Rocky Mountain High Taxes
Halloween arrived early in Colorado this year as supporters of a pro-tax ballot initiative rolled out scare tactics to dramatize the allegedly dire consequences of a "no" vote at the polls this Tuesday. We hope Colorado voters look to see what's hiding behind the fright costumes.</br></br>Advocates of what amounts to a $4 billion tax hike have deluged the airwaves with threats that senior citizens will go without their lunches, schools and state parks will close, college tuitions will soar, and programs to prevent poisoning, air pollution, ski lift accidents and teenage suicide will shut down. One TV ad shows the popular mayor of Denver jumping out of a plane as a metaphor for the carnage that awaits Colorado should the tax hike fail. (Miraculously, he survived.)</br></br>At stake here is the fight over the future of the famous Colorado Taxpayer Bill of Rights law, or Tabor, as it is now commonly called. Tabor was approved by voters in 1992 to end the tax and spending cycle of the 1970s and 1980s. It restricts increases in the state budget to the rate of population growth plus inflation. Any tax revenue collections above that cap are returned to taxpayers.</br></br>Some $3.3 billion, well over $1,000 per taxpayer, was returned to Coloradans in just the first five years. But when the high-tech bubble popped in 2000 and 2001, Colorado was hit hard and general fund revenues fell by 15% in two years. Now Republican Governor Bill Owens has joined hands with unions and the business community to call for a five-year "time out" on Tabor so state agencies can replenish their budgets. Taxpayer groups worry that once the state is freed from Tabor's fiscal discipline, it will never be restored.</br></br>This battle of Tabor has gained national attention because the law has become a template for at least two dozen other states seeking to restrain their own stampeding taxes. Colorado is a worthy role model: The tax cap is one of the main reasons that economists cite for the state moving to 10 percentage points above the national average in personal-income growth in the period after Tabor, from five points below it in the years before Tabor.