In coercion studies, it is common to analyse different types of perceived coercion, based on whether the source was external or internal. External coercion is used to motivate the patient to comply with SUD treatment by enforcing alternative consequences, such as a loss of employment or a loss of parental custody. Within the family setting, the consequences of refusing treatment may be broken relationships or the withdrawal of financial or emotional support by family members . An example of an informal type of coercion used to compel a patient to enter treatment is exemplified by the Johnson Intervention. This intervention is a therapeutic technique where the patient’s family or a social group confronts the patient with the consequences of continuous drinking or drug use . This approach is considered coercive, because the family members and friends set forth the consequences of continued drug use, namely certain losses that the individual will face, and these are contrasted with the outcome of SUD treatment. In the present study, both the IA and the VA groups perceived coercion from external sources. The most prominent of the external pressures seemed to arise from family and health-related issues, indicated by the higher scores on these subscales than on the financial and work subscales. The relatively low focus on financial and work issues might be related to the fact that Norwegian health and social welfare systems guarantee at least some level of welfare benefits to patients with SUD conditions. Compared to Klag’s study cohort of Australian patients in residential treatment within a therapeutic community setting, both our patient groups experienced a lesser degree of coercion (Australian vs. IA/VA: Family subscale 18.0 vs. 15.5/15.0; Finance subscale 14.28 vs. 12.8/13.8; and Work subscale 12.37 vs. 9.2/10.1) .