21stcenturywire--2019-11-21--NEW REPORT: Evidence of Turkey’s War Crimes in Syria and ISIS Members Within its Ranks

Turkish-backed factions under various names continue violating international laws and customs north Syria, especially in the region east of the Euphrates, and in Afrin and the Aleppo countryside.  All available reports confirm a rise in the number of civilian victims of the militant factions acting under the gaze of the Turkish military, a member of NATO.  It’s been roughly 44 days since the launch of Ankara’s cynically titled “Operation Peace Spring” being carried out east of Syria’s Euphrates River, and the number of civilians who have been displaced is steadily rising totaling approximately 300,000 people according to statements made by Kurdish officials, whereas the UN estimates are considerably lower, at around 180,000.  The violence which has ensued has been devastating to local populations in Syria. Apart from displacement, the Turkish-backed factions are now on record as committing different human rights violations ranging from torture, arrest, field beheadings, indiscriminate shelling, shelling of civilians homes, confiscation of people’s properties and real estate, using international-prohibited weapons, and intentionally targeting medical staff and journalists, all of which has certainly aggravated the already poor conditions marked by chaos and insecurity in across the region. Consequently, assassinations and explosions have appeared again in those same areas.  Publicly available data compiled here and here, from sources inside of Syria paint a shocking picture of rampant human rights violations and war crime committed under Turkish command.  After the Turkish troops entered the area east of the Euphrates, rates of violence and crimes committed by the Turkish-backed militants has risen significantly – in Afrin, Azaz, al-Bab, and Jarablus west, and right across northeastern Syria. As of 11 Nov 2019, approximate totals include some 355 civilians, including 18 children were killed, of which some 12 people including women and children who were beheaded by these same militant under the command of direct Turkish government forces.  Additional reports reveal how these factions have also arrested 100 civilians including 12 who were severely tortured.  Turkish-backed factions under various names continue violating international laws and customs north Syria, especially in East Euphrates and Afrin in Aleppo countryside.  In Afrin alone, since the start of Operation Olive Branch in 2018, the Turkish-backed factions have kidnapped approximately 2,500 people, including women, children and elderly. The gunmen took control over houses and farmlands, cut down trees, and committed other violations against the civilians, all of which has claimed the lives of 1,413 people, with 54 killed under the administration of torture by Turkish-backed militants. The number of unlawful detainees has reached up to 5,678 people.  The total cost of human and material losses in northern Syria areas due to the Turkish military operations and the horrific acts of their loyal militant factions during the past two years alone is distressing: • 2,400 people were injured, including 295 children and 206 women during raids on their homes or being beaten by the gunmen. • 1,660 air raids as well as 800 operations of shelling with mortars and artillery against residential villages were documented. • In-fighting among the Turkish-backed factions reached up to 230 fights inside cities and towns.  It has been recorded that 445 Syrian refugees were shot to death by the Turkish border police while they were trying to cross the Syria-Turkey border, including 83 children and 56 women. Injuries from live fire or attacks has reached up to 416 people, including those who tried to cross the borders or the residents and locals in the villages and towns adjacent to the borders. • 1,492 houses attacked with some turned into prisons or military centers. • 65 schools and service centers were turned into military headquarters to be used by the factions leaders.  NOTE: The Turkish-backed ‘Free Syrian Police‘ are in fact deputised by Al-Nusra Front (since rebranded as Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham/HTS) and other terrorist groups who are controlling towns and villages in areas like Afrin, Syria, and like the White Helmets, this self-described ‘civil society’ cadre is supported and funded by UK government’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office, a fact even documented by BBC and others.     Formerly US-backed “Free Syrian Army” is now an official Turkish regiment comprised of many known ISIS terrorists (Image Source: DW/El Halebi)  Amnesty International has confirmed that Turkey and their loyal factions have committed multiple “war crimes” during their military operations east of the Euphrates, and have conducted “gruesome executions,” and attacks against civilians, and described those acts as “shameful and sorrowful.”  According to reports, these violent acts include not only open and public threats of mass-beheadings, but also video evidence of actual beheadings have already been circulating widely online.  Gunmen from various factions participating in “Peace Spring” committed crimes, especially gunmen from Ahrar al-Sham, Ahrar al-Sharqyeh, al-Hamza, and al-Jabha al-Shamiya and other gunmen from the militant force formerly called the Free Syrian Army and now rebranded under the new name of the “Syrian National Army” which is the outcome of merging several factions.  Turkish acts and violations also included medical, political and media figures in a way that resembles those committed by ISIS such as what happened with Hevrin Khalaf and Amara Rinas, two Kurdish activists, with a video showing bearded militants repeating religious cries in front of the dead bodies of Kurdish fighters in the background scene, and with victims said to killed by groups like Ahrar Al-Harqiya.  Former ISIS Fighters – Now Under Turkish Command  The number of the fighters in the Turkish-backed factions includes some 50,000 gunmen, including numerous militants known to be among ISIS members before joining the pro-Ankara factions. A former ISIS fighter reported this very fact to the UK paper, The Independent, thus confirming that NATO member Turkey has been using the name of the now defunct Free Syrian Army as a carefully designed smokescreen in order “to conceal its use of jihadi mercenaries.”  This may also explain reports of these very same Turkish-backed forces reported to have deliberately released Islamic State detainees in Ain Issa Syria, Syria around 12 October, which was admitted by two US offificals.  So far, at least 76 members have already been documented by Arabic news sources of fighters said to belong to proscribed international terrorist organisations including ISIS and Al-Nusra Front.  Several regional Arab lauguage news sites including ANF News, Hawar News, and other sources, appear to have since confirm the following gunmen as original members of terrorist know organizations, and who are now are fighting under Turkish military command and ostensibly under the banner of NATO:  1. Basel Mohammad al-Ali: 23 years old/Homs known as Talha. He was a member in ISIS organization since its establishment in 2013. He fought with them in Homs Desert, known as Badia, and worked in the security field in June 2017. He moved to Akhtarin, north Aleppo and joined Al-Hamza Division and now he is in Suluk, Raqqa countryside.     2. Basel Ghassan al-Asoura: Known as Abu Osama al-Shami, was born Damascus 1993. He first joined Nusra Front in 2012 in Damascus Ghouta and pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2014 and fought with ISIS in Ghouta and in Suwayda countryside. In 2016 he moved to the outer safe zone of ISIS in Damascus countryside and then went to Idleb. In 2017, he had a military training in Turkey and participated with the Turkish army in its attack on Afrin. He is now in Tell Abiad within al-Hamza Division.  3. R. Smeed: Known as Abu Islam al-Qalamoni, born in Damascus countryside, Al Nabk, 1994. He joined ISIS 2014 in Damascus Wilaya, Qalamoun Sector. He fought different battles in Damascus countryside and Palmyra Badia, and Tanf Base. He led a security detachment in the outer safe field in 2016. He carried out several security operations in Damascus and accessed 3 trapped vehicles into the Sayyida Zainab area of Damascus countryside. He went out to the Idlib area with his security group in 2017 and worked in coordination with “Prince Abu Ayman al-Iraqi” and entered the leaders of ISIS “al-Omaraa” to Turkey. In 2018 he joined “Ahrar al-Sharqiya” faction with his entire group. He joined Turkey in the attack against Afrin. He is currently in the area of Ras al-Ayn in the countryside of al-Hasakah with the task of “cannon 23 shooter”.  4. Bashir Al-Ammouri: Known as “Abu Ahmad Al-Tadmari” from Al-Amour tribe, originally from Al-Sukhna, born in 1990. He joined ISIS in 2014 in the province of Homs, the army of the caliphate. He worked in security from the very beginning. And also continued his work there as opening routes for the members of ISIS to cross from the desert to Turkey and joined the Sultan Murad II Legion and participated in the Turkish attack on Afrin, now he is in east of the Euphrates, currently located in the city of Ras al-Ayn.  5. Abdullah Ahmad Al-Abdullah: Born in 1991, the mother’s name “Rehab Al-Shablakh” from the countryside of Homs, joined ISIS in 2014 as a security leader, moved to fight near Al-Tanf, and carried out several operations against the Syrian army and the SDF, was directly affiliated with “Abu Ayyub al-Iraqi”. In 2014, Abdullah seized a UN jeep in the Ghouta area of Damascus and brought it to the Petra region. He later moved to Azaz to continue his security work there. Distinguished by his close relationship with the Turks, in August he joined the faction “Al-Hamza”, participated in the Turkish attack on the city of Ras al-Ayn, He last appeared in the area of Aliyah and silos.     6. : 20 years old, known as Abu Talha al-Shammari, from Sokhna in Palmyra, he joined ISIS in 2015 in Ash Sholah in Deir Ezzor, fought with ISIS in Sokhna and Palmyra, and fled to al-Rai in Aleppo in February 2018. He joined Ahrar Alsharkia, and now fights in the Suluk and Tell Abiad.  7. : Known as Abu Saif al-Halabi, born in 1989 from al-Safirah in Aleppo countryside, joined ISIS in 2015 and fought several battles in Aleppo countryside. He moved to al-Dabsi area in 2016 and became the prince of al-Hisba in 2016. He had a modern black Toyota car equipped with a Dushka machine gun. In 2017 he moved to Idlib and joined the factions belonging to Turkey (Division 23) Al-Hamza.He participated with Turkey in the attack on Afrin and participated in the recent Turkish attack on Tell Abiad and is currently located in Tell Abiad.     8. : A 27-year-old Saudi, known as Abu Muhammad al-Jazrawi, his mother is Noura, a Saudi. He joined ISIS from Saudi Arabia through Turkey in 2015. He was fighting with a suicide gang and fought against Russia and the Syrian army in Homs and Damascus countryside, and was the commander of the lions of Adnani battalion. He moved to Azaz in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiyya, which belongs to Turkey, and became a military leader in Ahrar al-Sharqiya. He is currently in Tell Abiad.     9. : Known as Qaswarah al-Deiri, born in Deir Ezzor in 1992, joined Nusra Front in 2012 in Deir ez-Zor. He withdrew to Daraa with Nusra Front members and fought against the Syrian army alongside al-Qaeda. In 2015, he moved to Hama and became a prince on a group known as Red Bands. In 2018, he joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and fought alongside Turkey in East Euphrates.     10. : Born in Palmyra in 1990, joined ISIS in 2014.He fought with ISIS first in Homs within the Heavy Weapons Section 23-caliber, fought in the battles of Sha’er, Jazal, Sukhna and Palmyra, and fought against the Coalition at al-Tanf base. In 2018, he joined the First Corps of the 20th Division of the Sultan Murad Brigade and fought alongside Turkey in Afrin. He was transferred by Turkey along with thousands of gunmen to fight in East Euphrates. He is currently in Ras Al Ayn.     11. : Born in Raqqa, Kasra Juma district, aged 32, joined ISIS in 2015. He supervised the military points west of the city. He was promoted to the rank of Prince of the Sector. Then he moved to Azaz when Washington’s coalition began to attack to control Raqqa. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and is currently in Ras al-Ayn.  12. : 34 years old, was born in Manbij, Aleppo, joined ISIS in 2015 in Raqqa, was promoted to the post of military prince of the “Indulgers” Group, fled from Raqqa to Azaz in 2017, then joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and became a military commander of a group. He is currently in Tell Abiad.     13. Abu al-Wafa al-Tunisi: A 34-year-old Tunisian. He was a former Tunisian intelligence officer who moved to Syria through Turkey in 2014. He specialized in the military legal field. He became a legitimate prince in Raqqa then he was transferred to al-Khair Wilayat to be the legitimate prince there. He gave military trainings and motivated suicide bombers. He fled to Azaz in Aleppo in coordination with Ahrar Al-Sharqiya in 2017 and assumed the position of legitimate faction. He is currently in Ras Al-Ayn.  14. : Born in Deir Ezzor in1999. He joined ISIS at the end of 2013 and had legal and military trainings in the village of Shumaitia and was transferred to Sokhna and was fighting in the first row and then moved to Omar Bin al-Khatab Brigade in Deir al-Zour and fought in the neighborhoods of industry and workers. He coordinated with his cousin Abdullah Saad Al-Shakraji, who works for Ahrar Al-Sharqiya in Al-Bab. In 2017, he escaped to al-Bab and worked with the Turkish military police and is now in Ras Al-Ain within the “Syrian National Army.”     15. : Born in Raqqa, 28 years old, known as Abu Islam Al-Shami, joined ISIS in 2015 in Raqqa. He was recruited in Madan as a BMB driver. He fought in Mabrouka and Suluk and fled to Al-Rai in Aleppo countryside, which is controlled by Turkish-backed gunmen in 2017. He joined the Ahrar al-Sharqyeh and is currently in Tell Abiad within the “Syrian National Army.”     16. : Known as Abu Maria al-Ansari, was born in Damascus in 1993. He first joined the “Free Syrian Army” in 2013 near al-Tanf. He had trainings by the US soldiers of the International Coalition in al-Tanf where he stayed for 6 months. He was arrested with the charge of stealing ammunitions. He fled al-Tanf and immediately joined ISIS in 2014 and fought against the Syrian army in Damascus. In 2016, he moved to Idleb with the help of the prince, Abu Mustafa al-Lubnani. He left for Turkey for a short time and reappeared as a fighter among Hamza Division. He participated in the attack on Afrin and he is now in Tell Abiad within the “Syrian National Army.”     17. : Known as Abu Sameer al-Homsi, born in 1989 in Homs countryside. He joined ISIS in 2014. He took the post of a security prince in Riad al-Salhin Battalion in Homs Wilayat. He participated in the battles in Damascus countryside, As Suwayda, and al-Tanf against the Syrian army. He fled to Turkey in 2017 with the help of the prince, Abu Mostafa al-Iraqi, in charge of Siddik Brigade. He returned to Syria and joined Sultan Murad Brigade. He participated in the attack against Afrin. Then he moved to al-Bab and joined Ahrar al-Sharqyeh. He is currently in Ras al-Ayn, a leader of a 20-gunman group.     18. : Known as Abu Fatima al-Raqqawi, 23 years old, from Raqqa. He joined ISIS in 2014. He worked with ISIS in Brigade 93. He was transferred to join Caliphate Army. He fled to Afrin in 2018 and joined Hamza Division. Then moved to Ras al-Ayn within the “Syrian National Army.”     19. : Born in Damascus, al-Hajar al-Aswad. Aged 23. He is known as Abu Torab al-Shami. He joined ISIS and moved to Raqqa in 2015. He was appointed a prince of a group in Deir al-Zour. Then he moved to Homs and came back to Raqqa 7 months later to be appointed a military princein Raqqa countryside. He fled to Azaz in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqyeh. He is now in Tell Abiad.     20. 27 years old, born in Saraqib, Idlib, known as Abu Ali al-Idlibi. He was a member in the political security before 2011. He joined ISIS in 2014. He moved to Raqqa and was the head of the political office there. He fled to al-Rai in Aleppo in 2017. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqyeh as a security member and is now in Tell Abiad.  21.  Born in 1998, Raqqa, Tell Abiad Street (mother, Sabah). Known as Saif al-Islam. He joined ISIS in 2015, and fought within the Caliphate Army in Deir Ezzor/al-Khair Wilayat, on the fronts of the Tharda Mountains and the military airport, fled to the Azaz, Aleppo countryside in 2017 and there he joined Hamza Division. After that, he was transferred by Turkey to Ras al-Ayn.  22. : 23 years old, born in Deir Ezzor/Ayyash, known as Abu Khawla al-Dairi” (mother, Suad). He joined ISIS in 2014. Moved to Al Tebni area in Deir Ezzor countryside. Counter-23 man. He fought with ISIS on the fronts of Raqqa countryside then fled to al-Rai area in Aleppo in 2017 then moved to Turkey, and returned to join Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction. He is now in Suluk east Tell Abiad.  23. : Born in Deir Ezzor, Al-Joura area, aged 32 (mother, Kawthar). “Known as Abu Abbas Al-Iraqi. He joined ISIS in 2014, in Al Tebni in Al-Manjam in Deir Ezzor countryside. He specialized in the military leadership, worked as a leader in a group in ISIS called “Kawaser Al-Anbar”. He fought on the fronts of the western countryside of Raqqa. He fled to al-Rai in Aleppo on 2017 and became commander of a battalion that belongs to Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction. Then he moved to Tell Abiad.  24. Aged 23, Deir Ezzor/Hawaij Albu Masaa, known as Abu Salha Tau (mother, Amira). He joined ISIS in 2014 in Ash Shaddadi in Hasaka, working as a missiles operator. He fought for ISIS in Al-Bishri area of Deir Ezzor, fronts of Sokhna, Palmyra and Badia of Homs. He fled to Al-Rai area in Aleppo in 2017 then he moved to Turkey for a while and then returned to join the faction of “Ahrar Al-Sharqiya, from which he moved to Ras Al-Ayn area.  25. : Aged 19, known as Abu Omar al-Faruq, born in Raqqa\al-Tayyar (mother, Suad). Joined ISIS in 2016, was transferred into the Caliphate Army and fought for ISIS on the fronts of Huzaima, Raqqa. Then he fled to al-Rai area in Aleppo in 2017. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqia and is currently fighting with them within the National Army in Ras al-Ayn, Hasaka.  26. : Aged 37, known as Abu Abdullah Khreitah”, born in Deir Ezzor (mother, Fatim). Joined ISIS in 2015, fought the Syrian army in the Madan area in Deir Ezzor, moved to the branch of Islamic police in the western countryside of Deir Ezzor, in Al Tebni. He fled to Al-Rai area in Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar Al-Sharqiya, then he joined Hamza Division and moved with them by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad.  27. “Husam Al-Adlabi”: 37 years old, known as Abu Mohammed Al-Amani, born in Saraqib, Idlib. He joined ISIS in 2014 in Raqqa, after moving to Raqqa with a military battalion he led, he worked as a leader in the group called “Inghimasin, meaning Indulgers in Arabic” in Deir Ezzor. He fled to Azaz, Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya from which he moved to the Tell Abiad within the Turkish-affiliated “Syrian National Army.”  28. : Aged 23, known as “Abu Zaid, born in Raqqa/Kesra Juma area. He joined ISIS in 2015, fought in Raqqa countryside then moved to the Caliphate Army and specialized in missiles, fought with ISIS on several fronts. In 2017, he fled to Azaz, Aleppo, then joined the Sultan Murad faction and then to Ahrar al-Sharqiya. He is currently fighting in Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction within the Turkish-affiliated “Syrian National Army.”  29. : Known as Haj Majid, known as Haji Abu Omar Al-Ansari, born in Homs countryside, 1983. First formed a battalion under his command under the name of Liwaa Al-Haq in Hama countryside/Uqayribat area, then in 2014 he joined ISIS with his group with full weapons in the countryside of Hama, where he was considered one of the founders of ISIS in Hama. He took the post of the Military Prince of Hama took command of “Suiciders and Indulgers” battalions in the three wilayats of Hama, Homs and Damascus. He participated in breaking into Damascus countryside and fought in As Suwayda. He moved with a group of suicide bombers to Idlib, in 2017. He joined the Hamza Division as a battalion commander. With Turkish support, he moved to Ras al-Ayn within the “Syrian National Army.”     30. : Aged 27, known as Abu Doula Hawen (mother, Jamila), from Deir Ezzor, joined ISIS in 2015, and fought for them in Ash Shaddadi, Hasaka as mortar and artillery gunner in Deir Ezzor/Kawkab area. He later moved to Raqqa and fled to Azaz in 2017, and joined the faction of “Ahrar Al Sharqiya”, and is currently a fighter in the National Army in Ras Al Ayn.  31. : Known as Abu al-Harith al-Ansari, born in 1996, joined ISIS in 2014, in the countryside of Homs. Specialized in information security, technical and communication with ISIS operatives in Europe. He stayed in Damascus for some time as a follower to ISIS leader of, Abu Muhammad. He moved in 2017 to the “Free Syrian Army” at the US military base in Al-Tanf. He had a US military training and moved to Azaz after 3 months. He joined the Hamza Division and fought in Afrin and is now participating in the battle of Tell Abiad with Hamza Division.     32. : Born in 1995, Idlib (mother Nora, father, Bassam). He joined Nusra Front in 2015 in Idlib/Jisr al-Shughur. In 2017, he moved to Azaz, joined Hamza Division and then moved by Turkish orders to fight in Suluk, in Tell Abiad.     33. : Known as Abu Ahmad Al-Homsi, born in 1995, originally from Homs, joined ISIS in 2015 in Damascus. He participated in battles against the Syrian army on Al-Tanf axis, and Palmyra. He then moved to al-Bab in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya from which he moved to Turkey. He also participated with the Turkish Army in the attack on Afrin, then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad.  34. : Known as Abu Ajmal Al-Ansari, born 1988 Homs (mother, Bushra Al-Abed). He joined ISIS in 2015. He took command of a group in Riyad al-Saleheen battalion of Homs, then moved in 2016 to Damascus, and then to Azaz, taking over the intelligence mission, gathering information and coordinating between the ISIS women in Idlib to transfer them to and from Turkey and other cities. In 2018 he joined Hamza Division, participating with the Turkish army in the attack on Afrin after joining Ahrar al-Sharqiya. He is currently in Tell Abiad, leading a 30-member armed group. He turned the Public Post Office to a headquarter of his group within the National Army.  35. : 25 years old, known as Abu Aisha al-Tebni. Mother, Khadija. He joined ISIS in 2013 in Deir Ezzor. He fought against the Syrian army with ISIS on the fronts of Deir Ezzor as a military commander of a group in the Sokhna area until 2017. He fled to al-Rai, Aleppo countryside. He joined Lions of the East Army and moved by Turkey’s orders with his faction to fight in Tell Abiad.  36. : Known as Abu Jalib Al-Ansari, born in Homs 1994, joined ISIS in 2015 in Homs. He fought several battles, including the battle of Sha’er, T4 and Jazrah. In 2017, he moved to Azaz and in 2018 he joined Hamza Division then moved to Ras Al Ayn.  37. : Of Iraqi nationality, known as Abu Dajana Al-Iraqi, born in 1980, settled in Homs, and is considered one of the founders of ISIS in Syria, took over the post of military prince in the wilaya of Badia, then was responsible for monitoring points in Hama, and participated in most ISIS battles in Homs, Damascus and Hama. In 2017, he moved to Idlib with a number of ISIS operatives, and formed a battalion “Suqur al-Badia” which belongs to Sultan Murad Brigade and is made up of former ISIS fighters. He participated in several battles, including the Turkish attack on Afrin and Tall Rifat, and moved by Turkish orders to fight in Tell Abiad.     38. : Known as Abu Anas Al-Harbi, was born in 1995, Homs. He joined ISIS in 2015 in Homs, taking part in the battles of Palmyra, Tanf and the Al-Shaer’s field. In 2016, he moved to Azaz and joined Sultan Murad Brigade. He had a military training in Turkey and moved to Ahrar al-Sharqiya. He participated in the Turkish attack on Afrin, in the attacks on Tall Rifat, and then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad.     39. : 23, known as Abu Khaled Ayyash, born in Ayyash/Deir Ezzor (mother, Zahra). Joined ISIS in 2014 in Al Tebni in Deir Ezzor western countryside as a “mortar man” in several areas “Ash Sholah, Badia” against the Syrian army and then was transferred to the area of Manbij in Aleppo countryside, where he fled to Azaz in 2016, joined the Ahrar al-Sharqiya Brigade, then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad.  40. :” Known as Abu Reem, born in 1993, Homs countryside. In 2013, he joined the “Free Syrian Army”. He joined US trainings in Jordan. In 2014, he joined ISIS in Damascus. He took up the post of “Prince of Antis Workshop” in Damascus. In 2016, he moved to Idlib, then to Turkey to where he received training in Hatay camps. He participated in the attack on Afrin and Tall Rifat, and then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad with the mission of laying mines.     41. : 35 years old, known as Abu Islam Al-Ansari (mother, Suad). He joined ISIS in 2013, in Deir Ezzor, specializing in the field of armaments. He stayed therefor of more than a year. After that, he was transferred to Raqqa and was appointed a prince of armament point in Kasra Juma area. He fled to al-Rai in 2017, where he joined Ahrar Al Sharqiyah, and moved by Turkish orders to the Ras Al Ayn.  44. :” Aged 24, known as“Abu Yasser Al-Shami (mother, Sahar). Born in Al Safirah, Aleppo. He joined ISIS in 2014. He moved to Raqqa and Deir Ezzor. He returned to Raqqa, to move to Homs. He fled to Al-Rai, Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad in 2019.  45. : Born in 1997 in Damascus, joined ISIS in 2015, participated in several battles in Damascus against the Syrian Army and the airport of T4 and Ghouta of Damascus, and participated in the massacre of Homs in 2015. He moved to Hama in 2016 where he was beseiged with his group, and withdrew to Idlib. He then joined Hamza Division, then moved by Turkish orders to Tell Abiad in 2019.  46. :” Aged 27, known as Abu Aisha, Born in Ayash/Deir Ezzor (mother, Fatim). He joined ISIS in 2014 in Al Tebni in Deir Ezzor, he fled to Al-Rai in Aleppo with a group of 40 ISIS fighters. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya, then moved by Turkish orders to Ras al-Ayn in 2019.  47. : 35 years old, known as Abu Fatima Al-Qannas” Residents of Al-Tayana area of Deir Ezzor. He joined ISIS in 2014 in Ash Shaddadi in Hasaka. His task was a “sniper” within the Caliphate Army on the fronts of Tal al-Bayah and its surroundings. He fought with ISIS on several fronts. He fled to al-Rai of Aleppo province on 2017 and joined the faction “Ahrar al-Sharqiya”, and then moved by Turkish orders For Tel Abyad area 2019.  48. Qais Mohammed al-Sheikh: Known asd Abu Muhammad al-Tabqawi, mother: Ghalia al-Sheikh, born in 1995, originally from al-Tabqa of the Nasser tribe, joined NusraFront in 2013, and participated in the battle of Ras al-Ayn in 2013, and was shot in the abdomen in the village of Tal Halaf and withdrew with Nusra Front Deir Ezzor, in 2016. Then he moved to Hama countryside and then went to Idlib. In 2017 he joined Ahrar al-Sham and participated in the battle of Afrin and is currently participating in the battle of Tell Abiad.  49. Qusay Said al-Aziz: Known asd Abu Said al-Homsi, born in 1991, originally from al-Khnaifis area of Homs province (mother, Hayat Uzair). Joined ISIS in 2014. He fought the Syrian army in Damascus countryside, Homs and Hama. In early 2017, he went out with a group of Palmyra desert to Idlib province in coordination with Turkish officers, and underwent a course with a group of 100 fighters in the Turkish territory, and then entered the city of al-Bab and participated directly in the battle of Afrin and then and began in coordination with the fighters of the Islamic State of Palmyra and smuggled to Jarablus and included them with the battalion Hamzat at the behest of Turkish intelligence, he is currently fighting with his group in Ras al-Ayn, and has a high point in the silos.  50. Ra’ad Hussein al-Wakaa: 22 years old, known as Abu Basil al-Shami, mother, Fatim, Deir Ezzor province, pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2015, sent into the Caliphate Army of Raqqa province, fought on Manbij front, then moved to Homs province and fought with ISIS on the fronts of Sokhna and Palmyra. He fled to al-Rai in Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya in the “Badr Martyrs” Brigade, and is now fighting on the fronts of Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sharqiya.  51. : Aged 34, known as Abu Zainab. Mother: Wadha, a resident of Ayyash in the city of Deir Ezzor, pledged allegiance to ISIS in the area of Al Tebni in 2013. He specialized in the security field, killing innocent civilians. He fled to al-Rai in Aleppo in 2017, joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and became a security official and now is fighting with Ahrar al-Sharqiya on the fronts of Tell Abiad.  52. : 28 years old, known as Abu al-Harith, from Al bukamal in Deir Ezzor, pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2013 as prince of al-Hisbah in Tabqa. He was assigned to his mission in Homs. After more than 7 months, he returned to Raqqa and was commissioned as Zakat prince. He moved to Azaz in Aleppo in 2017 and joined Sultan Murad, and he is now fighting on the fronts of Ras al-Ayn and giving Islamic and military lessons.  53. : Known as Abu Rabea al-Ansari, born in 1990, originally from Damascus, joined ISIS in 2014 in the Riyad al-Saleheen battalion of Homs. He moved to external security with Prince Abu Saad al-Iraqi, and went out towards Idlib. He opened the roads for them, then joined with Al-Hamza Division in 2018 and participated in the battle of Afrin, Tall Rifat and is currently a participant in Tell Abiad.  54. : Known as Abu Saddam al-Ansari, originally from Palmyra, from the Amur tribe, joined ISIS in 2014 to the wilaya of Badiah. He was a military prince of the state and participated in the battles of al-Tanf, Palmyra and al-Shaer. He moved to the external security in 2017 by Prince Abu Khaled al-Iraqi. He then joined the Ahrar al-Sharqiya Brigade, participated in the battles of Afrin and Tall Rifat and is currently a participant in the battle of Ras al-Ayn with the First Division with the 123rd Brigade. His face appears in the video of the murder of Havrin Khalaf.  55. : Aged 23, known as Abu al-Harith al-Iraqi, from Iraq, pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2013, then moved to Syria in Raqqa. He taught his fighters how to set traps. He stayed in the Kasrat area in Raqqa and had a group to work with him until 2017. He then fled to Azaz and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya, and he is now fighting with Ahrar al-Sharqiya in Tell Abiad now.  56. 30 years old, known as Khabab al-Iraqi, from Iraq, pledged allegiance to ISIS in Iraq in 2013. He was a military prince in one of the groups. He moved to Ash Shaddadi in Hasaka in 2015. He became the prince of fortifications on the fronts of Kawkab in Hasaka. He was sent to the countryside of Raqqa. He fled to Azaz in Aleppo in 2018 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqia and is now fighting with them on the fronts of Tell Abiad.  57. : 32 years old, known as Abu Bakr Husaynat. Mother, Rabiaa, a resident of Deir Ezzor, al-Jubaylah district. He pledged allegiance to ISIS in Ash Shaddadi Hasaka, was transferred to Deir Ezzor and became a prince of fortifications. Then to Raqqa and became the prince of fortifications in its western countryside. He then fled to Azaz in Aleppo in 2017, and is now fighting in the fronts of Ras al-Ayn and its surroundings with Hamzat Division.  58. : 37 years old, known as Abu Abdullah Al-Jazrawi from Saudi Arabia, working on legal matters, entered Syria from Turkey, pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2015 in Raqqa, appointed as an Islamic judge in Deir Ezzor and Al-Ash Shaddadi in Hasaka in 2016. Then was moved to Shamtiya area in the western countryside of Deir ez-Zor and became a general judge. He fled to Azaz in Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqia. He now works as a military Islamic judge and fights on the fronts of Ras al-Ayn.  59. Samih Fawad Yazalji: Aged 21, known as Walid al-Dairi, living in Deir Ezzor (mother, Mahouda). He pledged allegiance to ISIS in 2015 in Raqqa and fought with ISIS on the fronts of Raqqa countryside. He escaped to Al-Rai in Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya. He is now fighting on the fronts of Tell Abiad today.  60. : 22 years old, known as Abu Suleiman al-Ansari, a resident of Raqqa al-Safarneh neighborhood, pledged allegiance to ISIS in Saif al-Dawla area in Raqqa, was transferred into the Caliphate Army and fought on the fronts of Raqqa countryside. He then was transferred to Deir Ezzor with a group of 40 others. He fled to Azaz, Aleppo in 2017 and joined Sultan Murad, and is now fighting on the fronts of Suluk with Ahrar al-Sharqiya.  61. : From al-Na’im tribe, originally from Palmyra and known as Sufian al-Naimi, born in 1985. In 2013, he joined ISIS. He is considered one of the founders of ISIS in Syria. He took over the post of General Military Commander in Damascus. He fought against the Syrian army in Homs countryside, Hama and Palmyra, and he participated in the battle of al-Tanf and captured and killed a large number of Ismaili and Druze communities in the countryside of Hama and al-Salamiyya. ISIS made him a member of the Commission’s mandate. He is a high-ranking prince known on YouTube as Sufyan al-Naimi. He came out with a group of approximately 150 gunmen to Idlib, forming the Battalion of Palmyra Martyrs. He is currently the military commander of the “Sari Kani” campaign.  Note: Sufian captured and killed almost 200 people in the countrysides of Suwayda, Hama and Salmiya and kidnapped an American named “Peterxix”, working for a relief organization in Idlib countryside, who was executed by ISIS later on. This man is well known on YouTube and on the list of the wanted for International Coalition.  62. : Born in 1987 in Idlib (mother, Noura). Sharif had been a member of Nusra Front in 2014 for several years in Jisr al-Shughur, Idlib. He was a prominent prince. He went to Afrin and joined the Euphrates Shield of Ahrar al-Sham in 2017. He is now a leader of Ahrar al-Sharqiya, in charge of “Suluk” village in Tell Abiad countryside.  63. : 27 years old, known as Abu Omar al-Dairi, lived in Deir al-Zour, al-‘Amal neighborhood, in 2015 in Ash Shaddadi Hasaka (mother, Sahar). He was transferred to Raqqa countryside to join Caliphate Army and fled to al-Rai, Aleppo. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya faction and is now fighting on the fronts of Suluk and Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sharqiya.  64. : 20 years old, Known as al-Hamshari, lived in Deir Ezzor, Ksarat district (mother, Khawla). Joined ISIS in 2016 in Raqqa, he was moved into the security field. He worked with his Amir Abu Muhammad Al-Qahtani, setting traps in Raqqa northern countryside. He joined Ahrar Al-Sharqia in 2017 and is now fighting in the fronts of Tell Abiad with Ahrar Al-Sharqiya.  65. : 23 years old, known as Abu Abdullah khreita, lived in Khreitah, Deir ez-Zor (mother, Muzna). He joined ISIS in 2014 in Al Tebni in Deir ez-Zor in 2014. He specialized as a combatant in Caliphate Army and was transferred to al-jarniya in Tabqa countryside, fled to al-Rai in Aleppo in 2016. Then he joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and now is fighting with them on the fronts of Suluk.  66. : Known as Abu Faisal al-Ansari, born in 1990. He joined ISIS in 2014 in Homs. He fought several battles, including the T4 Airport and Damascus countryside. He fought in al-Tanf against the coalition. He went directly to Idlib in 2017 and joined the Army of Islam. Trained in Turkey for a month and participated in the battle of Afrin, Tall Rifat and Shahba and is currently in Ras Al-Ayn fighter with the Army of Islam.  67. : 27 years old, known as Abu Omar Madan, lived in Deir al-Zour, joined ISIS in 2015 in Al Tebni in Deir al-Zour, then was transferred to al-Khair Wilayat in Deir al-Zour and specialized in 23 cannon. He fought with ISIS in Ayn al-Arab then escaped to Al-Rai of Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and became a counter-23 and is now fighting on the fronts of Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sharqiya.  68. : 27 years old, known as Abu Khaled, lived in Hasakah, Ghweiran district (mother, Fadwa). Joined ISIS in 2015, inAsh Shaddadi in Hasaka. He was transferred into the Caliphate Army on the fronts of Deir Ezzor Military Airport. fled to al-Rai, then joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya, and is now fighting on the fronts of Ras al-Ayn.  69. : Aged 30, known as Khatab al-Iraqi, from Al-Aan City in Iraq. He joined ISIS in 2014, and was the prince of the “Indulgers” in Iraq, then came to Ash Shaddadi in Hasaka. He became a fighting trainer in Hawija qate’, and then moved to the city of Tabqa and continued his work. He fought on several fronts in Aleppo, and when the fighting began in Raqqa in 2017, he fled to al-Rai in Aleppo and is now fighting on the fronts of Sari Kani.  70. : 24 years old, from Aleppo, joined ISIS in 2015 inTabqa, specialized in heavy weapons. He became a mortar and artillery gunner on all fronts of Tabqa countryside. He fled to the Rai area of Aleppo in 2017 and joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and is now fighting on the fronts of Ras al-Ayn and its surroundings.  71. : 30 years old, known as Abu Marwan Sharii, a resident of Damascus, Al-Hajar al-Aswad district, joined ISIS in Raqqa. In 2014, he specialized in Islamic “Dawa”. He went to Mosul in Iraq, stayed there for a year, then returned to Deir Ezzor. He became the prince of Dawa and mosques, then was sent to al-Baraka Wilayat on a mission. He then returned to the province of Raqqa, where he was assigned a legal and military mission for the countryside of Raqqa. He fled to Azaz in Aleppo in 2017. He joined Ahrar al-Sharqiya and became responsible for a faction and now he fights with them on the fronts of Tell Abiad.  72. : Known as Abu Zakaria al-Ansari, born in 1994, joined ISIS in Homs with Riyad al-Salheen Battalion. He participated in the battles of Hama countryside and the battle of al-Sha’er and went to Aleppo for support, where he met the prince Abu Yaman who was in charge of the outside security in Idleb. Yahya then went to Turkey and had a military training for 15 days and returned and joined the Hamza Division and participated in the battle of Afrin and Tall Rifat, and is currently in Tell Abiad.  73. : Known as Abu Muhammad al-Homsi, born in 1992 in Homs, pledged allegiance to ISIS in Uqayribat area in Hama countryside. He became the responsible for the security of Prince Abu Hamza al-Sanhaji in Badia and participated in several battles in Damascus, Hama and Homs countryside against the Syrian army and left for Turkey at the beginning of 2017 with a group of 15 people and had a military training in Turkey and participated directly in the battle of Afrin and is currently with his group with Hamza Division special forces and is in Ras al-Ayn and has a checkpoint in the district of Mashfa there.  74. : Known as Abu Alwais Nasra, born in 1992 in Idlib countryside, Jergnaz village, joined Nusra Front in 2014 in Idlib. He was initially an ordinary fighter. In 2016, he served as a group prince and underwent an “indulger” course at The American Abu Osama Camp in Khan al-Sabl countryside. In 2018, an agreement was reached between Nusra Front and Ahrar al-Sham movement. Yacoub and his “indulgers” group moved to Jarablus as a supporter of Ahrar al-Sham because of their disagreement with the other factions. Yacoub is currently participating in the fighting in Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sham.  75. : Born in 1995 in al-Tabqa city, from Al-Nasir clan (mother, Shamsa). He joined NusraFront in 2013 with his father, Abdul-Fattah Al-Sheikh. He participated in the battle of Ras al-Ayn in 2013. He withdrew with Nusra Front to Idlib after the murder of his prince, Abu Issa. He moved to Azaz and joined Ahrar al-Sham at Prince Mahmoud, known as the “uncle”, who is his actual uncle at the same time and participated in the battle of Afrin and is currently in Tell Abiad with Ahrar al-Sham.  76. : From Ras al-Ayn, was a former ISIS prince who was found in al-Mabrouka town with his son Jassim on 24/10/2019 during the release of ISIS prisoners in al-Mabrouka town. He and his father, Jasem Al-Resho, were in Tell Abiad in 2014 and committed the most heinous massacres against civilians. After the liberation of the city by the YPG in 2015, he fled to Turkey to return again.  View the online dossier in English, including individual profile summaries and data for all 76 ISIS fighters here.  ***   Author Khaled Iskef is an independent researcher and journalist based in Syria. His work has appeared on a number of international media outlets including Al Mayadeen TV. See his archive here.


anti-impreialist--2019-02-13--Elliot Abrams, Iran-Contra and War Crimes in Latin America

Friend of the show Hugo Turner joined me this week to discuss Elliot Abrams and his legacy in Central America and role in the Iran-Contra affair. We began by discussing the roots of Iran-Contra and why it is still largely ignored by the media. Hugo discussed the origins of the affair going all the way back to the October Surprise in 1980. We talked about the other events that opened the door into Iran-Contra including the attempted assassination of Contra leader Eden Pastora in Costa Rica. Hugo and I then explored Abrams role in Iran-Contra itself. We also discussed Abrams role in covering up war crimes in El Salvador like the El Motoze massacre. Later Hugo and I talked about the genocide in Guatemala which Abrams helped facilitate. We also discussed the complex web of people and groups involved in drug trafficking, terrorism, death squads, and the suppression of the poor. We closed out the conversation by looking at the parallels between the 1980’s and the current political environment. We used the current situations in Venezuela and Haiti as examples.Show Notes:


france24--2019-11-07--Congolese warlord given 30-year sentence for crimes against humanity

REUTERS | Congolese militia commander Bosco Ntaganda enters the courtroom of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, The Netherlands, November 7, 2019.  The International Criminal Court sentenced Congolese rebel chief Bosco “Terminator” Ntaganda to 30 years in jail for war crimes and crimes against humanity on Thursday, the highest ever penalty issued by the tribunal.  Ntaganda was convicted in July of offences including murder, sexual slavery and using child soldiers in a mineral-rich region of the Democratic Republic of Congo in the early 2000s.  Most of the charges against Rwandan-born Ntaganda, 46, related to a series of gruesome massacres of villagers carried out by his fighters.  “Murder was committed on a large scale,” presiding judge Robert Flemr said, adding that the Hague-based court had taken the “particular cruelty” of some of Ntaganda’s actions into account.  “The overall sentence imposed on you shall therefore be 30 years of imprisonment.”  But while the judges gave him the maximum sentence allowed by the ICC in terms of the number of years, they said that “despite their gravity” his crimes did not warrant a full-life prison term.  Ntaganda, dressed in a blue suit and shirt and wearing a red tie, showed no emotion as the sentence was passed in the high-security courtroom.  An ICC spokesman confirmed it was the heaviest ever sentence handed down to date by the court, which was set up in 2002 to try the world’s worst crimes.  Ntaganda has appealed against his conviction earlier this year on 13 counts of war crimes and five of crimes against humanity—which saw him become the first to be convicted by the ICC of sexual enslavement.  “Bosco Ntaganda’s 30-year sentence sends a strong message that even people considered untouchable may one day be held to account,” said Ida Sawyer, deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Africa division.  “While his victims’ pain cannot be erased, they can take some comfort in seeing justice prevail.”  A refugee from the 1994 genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda, Ntaganda emerged as a ruthless driver of ethnic Tutsi revolts that subsequently convulsed neighbouring DRC.  Judges said Ntaganda was a “key leader” of the Union of Congolese Patriots rebel group and its military wing, the Patriotic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (FPLC), in the DRC’s volatile Ituri region in 2002 and 2003.  More than 60,000 people have been killed since the violence erupted in Ituri, according to rights groups, as militias battle each other for control of mineral resources.  The court heard fearful villagers dubbed him “Terminator”, after the Arnold Schwarzenegger film about a merciless robotic killer, during two bloody operations by Ntaganda’s soldiers against civilians in rival villages in 2002 and 2003.  Fighters loyal to him carried out atrocities such as a massacre in a banana field behind a village in which at least 49 people including children and babies were disembowelled or had their heads smashed in.  Ntaganda received a series of sentences ranging from eight to 30 years, with ICC rules saying that the overall prison term must reflect the highest individual sentence.  He got 30 years for murder and attempted murder, with judges saying he was directly guilty of the murder of a Catholic priest and indirectly responsible for many others by directing the military offensives. He also received a 30-year sentence for persecution.  Ntaganda further received 28 years for the “systematic” rape of “women, girls and men” including girls aged nine and 11; a sentence of 14 years for the sex slavery of child soldiers recruited by his group; and 12 years for the sexual enslavement of civilian children.  Judges said they found no mitigating factors, despite defence arguments that he was himself a victim of the Rwandan genocide.  Ntaganda—known for his pencil moustache and a penchant for fine dining—said during his trial that he was a “soldier not a criminal” and that the “Terminator” nickname did not apply to him.  After the Ituri conflict, Ntaganda was integrated into the Congolese army and was a general from 2007 to 2012, but then became a founding member of the M23 rebel group in a new uprising against the government.  In 2013 Ntaganda became the first ever suspect to surrender to the court, walking into the US embassy in the Rwandan capital Kigali and asking to be sent to the Netherlands.  Ntaganda is one of five Congolese warlords to have been brought before the ICC, and his former FPLC commander Thomas Lubanga was sentenced to 14 years in jail in 2012.  His conviction was seen as a boost for the ICC after several high-profile suspects walked free. The court has also been criticised for mainly trying African suspects.


globalresearch--2019-07-04--War Crimes in Libya Acts of Revenge by Government of National Accord GNA Forensics Confirm Execu

War Crimes in Libya, Acts of Revenge by Government of National Accord (GNA): Forensics Confirm Executions by GNA Militias at Gharyan Hospital

Libya’s Centre for Judicial Expertise (CJE) has conducted forensic investigations and identified the cause of death of several members of the Libyan National Army (LNA) and the Central Security Apparatus (CSA) after GNA militias entered Gharyan. The report concluded that LNA and CSA soldiers and officers were executed by GNA militias at Gharyan Hospital after they were captured. This article contains graphic images.  Copies of death certificates which have been obtained by Al Marsad after the prosecutor granted permission to bury the victims, prove that the Centre for Judicial Expertise’s (CJE) Department of Forensic Medicine team did indeed confirm that a number of soldiers had been shot dead.  Doctors also confirmed that the victims were shot from a close range with some being shot in the head with bullets that pierced their skulls from back to front, whilst others were shot at with rounds of bullets from a close distance. Some of the bodies also displayed markings of cars run over them. This clearly shows that the summary execution and mutilation constitutes a war crime committed by the GNA militas.  The Government of National Accord (GNA) has denied any acts of revenge or summary executions in Gharyan. However, the GNA denial has been refuted by the accounts of survivors after the entry into Gharyan by troops loyal to the Tripoli Government.  Bodies of Slain Soldiers Returned to their Families  The Red Crescent in the city of Zintan (ZRC) received 40 corpses from the Gharyan University Hospital. From there the bodies were airlifted and transported by land to the victims’ families. The bodies of executed soldiers from Cyrenaica were flown to Benghazi; the bodies of those from the South were transported to Wadi el-Shati; while victims from the Western region were transported to the city of al-Asabia where they were buried in the city’s cemetery.  To see more photos, click here.  Zintan’s Red Crescent on Saturday posted pictures of the victims on its official Facebook page which clearly showed that the victims had sustained gunshots to the head. The photos also showed signs of torture, lacerations and facial mutilation due to proximity of the deliberate shooting which was cited in the forensic reports of the Centre for Judicial Expertise (CJE). However, the ZRC stressed its lack of jurisdiction in determining the cause of the deaths yet the forensic evidence left little doubt.  Meanwhile, the family of soldier Saleh Ibrahim bin Ali al-Khazali who was also killed by the GNA militia received his body in his hometown of Bayda. The body was sent from the morgue of the Gharyan University Hospital. The slain soldier first appeared in a footage which was published on Facebook at the same hospital, where he appeared to be injured and was speaking consciously, before he was killed by the militias.  The father of the victim made a statement following the funeral of his son on Saturday. In a video release (see below), the family of the deceased soldier blamed Major General Usama Juwailli, Commander of the Western Military Region of the Government of National Accord (GNA), for the massacre.  The House of Representatives (HoR) condemned the Gharyan summary executions of the LNA and CSA soldiers and declared mourning for three days. The HoR statement said:  The Foreign Affairs, Defense and National Security Committees of the HoR held Turkey responsible for the massacre due to their use of Turkish killer drones in the attack on Gharyan and assistance in the planned capture of Gharyan from LNA forces. This was confirmed by Major General Mohammad al-Manfour who announced last night the destruction of a Turkish drone on a runway at Mitiga airport.  There is still deafening silence from the international community on the massacre by GNA Islamist militiamen in Gharyan. There has been no official outrage from Federica Mogherini, High Representative of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Vice President of the EU Commission. Ghassan Salamé the head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) has yet to issue a condemnation of the massacre against the POWs in Gharyan. Some EU Ambassadors, such as the German Ambassador to Libya, Oliver Owcza, were insensitive in their official tweets on Gharyan and avoided any reference to the war crimes.  International human rights organisations such as Human Rights Watch have not issued any statement on Gharyan or called for an inquiry in what has been beyond doubt a horrendous crime according to the norms of the Geneva Conventions and abuse of human rights. Activists such as Hanan Salah and Sarah Leah Whitson of Human Rights Watch made no mention as of yet of the war crimes and massacre at Gharyan.  Also surprisingly silent on the massacre and war crimes committed by GNA militias are the western experts, newswire agencies and journalists on Libya. Their focus is typically on the actions of the Libyan National Army (LNA) and the House of Representatives (HoR), and seem to be alarmingly negligent on the human rights abuses and criminal activity of Islamist militias under the GNA, or even on the nature of Turkey’s involvement and support for the Muslim Brotherhood and the Tripoli-based government and their actions in Gharyan. The recent US State Department 2019 report issued last week which documented the collusion of the GNA with criminal human trafficking rings and the abuse suffered by migrants at the detention centres is likewise swept under the rug. The report revealed disturbing collusion of the GNA with criminal networks:  The fact that such information goes uninvestigated is an indication on how much is unreported by established western media organs and experts aligned to Islamist institutions.  As the Libyan nation mourns the death of over 40 POWs killed brutally by militias under the GNA, in what has been regarded as one of the most brutal massacres and war crimes since the Brak El-Shati massacre by GNA militias in 2017, Libyan commentators hold the GNA government of Fayez Sarraj responsible and are publicly calling for an international enquiry into the war crimes committed in Gharyan.  Forensic reports of five bodies examined and identified:  Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.  All images in this article are from Al Marsad


globalresearch--2019-08-03--Were the Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki a War Crime and a Crime Against Humanity

Were the Atomic Bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki a War Crime and a Crime Against Humanity?

74 Years Ago, the first atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945  Was President Harry Truman “a murderer,” as the renowned British analytic philosopher Gertrude Elizabeth Anscombe once charged? Were the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki indeed a war crime and a crime against humanity, as she and other academic luminaries have publicly claimed? A Distinguished Professor of Philosophy and Ethics at Oxford and Cambridge, who was one of the 20th century’s most gifted philosophers and recognizably the greatest woman philosopher in history, Dr. Anscombe openly called President Truman a “war criminal” for his decision to have the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki leveled by atomic bombs in August 1945 (Rachels & Rachels 127). According to another academic critic, the late American historian Howard Zinn, at least 140,000 Japanese civilians were “turned into powder and ash” in Hiroshima. Over 70,000 civilians were incinerated in Nagasaki, and another 130,000 residents of the two cities died of radiation sickness in the next five years (Zinn 23).  The two most often cited reasons for President Truman’s controversial decision were to shorten the war and to save the lives of “between 250,000 and 500,000” American soldiers who could have possibly died in battle had the U.S. military had to invade the home islands of Imperial Japan. Truman reportedly claimed that  But Dr. Gertrude Anscombe, who along with her husband, Dr. Peter Geach, Professor of Philosophical Logic and Ethics, were the 20th century’s foremost philosophical champions of the doctrine that moral rules are absolute, did not buy this morally callous argument:  In 1956, Professor Anscombe and other prominent faculty members of Oxford University openly protested the decision of university administrators to grant Truman an honorary degree in gratitude for America’s wartime help. She even wrote a pamphlet, explaining that the former U.S. President was “a murderer” and “a war criminal” (Rachels & Rachels 128).  In the eyes of many contemporaries of Elizabeth Anscombe, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki violated famous philosophical-ethical norms such as the “Sanctity of Human Life,” the “Wrongfulness of Killing,” and also that “it is wrong to use people as means to other people’s ends.” Former President Herbert Hoover (image on the right) was another early critic, openly declaring that  Even President Truman’s own Chief of Staff, the five-star Admiral William D. Leahy (the most senior U.S. military officer during the war) made no secret of his strong disapprobation of the atomic bombings:  The apologists for President Truman, on the other hand, seem to be using the quasi-Utilitarian “Benefits Argument” to justify the barbaric use of a devastating weapon of mass destruction, which killed hundreds of thousands of innocent civilians in the two targeted Japanese cities even though (contrary to Truman’s many public pronouncements at that time) there had been no military troops, no heavy weaponry, or even any major war-related industries in either city. Because nearly the entire adult male population of both Hiroshima and Nagasaki had been drafted by the Japanese military, it was mostly women, children, and old men who fell victims to fiery death from the sky. The excuse that Truman himself repeatedly offered was:  He even boasted that he had “slept like a baby” the night after signing the final order to use the atomic bombs against Japan (Rachels & Rachels 127). But what Truman was saying in self-justification was far from being the truth—let alone the whole truth.  At the urging of a fellow nuclear physicist—the anti-Nazi Hungarian émigré Leo Szilard—Albert Einstein wrote a letter to President Franklin D. Roosevelt on August 2, 1939, recommending that the U.S. government should start work on a powerful atomic device as a defensive deterrent to Nazi Germany’s possible acquisition and use of nuclear weaponry (Ham 103-104). But when the top-secret Manhattan Project finally got off the ground in early 1942, the U.S. military obviously had other, much more offensive plans regarding the future targets of America’s A-bombs. While at least 67 other Japanese cities, including the capital Tokyo, were reduced to rubble by daily conventional firebombing, including the use of napalm and other incendiaries, Hiroshima and Nagasaki had been deliberately spared for the sole purpose of testing the destructiveness of the new atomic device (Claypool 11).  An even more important reason for employing the bomb was to scare Stalin, who had turned quickly from “Old Uncle Joe” at the time of the FDR presidency into “the Red Menace” in the eyes of Truman and his top advisers. President Truman had quickly abandoned FDR’s policy of cooperation with Moscow, replacing it with a new policy of hostile confrontation with Stalin, in which America’s newly-acquired monopoly over nuclear armaments would be exploited as an aggressive tool of Washington’s anti-Soviet diplomacy (Truman’s so-called “atomic diplomacy”). Fully two months before Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the same Leo Szilard had met privately with Truman’s Secretary of State, James F. Byrnes, and had tried unsuccessfully to persuade him that the nuclear weapon should not be used to destroy helpless civilian targets such as Japan’s cities. According to Dr. Szilard,  The Truman Administration had, in fact, postponed the Potsdam meeting of the Big Three until July 17, 1945—one day after the successful Trinity test of the first A-bomb at the Alamogordo testing range in New Mexico—to give Truman extra diplomatic leverage in negotiating with Stalin (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 6). In Truman’s own words, the atom bomb “would keep the Russians straight” and “put us in a position to dictate our own terms at the end of the war” (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 54, 63).  At this point, the Truman Administration was no longer interested in having Moscow’s Red Army liberate Northern China (Manchuria) from Japanese military occupation (as FDR, Churchill, and Stalin had jointly agreed at the Yalta Conference in February 1945)—let alone invade or capture Imperial Japan itself. Quite to the contrary. Publicly deploring the “political-diplomatic rather than military motives” behind Truman’s decision to nuke Japan, Albert Einstein complained that “a great majority of scientists were opposed to the sudden employment of the atom bomb. I suspect that the affair was precipitated by a desire to end the war in the Pacific by any means before Russia’s participation” (Alperovitz The Decision 444). Winston Churchill privately told his Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, at the Potsdam Conference that  Not even Tokyo’s last-minute desperate offer (made during and after the Potsdam Conference) to surrender if the Allies promised not to prosecute Japan’s god-like emperor or remove him from office—could prevent this deadly decision, even though Truman “had indicated a willingness to maintain the emperor on the throne” (Dallek 25).  Therefore, sparing the lives of American GIs was hardly one of Truman’s more convincing arguments. In early 1945, FDR and Army General Dwight Eisenhower, Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in Europe, had together decided to leave the capture of Berlin to Soviet Marshal Georgi Zhukov‘s battle-hardened troops in order to avoid heavy American casualties. After officially declaring war on Tokyo on August 8, 1945, and having destroyed the Japanese military forces in Manchuria, Stalin’s Red Army prepared to invade and occupy Japan’s home islands—which certainly would have saved the lives of thousands of U.S. servicemen about whom Truman seemed so vocally concerned. But following Nazi Germany’s unconditional surrender in May 1945, Truman had come to share Winston Churchill’s famous revisionist assessment that “We have slain the wrong swine.”  It is not even clear whether Tokyo finally surrendered on August 14 due to the two U.S. nuclear attacks carried out on August 6 and August 9, respectively (after which there were practically no more Japanese cities left to destroy nor any more U.S. A-bombs to drop)—or because of the threat of Soviet invasion and occupation after Moscow had entered the war against the Empire of Japan. Just days before the Soviet declaration of war, the Japanese ambassador to Moscow had cabled Foreign Minister Shigenori Togo in Tokyo that Moscow’s entry into the war would spell a total disaster for Japan:  To nuke or not to nuke  General Eisenhower was later quoted as stating his conviction that it had not been “necessary” militarily to use the bomb to force Japanese surrender:  In private, Eisenhower repeated his objections to his direct boss, Truman’s Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson:  Admiral William F. Halsey, commander of the U.S. Third Fleet (which conducted the bulk of naval operations against the Japanese in the Pacific during the entire war), agreed that there was “no military need” to employ the new weapon, which was used only because the Truman Administration had a “toy and they wanted to try it out…. The first atomic bomb was an unnecessary experiment…. It was a mistake to ever drop it” (Alperovitz The Decision 445). Indeed, it was quite “certain” at the time that a totally devastated Japan, which was on the verge of internal collapse, would have surrendered within weeks, if not days, without the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki or even without the Soviet declaration of war against Tokyo. As the official U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey concluded at the end of the war, “certainly prior to 31 December 1945, and in all probability prior to 1 November 1945, Japan would have surrendered even if the atomic bombs had not been dropped, even if Russia had not entered the war, and even if no invasion had been planned or contemplated” (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 10-11).  Major General Curtis E. Lemay, commander of the U.S. Twenty-first Bomber Command which had conducted the massive conventional bombing campaign against wartime Japan and dropped the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, stated publicly: “I felt there was no need to use them [atomic weapons]. We were doing the job with incendiaries. We were hurting Japan badly…. We went ahead and dropped the bombs because President Truman told me to do it…. All the atomic bomb did was, in all probability, save a few days” (Alperovitz The Decision 340).  The fateful decision to drop the two atomic bombs code-named “Little Boy” and “Fat Man” on Japan may have been made a little bit more morally acceptable for Truman by the daily carpet bombing of German and Japanese cities throughout the war, including the firebombings of Hamburg, Dresden, and Tokyo, which had nearly wiped out their civilian populations. The declared goal of these relentless city-busting air raids was to destroy the morale and the will to fight of the German and Japanese people and thus shorten the war. But many years after the war Dr. Howard Zinn (himself a B-17 co-pilot and bombardier who had flown dozens of bombing missions against Nazi Germany) sadly mused: “No one seemed conscious of the irony—that one of the reasons for the general indignation against the fascist powers was their history of indiscriminate bombing of civilian populations” (Zinn 37). But, in fact, Secretary of War Henry Stimson, Admiral William Leahy, and Army General Douglas MacArthur were no less disturbed by what they saw as the barbarity of the “terror” air campaign, with Stimson privately fearing that the U.S. would “get the reputation for outdoing Hitler in atrocities” (Ham 63).  Clearly, Japan was defeated and was preparing to surrender before the bomb was used, whose main—if not the only—purpose was to intimidate the Soviet Union. But there had been several viable alternatives, some of which were discussed prior to the atomic bombings. The Under Secretary of the Navy, Ralph Bard, had become convinced that “the Japanese war was really won” and was so disturbed by the prospect of using atom bombs against defenseless civilians that he secured a meeting with President Truman, at which he unsuccessfully pressed his case “for warning the Japanese of the nature of the new weapon” (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 19). Admiral Lewis L. Strauss, Special Assistant to the Secretary of the Navy, who replaced Bard after the latter’s angry resignation, also believed that “the war was very nearly over. The Japanese were nearly ready to capitulate.” That is why Admiral Strauss insisted that the atom bomb should be demonstrated in a way that would not kill large numbers of civilians, proposing that “…a satisfactory place for such a demonstration would be a large forest of cryptomeria trees not far from Tokyo” (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 19). General George C. Marshall, U.S. Army Chief of Staff, was equally opposed to the bomb being used on civilian areas, arguing instead that  General Marshall also insisted that instead of surprising the Russians with the first use of the atom bomb, Moscow should be invited to send observers to the Alamogordo nuclear test. Many of the scientists working for the Manhattan Project likewise urged that a demonstration be arranged first, including a possible nuclear explosion at sea in close proximity to Japan’s coast, so that the bomb’s destructive power would be made clear to the Japanese before it was used against them. But, like the U.S. military’s dissenting views, the nuclear scientists’ opposition was never considered seriously by the Truman Administration (Alperovitz Atomic Diplomacy 20-21).  As a result of Truman’s immoral decision to use nuclear explosives against the “Japs” (a derogatory name for the Japanese commonly used in public in wartime America, including by President Truman himself), well over 200,000 civilians were instantly cremated and many thousands died later of radiation sickness. J. Robert Oppenheimer, scientific director of the Manhattan Project and “father” of the U.S. atom bomb, declared that Truman’s decision was “a grievous error,” because now “we have blood on our hands” (Claypool 17). Howard Zinn agreed with Dr. Oppenheimer’s judgment, remarking that “much of the argument defending the atomic bombings has been based on a mood of retaliation, as if the children of Hiroshima had bombed Pearl Harbor…. Did American children deserve to die because of the U.S. massacre of Vietnamese children at My Lai?” (Zinn 59).  The controversial General Curtis Lemay, who had opposed the two atomic blasts, later confided to former Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (who had worked for Lemay during the war, helping select Japanese targets for the American firebombing raids): “If we’d lost the war, we’d all have been prosecuted as war criminals” (Schanberg). Given the unjustifiable and unnecessary use of such an inhumane and indiscriminate weapon of mass destruction as the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Professor Elizabeth Anscombe called President Truman a murderer and a war criminal. Until the day she died, Dr. Anscombe believed that Truman should have been put on trial for having committed some of the worst war crimes and crimes against humanity during WWII.  Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.  Rossen Vassilev Jr. is a journalism senior at the Ohio University in Athens, Ohio.  Alperovitz, Gar. Atomic Diplomacy: Hisroshima and Potsdam. The Use of the Atomic Bomb and the American Confrontation with Soviet Power. London and Boulder, CO: Pluto Press. 1994. Print.  —-. The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb. New York: Vintage Books. 1996. Print.  Barnes, Michael. “The Decision to Use the Atomic Bomb: Arguments Against.” Web. 14 Apr. 2019.   Claypool, Jane. Hisroshima and Nagasaki. New York and London: Franklin Watts, 1984. Print.  Ham, Paul. Hiroshima Nagasaki: The Real Story of the Atomic Bombings and Their Aftermath. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2011. Print.  Rachels, James, and Stuart Rachels. The Elements of Moral Philosophy (8th edition). McGraw-Hill Education, 2015. Print.