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  , term usually applied to harm brought upon others through the use of supernatural or occult powers. The person engaging in witchcraft is called a cursing, hexing, bewitchment, or maleficium. A belief in malevolent witchcraft has been found across many societies throughout recorded history. Sometimes witches are believed to act alone and at other times to operate in tandem with other witches, often as part of a conspiracy opposed to the moral norms of their communities. While witches are often a product of imagination, folklore, and fiction rather than reality, in many cases there have been people who have tried to curse others and who in some instances might consider themselves to be witches.
  In many places those accused of witchcraft have been ostracized, punished, and sometimes killed. A prominent example of anti-witch persecutions were the witch trials that took place in Europe and the American colonies during the early modern period (the 15th to 17th centuries), at which time Christian Europeans commonly regarded witches not only as individuals who cursed others, but also as Satanists who gathered at witches’ sabbaths to worship the Devil. In the 21st century the persecution of accused witches can be found in various parts of the world, including much of sub-Saharan Africa, Papua New Guinea, and central India. These persecutions, often called witch hunts, may be fueled by communal tensions and other social problems.
  Over time, the terms witchcraft and witch have also gained alternative meanings among English language speakers. A second, far broader definition uses the term witchcraft to describe a varied range of ritual practices intended to manipulate occult, spiritual, or supernatural power regardless of intent. In this sense, witchcraft can be used to harm or to heal, allowing there to be both bad and good witches. A third use of the term witch describes a woman who is regarded as being antisocial, rebellious, or independent of male power, a usage that can be employed in either a misogynistic or a feminist manner.
  The fourth definition characterizes several modern religious groups, largely of 20th and 21st-century origin, whose practitioners actively refer to their traditions as witchcraft and themselves as witches. Typically, these practitioners draw heavily on the imagery and terminology historically associated with witchcraft in European cultures but invest it with new meanings. The largest of these new religions is Wicca, although the identity of the witch is also adopted by some modern Satanists and other esotericists.
  The term witchcraft originated in the Early Middle Ages as the Old English term wiccecraeft. Prior to the 19th century the common understanding of the terms witch and witchcraft among English speakers was a negative one. In this context a witch was someone who drew on supernatural or occult power to harm others, engaging in what was often referred to using the Latin term maleficium.
  Similar concepts were evident in many other parts of Europe, with terms roughly synonymous with the English word witchcraft including sorcellerie (French), Hexerei (German), stregoneria (Italian), and brujería (Spanish). As Europeans expanded across the globe from the 15th century onward, they encountered communities that also believed in individuals who harmed others through occult means. These communities often had their own names for this phenomenon, ranging from the Mapuche term kalkutun through to the Zande word mangu. In large part due to British colonialism and American cultural influence, at the start of the 21st century the English words witchcraft and witch are probably the best known terms for this phenomenon on an international level. However, given that these words carry considerable cultural baggage, it remains possible that future anthropologists might devise new terminologies for this cross-cultural belief in occult harming practices.
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  At its core, witchcraft is about harming others, although the nature of this harm varies, from making a person ill or even killing them to inducing crop failure, poor weather, infertility and impotence, or the death of livestock. Witches are thus malevolent figures. While it is important to acknowledge the significant cultural and historical variation in perceptions of harmful witchcraft, the recurring nature of these beliefs suggests an origin in human psychology, perhaps a shared desire to find a reason for misfortune.
  A common belief about witches is that they bring about their intended harm through the performance of ritual acts, in English typically termed spell-casting. Often this relies upon a belief in what the anthropologist James Frazer termed “sympathetic magic”—the notion that invisible connections exist between separate things sharing some particular commonality, and that performing an act with one of these objects will exert an impact on the other. A recurring idea throughout many parts of the world, including Polynesia, Melanesia, South Asia, Africa, and North America, is that witches can harm a person by gaining access to their nail clippings, hair, or bodily waste. Another idea, found in parts of Europe, is that a curse can be enacted by making a doll or effigy of a person, into which pins can then be inserted.
  Not all witches need to perform ritual acts in order to curse somebody, however. Especially common in West and Central Africa and Melanesia are various beliefs about witches who bring about harm simply through their thoughts or desires. A similar notion, particularly recurrent in North Africa and the Middle East, is that of the evil eye, the idea that an individual can curse another through the power of sight alone.
  Some communities have believed that individuals make a conscious choice to practice witchcraft, but elsewhere can be found the belief that certain people are simply born witches and may have little control over their actions. A traditional belief among the Bangwa of Cameroon, for instance, is that witches are born with an extra organ that compels them to drain other people’s blood. Similarly, an idea recorded among the Nyakyusa of Tanzania is that each witch inherits a python living within their stomach, which drives them to consume human flesh. This association with particular animals can also be seen in other contexts. Among the Zulu of South Africa, a traditional belief maintains that certain types of witches ride naked upon baboons, while in early modern England, a common notion held that witches were assisted by familiars, demonic entities that took animal form.
  The social identity of the stereotypical witch varies. In some areas, women are regarded as more likely to be witches; in others, that role goes to men, while elsewhere, neither sex is thought to be more prone to witchery than the other. Gender roles can also impact the way in which witchcraft is thought to be carried out. On Dobu, an island off the coast of New Guinea, 20th-century ethnographers recorded a belief that male witches performed their curses while awake, whereas their female counterparts ventured forth at night, in spirit form, to carry out their nefarious acts. There is also variation in the age of suspected witches. In some places, age does not appear to be a significant factor in the accusations, while there are many societies that have tended to believe that older people are more likely to be witches, as well as rarer examples where children are more typically suspected.
  Although witches are generally perceived as being human, in many societies they are credited with fantastic abilities not shared by most people. The idea that witches can fly was found not only in early modern Europe (a period covering the 15th to 17th centuries) but also in parts of North America, sub-Saharan Africa, South Asia, and Melanesia. In some cases they allegedly do so upon steeds; the aforementioned Nyakyusa for instance held to a belief that witches flew upon their pythons, while from early modern Europe there are accounts of witches riding upon broomsticks. In many places there are also accounts of witches being capable of transforming their shape. Inhabitants of Dang in Gujarat, India, for instance held to a belief that witches could take the form of tigers, while a witch who appears in the Metamorphoses, a 2nd-century novel by the Roman author Apuleius, can turn herself into a bird.
  Witches are sometimes believed to act alone, but in other cases they are instead thought to operate in tandem with others, often as part of a secret society. The Kongo people of Central Africa are among those who traditionally believe that witches meet together to perform their nefarious acts, while from the Hopi of the American Southwest has been recorded the notion that witches all over the world form an international network and share a common language. In many cases this society of witches is regarded as being fundamentally anti-social and opposed to the moral norms of their communities. For this reason, witches are often thought to gather at night, when most people are asleep, and to engage in acts generally regarded as being socially taboo, such as nudity, cannibalism, and incest.
  While witches are often deemed to act against the good of the community, there are other instances where a person may engage in cursing for socially sanctioned reasons. This is for instance the case in the Trobriand Islands of Papua New Guinea, where there are accounts of chiefs ordering ritual specialists to curse individuals who have broken certain laws or customs. There are also many contexts around the world in which a ritual specialist may engage in cursing for a paying client, and these ritualists may simultaneously also offer services for healing, divination, or to counter the curses of others. The distinction between the malevolent witch and other types of ritual specialist is not always clear-cut.
  As part of the worldview of many different communities, witches have often been incorporated into folk tales and legends. Internationally the best-known of these are probably the witches that feature in German tales such as “Hansel and Gretel” that were recorded and published by the Brothers Grimm in the early 19th century. The notion of malevolent witchery has also entered popular culture, with witches of this kind appearing in various influential works of fiction, ranging from literature such as William Shakespeare’s Macbeth (c. 1606) and Roald Dahl’s The Witches (1983) through to films like Suspiria (1977) and The Blair Witch Project (1999).
  The ways that communities counter witchcraft and deal with suspected witches can vary widely. Sometimes, witchcraft has been seen as a minor problem that can largely be deflected with the use of amulets or other simple apotropaic procedures. If a person believes they have been cursed, they might turn to a ritual specialist who offers procedures to reverse the bewitchment and sometimes to identify the witch responsible, often through divination. In some cases the accused witch might then be confronted and expected to either lift the curse or pay compensation. Such situations need not escalate into violence.
  At other times witchcraft has been seen as a major threat that requires a severe response. In many places methods for ascertaining whether or not a person is a witch can be highly dangerous for the accused. In parts of early modern Europe, accused witches were submerged under water, in the belief that the innocent might sink but that the guilty would float. In 19th and early 20th-century Central Africa, a common method for determining if a person was a witch would be to feed them poison; if they lived, they were considered innocent, while their death would be taken as a sign of their guilt. There are many cases across the world where confessions have also been extracted through the use of torture. The 19th-century residents of Dang repeatedly sought to elicit confessions by suspending the accused witch upside down over a fire, a process that sometimes proved fatal. Prior to the early 20th century, meanwhile, the Navajo of the American Southwest tied accused witches up and left them to starve until they confessed.
  Punishments for accused witches have also varied, from expulsion from the community through to execution. When the death penalty has been sought, often a particular method was favored; in the 19th and early 20th centuries, for instance, the Bakweri, or Kwe, people of Cameroon had particular trees from which they hanged their witches. Sometimes the accused witch’s body has had to be dealt with in a specific way. Early 20th-century records among the Indigenous communities of Greenland for instance describe an executed witch being cut into pieces to prevent them from haunting the living. In some places the number of accusations and executions has risen dramatically, often (although not always) amid periods of economic, political, or social stress. In the tumult of the Indian Rebellion of 1857, for instance, a steady rise in witch-hunting was reported among various communities of northern India. However, by far the best-known period of prolonged witch-hunting was that which occurred among European communities, both in Europe itself and in the Americas, during the 16th and 17th centuries.
  Satanic witchcraft and the early modern witch trials
  A belief in malevolent witchery has long been found in Europe. In and around Rome during the 2nd century bce, for instance, magistrates oversaw a period of witch-hunting that claimed several thousand lives. Christianization did not eradicate these beliefs, for sporadic persecutions of individuals accused of cursing others can be found in various Christian communities throughout the Middle Ages. However, it was only in the subsequent early modern period that Europeans increasingly conflated witchcraft with Satanism, the worship of the Devil, and engaged in the extensive criminal prosecution for witchcraft, thus generating later references to a “great witch hunt” or “witch craze.”
  The notion that witches were not merely practitioners of maleficium but were also Devil worshipers emerged during the early 15th century. It was first apparent in trials that took place in the western Alps during the 1420s and ’30s but owed much to the influence of older ideas popularized in the preceding late medieval period. One such influence was the Roman Catholic allegation that rival Christian groups like the Waldensians, whom the church deemed heretical, had actively worshiped the Devil. Church propaganda had furthermore claimed that these groups often engaged in secret rituals involving nudity, incest, and cannibalism—acts that in the early 15th century were transferred to the new stereotype of the Satanic witch.
  Another late medieval influence on this novel idea was the negative perception of ceremonial magic. The growing popularity of grimoire-based rituals among literate elites had increasingly worrying clerical authorities from the 13th century, particularly as some of these rites—which clerics labeled necromancy—relied on conjuring demons. Late medieval clerics increasingly believed that ceremonial magic always required a demonic pact and further conflated these elite rituals with the spells and charms widely practiced across all sectors of society. In turn, this contributed to the clerical perception that even simple acts of cursing required a demonic pact. A third influence on the new notion of Satanic witchcraft came from folklore, namely the long-standing belief that certain women traveled at night to a nocturnal revel with supernatural beings. This idea fed into the developing stereotype of the witches’ sabbath, the nighttime assembly where witches met to worship the Devil and take part in diabolic rituals.
  From their origins in the Alpine region, these new ideas about Satanic witchcraft were probably disseminated through the Council of Basel (1431–49) and further promoted through 15th-century publications like Johannes Nider’s Formicarius (“The Anthill,” 1457) and Heinrich Krämer’s Malleus maleficarum (“The Hammer of Witches,” 1486). Texts such as these helped to spread notions of witchcraft as a Satanic conspiracy across Europe’s literate classes, although not everyone was convinced, and from at least the mid-16th century these theories faced published critiques from the likes of Dutch physician Johann Weyer and English author Reginald Scot. Moreover, while these diabolist ideas became influential among elite classes, they were not always widely adopted among poorer sectors of society—and it was from the latter that the impetus for witch trials often arose. In various parts of Europe, such as England, Denmark, Norway, and Russia, the early modern trials reflected a continued emphasis on witches not as Devil worshipers but simply as malefactors who cursed others.
  Another important contributing factor to the early modern witch trials were changes in European legal systems. In many countries there had been a shift from the accusatorial procedure, whereby a private person initiated a prosecution against someone they felt had wronged them, to the inquisitorial procedure, as part of which the officers of the court were tasked with investigating a purported crime themselves. As the inquisitorial procedure typically required either two witness statements or a confession to prove guilt in the case of serious crimes, it led to the introduction of torture as a means of extracting confessions. Torture meant that accused persons were liable to admit to things they had not done, including to fantastical events such as flying to the sabbath. It also meant that the accused were more likely to name others as accomplices, contributing to the spread of witch hunts.
  The nature and number of trials varied widely across early modern Christendom, both chronologically and regionally. Most affected was an area of west-central Europe encompassingSwitzerland, several French principalities, and German-speaking parts of the Holy Roman Empire, and it was here that the largest witch hunts took place. Overall, historians now believe that the number of people prosecuted for witchcraft in this period approached 100,000, of whom somewhere between 40,000 and 60,000 were executed; many of the others faced banishment, imprisonment, or corporal punishment. The actual method of execution varied. In much of continental Europe and in Scotland, the common practice was to burn accused witches at the stake, although they were often strangled or garroted first. Conversely, in England and in the English colonies in North America, the standard method of execution was hanging.
  There was some regional variation in the sex of those typically accused and executed. In regions such as Iceland, Estonia, and Russia, most of those accused were men, while in Finland the numbers of men and women accused were roughly even. However, across Christendom as a whole, the clear majority of accused witches were female, with women representing more than 75 percent of the accused in most regions of early modern Europe. Of these, a particularly high proportion were older people. Various factors likely contributed to the disproportionate targeting of women, including ingrained cultural stereotypes going back to classical sources, the misogynistic content of texts like the Malleus maleficarum, and the fact that female social roles, like those of the cook, healer, and midwife, placed them at greater risk of being accused of maleficium.
  Modern historians are unanimous in the view that there was no organized religion of Satanic witchcraft active among early modern Europeans. It is thus generally assumed that the majority of those accused of being witches were innocent. At the same time, some individuals living in early modern communities probably did engage in cursing, and given the pervasive belief in the reality of Satan it is possible that some of them regarded themselves as being in league with the Devil. Moreover, it is apparent that some of those accused were involved in ritual, religious, or folk traditions that their accusers misinterpreted as Satanic witchery, as was the case with the benandanti, practitioners of a visionary tradition active in Friuli, Italy.
  Witch trials declined in the late 17th and 18th centuries. New rules for judicial procedure had gradually insisted on more demanding standards of evidence and displayed a growing concern at the widespread use of torture. The number of acquittals for witchcraft grew, and courts became increasingly reluctant to initiate prosecutions. Higher judicial authorities repeatedly stepped in to stop regional witch hunts that they felt had gotten out of control. Growing elite skepticism of the trials would eventually be joined by growing skepticism regarding the very existence of witchcraft itself. Over the course of the 18th and 19th centuries, various European states modified or repealed laws that criminalized witchcraft, largely ending the period of legal prosecutions. Although the witch trials were over, a fear of malevolent witchery persevered in many communities. In various places accusations and rare attacks on accused witches continued into the 20th century.
  In the 19th and early 20th centuries, learned speculation about the early modern witch trials produced a range of interpretations. While the dominant view was that the trials had arisen from social delusions exploited by clerical elites to cement their power, other writers argued that there had been a real conspiracy of Satanic witches or that the trials had been an attempt to extinguish a surviving pre-Christian religion devoted to a horned god. These views would largely be dismissed amid the intensification of academic research on the topic from the 1960s onward.
  The early modern trials have inspired a substantial body of literature, theater, television, and film. This material has spanned various genres, from horror (e.g. Witchfinder General , The Witch ) through to comedy (e.g. I Married a Witch , Hocus Pocus ). Most of this material is American, resulting in a disproportionate focus on the trials that took place in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692–93, which were otherwise a comparatively small and late manifestation of the early modern witch hunts. Probably the best-known portrayal of the Salem trials is Arthur Miller’s 1953 play The Crucible, since adapted twice for the cinema. The Crucible was an allegoricalcritique of U.S. Sen. Joseph McCarthy’s attempts to identify alleged communists throughout American society, and the play has thus contributed to the popularization of the term witch hunt to describe the persecution of people not for crimes they have committed but rather for their beliefs or for things that they are wrongly accused of having done.
  Although the persecution of accused witches has largely subsided in much of the world, there are several regions where anti-witch violence remains widespread. The largest of these is sub-Saharan Africa, where witchcraft has long formed part of many traditional worldviews. Although European colonial authorities largely tried to suppress witch-hunting during the 19th and early 20th centuries, various African anti-colonial groups responded by incorporated witch-hunting into their repertoires, and since the end of colonial rule witch-hunting has experienced a resurgence in many African societies.
  Sometimes, as in the cases of Malawi and Cameroon, laws have been passed relegalizing the trial of accused witches. Elsewhere, anti-witch persecutions and sometimes killings have occurred outside legal frameworks. Despite its background in traditional ideas, modern African witch-hunting has also been influenced by new developments and social problems, among them urbanization, poverty, and the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Another contributing factor has been the rapid spread of Pentecostalism, a form of ProtestantChristianity that typically emphasizes the Devil’s presence on Earth. In many parts of Africa Pentecostal preachers have played a prominent role in seeking out and combating witches, an activity that can be motivated not just by genuine belief but also by the financial and reputational rewards it can bring.
  Among these new developments, especially in Central and West Africa, has been the spreading notion that children can be witches, something rarely seen on the continent in earlier periods. Although some African governments, such as that of Nigeria’s Akwa Ibom state, have passed laws banning the accusation of children, the situation persists and has contributed to widespread child abandonment and homelessness—by the early decades of the 21st century, several thousand accused child witches were living on the streets of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo, for instance.
  Witch-hunting also remains widespread among Adivasi, or Indigenous, communities in central India, with the issue predominating in the states of Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Odisha, and West Bengal. Here, the accused are overwhelmingly women and often subjected to torture before being killed or forced to flee. India’s National Crime Records Bureau recorded 2,468 murders stemming from witchcraft accusations between 2001 and 2016, a number that likely fails to account for every incident and which does not include examples where accused witches survived their ordeal. Although these persecutions are illegal and various Indian states have passed laws targeting the practice, it continues to endure.
  Papua New Guinea is a third region where violence against accused witches is still a serious issue. As in much of Africa and India, the fear of witchcraft has been a long-standing component of the traditional worldviews of many Melanesian peoples, but has been exacerbated by new diseases, growing economic inequality, and the spread of Pentecostalism. In comparison to precolonial periods, in which accused witches were often dealt with privately within their own kin groups, in the postcolonial era it has become increasingly common for the accused to be tortured and killed in a public setting. Again as in many other parts of the world, the majority of those accused are women, with estimates generally putting the annual number of anti-witch persecutions in the hundreds if not thousands. Legal reforms introduced in the 2010s have sought to combat these persecutions, but enforcement remains difficult.
  Although a belief in the literal power of malevolent witchery is now marginal among Europeans and European-descended communities, these societies have also seen worries about witchcraft persevere in secularized form. Early modern fears about a cabal of secretive Devil-worshipers resurfaced in the Satanic ritual abuse hysteria of the 1980s and early 1990s, and again in the QAnonconspiracy theory of the late 2010s and 2020s. In these instances concerns about cursing have largely dissipated but have been replaced by a belief that Satanists are meeting for secretive rituals involving the abuse of children. In some cases innocent people have been subjected to legal prosecution, most notably in the McMartin Preschool Trial of 1987–90, while in other cases they have faced ostracism, threats, and violence.
  Witchcraft as a morally neutral term
  Many English language words have seen their meanings shift over time—something that is certainly true of witchcraft and witch. A second, far broader understanding of the term witch has come to encompass a varied range of people thought to manipulate supernatural or occult forces regardless of their intentions in doing so. Under this definition, witchcraft can be used not only to describe someone using these powers to curse another, but also for those manipulating such forces to provide healing, to engage in divination, or to lift the curses of others. In this sense, witchcraft is not always malevolent but can be for benevolent reasons too; thus, there can be good witches as well as bad ones.
  The broadening of the word witch derives ultimately from Christian polemical literature. In medieval and early modern Europe, many Christians engaged in ritual actions, whether for healing, for creating amulets, or for locating lost property, that were outside the remit of the church authorities. Those engaged in such practices often believed that the supernatural forces they were invoking came from Christian theology; many recorded charms invoke the power of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the saints, for example. There were other Christians, including among the literate elites, who nevertheless took a more critical view of such practices, viewing them not as real “religion” and instead dismissing them as “magic” or “superstition.” They were concerned that many of these practices relied on the power of demons and thus were damning otherwise professed Christians to an afterlife in Hell.
  It was in this context that certain polemicists began using the pejoratively loaded term witch, normally used for malefactors, in a much broader sense for anyone engaged in supernaturally oriented rituals outside of a church-sanctioned context. In his 1584 book The Discoverie of Witchcraft, for instance, the English Protestant writer Reginald Scot used the term witch to describe all those who claimed to “worke miracles supernaturallie [sic].” This encompassed those individuals who offered various ritual services in a professional or semi-professional manner and who were commonly called cunning folk in English. By the 17th century some polemicists were referring to the cunning folk as white witches, and it was from these polemical writings that this latter term was later adopted by 19th-century folklorists. It seems to be through this body of literature that the term white witch ultimately filtered into general usage among English speakers, popularizing the idea that witches could be either good or bad.
  While vernacular ritual specialists in Christian Europe were being called white witches, roughly comparable figures in other societies, especially those of Africa, were increasingly labeled witch-doctors. The term was popularized by the 19th-century British explorer Mary Kingsley, who used it to denote ritual specialists devoted to countering harmful witchcraft. Although the term witch-doctor was widespread in much 19th and 20th-century writing, it has increasingly been abandoned by anthropologists and other scholars as a problematic relic of the European colonial worldview.
  The morally neutral use of the word witch has gained particular traction in fiction. An early and prominent example was L. Frank Baum’s 1900 novel The Wonderful Wizard of Oz and its 1939 film adaptation, in which the imagined Land of Oz is home to both good witches and bad witches. In the late 20th and early 21st centuries, morally benevolent witches have become widespread in fantasy fiction, as in Terry Pratchett’s Discworld books, Jill Murphy’s The Worst Witch, or J.K. Rowling’s Harry Potter series. The increasing popularization of the idea that witches can be good in turn contributed to growing numbers of people who actively considered themselves to be witches.
  Witches as women
  In European cultures witches have most commonly been stereotyped as being women, something reflected in the fact that the majority of those executed during the early modern witch trials were female. As a result, by the 20th century the term witch was sometimes used in a pejorative way to describe a woman seen as unpleasant or antisocial. It could also be used against a woman moving into areas of society traditionally dominated by men. Critics of various prominent female politicians active in Anglophone societies, such as Margaret Thatcher or Hillary Clinton, have referred to them as witches as a means of demeaning them. Given that this use of the term witch is used only against women and not against men, it can be argued that it is ultimately misogynistic in intent.
  Elsewhere in Anglophone societies, the identity of the witch has also been adopted by some feminist women. In this context embracing the term is a form of reappropriation and is often accompanied by expressions of sympathy with the women accused of being witches during the early modern witch trials. Sympathetic accounts of those historically persecuted as witches for instance appear in the work of American first-wave feministMatilda Joslyn Gage. Later, during the second wave of feminism, various feminist activists began to call themselves witches, especially in the United States. The most prominent example was a group that called itself WITCH, formed in New York in 1968. Their name was initially intended as an acronym for the Women’s International Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell, although the meanings of the acronym would be changed in accordance with whatever campaign the group was then engaging in. Chapters of the WITCH group would be reestablished in parts of the United States in 2015, reflecting a renewed feminist interest in witchcraft amid the emergence of fourth-wave feminism.
  Modern religious witchcraft
  From at least the early 20th century various individuals living in Europe and European-descended communities elsewhere have referred to themselves as witches and their religious practices as witchcraft. In embracing the identity of the witch, these people have adopted a counter-cultural stance to differentiate themselves from the Christian-dominated societies in which they typically reside. The embrace of the witch as a self-identity was probably facilitated by the spread of the secondary definition of witchcraft, that of it being a morally neutral practice, which was seen particularly in literature. At the same time, the emergence of modern religious witchcraft was only possible due to the dramatically declining belief in malevolent witchery within most Anglophone Western societies. With fewer and fewer people believing that curses really worked, it became less and less likely that those calling themselves witches would face criminal prosecution or violent persecution from their neighbors.
  The largest and most prominent of the contemporary religious witchcraft traditions is Wicca, a modern Pagan religion that first came to public awareness in 1950s Britain. Early Wiccans typically believed that theirs was an ancient pre-Christian religion that had survived into the 20th century, a notion later refuted by historical scholarship. Many Wiccans now recognize that theirs is a new religion devised largely by British esotericists in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Wiccan beliefs and practices nevertheless draw heavily on the rhetoric and imagery of early modern witchcraft, and its practitioners typically consider themselves witches. Wiccan groups are called covens, engage in spell-casting, and celebrate seasonal festivities they call Sabbats. A Paganized version of the Devil appears in the form of the horned god, often part of a duotheistic theology alongside a goddess. The number of Wiccans is now in the low hundreds of thousands, with a large proportion practicing the religion solitarily rather than in a group setting.
  Several other religious groups also adopted the identity of the witch. LaVeyan Satanism for instance emerged in 1960s California, established by Anton LaVey, who referred to his male followers as warlocks and their female counterparts as witches. His was formally an atheistic tradition, regarding Satan as a symbol for humanity’s animal nature. Like Wiccans, LaVeyan Satanists similarly engage in spell-casting within ceremonial frameworks. By the 1990s there were also a growing number of esotericists, some organized into small groups, calling themselves traditional witches. They often emphasized an aesthetic drawing on rural European folklore and developed new approaches to the iconography of early modern witchcraft beliefs, for instance espousing the idea that the witches’ sabbath existed on an astral plane that could be visited in a dream state.
  Growing teenage involvement in modern religious witchcraft was also evident by the 1990s, largely influenced by Wicca and fueled by American television shows like Buffy the Vampire Slayer (1997–2003) and Charmed (1998–2006). These productions typically presented witches not as old crones but as young women balancing their witchcraft with everyday life in more-or-less real-world, contemporary settings. Renewed teenage interest in modern religious witchcraft was further encouraged by social media beginning in the mid-2010s, most famously through the “WitchTok” hashtag on video hosting service TikTok.
  The identity of the witch has also been adopted by some individuals practicing African diasporic traditions, those religions resulting from the forced transportation of West and Central Africans to the Americas. For several centuries, European observers have labeled these traditions with pejorative terms like witchcraft, magic, and superstition. In turn, by at least the late 20th century, some practitioners of these traditions had reappropriated the identity of the witch, especially through its Spanish synonym bruja. This can be seen among certain spirit mediums practicing Espiritismo in Puerto Rico, as well as among initiates of Palo, a Cuban religion influenced heavily by Kongo traditional practices. In the case of Palo, certain practitioners command the spirits of the dead to attack others, bringing such a practice within the traditional definition of malevolent witchcraft. By the mid-2010s, embrace of the term witch was also increasingly evident among practitioners of Hoodoo or Conjure, the traditional African-American healing and hexing system. This reflects the ongoing popularization of the term witch and its ever-growing conceptual expansion to include more and more practices within its remit.