What's hegemony?
Hegemony
In the 19th century, hegemony came to denote the "Social or cultural predominance or ascendancy; predominance by one group within a society or milieu". Later, it could be used to mean "a group or regime which exerts undue influence within a society". Also, it could be used for the geopolitical and the cultural predominance of one country over others, from which was derived "hegemonism", as in the idea that the Great Powers meant to establish European hegemony over Asia and Africa.
Theory of Basic Human Values
Hedonism Pleasure or sensuous gratification for oneself.
Achievement Personal success through demonstrating competence according to social standards.
Power Social status and prestige, control or dominance over people and resources.
Hegemonic stability theory
Research on hegemony can be divided into two schools of thought: the realist school and the systemic school. Each school can be further sub-divided. Two dominant theories have emerged from each school. What Robert Keohane first called the "theory of hegemonic stability," joins A. F. K. Organski's Power Transition Theory as the two dominant approaches to the realist school of thought. Long Cycle Theory, espoused by George Modelski, and World Systems Theory, espoused by Immanuel Wallerstein, have emerged as the two dominant approaches to the systemic school of thought.
Man
Sometimes gender scholars will use the phrase "hegemonic masculinity" to distinguish the most dominant form of masculinity from other variants. In the mid-twentieth century United States, for example, John Wayne might embody one form of masculinity, while Albert Einstein might be seen as masculine, but not in the same "hegemonic" fashion.
Monetary hegemony
Monetary hegemony is an economic and political concept in which a single state has decisive influence over the functions of the international monetary system. A monetary hegemon would need:
The term monetary hegemony appeared in Michael Hudson's "Super Imperialism", describing not only an asymmetrical relationship that the US dollar has to the global economy, but the structures of this hegemonic edifice that Hudson felt supported it, namely the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The US dollar continues to underpin the world economy and is the key currency for medium of international exchange, unit of account (e.g. pricing of oil), and unit of storage (e.g. treasury bills and bonds) and, despite arguments to the contrary, is not in a state of hegemonic decline (cf. Fields & Vernengo, 2011, 2012).
Hegemony
In "The Politics of International Political Economy", Jayantha Jayman writes "If we consider the Western dominated global system from as early as the 15th century, there have been several hegemonic powers and contenders that have attempted to create the world order in their own images." He lists several contenders for historical hegemony.
Hegemony
Hegemony (, () or ) is the political, economic, or military predominance or control of one state over others. In ancient Greece (8th century BC – 6th century AD), hegemony denoted the politico-military dominance of a city-state over other city-states. The dominant state is known as the "hegemon".
Hegemony
The Marxist theory of cultural hegemony, associated particularly with Antonio Gramsci, is the idea that the ruling class can manipulate the value system and mores of a society, so that their view becomes the world view ("Weltanschauung"): in Terry Eagleton's words, "Gramsci normally uses the word hegemony to mean the ways in which a governing power wins consent to its rule from those it subjugates". In contrast to authoritarian rule, cultural hegemony "is hegemonic only if those affected by it also consent to and struggle over its common sense".
Hegemony or Survival
Chomsky's primary argument in "Hegemony or Survival" is that the United States government has pursued an "Imperial Grand Strategy" in order to maintain its status as the world's foremost superpower since at least the end of the Second World War. Adopting the term "Imperial Grand Strategy" from international affairs specialist John Ikenberry of Princeton University, he quotes Ikenberry on the nature of this doctrine and the manner in which it considers the "rule of force" to be more important than the "rule of law", thereby ignoring international law. Quoting liberal statesman Dean Acheson, Chomsky asserts that the purpose of this strategy is to prevent any challenge to the "power, position, and prestige of the United States".
After Hegemony
After Hegemony (full title: "After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy") is a book by Robert Keohane. It is a leading text in the neo-liberal school of international relations scholarship.
Hegemonic stability theory
Gilpin's argument opposes balancing and the balance of power theory. His theory targets the system by analysis. He contends that the system naturally goes toward equilibrium. To acquire a new system, global war or "hegemonic war", definitionally creates a new hegemon. This new hegemon will create the new system of the world with their own set of preferences. Similar to a global war, the hegemon's job is to keep their newly founded order. They accomplish this by providing public goods; examples include the United States attempts at initialising a stable currency by means of the International Monetary Fund, the Bretton Woods system, establishment of the World Bank, world defence (NATO), and democratisation. These are norms that the U.S. have shown preference towards and have spent the past several decades demonstrating their new system.
Discourse of power
The shaping of ones reality or perception is based on three elements including experienced reality, symbolic reality, and socially constructed reality. Much of the symbolic reality is based on media practices that we are exposed to daily. Individuals make assumptions on the world based on what their media tells them. The media is a hegemonic form of power that maintains their position, not through force, but through elaboration of a particular world view, an ideology, or a particular notion of common sense, which is widely infused into everyday cultural practices. This results in people consenting to power even when it may not be in their best interest. The assumption of media hegemony is that the ideas of the ruling class become ruling ideas in society, because of this the mass media are controlled by the dominant class in society which uses it as a vehicle for exerting control over the rest of society.
Hegemony
The early 20th century, like the late 19th century was characterized by multiple Great Powers but no global hegemon. World War I weakened the strongest of the Imperial Powers, Great Britain, but also strengthened the United States and, to a lesser extent, Japan. Both of these states' governments pursued policies to expand their regional spheres of influence, the US in Latin America and Japan in East Asia. France, the UK, Italy, the Soviet Union and later Nazi Germany (1933–1945) all either maintained imperialist policies based on spheres of influence or attempted to conquer territory but none achieved the status of a global hegemonic power.
Hegemonic stability theory
According to Thomas J. McCormick, scholars and other experts on the systemic school define hegemony "as a single power's possession of 'simultaneous superior economic efficiency in production, trade and finance.'" Furthermore, a hegemon's superior position is considered the logical consequence of superior geography, technological innovation, ideology, superior resources, and other factors.
Hegemonic masculinity
The concept of hegemonic masculinity was first proposed in field reports from a study of social inequality in Australian high schools; in a related conceptual discussion of the making of masculinities and the experiences of men's bodies; and in a debate over the role of men in Australian labour politics. These beginnings were organized into an article which critiqued the "male sex role" literature and proposed a model of multiple masculinities and power relations. This model was integrated into a systematic sociological theory of gender. The resulting six pages in "Gender and Power" by R. W. Connell on "hegemonic masculinity and emphasized femininity" became the most cited source for the concept of hegemonic masculinity. This concept draws its theoretical roots from the Gramscian term "hegemony" as it was used to understand the stabilization of class relations. The idea was then transferred to the problem of gender relations.
Counterhegemony
If a counterhegemony grows large enough it is able to subsume and replace the "historic bloc" it was born in. Neo-Gramscians use the Machiavellian terms "war of position" and "war of movement" to explain how this is possible. In a war of position a counterhegemonic movement attempts, through persuasion or propaganda, to increase the number of people who share its view on the hegemonic order; in a war of movement the counterhegemonic tendencies which have grown large enough overthrow, violently or democratically, the current hegemony and establish themselves as a new historic bloc.
Grand strategy
Proponents of liberal hegemony favor a world order in which the United States is a hegemon and uses this power advantage to create a liberal international system and at times use force to enforce or spread liberal values (such as individual rights, free trade, and the rule of law). The United States strives to retain overwhelming military power, under a theory that potential competitors will not even try to compete on the global stage. It also retains an extensive network of permanent alliance commitments around the world, using the alliance system both to advance and retain hegemonic power and to solidify emerging liberal political systems. According to Posen, this strategy sees "threats emanating from three major sources: failed states, rogue states, and illiberal peer competitors." Failed states, in this view, are sources of instability; rogue states can sponsor terrorism, acquire weapons of mass destruction, and behave unpredictably; illiberal peer competitors would compete directly with the United States and "would complicate the spread of liberal institutions and the construction of liberal states." Support for liberal hegemonic strategies among major thinkers in both political parties helps explain the broad elite support for the 2003 invasion of Iraq and the 2011 intervention in Libya, even though U.S. military involvement in those conflicts had been initiated by presidents of different parties. The chief difference on foreign policy between Republican and Democratic proponents of liberal hegemony, according to Posen, is on support for international institutions as a means to achieving hegemony.
Prison Notebooks
Gramsci claims that hegemony lies under modern capitalism and that the bourgeoisie can maintain its economic control by allowing certain demands made by trade unions and mass political parties within civil society to be met by the political sphere. Thus, the bourgeoisie engages in Passive Revolution by going beyond its immediate economic interests and allowing the forms of its hegemony to change. Gramsci posits that movements such as reformism and fascism, as well as the 'scientific management' and assembly line methods of Frederick Taylor and Henry Ford respectively, are examples of this.
Cultural hegemony
Cultural hegemony has philosophically influenced Eurocommunism, the social sciences, and the activist politics of socially liberal and progressive politicians. The analytic discourse of cultural hegemony is important to research and synthesis in anthropology, political science, sociology, and cultural studies; in education, cultural hegemony developed critical pedagogy, by which the root causes of political and social discontent can be identified, and so resolved.
Hegemony
Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 the United States was the world's sole hegemonic power.
Hegemonic masculinity
New theory has recognized the layering and potential internal contradictions within all practices that construct masculinities. This is a departure from a unitary masculinity and focus on compromised formations between contradictory desires or emotions. Masculinities are configurations of practice that are constructed, unfold, and change through time. One area of focus may represent that of Western fathers given the gender division of labour in child care, the "long hours culture" of professions and management, and the preoccupation of rich fathers with managing their wealth. While these practices may adhere to conventional Western ideas of hegemonic masculinity, this may not necessarily translate into a satisfying life experience. As gender relations evolve and women's movements grow stronger, the dynamics of masculinities may see a complete abolition of power differentials and a more equitable relationship between men and women and between men and other men. This positive hegemony remains a key strategy for contemporary efforts at reforming gender relations. Groes-Green has argued that Connell's theory of masculinities risks excluding the possibility of more gender equitable or "philogynous" forms of masculinity such as those he has identified in Mozambique. He urges social researchers to begin developing theories and concepts that can improve an understanding of how more positive, alternative and less dominant masculinities may develop even if these are always embedded in local gender power relations.
Hartmut Haberland
Haberland has also done important work in the area of language contact and has expressed his views on the dangers of globalization, which has the effect of swallowing cultures as well as some of the domains of certain languages. In particular, he studied the process whereby English came to have such an influence on the Danish language that various areas of the lexicon were phagocytized by the English language, the latter language being in a position of power. Influenced by Gramsci's (Gramsci, 1992–6) ideas on power and ideology. Haberland launched the idea that hegemony (Gramsci, 1992–6) plays a role in the relationship between languages and determines that in the relationship there is a loser and a winner.
List of Ender's Game series organizations
After the events of the first invasion (circa. pre-Ender's Game), the world unified against the buggers in an alliance termed the Hegemony. It consisted of three offices: the Hegemon, Strategos, and Polemarch. However, the Hegemony only had power and influence as long as the Buggers posed a threat. After the end of the Third Invasion, the Hegemony lost influence as various power blocs on Earth began jockeying for influence and territory. For five days after Ender's final battle, the League War raged, which was finally ended by the Locke Proposal, written by Peter Wiggin.
John Mearsheimer
In his 2018 book, "The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities", Mearsheimer presents a critique of the geopolitical strategy he refers to as 'liberal hegemony'. Mearsheimer's definition of liberal hegemony includes a three-part designation of it as an extension of Woodrow Wilson's original initiatives to make a world safe by turning its governments into democracies, turning geopolitical economic initiatives towards open markets compatible with democratic governments, and thirdly opening up and promoting other democratically liberal international social and culture societies on a global scale of inclusion. Mearsheimer states in an interview broadcast on CSPAN that this represents a 'great delusion' and that much more weight should be associated with nationalism as a policy of enduring geopolitical value rather than the delusions he associated with liberal hegemony.
International trade and state security
The theory of hegemonic stability by the realist school argues that dominance of one country is necessary for the existence of an open and stable international economy. The relationship between hegemony and an open, stable economy has been challenged by some scholars “As US behaviour during the interwar period illustrates, the possession of superior resources by a nation does not translate automatically into great influence or beneficial outcomes for the world.”
Hegemonic masculinity
Gender hierarchy seeks to explain not only why men hold a superior position to women but how each group influences one another. Research has documented the durability of nonhegemonic patterns of masculinity, which may represent well-crafted responses to racial/ethnic marginalization, physical disability, class inequality, or stigmatized sexuality. Hegemony may be accomplished by the incorporation of such masculinities into functioning gender order rather than by active oppression in the form of degradation or violence. An example would include that of the mainstream adoption of black hip hop culture which was created in response to urban structural inequalities. Another example is that of "protest masculinity", in which local working-class settings, sometimes involving ethnically marginalized men, embodies the claim to power typical of regional hegemonic masculinities in Western countries, but lack the economic resources and institutional authority that underpins the regional and global patterns.
Christoph Scherrer
Scherrer’s research interests lay in the field of international political economy, in particular the social dimensions of globalization. 
He contributed to the development of French Regulation Theory through an extensive study of the transition of the U.S. auto and steel industry to post-Fordism and through a post-structuralist inspired critique of its neglect of contingency in phases of stable capital accumulation. He introduced Gramscian insights to international political economy in Germany and coined the term ‘double hegemony’ for the interlaced linkage of the hegemony of the US-American national-state with the hegemony of an emerging international bourgeoisie. 
He directed numerous studies on the “Social Dimensions of International Trade” and “Trade in Services” funded by the Hans Böckler Stiftung (HBS), the Friedrich Ebert Foundation (FES), the German Foreign Office, the German Parliament, the European Parliament, and the Austrian Chancellery. His most recent work is co-directing an international research project on economic inequality.Chicago
Posthegemony
Posthegemony or post-hegemony is a period or a situation in which hegemony is no longer said to function as the organizing principle of a national or post-national social order, or of the relationships between and amongst nation states within the global order. The concept has different meanings within the fields of political theory, cultural studies, and international relations.
Cultural hegemony
The initial, theoretical application of cultural domination was as a Marxist analysis of "economic class" (base and superstructure), which Antonio Gramsci developed to comprehend "social class"; hence, cultural hegemony proposes that the prevailing cultural norms of a society, which are imposed by the ruling class (bourgeois cultural hegemony), must not be perceived as natural and inevitable, but must be recognized as artificial social constructs (institutions, practices, beliefs, et cetera) that must be investigated to discover their philosophic roots as instruments of social-class domination. That such praxis of knowledge is indispensable for the intellectual and political liberation of the proletariat, so that workers and peasants, the people of town and country, can create their own working-class culture, which specifically addresses their social and economic needs as social classes.
Popular culture studies
Diametrically opposed to the aristocratic view would be the theory of culture industry developed by Frankfurt School critical theorists such as Theodor W. Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse. In their view, the masses are precisely dominated by an all-encompassing culture industry obeying only to the logic of consumer capitalism. Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony (see: cultural hegemony), that is, the domination of society by a specific group which stays in power by partially taking care of and partially repressing the claims of other groups, does not work here anymore. The principle of hegemony as a goal to achieve for an oppressed social class loses its meaning. The system has taken over; only the state apparatus dominates.
Hegemonic stability theory
Neorealists have been focusing on this theory recently, the main proponent of it being John J. Mearsheimer who is trying to incorporate it into 'offensive realism'. In his book 'The Tragedy of Great Power Politics' Mearsheimer outlines how the anarchic system that neorealists subscribe to (see Kenneth Waltz for original theory) creates power hungry states who will each attempt to install themselves as regional and global hegemons. His theory is not widely embraced by fellow realists who argue that the hegemon supports the system so long as it is in their interests. The system is created, shaped and maintained by coercion. The hegemon would begin to undermine the institution when it is not in their interests. With the decline of a hegemon, the system descends into instability. Other realists argue that the anarchic system does not actually give causal motivation to aid the creation of hegemons.
Counterhegemony
Counter-hegemony refers to attempts to critique or dismantle hegemonic power. In other words, it is a confrontation and/or opposition to existing status quo and its legitimacy in politics, but can also be observed in various other spheres of life, such as history, media, music, etc. Neo-Gramscian theorist Nicola Pratt (2004) has described counter-hegemony as "a creation of an alternative hegemony on the terrain of civil society in preparation for political change".
Hegemony or Survival
Drawing historical examples from 1945 through to 2003, Chomsky looks at the US government's support for regimes responsible for mass human rights abuses —including ethnic cleansing and genocide—namely El Salvador, Colombia, Turkey, Israel, Egypt, South Africa, and Indonesia. He also discusses US support for militant dissident groups widely considered "terrorists", particularly in Nicaragua and Cuba, as well as direct military interventions, such as the Vietnam War, NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, Afghan War and Iraq War, to further its power and grasp of resources. He highlights that US foreign policy—whether controlled by Republican or Democratic administrations—pursues the same agenda of gaining access to lucrative resources and maintaining US world dominance.
The Tragedy of Great Power Politics
In addition to their principal goal, which is survival, great powers seek to achieve three main objectives. Their highest aim is to achieve regional hegemony. Mearsheimer argues although achieving global hegemony would provide maximum security to a state, it is not feasible because the world has too many oceans which inhibit the projection of military power. Thus, the difficulty of projecting military power across large bodies of water makes it impossible for great powers to dominate the world. Regional hegemons try strongly to prevent other states from achieving regional hegemony.
Power (social and political)
In the Marxist tradition, the Italian writer Antonio Gramsci elaborated the role of ideology in creating a cultural hegemony, which becomes a means of bolstering the power of capitalism and of the nation-state. Drawing on Niccolò Machiavelli in The Prince, and trying to understand why there had been no Communist revolution in Western Europe, while it was claimed there had been one in Russia, Gramsci conceptualised this hegemony as a centaur, consisting of two halves. The back end, the beast, represented the more classic, material image of power, power through coercion, through brute force, be it physical or economic. But the capitalist hegemony, he argued, depended even more strongly on the front end, the human face, which projected power through 'consent'. In Russia, this power was lacking, allowing for a revolution. However, in Western Europe, specifically in Italy, capitalism had succeeded in exercising "consensual" power, convincing the working classes that their interests were the same as those of capitalists. In this way revolution had been avoided.
Regional hegemony
In international relations, regional hegemony is the hegemony (political, economic, or military predominance, control or influence) of one independently powerful state, known as the regional hegemon over other neighboring countries. The relationship between regional hegemons and the other states within their spheres of influence is analogous to the relationship between a global hegemon and the other states in the international system.
Sociology of gender
The dominant form of masculinity in a society is known as hegemonic masculinity. Men are constantly performing this to prove their status as men. It is not really possible to reach it, especially as peers are in constant surveillance of each other, looking for flaws in their performance. Hegemonic masculinity is constructed in opposition to femininity and is dominant to all other gender identities (including alternative masculinities). Men are socialized from birth to perform it, especially through behavior and symbolism. One of the prominent behaviors is aggression in order to protect one's reputation. An example of symbols used would be clothing.
Offensive realism
John Mearsheimer summed up this view as follows: "great powers recognize that the best way to ensure their security is to achieve hegemony now, thus eliminating any possibility of a challenge by another great power. Only a misguided state would pass up an opportunity to be the hegemon in the system because it thought it already had sufficient power to survive." Accordingly, offensive neorealists such as Mearsheimer believe that a state's best strategy to increase its relative power to the point of achieving hegemony is to rely on offensive tactics. Provided that it is rational for them to act aggressively, great powers will likely pursue expansionist policies, which will bring them closer to hegemony. Since global hegemony is nearly impossible to attain due to the constraints of power projection across oceans and retaliation forces, the best end game status states can hope to reach is that of a regional hegemon dominating its own geographical area. This relentless quest for power inherently generates a state of "constant security competition, with the possibility of war always in the background". Only once regional hegemony is attained do great powers become status quo states.
Counterhegemony
The term "hegemony" came from the writings of Karl Marx and was conceptualized by Antonio Gramsci, a Marxist social philosopher who lived in Mussolini's Italy. Because Gramsci was a Marxist, he subscribed to the basic Marxist premise of the historical dialectic. Therefore, according to classic Marxist theories, societies will transform over time from oppressive economic systems to more and more liberating ones, until finally the state of communism in society is reached.
Hegemony
From the 7th century to the 12th century, the Umayyad Caliphate and later Abbasid Caliphate dominated the vast territories they governed, with other states like the Byzantine Empire paying tribute.
Hegemony
After the defeat and exile of Napoleon, hegemony largely passed to the British Empire, which became the largest empire in history, with Queen Victoria (1837–1901) ruling over one-quarter of the world's land and population at its zenith. Like the Dutch, the British Empire was primarily seaborne; many British possessions were located around the rim of the Indian Ocean, as well as numerous islands in the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. Britain also controlled the Indian subcontinent and large portions of Africa.
Coregency
A coregency or co-principality is the situation where a monarchical position (such as king, queen, emperor or empress), normally held by only a single person, is held by two or more. It is to be distinguished from diarchies or duumvirates such as ancient Sparta and Rome, or contemporary Andorra, where monarchical power is formally divided between two rulers.
Marxist international relations theory
This economic reductionism is considered also to be a central flaw. As a solution, the neo-Gramscian school proposed a further development. By combining global capitalism, state structure and political-economic institutions, they managed to create a theory of global hegemony (ideological domination). According to this theory, hegemony is maintained through close cooperation between powerful elites inside and outside the core regions of the world system. Global governance is constituted by political and economic institutions that put pressure on the less developed and unstable peripheral countries.
Cultural hegemony
In a society, cultural hegemony is neither monolithic intellectual praxis, nor a unified system of values, but a complex of stratified social structures, wherein each social and economic class has a social purpose and an internal class-logic that allows its members to behave in a way that is particular and different from the behaviours of the members of other social classes, whilst co-existing with them as constituents of the society.
Hegemony
Pentagon strategist Edward Luttwak, in "The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire", outlined three stages, with hegemonic being the first, followed by imperial. In his view the transformation proved to be fatal and eventually led to the fall of the Roman Empire. His book gives implicit advice to Washington to continue the present hegemonic strategy and refrain from establishing an empire.
List of Ender's Game series organizations
There are three primary governments in the Ender series. The first (listed in "Ender's Game") is the Hegemony, a unified government that came into power to defeat the Formics. After the Formics are defeated, the Hegemony falls. Peter Wiggin with the help of ex-Battle Command leaders takes command of the Free People of Earth (FPE) to replace the Hegemony. The third government is an interstellar government known as Starways Congress and American formed republic government.
Hegemony
In international relations theory, hegemony denotes a situation of (i) great material asymmetry in favour of one state, who has (ii) enough military power to systematically defeat any potential contester in the system, (iii) controls the access to raw materials, natural resources, capital and markets, (iv) has competitive advantages in the production of value added goods, (v) generates an accepted ideology reflecting this status quo; and (vi) is functionally differentiated from other states in the system, being expected to provide certain public goods such as security, or commercial and financial stability.
Theogony
Further, in the "Kings and Singers" passage (80–103) Hesiod appropriates to himself the authority usually reserved to sacred kingship. The poet declares that it is he, where we might have expected some king instead, upon whom the Muses have bestowed the two gifts of a scepter and an authoritative voice (Hesiod, "Theogony" 30–3), which are the visible signs of kingship. It is not that this gesture is meant to make Hesiod a king. Rather, the point is that the authority of kingship now belongs to the poetic voice, the voice that is declaiming the "Theogony".
Neo-Gramscianism
However, Cox disavows the label neo-Gramscian despite the fact that in a follow-up article he showed how Gramsci's thought can be used to analyze power structures within the GPE. Particularly Gramsci's concept of hegemony, vastly different from the realists' conception of hegemony, appears fruitful. Gramsci's state theory, his conception of "historic blocs"—dominant configurations of material capabilities, ideologies and institutions as determining frames for individual and collective action—and of élites acting as "organic intellectuals" forging historic blocs, is also deemed useful.
Regional power
In international relations since the late 20th century, a regional power is a term used for a state that has power within a geographic region. States which wield unrivalled power and influence within a region of the world possess regional hegemony.
The Fall of Hyperion (novel)
The Hegemony is opposed by the Ousters, renegade human colonies that fled the Hegemony's growing influence even before the events of the Hegira. Though seen by many Hegemony citizens as barbarians, the Ousters have a highly advanced culture that focuses primarily on the fine arts and on aesthetic values almost unknown amidst the many technologies of the WorldWeb. The Ousters have mutated physically, believing that they should adapt to their outer-space surroundings rather than adapt the surroundings themselves, as was the case with WorldWeb planets, and appear in a variety of forms throughout the course of the novel. The Ousters have rarely fought full-scale conflicts with the Hegemony, but are launching an invasion of Hyperion at the time of the novel.
Hegemonic stability theory
Hegemony demands power, which is defined by British scholar Susan Strange as the ability of one party to affect outcomes such that their preferences take precedence over the preferences of other parties. The question of whether the United States is still a hegemon is tied into whether or not it has lost power. 
Keohane sees power as tied into resources and production. The US GDP is now lower relative to others as there are growing economies with considerable amount of GDP such as BRIC countries. This implies a loss or decreased power of US as a hegemon.
Hegemony
In Europe, Germany, rather than Britain, may have been the strongest power after 1871, but Samuel Newland writes:Bismarck defined the road ahead as … no expansion, no push for hegemony in Europe. Germany was to be the strongest power in Europe but without being a hegemon. … His basic axioms were first, no conflict among major powers in Central Europe; and second, German security without German hegemony."
Hegemonic stability theory
Many traditional theories of international relations, including the other approaches to hegemony, believe that the baseline nature of the international system is anarchy. Modelski's long cycle theory, however, states that war and other destabilizing events are a natural product of the long cycle and larger global system cycle. They are part of the living processes of the global polity and social order. Wars are "systemic decisions" that "punctuate the movement of the system at regular intervals." Because "world politics is not a random process of hit or miss, win or lose, depending on the luck of the draw or the brute strength of the contestants," anarchy simply doesn't play a role. After all, long cycles have provided, for the last five centuries, a means for the successive selection and operation of numerous world leaders.
Negarchy
Negarchy was a term coined by Daniel Deudney to mean a form of status quo maintained by the interrelations of the power structure and authority that modern states hold in relation to one another, which negate one another because of their respective influence. Negarchy is described as being a form of governing between "anarchy and hierarchy".
Cultural studies
The theory of hegemony was of central importance to the development of British cultural studies [particularly The Birmingham School. It facilitated analysis of the ways subordinate groups actively resist and respond to political and economic domination. The subordinate groups needed not to be seen merely as the passive dupes of the dominant class and its ideology.
Media Hegemony
As for the direct and indirect results of media hegemony, there are at least three aspects in news reporting. Firstly, the socialization of reporters including guidance, work norms and orientations will be greatly influenced by the dominant ideology (Mueller, 1973). Socialization of journalists means that they are socialized into professional and organizational norms (Gieber, 1960). And some basic values, norms they share are influenced by ideology as it is hard to be independent from the culture that the dominant class shapes (Gans, 1979). Though journalists claim that they are autonomic from the state and marketing force and are always on the side of the public as social instrument, it is undeniable that the ideology and control of economic interests permeate the assumption, orientations as well as procedure of reporters who are the direct producers of news stories. It turns out that it is journalists that can unconsciously facilitate the ideological hegemony by the means of using cultural categories and symbols (Chaney, 1981). Then, reporters are inclined to choose and report those issues that are favorable to the domain ideology and the status quo. By so doing, it is harmful for social changes by diffusing those conservative news reports to the public (Golding, 1981). To a certain extent, the formation of public opinion is largely based on the information spread by status quo oriented news media. Last but not least, reporters tend to report those news that are supportive of their nation and negative to foreign nations in the communication of globalization. It is believed that prejudiced news reporting will hinder the international social change (Artz, 2012). It is news media that shapes negative stereotypes of foreign countries. And values and ideology are permeated through international social communication to exert impact on people foreign nations. In a word, media hegemony is a powerful force that can influence and shape social values and life in an intangible way to reach consensus of the public which are supportive of the dominant class.
Hegemonic masculinity
There is considerable evidence that hegemonic masculinity is not a self-reproducing form. Demetriou suggests this is because a kind of simplification has occurred. He identifies two forms of hegemony, internal and external. External hegemony relates to the institutionalization of men's dominance over women and internal hegemony refers to the position of one group of men over all other men. Scholars commonly do not clarify or acknowledge the relationship between the two. This suggests that subordinated and marginalized masculinities do not impact the construction of hegemonic masculinity as much as critics suggest it should.
Counter-hegemonic globalization
Counter-hegemonic globalization is a social movement based in a perspective of globalization that challenges the contemporary view of globalization; neoliberal globalization. Counter-hegemonic globalization confronts the implicit idea of neoliberal globalization that the system of domination, as a consequence of the development of transnational networks, transportation and communication, is a natural and inevitable course for globalization. It maintains that transnational connections can instead be harnessed as the means to bring about more equitable distribution of wealth, power, and sustainable communities. Counter-hegemonic globalization, unlike neoliberal globalization, uses the assets of globalization to stand against any form of domination by hegemony, operating from a bottom-up process that stresses the empowerment of the local.
Hegemony or Survival
Noting that economic decision making in the United States is highly centralized among a select socio-economic elite who control big business, he argues that this elite play a dominant role in this Imperial Grand Strategy because they consistently maintain a strong influence over successive U.S. governments. As a result, he argues that U.S. foreign policy has focused on gaining and maintaining unrestricted access to markets, energy supplies, and strategic resources across the world. Chomsky goes on to categorize the specific purposes of the doctrine as:
Haegemonia: Legions of Iron
Haegemonia allows the player to create a multi-system empire. At first, only the planets similar to Earth can be colonized. After advanced terraforming and colonization techniques are researched or stolen from enemies, almost any planet can be colonized and, eventually, terraformed into Gaia-class worlds (gas giants are uninhabitable).
Hegemony
From the post-classical Latin word "hegemonia" (from 1513 or earlier) from the Greek word ἡγεμονία "hēgemonía", meaning "authority, rule, political supremacy", related to the word ἡγεμών "hēgemōn" "leader".
Posthegemony
In international relations, "posthegemony" refers to the decline of the US unilateral hegemony. This has likely been the result of the difficulties that have arisen out of the unilateral style foreign policy. These difficulties predominantly include disdain from; those directly affected by the, sometimes forceful, hegemonic actions of the US, those who spectated the actions, and even Americans themselves who view the actions of their government as immoral. For example, after the Vietnam War, in 1978, 72 per cent of Americans thought the war was not a mistake but fundamentally wrong and immoral. This exemplifies the hegemonic decline: how could the US maintain the legitimacy of their interventions if their own citizens find them wrong and immoral?
Alexander J. Motyl
Motyl also posits varying degrees of empire: "formal", "informal", and "hegemonic". In a formal imperial relationship, the core can appoint and dismiss peripheral elites, obviate any external agenda or policies, and directly control the internal agenda and policies. In an informal imperial relationship, the core has influence but not control over appointing and dismissing peripheral elites, direct control over the external agenda and policies, and influence over the internal agenda and policies. Finally, in a hegemonic relationship, the core has no control over appointing or dismissing peripheral elites, control over the external agenda, influence over external policies, and no control over the internal agenda or policies.
The Fall of Hyperion (novel)
The government of the Hegemony is described in detail during the course of the novel, and its role in the fictional universe forms several portions of the plot. Planets with full membership status in the Hegemony select senators to serve in the upper house of the legislature, while the lower house consists of the All Thing, a forum accessible to all citizens through "implants" that connect humans to the "datumplane", one of the computerized realities resembling the World Wide Web. The executive branch consists of a chief executive officer elected by the Senate. At the time of the novel's events, Meina Gladstone serves as the Hegemony's chief executive officer. Despite the democratic tendencies of this parliamentary form of government, the Hegemony has at times taken actions viewed as tyrannous, using its small but elite military, known as FORCE, to invade the sea planet Maui Covenant, which had resisted integration into the Hegemony as a protectorate. Planets not incorporated into the Hegemony are nonetheless affected by it, and its ambassadors effectively administer some planetary governments. Still, some worlds, thought of as the "Outback", are sparsely settled. The planet Hyperion is viewed as part of the Outback, but is viewed with special regard due to the succession of strange events that have occurred on it since the formation of the Hegemony. These events include colonization efforts that have failed due to the menace of mysterious forces, correctly believed by many to have been the work of the Shrike.
Essex School of discourse analysis
Founding figures of this approach are Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, two post-Marxist political theorists, who, disillusioned with economic reductionism, tried, since the 1970s, to reinterpret Gramsci’s theory of hegemony to highlight the role of meaning and of processes of interpellation and identification in the creation of political identities and in the articulation and sedimentation of political discourses and hegemonic orders. The paradigmatic formulation of this innovative orientation and of its various conceptual innovations can be found in Laclau’s and Mouffe’s "Hegemony and Socialist Strategy", first published in 1985, as well as in many subsequent contributions of the two thinkers.
Gender policing
Sociologist, Raewyn Connell created the theory of hegemonic masculinity in order to explain the relationships between men and women and between the class of men within a patriarchal system. This theory is based on Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony –– conformity or subordination of one group which creates class-based domination. Connell’s theory explains the ways in which ideal or normalized masculine traits have the highest values in western society. These masculine attributes include wealth, control over resources, fertility, attractiveness, heterosexuality, physical strength, and emotional detachment. Demetrakis Z. Demetriou further divided hegemonic masculinity into two types: external and internal. External hegemonic masculinity refers to the subordination of women under men. Internal hegemonic masculinity is the spectrum of masculinity seen within men. This spectrum is defined by the amount of power and masculinity a man holds. The patriarchy needs hegemonic masculinity in order to maintain power. In order to keep this power, men must be policed and women must me dominated. Since the ideal form of masculinity is seen by patriarchal power, men that fit in this norm are seen as what a human should embody.
Hegemony and Socialist Strategy
Hegemony and Socialist Strategy is a 1985 work of political theory in the post-Marxist tradition by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. Developing several sharp divergences from the tenets of canonical Marxist thought, the authors begin by tracing historically varied discursive constitutions of class, political identity, and social self-understanding, and then tie these to the contemporary importance of hegemony as a destabilized analytic which avoids the traps of various procedures Mouffe and Laclau feel constitute a foundational flaw in Marxist thought: essentializations of class identity, the use of "a priori" interpretative paradigms with respect to history and contextualization, the privileging of the base/superstructure binary above other explicative models.
Hyperion (Simmons novel)
The Hegemony itself is a largely decadent society, relying on its military to incorporate into the WorldWeb the colony planets, even unwillingly, and to defend the Hegemony from attacks by the Ousters, "interstellar barbarians" who dwell free of and beyond the bounds of the Hegemony and shun all the works of the TechnoCore (especially farcasters). Ostensibly a direct democracy governed through the "All Thing" forum, the Hegemony is also managed by a chief executive officer advised by the TechnoCore advisory council and the Hegemony Senate.
Restraint (book)
The first half of the book addresses liberal hegemony. Liberal hegemony is defined as "an activist grand strategy that aims to assertively maintain U.S. dominance and the 'unipolar moment' in the service of liberalism and national security," Posen argues that liberal hegemony is the grand strategy that the United States has followed since the end of the Cold War and that it has been a failure, calling it "unnecessary, counterproductive, costly, and wasteful."
Hegemonic stability theory
Neoliberals argue that the hegemon wishes to maintain its dominant position without paying enforcement costs, so it creates a system in which it can credibly limit the returns to power (loser doesn't lose all) and credibly commit to neither dominate nor abandon them. This is done through institutions, which are sticky, (hard to change, more convenient to continue using than to revamp.) These institutions favor the hegemon, but provide protection and a stable world order for the rest of the world. The more open this world-order, the less likely that there will be a challenger.
With the decline of the hegemon, institutions don't automatically die, because they were constructed in a way that benefited all stakeholders; instead, they take on a life of their own (see regime theory).
Five Hegemons
During the Spring and Autumn era itself, the hegemony tended to apply to states; it was therefore possible to speak of the State of Jin and the State of Chu struggling for hegemony over the Zhou states. In historical accounts it instead became associated with individual rulers, namely the ones who first brought their respective states to a dominant position. During the Spring and Autumn period the reigns of each hegemon tended to correspond with the zenith of their state's power.
Hegemony
In the historical writing of the 19th century, the denotation of "hegemony" extended to describe the predominance of one country upon other countries; and, by extension, "hegemonism" denoted the Great Power politics (c. 1880s – 1914) for establishing hegemony (indirect imperial rule), that then leads to a definition of imperialism (direct foreign rule). In the early 20th century, in the field of international relations, the Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci developed the theory of cultural domination (an analysis of economic class) to include social class; hence, the philosophic and sociologic theory of cultural hegemony analysed the social norms that established the social structures (social and economic classes) with which the ruling class establish and exert cultural dominance to impose their "Weltanschauung" (world view)—justifying the social, political, and economic "status quo"—as natural, inevitable, and beneficial to every social class, rather than as artificial social constructs beneficial solely to the ruling class.
Hegemony Gold: Wars of Ancient Greece
Hegemony Gold: Wars of Ancient Greece is a real-time strategy game developed and published by Canadian studio Longbow Digital Arts Inc. It began as Hegemony: Philip of Macedon which revolved around the campaigns of Philip II of Macedon, father of Alexander the Great. It was originally released on Windows on 11 May 2010. It was updated as Hegemony Gold: Wars of Ancient Greece on 23 February 2011 which added scenarios set in the Peloponnesian War. The game features simultaneous real-time tactical battles and real-time strategic empire management, with a focus on the logistics and planning of military campaigns. It was followed by Hegemony Rome: The Rise of Caesar in 2014 and Hegemony III: Clash of the Ancients in 2015.
Hegemone
In Greek mythology, Hegemone (Ancient Greek: Ἡγεμόνη means "mastery" derived from "hegemon" "leader, ruler, queen") was a Greek goddess of plants, specifically making them bloom and bear fruit. According to Pausanias, Hegemone was a name given by the Athenians to one of the Graces. Auxo represented the spring, and Hegemone autumn.
Hegemonic masculinity
Early criticisms of the concept raised the question of who actually represents hegemonic masculinity. Many men who hold great social power do not embody an ideal masculinity. Martin criticizes the concept for leading to inconsistent applications sometimes referring to a fixed type and other times to whatever the dominant form is. Wetherell and Edley contend this concept fails to specify what conformity to hegemonic masculinity actually looks like in practice. Similarly Whitehead suggests there is confusion over who actually is a hegemonically masculine man. Inspired by Gramsci's differentiation between hegemony as a form of ideological consent and dominance as an expression of conflict Groes-Green has argued that when hegemonic masculinities are challenged in a society dominant masculinities are emerging based on bodily powers, such as violence and sexuality, rather than based on economic and social powers. Through examples from his fieldwork among youth in Maputo, Mozambique he shows that this change is related to social polarization, new class identities and the undermining of breadwinner roles and ideologies in a neoliberal economy.
Agonism
For Adorno, agonism is also about the "theodicy of conflict" where opponents "want to annihilate one another... to enter the agon, each the mortal enemy of each" (Minima Moralia). Adorno also sees agonism as the underlying principle in Hegel's dialectic of history where "dialectics (growth through conflict) is the ontology of the wrong state of things. The right state of things would be free of it: neither a system nor a contradiction" (Negative Dialectics). Colaguori reconstructs the concept of the agon to invoke this critical, destructive aspect as a way of extending Adorno's critique of modern domination and identify how the normalization and naturalization of conflict is used as an ideology to justify various forms of domination and subjugation. The agonistic ideology that has been appropriated by popular culture for example makes use of agonistic themes to celebrate competition as the wellspring of life in such a way as to normalize "a military definition of reality" (C. W. Mills).
Acheron (Dungeons &amp; Dragons)
The citadel of "Scourgehold" is the realm of Hextor, the god of tyranny and half-brother of Heironeous. Here Hextor presides over his legions as they train in "The Great Coliseum".
Counterhegemony
According to Theodore H. Cohn, "a counterhegemony is an alternative ethical view of society that poses a challenge to the dominant bourgeois-led view".
Hegemony or Survival
Views in the U.S. press were mixed. In a review for "The New York Times", former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Harvard scholar, and Pulitzer Prize winner Samantha Power described the book as a "raging and often meandering assault" on U.S. foreign policy. Believing that Chomsky divides the world into two camps, the oppressor and the oppressed, she asserts that in "Hegemony or Survival" he portrays the U.S. as "the prime oppressor, [who] can do no right", meanwhile overlooking the crimes of the oppressed. Arguing that he completely ignores the concept that the U.S. might undertake any foreign interventions with good intentions, she asserts that his book is not easy to read, and that his "glib and caustic tone" are distracting. Furthermore, she highlights problems with his use of end notes, particularly when some of these notes simply reference his earlier publications. Although disagreeing with his arguments, she believed that reading his book was "sobering and instructive", having value in illustrating how many non-Americans viewed the U.S. and highlighting many of the "structural defects" in U.S. foreign policy. Furthermore, recognizing that Chomsky's "critiques have come to influence and reflect mainstream opinion elsewhere in the world," she concedes that Chomksy's analysis has a coherence that, for many, resolves much of the post-9/11 confusion and disillusionment stemming from the Bush administration's standard response to the question, "Why do they hate us?". 
Carol Armbrust discussed Chomsky's book critically in "The Antioch Review", claiming that his writing style was "a monumental turnoff" and that only those who already agreed with Chomsky's political views would read the book. Claiming that his opinions constituted "conspiracy theories", she compared his arguments to adding "two and two" together and getting "minus six". Conversely, "Publishers Weekly" considered it "highly readable" and thought it both "cogent and provocative", representing a significant addition to the debate on U.S. foreign policy.
International regime
Some scholars emphasize the importance of a hegemon in creating a regime and giving it momentum. This is called the hegemonic stability theory. The United States, for example, has been instrumental in creating the Bretton Woods system, with organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. The rationale is that a hegemon, being the dominant actor in international politics and economics, often stands to gain the most from the creation of global standards. For instance, while other countries might benefit from it, U.S. companies like Microsoft, Universal Studios, and Pfizer would be among the greatest beneficiaries of a strict global intellectual property regime. As the hegemons use their power to create regimes, their withdrawal similarly can also threaten the effectiveness of regimes.
Hegemonic masculinity
The last stage of childhood, adolescence, marks the onset of puberty and the eventual beginning of adulthood. Hegemonic masculinity then positions some boys, and all girls, as subordinate or inferior to others. Bullying is another avenue in which young men assert their dominance over less "masculine" boys. In this bullying schema, adolescent boys are motivated to be at the top of the scale by engaging in more risk taking activities as well. Oftentimes bullying is motivated by social constructs and generalized ideas of what a young man should be. Gendered sexuality in adolescence refers to the role gender takes in the adolescent's life and how it is informed by and impacts others' perceptions of their sexuality. This can lead to gay bashing and other forms of discrimination if young men seem not to perform the appropriate masculinity.
Challengers of the Unknown
Later, on a world without superheroes, a blogger, a hip hop artist, an eco-terrorist, and two others discovers they'd been genetically enhanced and chip-programmed to be soldier-pawns by the Hegemony, a cabal of billionaires who secretly run that world. Made slaves on a Moon base, three Challengers blow up the base, escape to Earth, and declare war on the Hegemony until (like the obliquely mentioned earlier Challengers) their "borrowed time" runs out.
Hegemony
In 7th century India, Harsha, ruler of a large empire in northern India from AD 606 to 647, brought most of the north under his hegemony. He preferred not to rule as a central government, but left "conquered kings on their thrones and contenting himself with tribute and homage."
Mock language
When using mock language, the speaker is showing their 'cosmopolitanism' or global knowledge. One dominant language ideology is that English should be the only language spoken in the United States, establishing English as a hegemonic language. This hegemony creates a dominance of the hegemonic group over the ones that have not conformed. Mock language reinforces this, as it takes language and culture out of context to show the speaker's worldly knowledge, but does not celebrate or intellectually use the language. This ideology is actually maintaining the subordinate status of the other languages used as the language speakers in that community are expected to speak English and not in a mocking way.
Hard power
Hard power encompasses a wide range of coercive policies, such as coercive diplomacy, economic sanctions, military action, and the forming of military alliances for deterrence and mutual defense. Hard power can be used to establish or change a state of political hegemony or balance of power. Although the term "hard power" generally refers to diplomacy, it can also be used to describe forms of negotiation which involve pressure or threats as leverage.
Hegemony
Culturally, hegemony also is established by means of language, specifically the imposed "lingua franca" of the hegemon (leader state), which then is the official source of information for the people of the society of the sub-ordinate state. Writing on language and power, Andrea Mayr says, "As a practice of power, hegemony operates largely through language." In contemporary society, an example of the use of language in this way is in the way Western countries set up educational systems in African countries mediated by Western languages.
Hegemonic masculinity
The particular normative form of masculinity that is the most honoured way of being a man, which requires all other men to position themselves in relation to it, is known as hegemonic masculinity. Originally, hegemonic masculinity was understood as the pattern of practice that allowed men's dominance over women to continue. In Western society, the dominant form of masculinity or the cultural ideal of manhood was primarily reflective of white, heterosexual, largely middle-class males. The ideals of manhood espoused by the dominant masculinity suggested a number of characteristics that men are encouraged to internalize into their own personal codes and which form the basis for masculine scripts of behaviour. These characteristics include: violence and aggression, stoicism (emotional restraint), courage, toughness, physical strength, athleticism, risk-taking, adventure and thrill-seeking, competitiveness, and achievement and success. Hegemonic masculinity is not completely dominant, however, as it only exists in relation to non-hegemonic, subordinated forms of masculinity. The most salient example of this approach in contemporary European and American society is the dominance of heterosexual men and the subordination of homosexual men. This was manifested in political and cultural exclusion, legal violence, street violence, and economic discrimination. Gay masculinity was the most conspicuous subordinated masculinity during this period of time, but not the only one. Heterosexual men and boys with effeminate characteristics ran the risk of being scorned as well.
International relations
Robert Gilpin's Hegemonic stability theory also draws upon the idea of polarity, specifically the state of unipolarity. Hegemony is the preponderance of power at one pole in the international system, and the theory argues this is a stable configuration because of mutual gains by both the dominant power and others in the international system. This is contrary to many neorealist arguments, particularly made by Kenneth Waltz, stating that the end of the Cold War and the state of unipolarity is an unstable configuration that will inevitably change.
Polarity (international relations)
In “Command of the Commons: The Military Foundation of U.S. Hegemony,” Barry Posen focuses exclusively on U.S. military capabilities. A key to U.S. preeminence is “command of the commons—command of the sea, space, and air.” But command of the commons and the U.S. persistence in maintaining its near omnipresence raise important questions for U.S. strategy: “Even before the September 11 terrorist attacks, the foreign policy debate had narrowed to a dispute between primacy and selective engagement, between nationalist, unilateralist version of hegemony, and a liberal, multilateral version of hegemony.” U.S. command of the commons, Posen argues, provides a strong case for selective engagement. Posen believes that the Bush Doctrine was problematic because it not only created unease among U.S. allies, but also caused “others to ally against the United States.” Securing the commons through selective engagement is a superior strategy because it is cost effective, secures U.S. interests, and makes the nearly omnipresent U.S. military tolerable because it provides security guarantees to other nations.
Hegemony
From the Gramsci analysis derived the political science denotation of hegemony as "leadership"; thus, the historical example of Prussia as the militarily and culturally predominant province of the German Empire (Second Reich 1871–1918); and the personal and intellectual predominance of Napoleon Bonaparte upon the French Consulate (1799–1804). Contemporarily, in "Hegemony and Socialist Strategy" (1985), Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe defined hegemony as a political relationship of power wherein a sub-ordinate society (collectivity) perform social tasks that are culturally unnatural and not beneficial to them, but that are in exclusive benefit to the imperial interests of the hegemon, the superior, ordinate power; hegemony is a military, political, and economic relationship that occurs as an articulation within political discourse. Beyer analysed the contemporary hegemony of the United States at the example of the Global War on Terrorism and presented the mechanisms and processes of American exercise of power in 'hegemonic governance'.
Hegemony
In 2006, author Zhu Zhiqun claimed that China is already on the way to becoming the world hegemon and that the focus should be on how a peaceful transfer of power can be achieved between the US and China, but has faced opposition to this claim.
Cultural hegemony
In philosophy and in sociology, the term "cultural hegemony" has denotations and connotations derived from the Ancient Greek word "ἡγεμονία (hegemonia)" indicating leadership and rule. In politics, hegemony is the geopolitical method of indirect imperial dominance, with which the "hegemon" (leader state) rules subordinate states, by the threat of intervention, an implied means of power, rather than by direct military force, that is, invasion, occupation, and annexation.
Hegemonic stability theory
Secondly, a hegemon must have a large and growing economy. Usually, unrivaled supremacy in at least one leading economic or technological sector is necessary.
Global empire
The period of imperialism ended, but the new imperialism was quickly replaced, and the characteristics of the new global empire were imperialist states that no longer occupied the land as centuries. In the past, they have penetrated the global market, exploited and scrounged resources, seized the economy, manipulated the politics of small nations in the continent. Western imperialism is now hiding privately through transnational corporations. They use force when necessary when their rights are violated. So the concept of global imperialism is probably no longer accurate, but rather the concept of "global hegemony" or "hegemonic world."
Hegemony or Survival
Hegemony or Survival: America's Quest for Global Dominance is a study of the American empire written by the American linguist and political activist Noam Chomsky, a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. It was first published in the United States in November 2003 by Metropolitan Books and then in the United Kingdom by Penguin Books.
Dominance (ethology)
Dominance in ethology is an "individual's preferential access to resources over another". Dominance in the context of biology and anthropology is the state of having high social status relative to one or more other individuals, who react submissively to dominant individuals. This enables the dominant individual to obtain access to resources such as food or potential mates at the expense of the submissive individual, without active aggression. The absence or reduction of aggression means unnecessary energy expenditure and the risk of injury are reduced for both. The opposite of dominance is submissiveness.
Inverted totalitarianism
The superpower claims both democracy and global hegemony. Democracy and hegemony is coupled by means of managed democracy, where the elections are free and fair but the people lack the actual ability to change the policies, motives and goals of the state.
Posthegemony
The predictions of these individuals represent the fluidity of power over time, through the idea that, during the period where the US was unequivocally dominant, people could still see the inevitable future, of a change in power and authority, on the world stage.
Hegemonic masculinity
As a sociological concept, the nature of hegemonic masculinity derives from the theory of cultural hegemony, by Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci, which analyses the power relations among the social classes of a society. Hence, in the term "hegemonic masculinity", the adjective "hegemonic" refers to the cultural dynamics by means of which a social group claims, and sustains, a leading and dominant position in a social hierarchy; nonetheless, hegemonic masculinity embodies a form of social organization that has been sociologically challenged and changed.
American imperialism
Other political scientists, such as Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright, argue that neither term exclusively describes foreign relations of the United States. The U.S. can be, and has been, simultaneously an empire and a hegemonic power. They claim that the general trend in U.S. foreign relations has been away from imperial modes of control.