions and mythology/folk religion in the earlier textual material, such as Tianwen (possibly based on even more ancient shamanic temple murals), the whole question of the interpretation of the 11 verses of the Jiu Ge (Nine Songs) as the libretto of a shamanic dramatic performance, the motif of shamanic spirit flight from Li Sao through subsequent pieces, the evidence of possible regional variations in wu shamanism between Chu, Wei, Qi, and other states (or shamanic colleges associated with those regions), and the suggestion that some of the newer textual material was modified to please Han Wudi, by Liu An, the Prince of Huainan, or his circle. The Chu Ci contents have traditionally been chronologically divided into an older, pre-Han dynasty group, and those written during the Han Dynasty. Of the traditionally-considered to be the older works (omitting the mostly prose narratives, "Bu Ju" and "Yu Fu") David Hawkes considers the following sections to be "functional, explicitly shamanistic": Jiu Ge, Tian Wen, and the two shamanic summons for the soul, "The Great Summons" and "Summons of the Soul". Regarding the other, older pieces he considers that "shamanism, if there is any" to be an incidental poetic device, particularly in the form of descriptions of the shamanic spirit journey. In the Li Sao, two individual shaman are specified: Ling Fen () and Wu Xian (). This Wu Xian may or may not be the same as the (one or more) historical person(s) named Wu Xian. Hawkes suggests an equation of the word ling in the Chu dialect with the word wu. In Shanhaijing (Classic of Mountains and Seas), the name of some individual shaman includes "Wu" () in the normal position of the family surname, for example, in the case of the following list, where the 6 are depicted together reviving a corpse, with Wu Peng holding the Herb of Immortality. Wu Peng and Wu Yang and others are also known from the Chu Ci poetry anthology. Wu Yang is the major speaker in Zhao Hun (also known as, Summons for the Soul). From Hawkes : The six shamans receiving a corpse: Wu Yang (, "Shaman Bright"), Wu Peng (), Wu Di (), Wu Li () [Tang reconstruction *Lǐ, Hanyu Pinyin Lǚ], Wu Fan (), Wu Xiang () Ten other individuals named Wu in Shanhaijing: Wu Xian (), Wu Ji (), Wu Fen (or Ban) (), Wu Peng (), Wu Gu (), Wu Zhen (), Wu Li (), Wu Di (), Wu Xie (), Wu Luo (). Aspects of Chinese folk religion are sometimes associated with "shamanism". De Groot provided descriptions and pictures of hereditary shamans in Fujian, called saigong (pinyin shigong) . Paper analyzed tongji mediumistic activities in the Taiwanese village of Bao'an . Notes References Digitalized edition 2007 Chicoutimi Canda - Paris by Pierre Palpant. Footnotes
D
Bernhard Karlgren), mjuo < * (Zhou Fagao), *mjag (Li Fanggui), mju < *ma (Axel Schuessler).
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(1954:134)
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Needham
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(; )
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(1955:9)
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Schiffeler
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(1951:153)
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(1973:11)
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von Falkenhausen
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Paper
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,
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Hopkins
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(1920:424)
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Schafer
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(
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; citing )
, citing
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Allan
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Laufer
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Coblin
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Schuessler
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Hopkins
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(1945:5)
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who
whom Erickson
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"Linguistic facts reveal the intimate relationships between the word wu (*myu) "shamanka" and such words as "mother", "dance", "fertility", "egg", and "receptacle". The ancient shamanka, then, was closely related to the fecund mother, to the fertile soil, to the receptive earth. The textual evidence supports these philological associations. In Shang and Chou times, shamankas were regularly employed in the interests of human and natural fertility, above all in bringing rain to parched farmlands – a responsibility they shared with ancient kings. They were musicians and dancers and oracles." .
Jensen
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(1990)
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Shima
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Boileau
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Carr
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Schiffeler
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(Schafer 1951
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Unschuld
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(, citing )
, citing .
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(, citing )
, citing .
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In this quote, "witch" is a translation of wu.
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Boileau
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In this quote, "wizard" is a translation of wu.
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(2002:369)
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de Groot
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(like and )
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(like )
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(1936)
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(
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)
.
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(1983:45)
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Boileau
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Names in this quote have been standardized to pinyin.
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(, )
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Unschuld
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, citing .
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, , citing )
), citing .
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(2011: passim
: passim
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Hawkes
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Hawkes
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De Groot
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Paper
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References
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Bibliography
References
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Digitalized edition 2007 Chicoutimi Canda - Paris by Pierre Palpant.
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Footnotes