Does it cover the cooperative model, like the Mondragon Corporation, or the Wobbly shop? I can&#x27;t find a table of contents, and DDG finds no reference to Mongragon or Wobbly on the web site. I figure that a book which doesn&#x27;t discuss those two alternative forms of business organization is hiding something. For examples, hiding who owns and controls the capital, or hiding that it&#x27;s not really a new model but has been around for a century.<p>Personally, I take the warning at <a href="https:&#x2F;&#x2F;books.google.com&#x2F;books?id=IKZVKMPEQCEC&amp;pg=PA131&amp;dq=%22wobbly+shop%22&amp;hl=sv&amp;sa=X&amp;ei=Y6U-VY7fNoyusAHq8IHwAw&amp;redir_esc=y#v=onepage&amp;q=%22wobbly%20shop%22&amp;f=false" rel="nofollow">https:&#x2F;&#x2F;books.google.com&#x2F;books?id=IKZVKMPEQCEC&amp;pg=PA131&amp;dq=%...</a> to heart:<p>&gt; Industrial democracy: By analogy with political or state democracy, a description of democratic practices as applied to workplaces. There are two major ways of thinking about this concept. The first involved some liberal conception of representative structures that allow workers to have influence over decision making, responsibility and authority. The extent of such influence can vary substantially, from an employer&#x27;s &#x27;suggestion scheme&#x27; through workplace methods such as &#x27;team-working&#x27;, up to the various forms of consultation and co-determination exemplified by Kalmar, Semco, or the John Lewis Partnership and the Quality of Working Life movement. Whilst these examples provide illustrations of alternative forms of organizing, they all largely rely on the idea of empowerment as something which management does to workers. In other words, management and owners still have the ultimate sanction, and could withdraw democratic privileges if they wished.<p>&gt; The more radical way of thinking about industrial democracy would be in terms of worker self-management. In this case a cooperative or an employee share ownership plan (ESOP) would mean that all those working for an organization would have a direct share in its profits and losses. As a result, they would have a clear interest in participating in democratic mechanisms to elect or deselect those who coordinate organizational activities; to dictate strategy; to take profits or reinvest, and so on (see Mondragon; Suma). Both forms of industrial democracy have been credited with increasing the motivation and commitment of workers, as well as increasing productivity and decreasing labour turnover. Whilst advocates of the liberal version might suggest that those were good things to achieve because they can increase shareholder or owner value, for the radicals all these would be secondary to the idea that labour might escape alienation in a Marxist sense. In other words, liberal ideas about job satisfaction are pale reflections of the conception of work as a form of human expression (see Fourier).