prompt:
Chapter: BASS FAITHFUL TO HIS WORD--HIS ARRIVAL ON CHRISTMAS EVE--THE
  DIFFICULTY OF OBTAINING AN INTERVIEW--THE MEETING IN THE
  CABIN--NON-ARRIVAL OF THE LETTER--BASS ANNOUNCES HIS INTENTION TO
  PROCEED NORTH--CHRISTMAS--CONVERSATION BETWEEN EPPS AND BASS--YOUNG
  MISTRESS M'COY, THE BEAUTY OF BAYOU BOEUF--THE "NE PLUS ULTRA"
  OF DINNERS--MUSIC AND DANCING--PRESENCE OF THE MISTRESS--HER
  EXCEEDING BEAUTY--THE LAST SLAVE DANCE--WILLIAM PIERCE--OVERSLEEP
  MYSELF--THE LAST WHIPPING--DESPONDENCY--THE COLD MORNING--EPPS'
  THREATS--THE PASSING CARRIAGE--STRANGERS APPROACHING THROUGH THE
  COTTON-FIELD--LAST HOUR ON BAYOU BOEUF.

Faithful to his word, the day before Christmas, just at night-fall,
Bass came riding into the yard.

"How are you," said Epps, shaking him by the hand, "glad to see you."

He would not have been _very_ glad had he known the object of his
errand.

"Quite well, quite well," answered Bass. "Had some business out on the
bayou, and concluded to call and see you, and stay over night."

Epps ordered one of the slaves to take charge of his horse, and with
much talk and laughter they passed into the house together; not,
however, until Bass had looked at me significantly, as much as to
say, "Keep dark, we understand each other." It was ten o'clock at
night before the labors of the day were performed, when I entered the
cabin. At that time Uncle Abram and Bob occupied it with me. I laid
down upon my board and feigned I was asleep. When my companions had
fallen into a profound slumber, I moved stealthily out of the door,
and watched, and listened attentively for some sign or sound from
Bass. There I stood until long after midnight, but nothing could be
seen or heard. As I suspected, he dared not leave the house, through
fear of exciting the suspicion of some of the family. I judged,
correctly, he would rise earlier than was his custom, and take the
opportunity of seeing me before Epps was up. Accordingly I aroused
Uncle Abram an hour sooner than usual, and sent him into the house to
build a fire, which, at that season of the year, is a part of Uncle
Abram's duties.

I also gave Bob a violent shake, and asked him if he intended to sleep
till noon, saying master would be up before the mules were fed. He
knew right well the consequence that would follow such an event, and,
jumping to his feet, was at the horse-pasture in a twinkling.

Presently, when both were gone, Bass slipped into the cabin.

"No letter yet, Platt," said he. The announcement fell upon my heart
like lead.

"Oh, _do_ write again, Master Bass," I cried; "I will give you the
names of a great many I know. Surely they are not all dead. Surely
some one will pity me."

"No use," Bass replied, "no use. I have made up my mind to that.
I fear the Marksville post-master will mistrust something, I have
inquired so often at his office. Too uncertain--too dangerous."

"Then it is all over," I exclaimed. "Oh, my God, how can I end my days
here!"

"You're not going to end them here," he said, "unless you die
very soon. I've thought this matter all over, and have come to a
determination. There are more ways than one to manage this business,
and a better and surer way than writing letters. I have a job or two
on hand which can be completed by March or April. By that time I shall
have a considerable sum of money, and then, Platt, I am going to
Saratoga myself."

I could scarcely credit my own senses as the words fell from his lips.
But he assured me, in a manner that left no doubt of the sincerity of
his intention, that if his life was spared until spring, he should
certainly undertake the journey.

"I have lived in this region long enough," he continued; "I may as
well be in one place as another. For a long time I have been thinking
of going back once more to the place where I was born. I'm tired of
Slavery as well as you. If I can succeed in getting you away from
here, it will be a good act that I shall like to think of all my life.
And I _shall_ succeed, Platt; I'm _bound_ to do it. Now let me tell
you what I want. Epps will be up soon, and it won't do to be caught
here. Think of a great many men at Saratoga and Sandy Hill, and in
that neighborhood, who once knew you. I shall make excuse to come here
again in the course of the winter, when I will write down their names.
I will then know who to call on when I go north. Think of all you can.
Cheer up! Don't be discouraged. I'm with you, life or death. Good-bye.
God bless you," and saying this he left the cabin quickly, and entered
the great house.

It was Christmas morning--the happiest day in the whole year for the
slave. That morning he need not hurry to the field, with his gourd
and cotton-bag. Happiness sparkled in the eyes and overspread the
countenances of all. The time of feasting and dancing had come. The
cane and cotton fields were deserted. That day the clean dress was
to be donned--the red ribbon displayed; there were to be re-unions,
and joy and laughter, and hurrying to and fro. It was to be a day of
_liberty_ among the children of Slavery. Wherefore they were happy,
and rejoiced.

After breakfast Epps and Bass sauntered about the yard, conversing
upon the price of cotton, and various other topics.

"Where do your niggers hold Christmas?" Bass inquired.

"Platt is going to Tanners to-day. His fiddle is in great demand.
They want him at Marshall's Monday, and Miss Mary McCoy, on the old
Norwood plantation, writes me a note that she wants him to play for
her niggers Tuesday."

"He is rather a smart boy, ain't he?" said Bass. "Come here, Platt,"
he added, looking at me as I walked up to them, as if he had never
thought before to take any special notice of me.

"Yes," replied Epps, taking hold of my arm and feeling it, "there
isn't a bad joint in him. There ain't a boy on the bayou worth more
than he is--perfectly sound, and no bad tricks. D--n him, he isn't
like other niggers; doesn't look like 'em--don't act like 'em. I was
offered seventeen hundred dollars for him last week."

"And didn't take it?" Bass inquired, with an air of surprise.

"Take it--no; devilish clear of it. Why, he's a reg'lar genius; can
make a plough beam, wagon tongue--anything, as well as you can.
Marshall wanted to put up one of his niggers agin him and raffle for
them, but I told him I would see the devil have him first."

"I don't see anything remarkable about him," Bass observed.

"Why, just feel of him, now," Epps rejoined. "You don't see a boy very
often put together any closer than he is. He's a thin-skin'd cuss, and
won't bear as much whipping as some; but he's got the muscle in him,
and no mistake."

Bass felt of me, turned me round, and made a thorough examination,
Epps all the while dwelling on my good points. But his visitor seemed
to take but little interest finally in the subject, and consequently
it was dropped. Bass soon departed, giving me another sly look of
recognition and significance, as he trotted out of the yard.

When he was gone I obtained a pass, and started for Tanner's--not
Peter Tanner's, of whom mention has previously been made, but a
relative of his. I played during the day and most of the night,
spending the next day, Sunday, in my cabin. Monday I crossed the
bayou to Douglas Marshall's, all Epps' slaves accompanying me, and on
Tuesday went to the old Norwood place, which is the third plantation
above Marshall's, on the same side of the water.

This estate is now owned by Miss Mary McCoy, a lovely girl, some
twenty years of age. She is the beauty and the glory of Bayou Boeuf.
She owns about a hundred working hands, besides a great many house
servants, yard boys, and young children. Her brother-in-law, who
resides on the adjoining estate, is her general agent. She is beloved
by all her slaves, and good reason indeed have they to be thankful
that they have fallen into such gentle hands. Nowhere on the bayou
are there such feasts, such merrymaking, as at young Madam McCoy's.
Thither, more than to any other place, do the old and the young for
miles around love to repair in the time of the Christmas holidays; for
nowhere else can they find such delicious repasts; nowhere else can
they hear a voice speaking to them so pleasantly. No one is so well
beloved--no one fills so large a space in the hearts of a thousand
slaves, as young Madam McCoy, the orphan mistress of the old Norwood
estate.

On my arrival at her place, I found two or three hundred had
assembled. The table was prepared in a long building, which she had
erected expressly for her slaves to dance in. It was covered with
every variety of food the country afforded, and was pronounced by
general acclamation to be the rarest of dinners. Roast turkey, pig,
chicken, duck, and all kinds of meat, baked, boiled, and broiled,
formed a line the whole length of the extended table, while the vacant
spaces were filled with tarts, jellies, and frosted cake, and pastry
of many kinds. The young mistress walked around the table, smiling
and saying a kind word to each one, and seemed to enjoy the scene
exceedingly.

When the dinner was over the tables were removed to make room for the
dancers. I tuned my violin and struck up a lively air; while some
joined in a nimble reel, others patted and sang their simple but
melodious songs, filling the great room with music mingled with the
sound of human voices and the clatter of many feet.

In the evening the mistress returned, and stood in the door a long
time, looking at us. She was magnificently arrayed. Her dark hair and
eyes contrasted strongly with her clear and delicate complexion. Her
form was slender but commanding, and her movement was a combination
of unaffected dignity and grace. As she stood there, clad in her
rich apparel, her face animated with pleasure, I thought I had never
looked upon a human being half so beautiful. I dwell with delight upon
the description of this fair and gentle lady, not only because she
inspired me with emotions of gratitude and admiration, but because I
would have the reader understand that all slave-owners on Bayou Boeuf
are not like Epps, or Tibeats, or Jim Burns. Occasionally can be
found, rarely it may be, indeed, a good man like William Ford, or an
angel of kindness like young Mistress McCoy.

Tuesday concluded the three holidays Epps yearly allowed us. On my
way home, Wednesday morning, while passing the plantation of William
Pierce, that gentleman hailed me, saying he had received a line from
Epps, brought down by William Varnell, permitting him to detain me
for the purpose of playing for his slaves that night. It was the last
time I was destined to witness a slave dance on the shores of Bayou
Boeuf. The party at Pierce's continued their jollification until broad
daylight, when I returned to my master's house, somewhat wearied with
the loss of rest, but rejoicing in the possession of numerous bits
and picayunes, which the whites, who were pleased with my musical
performances, had contributed.

On Saturday morning, for the first time in years, I overslept myself.
I was frightened on coming out of the cabin to find the slaves were
already in the field. They had preceded me some fifteen minutes.
Leaving my dinner and water-gourd, I hurried after them as fast as I
could move. It was not yet sunrise, but Epps was on the piazza as I
left the hut, and cried out to me that it was a pretty time of day
to be getting up. By extra exertion my row was up when he came out
after breakfast. This, however, was no excuse for the offence of
oversleeping. Bidding me strip and lie down, he gave me ten or fifteen
lashes, at the conclusion of which he inquired if I thought, after
that, I could get up sometime in the _morning_. I expressed myself
quite positively that I _could_, and, with back stinging with pain,
went about my work.

The following day, Sunday, my thoughts were upon Bass, and the
probabilities and hopes which hung upon his action and determination.
I considered the uncertainty of life; that if it should be the will
of God that he should die, my prospect of deliverance, and all
expectation of happiness in this world, would be wholly ended and
destroyed. My sore back, perhaps, did not have a tendency to render me
unusually cheerful. I felt down-hearted and unhappy all day long, and
when I laid down upon the hard board at night, my heart was oppressed
with such a load of grief, it seemed that it must break.

Monday morning, the third of January, 1853, we were in the field
betimes. It was a raw, cold morning, such as is unusual in that
region. I was in advance, Uncle Abram next to me, behind him Bob,
Patsey and Wiley, with our cotton-bags about our necks. Epps happened
(a rare thing, indeed,) to come out that morning without his whip.
He swore, in a manner that would shame a pirate, that we were doing
nothing. Bob ventured to say that his fingers were so numb with cold
he couldn't pick fast. Epps cursed himself for not having brought his
rawhide, and declared that when he came out again he would warm us
well; yes, he would make us all hotter than that fiery realm in which
I am sometimes compelled to believe he will himself eventually reside.

With these fervent expressions, he left us. When out of hearing,
we commenced talking to each other, saying how hard it was to be
compelled to keep up our tasks with numb fingers; how unreasonable
master was, and speaking of him generally in no flattering terms. Our
conversation was interrupted by a carriage passing rapidly towards
the house. Looking up, we saw two men approaching us through the
cotton-field.

       *       *       *       *       *

Having now brought down this narrative to the last hour I was to spend
on Bayou Boeuf--having gotten through my last cotton picking, and
about to bid Master Epps farewell--I must beg the reader to go back
with me to the month of August; to follow Bass' letter on its long
journey to Saratoga; to learn the effect it produced--and that, while
I was repining and despairing in the slave hut of Edwin Epps, through
the friendship of Bass and the goodness of Providence, all things were
working together for my deliverance.

Q: Can you write an appropriate summary of the above paragraphs?
A:

completion: The day before Christmas, Bass returns again from Marksville. He gives Solomon a nod to meet him after dark. He does not show up, and Solomon assumes correctly that they should meet the next morning before the rest of the household awakes. Bass tells him he has heard nothing, and Solomon despairs. Bass adds quickly that he has planned to go to Saratoga himself. Shocked, Solomon listens as Bass says that he is tired of the South and slavery; he will go to Saratoga to see the people Solomon mentioned. During the Christmas holidays, Solomon has to play his violin for local planters. One day, he plays for Madam McCoy and her household. He states that McCoy is a delightful, lovely, and benevolent young woman who treats her slaves well and proves that not all slaveholders are monsters. On the morning of January 3rd, Solomon is working in the cold fields with Abram, Patsey, Bob, and Wiley. Epps yells at them for not picking cotton well, but their fingers are numb with the cold. The slaves look up and see two men approaching on horseback. Solomon writes that he will now double back in the narrative to follow the movement of Bass's letter


prompt:
Chapter: THE LETTER REACHES SARATOGA--IS FORWARDED TO ANNE--IS LAID
  BEFORE HENRY B. NORTHUP--THE STATUTE OF MAY 14, 1840--ITS
  PROVISIONS--ANNE'S MEMORIAL TO THE GOVERNOR--THE AFFIDAVITS
  ACCOMPANYING IT--SENATOR SOULE'S LETTER--DEPARTURE OF THE AGENT
  APPOINTED BY THE GOVERNOR--ARRIVAL AT MARKSVILLE--THE HON. JOHN
  P. WADDILL--THE CONVERSATION ON NEW-YORK POLITICS--IT SUGGESTS
  A FORTUNATE IDEA--THE MEETING WITH BASS--THE SECRET OUT--LEGAL
  PROCEEDINGS INSTITUTED--DEPARTURE OF NORTHUP AND THE SHERIFF FROM
  MARKSVILLE FOR BAYOU BOEUF--ARRANGEMENTS ON THE WAY--REACH EPPS'
  PLANTATION--DISCOVER HIS SLAVES IN THE COTTON FIELD--THE MEETING--THE
  FAREWELL.

I am indebted to Mr. Henry B. Northup and others for many of the
particulars contained in this chapter.

The letter written by Bass, directed to Parker and Perry, and which
was deposited in the post-office in Marksville on the 15th day of
August, 1852, arrived at Saratoga in the early part of September.
Some time previous to this, Anne had removed to Glens Falls, Warren
county, where she had charge of the kitchen in Carpenter's Hotel. She
kept house, however, lodging with our children, and was only absent
from them during such time as the discharge of her duties in the hotel
required.

Messrs. Parker and Perry, on receipt of the letter, forwarded it
immediately to Anne. On reading it the children were all excitement,
and without delay hastened to the neighboring village of Sandy Hill,
to consult Henry B. Northup, and obtain his advice and assistance in
the matter.

Upon examination, that gentleman found among the statutes of the State
an act providing for the recovery of free citizens from slavery. It
was passed May 14, 1840, and is entitled "An act more effectually
to protect the free citizens of this State from being kidnapped or
reduced to slavery." It provides that it shall be the duty of the
Governor, upon the receipt of satisfactory information that any free
citizen or inhabitant of this State, is wrongfully held in another
State or Territory of the United States, upon the allegation or
pretence that such person is a slave, or by color of any usage or
rule of law is deemed or taken to be a slave, to take such measures
to procure the restoration of such person to liberty, as he shall
deem necessary. And to that end, he is authorized to appoint and
employ an agent, and directed to furnish him with such credentials
and instructions as will be likely to accomplish the object of his
appointment. It requires the agent so appointed to proceed to collect
the proper proof to establish the right of such person to his freedom;
to perform such journeys, take such measures, institute such legal
proceedings, &c., as may be necessary to return such person to this
State, and charges all expenses incurred in carrying the act into
effect, upon moneys not otherwise appropriated in the treasury.[1]

It was necessary to establish two facts to the satisfaction of the
Governor: First, that I was a free citizen of New-York; and secondly,
that I was wrongfully held in bondage. As to the first point, there
was no difficulty, all the older inhabitants in the vicinity being
ready to testify to it. The second point rested entirely upon the
letter to Parker and Perry, written in an unknown hand, and upon the
letter penned on board the brig Orleans, which, unfortunately, had
been mislaid or lost.

A memorial was prepared, directed to his excellency, Governor Hunt,
setting forth her marriage, my departure to Washington city; the
receipt of the letters; that I was a free citizen, and such other
facts as were deemed important, and was signed and verified by Anne.
Accompanying this memorial were several affidavits of prominent
citizens of Sandy Hill and Fort Edward, corroborating fully the
statements it contained, and also a request of several well known
gentlemen to the Governor, that Henry B. Northup be appointed agent
under the legislative act.

On reading the memorial and affidavits, his excellency took a lively
interest in the matter, and on the 23d day of November, 1852, under
the seal of the State, "constituted, appointed and employed Henry B.
Northup, Esq., an agent, with full power to effect" my restoration,
and to take such measures as would be most likely to accomplish
it, and instructing him to proceed to Louisiana with all convenient
dispatch.[2]

The pressing nature of Mr. Northup's professional and political
engagements delayed his departure until December. On the fourteenth
day of that month he left Sandy Hill, and proceeded to Washington.
The Hon. Pierre Soule, Senator in Congress from Louisiana, Hon. Mr.
Conrad, Secretary of War, and Judge Nelson, of the Supreme Court
of the United States, upon hearing a statement of the facts, and
examining his commission, and certified copies of the memorial and
affidavits, furnished him with open letters to gentlemen in Louisiana,
strongly urging their assistance in accomplishing the object of his
appointment.

Senator Soule especially interested himself in the matter, insisting,
in forcible language, that it was the duty and interest of every
planter in his State to aid in restoring me to freedom, and trusted
the sentiments of honor and justice in the bosom of every citizen
of the commonwealth would enlist him at once in my behalf. Having
obtained these valuable letters, Mr. Northup returned to Baltimore,
and proceeded from thence to Pittsburgh. It was his original
intention, under advice of friends at Washington, to go directly to
New Orleans, and consult the authorities of that city. Providentially,
however, on arriving at the mouth of Red River, he changed his mind.
Had he continued on, he would not have met with Bass, in which case
the search for me would probably have been fruitless.

Taking passage on the first steamer that arrived, he pursued his
journey up Red River, a sluggish, winding stream, flowing through
a vast region of primitive forests and impenetrable swamps, almost
wholly destitute of inhabitants. About nine o'clock in the forenoon,
January 1st, 1853, he left the steamboat at Marksville, and proceeded
directly to Marksville Court House, a small village four miles in the
interior.

From the fact that the letter to Messrs. Parker and Perry was
post-marked at Marksville, it was supposed by him that I was in
that place or its immediate vicinity. On reaching this town, he at
once laid his business before the Hon. John P. Waddill, a legal
gentleman of distinction, and a man of fine genius and most noble
impulses. After reading the letters and documents presented him, and
listening to a representation of the circumstances under which I had
been carried away into captivity, Mr. Waddill at once proffered his
services, and entered into the affair with great zeal and earnestness.
He, in common with others of like elevated character, looked upon the
kidnapper with abhorrence. The title of his fellow parishioners and
clients to the property which constituted the larger proportion of
their wealth, not only depended upon the good faith in which slave
sales were transacted, but he was a man in whose honorable heart
emotions of indignation were aroused by such an instance of injustice.

Marksville, although occupying a prominent position, and standing out
in impressive italics on the map of Louisiana, is, in fact, but a
small and insignificant hamlet. Aside from the tavern, kept by a jolly
and generous boniface, the court house, inhabited by lawless cows
and swine in the seasons of vacation, and a high gallows, with its
dissevered rope dangling in the air, there is little to attract the
attention of the stranger.

Solomon Northup was a name Mr. Waddill had never heard, but he was
confident that if there was a slave bearing that appellation in
Marksville or vicinity, his black boy Tom would know him. Tom was
accordingly called, but in all his extensive circle of acquaintances
there was no such personage.

The letter to Parker and Perry was dated at Bayou Boeuf. At this
place, therefore, the conclusion was, I must be sought. But here a
difficulty suggested itself, of a very grave character indeed. Bayou
Boeuf, at its nearest point, was twenty-three miles distant, and was
the name applied to the section of country extending between fifty
and a hundred miles, on both sides of that stream. Thousands and
thousands of slaves resided upon its shores, the remarkable richness
and fertility of the soil having attracted thither a great number of
planters. The information in the letter was so vague and indefinite
as to render it difficult to conclude upon any specific course of
proceeding. It was finally determined, however, as the only plan that
presented any prospect of success, that Northup and the brother of
Waddill, a student in the office of the latter, should repair to the
Bayou, and traveling up one side and down the other its whole length,
inquire at each plantation for me. Mr. Waddill tendered the use of his
carriage, and it was definitely arranged that they should start upon
the excursion early Monday morning.

It will be seen at once that this course, in all probability, would
have resulted unsuccessfully. It would have been impossible for them
to have gone into the fields and examine all the gangs at work. They
were not aware that I was known only as Platt; and had they inquired
of Epps himself, he would have stated truly that he knew nothing of
Solomon Northup.

The arrangement being adopted, however, there was nothing further to
be done until Sunday had elapsed. The conversation between Messrs.
Northup and Waddill, in the course of the afternoon, turned upon
New-York politics.

"I can scarcely comprehend the nice distinctions and shades of
political parties in your State," observed Mr. Waddill. "I read of
soft-shells and hard-shells, hunkers and barnburners, woolly-heads
and silver-grays, and am unable to understand the precise difference
between them. Pray, what is it?"

Mr. Northup, re-filling his pipe, entered into quite an elaborate
narrative of the origin of the various sections of parties, and
concluded by saying there was another party in New-York, known as
free-soilers or abolitionists. "You have seen none of those in this
part of the country, I presume?" Mr. Northup remarked.

"Never, but one," answered Waddill, laughingly. "We have one here
in Marksville, an eccentric creature, who preaches abolitionism as
vehemently as any fanatic at the North. He is a generous, inoffensive
man, but always maintaining the wrong side of an argument. It affords
us a deal of amusement. He is an excellent mechanic, and almost
indispensable in this community. He is a carpenter. His name is Bass."

Some further good-natured conversation was had at the expense of Bass'
peculiarities, when Waddill all at once fell into a reflective mood,
and asked for the mysterious letter again.

"Let me see--l-e-t m-e s-e-e!" he repeated, thoughtfully to himself,
running his eyes over the letter once more. "'Bayou Boeuf, August 15.'
August 15--post-marked here. 'He that is writing for me--' Where did
Bass work last summer?" he inquired, turning suddenly to his brother.
His brother was unable to inform him, but rising, left the office,
and soon returned with the intelligence that "Bass worked last summer
somewhere on Bayou Boeuf."

"He is the man," bringing down his hand emphatically on the table,
"who can tell us all about Solomon Northup," exclaimed Waddill.

Bass was immediately searched for, but could not be found. After some
inquiry, it was ascertained he was at the landing on Red River.
Procuring a conveyance, young Waddill and Northup were not long in
traversing the few miles to the latter place. On their arrival, Bass
was found, just on the point of leaving, to be absent a fortnight or
more. After an introduction, Northup begged the privilege of speaking
to him privately a moment. They walked together towards the river,
when the following conversation ensued:

"Mr. Bass," said Northup, "allow me to ask you if you were on Bayou
Boeuf last August?"

"Yes, sir, I was there in August," was the reply.

"Did you write a letter for a colored man at that place to some
gentleman in Saratoga Springs?"

"Excuse me, sir, if I say that is none of your business," answered
Bass, stopping and looking his interrogator searchingly in the face.

"Perhaps I am rather hasty, Mr. Bass; I beg your pardon; but I have
come from the State of New-York to accomplish the purpose the writer
of a letter dated the 15th of August, post-marked at Marksville, had
in view. Circumstances have led me to think that you are perhaps the
man who wrote it. I am in search of Solomon Northup. If you know him,
I beg you to inform me frankly where he is, and I assure you the
source of any information you may give me shall not be divulged, if
you desire it not to be."

A long time Bass looked his new acquaintance steadily in the eyes,
without opening his lips. He seemed to be doubting in his own mind if
there was not an attempt to practice some deception upon him. Finally
he said, deliberately--

"I have done nothing to be ashamed of. I am the man who wrote the
letter. If you have come to rescue Solomon Northup, I am glad to see
you."

"When did you last see him, and where is he?" Northup inquired.

"I last saw him Christmas, a week ago to-day. He is the slave of Edwin
Epps, a planter on Bayou Boeuf, near Holmesville. He is not known as
Solomon Northup; he is called Platt."

The secret was out--the mystery was unraveled. Through the thick,
black cloud, amid whose dark and dismal shadows I had walked twelve
years, broke the star that was to light me back to liberty. All
mistrust and hesitation were soon thrown aside, and the two men
conversed long and freely upon the subject uppermost in their
thoughts. Bass expressed the interest he had taken in my behalf--his
intention of going north in the Spring, and declaring that he had
resolved to accomplish my emancipation, if it were in his power. He
described the commencement and progress of his acquaintance with me,
and listened with eager curiosity to the account given him of my
family, and the history of my early life. Before separating, he drew
a map of the bayou on a strip of paper with a piece of red chalk,
showing the locality of Epps' plantation, and the road leading most
directly to it.

Northup and his young companion returned to Marksville, where it
was determined to commence legal proceedings to test the question
of my right to freedom. I was made plaintiff, Mr. Northup acting as
my guardian, and Edwin Epps defendant. The process to be issued was
in the nature of replevin, directed to the sheriff of the parish,
commanding him to take me into custody, and detain me until the
decision of the court. By the time the papers were duly drawn up,
it was twelve o'clock at night--too late to obtain the necessary
signature of the Judge, who resided some distance out of town. Further
business was therefore suspended until Monday morning.

Everything, apparently, was moving along swimmingly, until Sunday
afternoon, when Waddill called at Northup's room to express his
apprehension of difficulties they had not expected to encounter. Bass
had become alarmed, and had placed his affairs in the hands of a
person at the landing, communicating to him his intention of leaving
the State. This person had betrayed the confidence reposed in him to
a certain extent, and a rumor began to float about the town, that
the stranger at the hotel, who had been observed in the company of
lawyer Waddill, was after one of old Epps' slaves, over on the bayou.
Epps was known at Marksville, having frequent occasion to visit that
place during the session of the courts, and the fear entertained by
Mr. Northup's adviser was, that intelligence would be conveyed to him
in the night, giving him an opportunity of secreting me before the
arrival of the sheriff.

This apprehension had the effect of expediting matters considerably.
The sheriff, who lived in one direction from the village, was
requested to hold himself in readiness immediately after midnight,
while the Judge was informed he would be called upon at the same
time. It is but justice to say, that the authorities at Marksville
cheerfully rendered all the assistance in their power.

As soon after midnight as bail could be perfected, and the Judge's
signature obtained, a carriage, containing Mr. Northup and the
sheriff, driven by the landlord's son, rolled rapidly out of the
village of Marksville, on the road towards Bayou Boeuf.

It was supposed that Epps would contest the issue involving my right
to liberty, and it therefore suggested itself to Mr. Northup, that
the testimony of the sheriff, describing my first meeting with the
former, might perhaps become material on the trial. It was accordingly
arranged during the ride, that, before I had an opportunity of
speaking to Mr. Northup, the sheriff should propound to me certain
questions agreed upon, such as the number and names of my children,
the name of my wife before marriage, of places I knew at the North,
and so forth. If my answers corresponded with the statements given
him, the evidence must necessarily be considered conclusive.

At length, shortly after Epps had left the field, with the consoling
assurance that he would soon return and _warm_ us, as was stated
in the conclusion of the preceding chapter, they came in sight of
the plantation, and discovered us at work. Alighting from the
carriage, and directing the driver to proceed to the great house, with
instructions not to mention to any one the object of their errand
until they met again, Northup and the sheriff turned from the highway,
and came towards us across the cotton field. We observed them, on
looking up at the carriage--one several rods in advance of the other.
It was a singular and unusual thing to see white men approaching us
in that manner, and especially at that early hour in the morning,
and Uncle Abram and Patsey made some remarks, expressive of their
astonishment. Walking up to Bob, the sheriff inquired:

"Where's the boy they call Platt?"

"Thar he is, massa," answered Bob, pointing to me, and twitching off
his hat.

I wondered to myself what business he could possibly have with me, and
turning round, gazed at him until he had approached within a step.
During my long residence on the bayou, I had become familiar with the
face of every planter within many miles; but this man was an utter
stranger--certainly I had never seen him before.

"Your name is Platt, is it?" he asked.

"Yes, master," I responded.

Pointing towards Northup, standing a few rods distant, he
demanded--"Do you know that man?"

I looked in the direction indicated, and as my eyes rested on his
countenance, a world of images thronged my brain; a multitude of
well-known faces--Anne's, and the dear children's, and my old dead
father's; all the scenes and associations of childhood and youth;
all the friends of other and happier days, appeared and disappeared,
flitting and floating like dissolving shadows before the vision of my
imagination, until at last the perfect memory of the man recurred to
me, and throwing up my hands towards Heaven, I exclaimed, in a voice
louder than I could utter in a less exciting moment--

"_Henry B. Northup!_ Thank God--thank God!"

In an instant I comprehended the nature of his business, and felt that
the hour of my deliverance was at hand. I started towards him, but the
sheriff stepped before me.

"Stop a moment," said he; "have you any other name than Platt?"

"Solomon Northup is my name, master," I replied.

"Have you a family?" he inquired.

"I _had_ a wife and three children."

"What were your children's names?"

"Elizabeth, Margaret and Alonzo."

"And your wife's name before her marriage?"

"Anne Hampton."

"Who married you?"

"Timothy Eddy, of Fort Edward."

"Where does that gentleman live?" again pointing to Northup, who
remained standing in the same place where I had first recognized him.

"He lives in Sandy Hill, Washington county, New-York," was the reply.

He was proceeding to ask further questions, but I pushed past him,
unable longer to restrain myself. I seized my old acquaintance by both
hands. I could not speak. I could not refrain from tears.

"Sol," he said at length, "I'm glad to see you."

I essayed to make some answer, but emotion choked all utterance, and
I was silent. The slaves, utterly confounded, stood gazing upon the
scene, their open mouths and rolling eyes indicating the utmost wonder
and astonishment. For ten years I had dwelt among them, in the field
and in the cabin, borne the same hardships, partaken the same fare,
mingled my griefs with theirs, participated in the same scanty joys;
nevertheless, not until this hour, the last I was to remain among
them, had the remotest suspicion of my true name, or the slightest
knowledge of my real history, been entertained by any one of them.

Not a word was spoken for several minutes, during which time I clung
fast to Northup, looking up into his face, fearful I should awake and
find it all a dream.

"Throw down that sack," Northup added, finally; "your cotton-picking
days are over. Come with us to the man you live with."

I obeyed him, and walking between him and the sheriff, we moved
towards the great house. It was not until we had proceeded some
distance that I had recovered my voice sufficiently to ask if my
family were all living. He informed me he had seen Anne, Margaret
and Elizabeth but a short time previously; that Alonzo was also
living, and all were well. My mother, however, I could never see
again. As I began to recover in some measure from the sudden and great
excitement which so overwhelmed me, I grew faint and weak, insomuch
it was with difficulty I could walk. The sheriff took hold of my arm
and assisted me, or I think I should have fallen. As we entered the
yard, Epps stood by the gate, conversing with the driver. That young
man, faithful to his instructions, was entirely unable to give him
the least information in answer to his repeated inquiries of what was
going on. By the time we reached him he was almost as much amazed and
puzzled as Bob or Uncle Abram.

Shaking hands with the sheriff, and receiving an introduction to Mr.
Northup, he invited them into the house, ordering me, at the same
time, to bring in some wood. It was some time before I succeeded in
cutting an armful, having, somehow, unaccountably lost the power of
wielding the axe with any manner of precision. When I entered with it
at last, the table was strewn with papers, from one of which Northup
was reading. I was probably longer than necessity required, in placing
the sticks upon the fire, being particular as to the exact position
of each individual one of them. I heard the words, "the said Solomon
Northup," and "the deponent further says," and "free citizen of
New-York," repeated frequently, and from these expressions understood
that the secret I had so long retained from Master and Mistress Epps,
was finally developing. I lingered as long as prudence permitted,
and was about leaving the room, when Epps inquired,

[Illustration: SCENE IN THE COTTON FIELD, SOLOMON DELIVERED UP.]

"Platt, do you know this gentleman?"

"Yes, master," I replied, "I have known him as long as I can remember."

"Where does he live?"

"He lives in New-York."

"Did you ever live there?"

"Yes, master--born and bred there."

"You was free, then. Now you d----d nigger," he exclaimed, "why did
you not tell me that when I bought you?"

"Master Epps," I answered, in a somewhat different tone than the one
in which I had been accustomed to address him--"Master Epps, you did
not take the trouble to ask me; besides, I told one of my owners--the
man that kidnapped me--that I was free, and was whipped almost to
death for it."

"It seems there has been a letter written for you by somebody. Now,
who is it?" he demanded, authoritatively. I made no reply.

"I say, who wrote that letter?" he demanded again.

"Perhaps I wrote it myself," I said.

"You haven't been to Marksville post-office and back before light, I
know."

He insisted upon my informing him, and I insisted I would not. He
made many vehement threats against the man, whoever he might be, and
intimated the bloody and savage vengeance he would wreak upon him,
when he found him out. His whole manner and language exhibited a
feeling of anger towards the unknown person who had written for me,
and of fretfulness at the idea of losing so much property. Addressing
Mr. Northup, he swore if he had only had an hour's notice of his
coming, he would have saved him the trouble of taking me back to
New-York; that he would have run me into the swamp, or some other
place out of the way, where all the sheriffs on earth couldn't have
found me.

I walked out into the yard, and was entering the kitchen door, when
something struck me in the back. Aunt Phebe, emerging from the back
door of the great house with a pan of potatoes, had thrown one of them
with unnecessary violence, thereby giving me to understand that she
wished to speak to me a moment confidentially. Running up to me, she
whispered in my ear with great earnestness,

"Lor a' mity, Platt! what d'ye think? Dem two men come after ye. Heard
'em tell massa you free--got wife and tree children back thar whar you
come from. Goin' wid 'em? Fool if ye don't--wish I could go," and Aunt
Phebe ran on in this manner at a rapid rate.

Presently Mistress Epps made her appearance in the kitchen. She said
many things to me, and wondered why I had not told her who I was.
She expressed her regret, complimenting me by saying she had rather
lose any other servant on the plantation. Had Patsey that day stood
in my place, the measure of my mistress' joy would have overflowed.
Now there was no one left who could mend a chair or a piece of
furniture--no one who was of any use about the house--no one who could
play for her on the violin--and Mistress Epps was actually affected to
tears.

Epps had called to Bob to bring up his saddle horse. The other slaves,
also, overcoming their fear of the penalty, had left their work and
come to the yard. They were standing behind the cabins, out of sight
of Epps. They beckoned me to come to them, and with all the eagerness
of curiosity, excited to the highest pitch, conversed with and
questioned me. If I could repeat the exact words they uttered, with
the same emphasis--if I could paint their several attitudes, and the
expression of their countenances--it would be indeed an interesting
picture. In their estimation, I had suddenly arisen to an immeasurable
height--had become a being of immense importance.

The legal papers having been served, and arrangements made with Epps
to meet them the next day at Marksville, Northup and the sheriff
entered the carriage to return to the latter place. As I was about
mounting to the driver's seat, the sheriff said I ought to bid Mr. and
Mrs. Epps good bye. I ran back to the piazza where they were standing,
and taking off my hat, said,

"Good-bye, missis."

"Good-bye, Platt," said Mrs. Epps, kindly.

"Good-bye, master."

"Ah! you d--d nigger," muttered Epps, in a surly, malicious tone of
voice, "you needn't feel so cussed tickled--you ain't gone yet--I'll
see about this business at Marksville to-morrow."

I was only a "_nigger_" and knew my place, but felt as strongly as if
I had been a white man, that it would have been an inward comfort,
had I dared to have given him a parting kick. On my way back to the
carriage, Patsey ran from behind a cabin and threw her arms about my
neck.

"Oh! Platt," she cried, tears streaming down her face, "you're goin'
to be free--you're goin' way off yonder where we'll neber see ye any
more. You've saved me a good many whippins, Platt; I'm glad you're
goin' to be free--but oh! de Lord, de Lord! what'll become of me?"

I disengaged myself from her, and entered the carriage. The driver
cracked his whip and away we rolled. I looked back and saw Patsey,
with drooping head, half reclining on the ground; Mrs. Epps was on the
piazza; Uncle Abram, and Bob, and Wiley, and Aunt Phebe stood by the
gate, gazing after me. I waved my hand, but the carriage turned a bend
of the bayou, hiding them from my eyes forever.

We stopped a moment at Carey's sugar house, where a great number of
slaves were at work, such an establishment being a curiosity to a
Northern man. Epps dashed by us on horseback at full speed--on the
way, as we learned next day, to the "Pine Woods," to see William Ford,
who had brought me into the country.

Tuesday, the fourth of January, Epps and his counsel, the Hon. H.
Taylor, Northup, Waddill, the Judge and sheriff of Avoyelles, and
myself, met in a room in the village of Marksville. Mr. Northup stated
the facts in regard to me, and presented his commission, and the
affidavits accompanying it. The sheriff described the scene in the
cotton field. I was also interrogated at great length. Finally, Mr.
Taylor assured his client that he was satisfied, and that litigation
would not only be expensive, but utterly useless. In accordance with
his advice, a paper was drawn up and signed by the proper parties,
wherein Epps acknowledged he was satisfied of my right to freedom, and
formally surrendered me to the authorities of New-York. It was also
stipulated that it be entered of record in the recorder's office of
Avoyelles.[3]

Mr. Northup and myself immediately hastened to the landing, and taking
passage on the first steamer that arrived, were soon floating down
Red River, up which, with such desponding thoughts, I had been borne
twelve years before.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Appendix A.

[2] See Appendix B.

[3] See Appendix C.

Q: Can you write an appropriate summary of the above paragraphs?
A:

completion: Messrs. Perry and Parker receive Bass's letter and immediately inform Anne. Her children visit Henry B. Northup to attain his assistance. As there is a statute protecting free citizens from being reduced to slavery, he pursues this with the Governor. He is able to prove that Solomon is a free citizen of New York and that he is being wrongfully held in bondage. The Governor is very interested in the matter and appoints Northup as agent. Northup travels to Washington and meets with the Louisiana Senator, the Secretary of War, and a Justice of the Supreme Court. He receives papers to show the officials in Louisiana. Northup plans to go directly to New Orleans but stops in Marksville first. He shares his business with the Hon. John P. Waddill, who is happy to help him. Waddill has never heard the name of Solomon Northup, though, and asks his boy, Tom, who also does not know the name. Northup despairs a bit, as Solomon's letter was vague and the course to take is not clear. There is a fateful moment, however: the two men are discussing politics when Northup asks if there are any free-soilers in the region. Waddill laughs and mentions a man named Bass. Northup starts and looks at his letter. He realizes this is the same man who wrote the letter for Solomon, and he tells Waddill this. A bit of searching locates Bass at a landing on the Red River. Northup goes to him and asks after Bayou Boeuf and Solomon. Bass is reluctant to respond at first, not knowing whether Northup is an honest man, but Northup tells him frankly of his purpose in inquiring and Bass tells him all. Bass provides a map to Bayou Boeuf, and Northup begins legal proceedings against Epps. He and a sheriff travel to Epps's plantation as soon as they can so that word cannot leak to Epps. Solomon now returns the narrative to the moment when he saw the two men coming across the field. He does not recognize them. The sheriff comes up to "Platt" and asks if he recognizes the other man. Solomon looks carefully, and memories begin flooding back. He joyfully cries out that it is Henry B. Northup. The sheriff asks Solomon a few questions to establish his identity, and Solomon bursts into happy tears. The other slaves are completely discombobulated as they watch this. Northup and Solomon embrace, and Northup and the sheriff lead him to the house. Epps comes out, puzzled. When the information about Solomon is conveyed to him, Epps asks Solomon sharply why he said nothing. Solomon speaks with more authority than he has with Epps before: he states that he was never asked and that he was whipped when he had said something. Epps grows violently angry that a white man helped Solomon and demands to know who it is. He swears profusely and wishes he'd had an hour to secret Solomon away. Mistress Epps politely bids Solomon goodbye; Epps only swears. When Solomon says goodbye to Patsey, she looks at him tearfully and says she does not know what will become of herself. The Louisiana court settles that Epps will not litigate and that Solomon is free to return North


prompt:
Chapter: ARRIVAL IN NEW-ORLEANS--GLIMPSE OF FREEMAN--GENOIS, THE
  RECORDER--HIS DESCRIPTION OF SOLOMON--REACH CHARLESTON--INTERRUPTED
  BY CUSTOM HOUSE OFFICERS--PASS THROUGH RICHMOND--ARRIVAL IN
  WASHINGTON--BURCH ARRESTED--SHEKELS AND THORN--THEIR TESTIMONY--BURCH
  ACQUITTED--ARREST OF SOLOMON--BURCH WITHDRAWS THE COMPLAINT--THE
  HIGHER TRIBUNAL--DEPARTURE FROM WASHINGTON--ARRIVAL AT SANDY
  HILL--OLD FRIENDS AND FAMILIAR SCENES--PROCEED TO GLENS
  FALLS--MEETING WITH ANNE, MARGARET AND ELIZABETH--SOLOMON NORTHUP
  STAUNTON--INCIDENTS--CONCLUSION.

As the steamer glided on its way towards New-Orleans, _perhaps_ I was
not happy--_perhaps_ there was no difficulty in restraining myself
from dancing round the deck--perhaps I did not feel grateful to the
man who had come so many hundred miles for me--perhaps I did not
light his pipe, and wait and watch his word, and run at his slightest
bidding. If I didn't--well, no matter.

We tarried at New-Orleans two days. During that time I pointed out the
locality of Freeman's slave pen, and the room in which Ford purchased
me. We happened to meet Theophilus in the street, but I did not think
it worth while to renew acquaintance with him. From respectable
citizens we ascertained he had become a low, miserable rowdy--a
broken-down, disreputable man.

We also visited the recorder, Mr. Genois, to whom Senator Soule's
letter was directed, and found him a man well deserving the wide and
honorable reputation that he bears. He very generously furnished us
with a sort of legal pass, over his signature and seal of office, and
as it contains the recorder's description of my personal appearance,
it may not be amiss to insert it here. The following is a copy:

                         "_State of Louisiana_--_City of New-Orleans_:
                         Recorder's Office, Second District.

     "To all to whom these presents shall come:--

     "This is to certify that Henry B. Northup, Esquire, of the county
     of Washington, New-York, has produced before me due evidence
     of the freedom of Solomon, a mulatto man, aged about forty-two
     years, five feet, seven inches and six lines, woolly hair, and
     chestnut eyes, who is a native born of the State of New-York. That
     the said Northup, being about bringing the said Solomon to his
     native place, through the southern routes, the civil authorities
     are requested to let the aforesaid colored man Solomon pass
     unmolested, he demeaning well and properly.

     "Given under my hand and the seal of the city of New-Orleans this
     7th January, 1853.

     [L. S.]                                 "TH. GENOIS, Recorder."

On the 8th we came to Lake Pontchartrain, by railroad, and, in due
time, following the usual route, reached Charleston. After going on
board the steamboat, and paying our passage at this city, Mr. Northup
was called upon by a custom-house officer to explain why he had not
registered his servant. He replied that he had no servant--that, as
the agent of New-York, he was accompanying a free citizen of that
State from slavery to freedom, and did not desire nor intend to make
any registry whatever. I conceived from his conversation and manner,
though I may perhaps be entirely mistaken, that no great pains would
be taken to avoid whatever difficulty the Charleston officials might
deem proper to create. At length, however, we were permitted to
proceed, and, passing through Richmond, where I caught a glimpse of
Goodin's pen, arrived in Washington January 17th, 1853.

We ascertained that both Burch and Radburn were still residing in that
city. Immediately a complaint was entered with a police magistrate
of Washington, against James H. Burch, for kidnapping and selling
me into slavery. He was arrested upon a warrant issued by Justice
Goddard, and returned before Justice Mansel, and held to bail in the
sum of three thousand dollars. When first arrested, Burch was much
excited, exhibiting the utmost fear and alarm, and before reaching the
justice's office on Louisiana Avenue, and before knowing the precise
nature of the complaint, begged the police to permit him to consult
Benjamin O. Shekels, a slave trader of seventeen years' standing, and
his former partner. The latter became his bail.

At ten o'clock, the 18th of January, both parties appeared before the
magistrate. Senator Chase, of Ohio, Hon. Orville Clark, of Sandy Hill,
and Mr. Northup acted as counsel for the prosecution, and Joseph H.
Bradley for the defence.

Gen. Orville Clark was called and sworn as a witness, and testified
that he had known me from childhood, and that I was a free man, as
was my father before me. Mr. Northup then testified to the same, and
proved the facts connected with his mission to Avoyelles.

Ebenezer Radburn was then sworn for the prosecution, and testified
he was forty-eight years old; that he was a resident of Washington,
and had known Burch fourteen years; that in 1841 he was keeper of
Williams' slave pen; that he remembered the fact of my confinement in
the pen that year. At this point it was admitted by the defendant's
counsel, that I had been placed in the pen by Burch in the spring of
1841, and hereupon the prosecution rested.

Benjamin O. Shekels was then offered as a witness by the prisoner.
Benjamin is a large, coarse-featured man, and the reader may perhaps
get a somewhat correct conception of him by reading the exact language
he used in answer to the first question of defendant's lawyer. He was
asked the place of his nativity, and his reply, uttered in a sort of
rowdyish way, was in these very words--

"I was born in Ontario county, New-York, and _weighed fourteen
pounds_!"

Benjamin was a prodigious baby! He further testified that he kept the
Steamboat Hotel in Washington in 1841, and saw me there in the spring
of that year. He was proceeding to state what he had heard two men
say, when Senator Chase raised a legal objection, to wit, that the
sayings of third persons, being hearsay, was improper evidence. The
objection was overruled by the Justice, and Shekels continued, stating
that two men came to his hotel and represented they had a colored man
for sale; that they had an interview with Burch; that they stated they
came from Georgia, but he did not remember the county; that they gave
a full history of the boy, saying he was a bricklayer, and played
on the violin; that Burch remarked he would purchase if they could
agree; that they went out and brought the boy in, and that I was the
same person. He further testified, with as much unconcern as if it
was the truth, that I represented I was born and bred in Georgia;
that one of the young men with me was my master; that I exhibited a
great deal of regret at parting with him, and he believed "got into
tears!"--nevertheless, that I insisted my master had a right to sell
me; that he _ought_ to sell me; and the remarkable reason I gave was,
according to Shekels, because he, my master, "had been gambling and on
a spree!"

He continued, in these words, copied from the minutes taken on the
examination: "Burch interrogated the boy in the usual manner, told him
if he purchased him he should send him south. The boy said he had no
objection, that in fact he would like to go south. Burch paid $650 for
him, to my knowledge. I don't know what name was given him, but think
it was not Solomon. Did not know the name of either of the two men.
They were in my tavern two or three hours, during which time the boy
played on the violin. The bill of sale was signed in my bar-room. It
was a _printed blank, filled up by Burch_. Before 1838 Burch was my
partner. Our business was buying and selling slaves. After that time
he was a partner of Theophilus Freeman, of New-Orleans. Burch bought
here--Freeman sold there!"

Shekels, before testifying, had heard my relation of the circumstances
connected with the visit to Washington with Brown and Hamilton, and
therefore, it was, undoubtedly, he spoke of "two men," and of my
playing on the violin. Such was his fabrication, utterly untrue, and
yet there was found in Washington a man who endeavored to corroborate
him.

Benjamin A. Thorn testified he was at Shekels' in 1841, and saw a
colored boy playing on a fiddle. "Shekels said he was for sale. Heard
his master tell him he should sell him. The boy acknowledged to me he
was a slave. I was not present when the money was paid. Will not swear
positively this is the boy. The master _came near shedding tears: I
think the boy did_! I have been engaged in the business of taking
slaves south, off and on, for twenty years. When I can't do that I do
something else."

I was then offered as a witness, but, objection being made, the court
decided my evidence inadmissible. It was rejected solely on the ground
that I was a colored man--the fact of my being a free citizen of
New-York not being disputed.

Shekels having testified there was a bill of sale executed, Burch
was called upon by the prosecution to produce it, inasmuch as such
a paper would corroborate the testimony of Thorn and Shekels. The
prisoner's counsel saw the necessity of exhibiting it, or giving some
reasonable explanation for its non-production. To effect the latter,
Burch himself was offered as a witness in his own behalf. It was
contended by counsel for the people, that such testimony should not be
allowed--that it was in contravention of every rule of evidence, and
if permitted would defeat the ends of justice. His testimony, however,
was received by the court! He made oath that such a bill of sale had
been drawn up and signed, _but he had lost it, and did not know what
had become of it_! Thereupon the magistrate was requested to dispatch
a police officer to Burch's residence, with directions to bring his
books, containing his bills of sales for the year 1841. The request
was granted, and before any measure could be taken to prevent it, the
officer had obtained possession of the books, and brought them into
court. The sales for the year 1841 were found, and carefully examined,
but no sale of myself, by any name, was discovered!

Upon this testimony the court held the fact to be established, that
Burch came innocently and honestly by me, and accordingly he was
discharged.

An attempt was then made by Burch and his satellites, to fasten
upon me the charge that I had conspired with the two white men to
defraud him--with what success, appears in an extract taken from an
article in the New-York Times, published a day or two subsequent to
the trial: "The counsel for the defendant had drawn up, before the
defendant was discharged, an affidavit, signed by Burch, and had a
warrant out against the colored man for a conspiracy with the two
white men before referred to, to defraud Burch out of six hundred
and twenty-five dollars. The warrant was served, and the colored man
arrested and brought before officer Goddard. Burch and his witnesses
appeared in court, and H. B. Northup appeared as counsel for the
colored man, stating he was ready to proceed as counsel on the part of
the defendant, and asking no delay whatever. Burch, after consulting
privately a short time with Shekels, stated to the magistrate that
he wished him to dismiss the complaint, as he would not proceed
farther with it. Defendant's counsel stated to the magistrate that
if the complaint was withdrawn, it must be without the request or
consent of the defendant. Burch then asked the magistrate to let him
have the complaint and the warrant, and he took them. The counsel
for the defendant objected to his receiving them, and insisted they
should remain as part of the records of the court, and that the court
should endorse the proceedings which had been had under the process.
Burch delivered them up, and the court rendered a judgment of
discontinuance by the request of the prosecutor, and filed it in his
office."

       *       *       *       *       *

There may be those who will affect to believe the statement of the
slave-trader--those, in whose minds his allegations will weigh heavier
than mine. I am a poor colored man--one of a down-trodden and degraded
race, whose humble voice may not be heeded by the oppressor--but
_knowing_ the truth, and with a full sense of my accountability, I
do solemnly declare before men, and before God, that any charge or
assertion, that I conspired directly or indirectly with any person
or persons to sell myself; that any other account of my visit to
Washington, my capture and imprisonment in Williams' slave pen, than
is contained in these pages, is utterly and absolutely false. I never
played on the violin in Washington. I never was in the Steamboat
Hotel, and never saw Thorn or Shekels, to my knowledge, in my life,
until last January. The story of the trio of slave-traders is a
fabrication as absurd as it is base and unfounded. Were it true, I
should not have turned aside on my way back to liberty for the purpose
of prosecuting Burch. I should have _avoided_ rather than sought him.
I should have known that such a step would have resulted in rendering
me infamous. Under the circumstances--longing as I did to behold my
family, and elated with the prospect of returning home--it is an
outrage upon probability to suppose I would have run the hazard, not
only of exposure, but of a criminal prosecution and conviction, by
voluntarily placing myself in the position I did, if the statements of
Burch and his confederates contain a particle of truth. I took pains
to seek him out, to confront him in a court of law, charging him with
the crime of kidnapping; and the only motive that impelled me to this
step, was a burning sense of the wrong he had inflicted upon me, and a
desire to bring him to justice. He was acquitted, in the manner, and
by such means as have been described. A human tribunal has permitted
him to escape; but there is another and a higher tribunal, where false
testimony will not prevail, and where I am willing, so far at least as
these statements are concerned, to be judged at last.

       *       *       *       *       *

We left Washington on the 20th of January, and proceeding by the way
of Philadelphia, New-York, and Albany, reached Sandy Hill in the night
of the 21st. My heart overflowed with happiness as I looked around
upon old familiar scenes, and found myself in the midst of friends of
other days. The following morning I started, in company with several
acquaintances, for Glens Falls, the residence of Anne and our children.

As I entered their comfortable cottage, Margaret was the first that
met me. She did not recognize me. When I left her, she was but seven
years old, a little prattling girl, playing with her toys. Now she was
grown to womanhood--was married, with a bright-eyed boy standing by
her side. Not forgetful of his enslaved, unfortunate grand-father,
she had named the child Solomon Northup Staunton. When told who I
was, she was overcome with emotion, and unable to speak. Presently
Elizabeth entered the room, and Anne came running from the hotel,
having been informed of my arrival. They embraced me, and with tears
flowing down their cheeks, hung upon my neck. But I draw a veil over a
scene which can better be imagined than described.

When the violence of our emotions had subsided to a sacred joy--when
the household gathered round the fire, that sent out its warm and
crackling comfort through the room, we conversed of the thousand
events that had occurred--the hopes and fears, the joys and sorrows,
the trials and troubles we had each experienced during the long
separation. Alonzo was absent in the western part of the State. The
boy had written to his mother a short time previous, of the prospect
of his obtaining sufficient money to purchase my freedom. From his
earliest years, that had been the chief object of his thoughts and his
ambition. They knew I was in bondage. The letter written on board the
brig, and Clem Ray himself, had given them that information. But where
I was, until the arrival of Bass' letter, was a matter of conjecture.
Elizabeth and Margaret once returned from school--so Anne informed
me--weeping bitterly. On inquiring the cause of the children's sorrow,
it was found that, while studying geography, their attention had been
attracted to the picture of slaves working in the cotton-field,
and an overseer following them with his whip. It reminded them of
the sufferings their father might be, and, as it happened, actually
_was_, enduring in the South. Numerous incidents, such as these, were
related--incidents showing they still held me in constant remembrance,
but not, perhaps, of sufficient interest to the reader, to be
recounted.

[Illustration: ARRIVAL HOME, AND FIRST MEETING WITH HIS WIFE AND
CHILDREN]

       *       *       *       *       *

My narrative is at an end. I have no comments to make upon the subject
of Slavery. Those who read this book may form their own opinions of
the "peculiar institution." What it may be in other States, I do not
profess to know; what it is in the region of Red River, is truly
and faithfully delineated in these pages. This is no fiction, no
exaggeration. If I have failed in anything, it has been in presenting
to the reader too prominently the bright side of the picture. I doubt
not hundreds have been as unfortunate as myself; that hundreds of free
citizens have been kidnapped and sold into slavery, and are at this
moment wearing out their lives on plantations in Texas and Louisiana.
But I forbear. Chastened and subdued in spirit by the sufferings I
have borne, and thankful to that good Being through whose mercy I have
been restored to happiness and liberty, I hope henceforward to lead an
upright though lowly life, and rest at last in the church yard where
my father sleeps.

ROARING RIVER.

A REFRAIN OF THE RED RIVER PLANTATION.

[Illustration: Musical score]

    "Harper's creek and roarin' ribber,
    Thar, my dear, we'll live forebber;
    Den we'll go to de Ingin nation,
    All I want in dis creation,
    Is pretty little wife and big plantation.

    CHORUS.

    Up dat oak and down dat ribber,
    Two overseers and one little nigger."

APPENDIX.

A.--Page 291.

CHAP. 375.

     _An act more effectually to protect the free citizens of this
     State from being kidnapped, or reduced to Slavery._

                                             [Passed May 14, 1840.]

The People of the State of New-York, represented in Senate and
Assembly, do enact as follows:

Sec. 1. Whenever the Governor of this State shall receive information
satisfactory to him that any free citizen or any inhabitant of this
State has been kidnapped or transported away out of this State, into
any other State or Territory of the United States, for the purpose of
being there held in slavery; or that such free citizen or inhabitant
is wrongfully seized, imprisoned or held in slavery in any of the
States or Territories of the United States, on the allegation or
pretence that such a person is a slave, or by color of any usage
or rule of law prevailing in such State or Territory, is deemed or
taken to be a slave, or not entitled of right to the personal liberty
belonging to a citizen; it shall be the duty of the said Governor to
take such measures as he shall deem necessary to procure such person
to be restored to his liberty and returned to this State. The Governor
is hereby authorized to appoint and employ such agent or agents as
he shall deem necessary to effect the restoration and return of
such person; and shall furnish the said agent with such credentials
and instructions as will be likely to accomplish the object of his
appointment. The Governor may determine the compensation to be allowed
to such agent for his services besides his necessary expenses.

Sec. 2. Such agent shall proceed to collect the proper proof to establish
the right of such person to his freedom, and shall perform such
journeys, take such measures, institute and procure to be prosecuted
such legal proceedings, under the direction of the Governor, as shall
be necessary to procure such person to be restored to his liberty and
returned to this State.

Sec. 3. The accounts for all services and expenses incurred in carrying
this act into effect shall be audited by the Comptroller, and paid by
the Treasurer on his warrant, out of any moneys in the treasury of
this State not otherwise appropriated. The Treasurer may advance, on
the warrant of the Comptroller, to such agent, such sum or sums as
the Governor shall certify to be reasonable advances to enable him to
accomplish the purposes of his appointment, for which advance such
agent shall account, on the final audit of his warrant.

Sec. 4. This act shall take effect immediately.

B.--Page 292.

MEMORIAL OF ANNE.

_To His Excellency, the Governor of the State of New-York:_

The memorial of Anne Northup, of the village of Glens Falls, in the
county of Warren, State aforesaid, respectfully sets forth--

That your memorialist, whose maiden name was Anne Hampton, was
forty-four years old on the 14th day of March last, and was married
to Solomon Northup, then of Fort Edward, in the county of Washington
and State aforesaid, on the 25th day of December, A. D. 1828, by
Timothy Eddy, then a Justice of the Peace. That the said Solomon,
after such marriage, lived and kept house with your memorialist in
said town until 1830, when he removed with his said family to the town
of Kingsbury in said county, and remained there about three years, and
then removed to Saratoga Springs in the State aforesaid, and continued
to reside in said Saratoga Springs and the adjoining town until about
the year 1841, as near as the time can be recollected, when the said
Solomon started to go to the city of Washington, in the District of
Columbia, since which time your memorialist has never seen her said
husband.

And your memorialist further states, that in the year 1841 she
received information by a letter directed to Henry B. Northup, Esq.,
of Sandy Hill, Washington county, New-York, and post-marked at
New-Orleans, that said Solomon had been kidnapped in Washington, put
on board of a vessel, and was then in such vessel in New-Orleans, but
could not tell how he came in that situation, nor what his destination
was.

That your memorialist ever since the last mentioned period has been
wholly unable to obtain any information of where the said Solomon was,
until the month of September last, when another letter was received
from the said Solomon, post-marked at Marksville, in the parish of
Avoyelles, in the State of Louisiana, stating that he was held there
as a slave, which statement your memorialist believes to be true.

That the said Solomon is about forty-five years of age, and never
resided out of the State of New-York, in which State he was born,
until the time he went to Washington city, as before stated. That
the said Solomon Northup is a free citizen of the State of New-York,
and is now wrongfully held in slavery, in or near Marksville, in the
parish of Avoyelles, in the State of Louisiana, one of the United
States of America, on the allegation or pretence that the said Solomon
is a slave.

And your memorialist further states that Mintus Northup was the
reputed father of said Solomon, and was a negro, and died at Fort
Edward, on the 22d day of November, 1829; that the mother of said
Solomon was a mulatto, or three quarters white, and died in the county
of Oswego, New-York, some five or six years ago, as your memorialist
was informed and believes, and never was a slave.

That your memorialist and her family are poor and wholly unable to pay
or sustain any portion of the expenses of restoring the said Solomon
to his freedom.

Your excellency is entreated to employ such agent or agents as shall
be deemed necessary to effect the restoration and return of said
Solomon Northup, in pursuance of an act of the Legislature of the
State of New-York, passed May 14th, 1840, entitled "An act more
effectually to protect the free citizens of this State from being
kidnappd or reduced to slavery." And your memorialist will ever pray.

                                   (Signed,)     ANNE NORTHUP.

Dated November 19, 1852.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington county, ss.

Anne Northup, of the village of Glens Falls, in the county of Warren,
in said State, being duly sworn, doth depose and say that she signed
the above memorial, and that the statements therein contained are true.

                                   (Signed,) ANNE NORTHUP.

  Subscribed and sworn before me this
  19th November, 1852.
  CHARLES HUGHES, Justice Peace.

       *       *       *       *       *

We recommend that the Governor appoint Henry B. Northup, of the
village of Sandy Hill, Washington county, New-York, as one of the
agents to procure the restoration and return of Solomon Northup, named
in the foregoing memorial of Anne Northup.

Dated at Sandy Hill, Washington Co., N. Y.,

  November 20, 1852.    (Signed.)
      PETER HOLBROOK,       DANIEL SWEET,
      B. F. HOAG,           ALMON CLARK,
      CHARLES HUGHES,       BENJAMIN FERRIS,
      E. D. BAKER,          JOSIAH H. BROWN,
      ORVILLE CLARK.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington County, ss:

Josiah Hand, of the village of Sandy Hill, in said county, being
duly sworn, says, he is fifty-seven years old, and was born in said
village, and has always resided there; that he has known Mintus
Northup and his son Solomon, named in the annexed memorial of Anne
Northup, since previous to the year 1816; that Mintus Northup then,
and until the time of his death, cultivated a farm in the towns of
Kingsbury and Fort Edward, from the time deponent first knew him until
he died; that said Mintus and his wife, the mother of said Solomon
Northup, were reported to be free citizens of New-York, and deponent
believes they were so free; that said Solomon Northup was born in
said county of Washington, as deponent believes, and was married Dec.
25th, 1828, in Fort Edward aforesaid, and his said wife and three
children--two daughters and one son--are now living in Glens Falls,
Warren county, New-York, and that the said Solomon Northup always
resided in said county of Washington, and its immediate vicinity,
until about 1841, since which time deponent has not seen him, but
deponent has been credibly informed, and as he verily believes truly,
the said Solomon is now wrongfully held as a slave in the State of
Louisiana. And deponent further says that Anne Northup, named in
the said memorial, is entitled to credit, and deponent believes the
statements contained in her said memorial are true.

                                   (Signed,) JOSIAH HAND.

  Subscribed and sworn before me this
  19th day of November, 1852,
  CHARLES HUGHES, Justice Peace.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington county, ss:

Timothy Eddy, of Fort Edward, in said county, being duly sworn, says
he is now over--years old, and has been a resident of said town more
than--years last past, and that he was well acquainted with Solomon
Northup, named in the annexed memorial of Anne Northup, and with his
father, Mintus Northup, who was a negro,--the wife of said Mintus
was a mulatto woman; that said Mintus Northup and his said wife and
family, two sons, Joseph and Solomon, resided in said town of Fort
Edward for several years before the year 1828, and said Mintus died
in said town A. D. 1829, as deponent believes. And deponent further
says that he was a Justice of the Peace in said town in the year 1828,
and as such Justice of the Peace, he, on the 25th day of Dec'r, 1828,
joined the said Solomon Northup in marriage with Anne Hampton, who is
the same person who has subscribed the annexed memorial. And deponent
expressly says, that said Solomon was a free citizen of the State of
New-York, and always lived in said State, until about the year A. D.
1840, since which time deponent has not seen him, but has recently
been informed, and as deponent believes truly, that said Solomon
Northup is wrongfully held in slavery in or near Marksville, in the
parish of Avoyelles, in the State of Louisiana. And deponent further
says, that said Mintus Northup was nearly sixty years old at the time
of his death, and was, for more than thirty years next prior to his
death, a free citizen of the State of New-York.

And this deponent further says, that Anne Northup, the wife of
said Solomon Northup, is of good character and reputation, and her
statements, as contained in the memorial hereto annexed, are entitled
to full credit.

                                   (Signed,) TIMOTHY EDDY.

  Subscribed and sworn before me this
  19th day of November, 1852,
  TIM'Y STOUGHTON, Justice.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington County, ss:

Henry B. Northup, of the village of Sandy Hill, in said county, being
duly sworn, says, that he is forty-seven years old, and has always
lived in said county; that he knew Mintus Northup, named in the
annexed memorial, from deponent's earliest recollection until the
time of his death, which occurred at Fort Edward, in said county, in
1829; that deponent knew the children of said Mintus, viz, Solomon
and Joseph; that they were both born in the county of Washington
aforesaid, as deponent believes; that deponent was well acquainted
with said Solomon, who is the same person named in the annexed
memorial of Anne Northup, from his childhood; and that said Solomon
always resided in said county of Washington and the adjoining counties
until about the year 1841; that said Solomon could read and write;
that said Solomon and his mother and father were free citizens of the
State of New-York; that sometime about the year 1841 this deponent
received a letter from said Solomon, post-marked New-Orleans, stating
that while on business at Washington city, he had been kidnapped, and
his free papers taken from him, and he was then on board a vessel,
in irons, and was claimed as a slave, and that he did not know his
destination, which the deponent believes to be true, and he urged
this deponent to assist in procuring his restoration to freedom; that
deponent has lost or mislaid said letter, and cannot find it; that
deponent has since endeavored to find where said Solomon was, but
could get no farther trace of him until Sept. last, when this deponent
ascertained by a letter purporting to have been written by the
direction of said Solomon, that said Solomon was held and claimed as
a slave in or near Marksville, in the parish of Avoyelles, Louisiana,
and that this deponent verily believes that such information is true,
and that said Solomon is now wrongfully held in slavery at Marksville
aforesaid.

                                   (Signed,) HENRY B. NORTHUP.

  Subscribed and sworn to before me
  this 20th day of November, 1852,
  CHARLES HUGHES, J. P.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington County, ss

Nicholas C. Northup, of the village of Sandy Hill, in said county,
being duly sworn, doth depose and say, that he is now fifty-eight
years of age, and has known Solomon Northup, mentioned in the annexed
memorial of Ann Northup, ever since he was born. And this deponent
saith that said Solomon is now about forty-five years old, and was
born in the county of Washington aforesaid, or in the county of
Essex, in said State, and always resided in the State of New-York
until about the year 1841, since which time deponent has not seen him
or known where he was, until a few weeks since, deponent was informed,
and believes truly, that said Solomon was held in slavery in the State
of Louisiana. Deponent further says, that said Solomon was married
in the town of Fort Edward, in said county, about twenty-four years
ago, and that his wife and two daughters and one son now reside in the
village of Glens Falls, county of Warren, in said State of New-York.
And this deponent swears positively that said Solomon Northup is a
citizen of said State of New-York, and was born free, and from his
earliest infancy lived and resided in the counties of Washington,
Essex, Warren and Saratoga, in the State of New-York, and that his
said wife and children have never resided out of said counties since
the time said Solomon was married; that deponent knew the father of
said Solomon Northup; that said father was a negro, named Mintus
Northup, and died in the town of Fort Edward, in the county of
Washington, State of New-York, on the 22d day of November, A. D. 1829,
and was buried in the grave-yard in Sandy Hill aforesaid; that for
more than thirty years before his death he lived in the counties of
Essex, Washington and Rensselaer and State of New-York, and left a
wife and two sons, Joseph and the said Solomon, him surviving; that
the mother of said Solomon was a mulatto woman, and is now dead, and
died, as deponent believes, in Oswego county, New-York, within five or
six years past. And this deponent further states, that the mother of
the said Solomon Northup was not a slave at the time of the birth of
said Solomon Northup, and has not been a slave at any time within the
last fifty years.

                                   (Signed,) N. C. NORTHUP.

  Subscribed and sworn before me this 19th day
  of November, 1852.
  CHARLES HUGHES, Justice Peace.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington County, ss.

Orville Clark, of the village of Sandy Hill, in the county of
Washington, State of New-York, being duly sworn, doth depose and
say--that he, this deponent, is over fifty years of age; that in
the years 1810 and 1811, or most of the time of those years, this
deponent resided at Sandy Hill, aforesaid, and at Glens Falls; that
this deponent then knew Mintus Northup, a black or colored man; he
was then a free man, as this deponent believes and always understood;
that the wife of said Mintus Northup, and mother of Solomon, was a
free woman; that from the year 1818 until the time of the death of
said Mintus Northup, about the year 1829, this deponent was very well
acquainted with the said Mintus Northup; that he was a respectable man
in the community in which he resided, and was a free man, so taken
and esteemed by all his acquaintances; that this deponent has also
been and was acquainted with his son Solomon Northup, from the said
year 1818 until he left this part of the country, about the year 1840
or 1841; that he married Anne Hampton, daughter of William Hampton,
a near neighbor of this deponent; that the said Anne, wife of said
Solomon, is now living and resides in this vicinity; that the said
Mintus Northup and William Hampton were both reputed and esteemed
in this community as respectable men. And this deponent saith that
the said Mintus Northup and his family, and the said William Hampton
and his family, from the earliest recollection and acquaintance of
this deponent with him (as far back as 1810,) were always reputed,
esteemed, and taken to be, and this deponent believes, truly so,
free citizens of the State of New-York. This deponent knows the said
William Hampton, under the laws of this State, was entitled to vote
at our elections, and he believes the said Mintus Northup also was
entitled as a free citizen with the property qualification. And this
deponent further saith, that the said Solomon Northup, son of said
Mintus, and husband of said Anne Hampton, when he left this State,
was at the time thereof a free citizen of the State of New-York. And
this deponent further saith, that said Anne Hampton, wife of Solomon
Northup, is a respectable woman, of good character, and I would
believe her statements, and do believe the facts set forth in her
memorial to his excellency, the Governor, in relation to her said
husband, are true.

                                   (Signed,) ORVILLE CLARK.

  Sworn before me, November
  19th, 1852.
  U. G. PARIS, Justice of the Peace.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Washington County, ss.

Benjamin Ferris, of the village of Sandy Hill, in said county, being
duly sworn, doth depose and say--that he is now fifty-seven years old,
and has resided in said village forty-five years; that he was well
acquainted with Mintus Northup, named in the annexed memorial of Anne
Northup, from the year 1816 to the time of his death, which occurred
at Fort Edward, in the fall of 1829; that he knew the children of the
said Mintus, namely, Joseph Northup and Solomon Northup, and that the
said Solomon is the same person named in said memorial; that said
Mintus resided in the said county of Washington to the time of his
death, and was, during all that time, a free citizen of the said State
of New-York, as deponent verily believes; that said memorialist, Anne
Northup, is a woman of good character, and the statement contained in
her memorial is entitled to credit.

                                   (Signed) BENJAMIN FERRIS.

  Sworn before me, November
  19th, 1852.
  U. G. PARIS, Justice of the Peace.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Executive Chamber, Albany, Nov. 30, 1852.

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a correct copy of certain
proofs filed in the Executive Department, upon which I have appointed
Henry B. Northup an Agent of this State, to take proper proceedings in
behalf of Solomon Northup, there in mentioned.

                                   (Signed,) WASHINGTON HUNT.

  By the Governor.
  J. F. R., Private Secretary.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF NEW-YORK:
  Executive Department.

  WASHINGTON HUNT, _Governor of the State of New-York,
  to whom it may concern, greeting_:

Whereas, I have received information on oath, which is satisfactary
to me, that Solomon Northup, who is a free citizen of this State, is
wrongfully held in slavery, in the State of Louisiana:

And whereas, it is made my duty, by the laws of this State, to take
such measures as I shall deem necessary to procure any citizen so
wrongfully held in slavery, to be restored to his liberty and returned
to this State:

Be it known, that in pursuance of chapter 375 of the laws of this
State, passed in 1840, I have constituted, appointed and employed
Henry B. Northup, Esquire, of the county of Washington, in this State,
an Agent, with full power to effect the restoration of said Solomon
Northup, and the said Agent is hereby authorized and empowered to
institute such proper and legal proceedings, to procure such evidence,
retain such counsel, and finally to take such measures as will be most
likely to accomplish the object of his said appointment.

He is also instructed to proceed to the State of Louisiana with all
convenient dispatch, to execute the agency hereby created.

          In witness whereof, I have hereunto subscribed my name, and
  [L.S.]  affixed the privy seal of the State, at Albany, this 23d day
          of November, in the year of our Lord 1852.

                                   (Signed,) WASHINGTON HUNT.

  JAMES F. RUGGLES, Private Secretary.

C.--Page 309.

  STATE OF LOUISIANA:
  Parish of Avoyelles.

Before me, Aristide Barbin, Recorder of the parish of Avoyelles,
personally came and appeared Henry B. Northup, of the county of
Washington, State of New-York, who hath declared that by virtue of a
commission to him as agent of the State of New-York, given and granted
by his excellency, Washington Hunt, Governor of the said State of
New-York, bearing date the 23d day of November, 1852, authorizing and
empowering him, the said Northup, to pursue and recover from slavery
a free man of color, called Solomon Northup, who is a free citizen of
the State of New-York, and who was kidnapped and sold into slavery,
in the State of Louisiana, and now in the possession of Edwin Epps,
of the State of Louisiana, of the Parish of Avoyelles; he, the said
agent, hereto signing, acknowledges that the said Edwin has this day
given and surrendered to him as such agent, the said Solomon Northup,
free man of color, as aforesaid, in order that he be restored to his
freedom, and carried back to the said State of New-York, pursuant to
said commission, the said Edwin Epps being satisfied from the proofs
produced by said agent, that the said Solomon Northup is entitled to
his freedom. The parties consenting that a certified copy of said
power of attorney be annexed to this act.

Done and signed at Marksville, parish of Avoyelles, this fourth day of
January, one thousand eight hundred and fifty-three, in the presence
of the undersigned, legal and competent witnesses, who have also
hereto signed.

                                   (Signed,) HENRY B. NORTHUP.
                                             EDWIN EPPS.
                                             ADE. BARBIN, Recorder.
  Witnesses:
      H. TAYLOR,
      JOHN P. WADDILL.

       *       *       *       *       *

  STATE OF LOUISIANA:
  Parish of Avoyelles.

I do hereby certify the foregoing to be a true and correct copy of the
original on file and of record in my office.

  [L.S.]  Given under my hand and seal of office as Recorder in and for the
          parish of Avoyelles, this 4th day of January, A. D. 1853.

                                   (Signed,) ADE. BARBIN, Recorder.

THE END

       *       *       *       *       *

[Transcriber's Notes:

The transcriber made these changes to the text:

   1. p.  xi., Chalenged --> Challenged
   2. p. xiii., Coversation --> Conversation
   3. p. xvi, expresssion --> expression
   4. p.  53, hight --> height
   5. p.  58, susually --> usually
   6. p.  86, She's not for sale. --> She's not for sale."
   7. p.  97, looded --> looked
   8. p, 103, capenter --> carpenter
   9. p. 106, aligators --> alligators
  10. p. 112, Chenyville --> Cheneyville
  11. p. 135, gripe --> grip
  12. p. 138, loose --> lose
  13. p. 149, listing --> listening
  14. p. 156, an one --> a one
  15. p. 224, maintin --> maintain
  16. p. 244, LEW CHEENEY --> LEW CHENEY
  17. p. 274, priviliges --> privileges
  18. p. 296, 'bringing down his hand emphatically on the table,' -->
              bringing down his hand emphatically on the table,
  19. p. 314, reppresented --> represented
  20. p. 316, offer- --> offered

End of Transcriber's Notes]

Q: Can you write an appropriate summary of the above paragraphs?
A:

completion: The ship heads up the river to New Orleans, where the men tarry for two days. Northup has Solomon's free papers with him, and he is unaccosted. In Washington DC, they try to bring charges against Burch. Burch is arrested, allowed to post bail, and ordered to trial. Unfortunately, a former partner of Burch's lies on the stand about the situation. No one will challenge him about it. Solomon's own testimony cannot be used because he is black. Burch is acquitted of the charges. Northup and Solomon leave Washington and finally make it to Sandy Hill. Solomon's reunion with his family is tremendously emotional. He learns that they did know he was in bondage from the letter onboard the brig , but they could do nothing to find him. Solomon concludes by stating that there is neither fiction nor exaggeration in his text. If anything, he painted the picture too brightly