HONG KONG — The group that wins this battle is the one of stronger mind.

The government is fighting for control with manipulation; the people are fighting for democracy with peace.

See also: The Art From Hong Kong Protest Tells a Beautiful Story of the Democracy Fight

Using non-violent resistance, popularized by Indian leader Ghandi to secure independence from Britain in 1947, the students and protest groups of Hong Kong have attempted to use love and solidarity to overcome what they consider the control of the Beijing government and secure a democratic election of their leader in 2017.

Chanting, prayer, sit-ins, art, education and information warfare are all common tactics used by activists at the protest sites of Admiralty, Mong Kok and Causeway Bay.

The government, on the other hand, has used tactics as mild as letting the protesters wear themselves out and as strong as reportedly paying thugs to instigate violence on the streets.

One of the many works of art in Admiralty.

The method of non-violence, initiated by the three main groups that front the movement — the Federation of Students, Scholarism and Occupy Central — is a smarter tactic than it first appears. The protesters are well aware that one step out of line will give the authorities reason to use force.

The wariness of police involvement can be seen on the streets, with people being urged to only cross barriers at marked intersections, the creation of first aid tents to assist anyone in need, the formation of human chains to control the masses and the common chant of "keep calm" when the crowd swells.

At first, the government used heavy-handed force in the form of tear gas on students, before switching tactics to implement what appeared to be mind games. Protesters say these included emptying the streets of police, silence from the Beijing-appointed leader of Hong Kong, Leung Chun-ying, for almost a week, and using media propaganda in an attempt to spread a different story to the people of China, Hong Kong and the world.

The use of tear gas backfired for the Beijing-backed government, as it brought more people on to the street. Hong Kongers are often reserved about their political stance, yet are not prepared to sit back and watch something happen when they deem it morally wrong. The government seemed to understand this, as it pulled back completely the next day.

From Monday, there was almost no police presence in sight.

The scenes that the world watched unfold on Sunday. Image: AP Images/Associated Press

'It feels like they are setting up a trap'

Ashley, a 22-year-old university student who was born and raised in Hong Kong has been heavily involved in the online element of the movement as an administrator for the Facebook page Hong Kong Democracy Now. She believes tactics such as this are to gain control of the people.

“One of the tactics that the government is using is dragging the whole thing on. The day after the tear gas most of the police were taken away. They wanna fuck your mind up,” she told Mashable. “The more calm and silent it is on the government side, the more dangerous it is. It feels like they are setting up a trap, but you don’t know what it is.”

A man reacts after being hit with tear gas. Image: AP Images

The problem in Hong Kong at the moment is that it is very difficult to separate the truth from the fiction, especially when it comes to the authorities. This uncertainty makes the protesters anxious, which in turn makes them vulnerable and is no doubt another government ploy.

Trust got thrown out the window on Thursday afternoon, when police lied to protesters to gain entry for extra police forces and used an ambulance to smuggle in extra weapon supplies to government offices. Propaganda and rumors are prevalent across social media, such as stories about deaths in the traffic caused by the protests and high-alert warnings telling people to leave public areas.

On Thursday night, Leung addressed the media – just 20 minutes before the deadline set by protest leaders for his resignation and after a long, drawn-out week of silence – and announced he would not be standing down, but the government was prepared to talk with the student groups. He gave very little information; the cards were kept close to his chest. Following this, splinter groups emerged.

Different battles were being fought in areas across Hong Kong. Image: AP Images/Associated Press

It seemed the government’s “wear them out” tactic was starting to work and a single incident could cause a heightened response from the crowd. A small minority of protesters began to get frustrated with the inaction of the protesters after Leung’s speech and attempted to block the main thoroughfare route from east to west by sitting on Lung Wo road, near Leung’s office.

To prevent this happening, the crowd formed a human chain to allow traffic to continue to pass through one lane, as a representative tried to coerce the protesters off the road. The protesters loudly chanted for everyone to remain calm as things began to get heated due to one of the road blockers becoming aggressive. The media scrum became intense as the crowd begged for everyone to clear a path for the breakaway protesters to be removed.

LIVE: Chaos as protesters battle to stop group blocking traffic on crucial cross-harbour link http://t.co/hvNxFVCdbg pic.twitter.com/CxJbajcmUF — SCMP News (@SCMP_News) October 2, 2014

A witness, Yan, told Mashable he believed the road-blocking protesters were “paid by someone” to incite a reaction from the crowd. He would not detail if this “someone” was the government. It is a story you hear regularly, which indicates the level of distrust for the government from students.

“We don’t want violence,” he said. “We don’t want to occupy the road. It is too much.”

A student wears protective gear as she protests.

A climate of fear

This cautious mentality has emerged within Hong Kongers as the days drag on. Earlier in the week, demonstrators would speak freely to journalists. On Thursday night, as Leung’s speech was announced, many fled the overcrowded areas due to obvious fear. They thought it had gone too far. Upon being advised I was a journalist, one young student changed his story from “getting away from the growing aggression” to “just going to meet friends for dinner.”

The fear of talking publicly could arise from concerns over being allowed to travel to mainland China, George Chen, a 2014 Yale World Fellow and the author of the book This is Hong Kong I Know, said.

“The economic ties between Hong Kong and Mainland China are very close nowadays and what you say about the Hong Kong protests - especially when you say something that the government doesn’t like to hear - may get you in trouble at some point,” he told Mashable. “You don't know what you have done wrong. That kind of fear of uncertainties may cause Hong Kongers nowadays to speak less freely on political matters.”

Many employees of banks and multinational corporations have also been warned by their employers to not speak to the media and if they get arrested, their employment will be terminated.

“Our company line is do what you want in your personal time, but definitely no speaking to the media,” a worker who obviously refused to be identified told Mashable. “Even though there's no rule against it, I still wouldn't feel comfortable if I had my picture taken while I was at the protests. And of course if you get arrested, that can lead to termination.”

This underlying fear is something the government appears to also be using to disperse the crowd. That seemed to happen on Thursday as canisters clearly marked with danger symbols and logos indicating tear gas, rubber bullets and other weapons were moved around in full public view.

Co-founder of Occupy Central Benny Tai Yiu-ting, a professor at the university of Hong Kong, told the media “the way it was done arouses reasonable suspicions over whether it was a public relations show, carried out to further inflame tensions between frontline police, civil servants and the public - in order to smear the movement.”

As the week dragged on and the Beijing-government became more frustrated, officials stepped up the game.

Thugs and triads

On Friday, it is believed the government devised a more extreme tactic: pay underworld figures to launch syncronised anti-protest attacks on the student camps. Democrat and deputy chairman of the Legislative Council's security panel James To, told the South China Morning Post: "The government has used organized, orchestrated forces and even triad gangs in an attempt to disperse citizens." The government has denied this accusation.

A police officer tries to hold back pro-democracy student protesters during a clash local residents in Mong Kok. Image: AP Images/Associated Press

At 3 p.m. and 6 p.m. on Friday respectively, Causeway Bay and Mong Kok came under threat by groups of thugs wearing blue shirts and facemasks and talking in Cantonese accents. The triad-linked group pulled apart tents and threw supplies on the ground. The students were verbally abused, spat on, kicked and punched. Reports emerged of sexual assault, such as groping, of women in the crowd.

It was the first incident of violence among the crowd, and most democracy supporters believe it wasn’t just tensions rising. Many saw it as a coordinated effort to incite violence between locals, who have become frustrated with the lack of order, and the student protesters, who have held the main sections of the city hostage for a week.

“This has gone on too long. We can’t catch the bus. We can’t go to work. They have ruined our home,” one agitated local on the streets of Mong Kok, who refused to be named, told Mashable.

The tactic seemed to be working. Suddenly international and local media sites were showing images of anarchy. Even though the violence was in small, isolated pockets, it appeared to the general masses that the protests had turned ugly. There was blood, faces of anger and tears.

Ming Pao Frontpage on Oct. 4: "Anti-#OccupyCentral Protester Beat People Up." - with a powerful picture pic.twitter.com/6jkKalQdUJ — Fion Li (@fion_li) October 4, 2014

Student protesters accused police of turning a blind eye, and even detaining the instigators before releasing them in a taxi so they were able return to the site later. It all seemed part of a greater plan.

The protests have become an interesting battle of mind power. Under British rule until 1997, many people here have become accustomed to an open flow of information and don't hesitate to question their government On the mainland, by contrast, the Beijing government controls the media and is often accused of manipulating the Chinese people into submission, whatever it takes. For instance, coverage of the protests especially on social media has been all but banned on the mainland.

MORE CENSORSHIP: Some Hong Kong users of Sina Weibo report they appear to meet strange problem to upload photos; slow speed, eventually fail — George Chen (@george_chen) October 5, 2014

Disruption takes a toll

Yet, the general public of Hong Kong can also only handle extreme disruption of the streets for so long, and the government is aware of this need-for-order mentality and appears to be using it to their advantage.

“There are a lot of citizens that have been complaining that the students are disrupting the city,” Yue said. “There are a lot of people that are not on the protesters side because of the disruption and the government is trying to make the divide between those people larger.”

The crowd listens to speeches by pro-democracy leaders. Image: AP Images/Associated Press

The majority of protesters also do not associate themselves with any activism group and this lack of association could prove detrimental for the longevity of the protest, as it becomes easier for people to lose direction and for disagreements to break out.

Author George Chen told Mashable the affects of disruption will also start to filter through the cracks, after a week of major disruptions to bus routes, main roads and government workers.

“The longer the protests continue, the more tired people will naturally feel, and the more impatient the people whose business and daily life are affected will also become,” he said. “The government may try to win more support from those people who feel their lives are disturbed and then put pressure on the Occupy Central movement to force them to keep roads open.”

A sleeping protester. Image: AP Images/Associated Press

Chen believes the battle will be long and has no hope of ending completely tomorrow, especially without strong communication from both sides.

“For now, dialogue will be the best means for both sides — the protesters and government. Both the two parties should move from a position-based bargaining to a more flexible and pragmatic process of interest-based negotiation. The negotiation won’t be easy and the government may try to just get the protesters exhausted before they can reach an agreement.”

In a final show of non-violent power to the Beijing government, tens of thousands of protesters of all ages joined forces on Saturday night in Admiralty. In chilling scenes, they used the power of peaceful protest to send a clear sign to the mainland.

Protesters hold up their phones and sing. Image: Getty Images

Lifting their phones to the sky and singing a pro-democracy song, they stated loud and clear: we have not been beaten by violence. The world cheered them on.

“On an emotional level, the protestors have won global support and care for what they are fighting for –- the 2017 universal suffrage for Hong Kong. Such support from all over the world may have been beyond Beijing’s expectation,” Chen said.

On Sunday night, with Leung demanding work and school resume the next day and stating the government will use any method necessary to enforce this, everyone is aware the rules of the game might change again. It is anyone’s guess how this week comes to an end, but let's hope for Hong Kong's sake it is peacefully.