Next, according to our second hypothesis, simulating participants did report more correct crime-related information than those who were not interviewed in the first place (i.e., controls) on the free recall test – although no significant differences were found on the accuracy rates between both groups, in which distortion and commissions errors were taken into account. Note that this prediction is particularly important since, based on the absence of significant differences between feigners and controls on the final recall tests, “lack of rehearsal” has been pointed out as the best explanation for the memory-undermining effect of feigning amnesia (e.g., Christianson and Bylin, 1999; van Oorsouw and Merckelbach, 2004). On the one hand, our findings might be related to the crime stimulus that was used (i.e., mock crime video). Indeed, a considerable body of research has demonstrated that visual stimuli are typically remembered better than verbal material (Nelson et al., 1976; Paivio, 1976, 1986; Weldon et al., 1989; Mintzer and Snodgrass, 1999). Hence, the use of a video could have led to a more solid memory trace for the mock crime information. Relatedly, on the other hand, perhaps simulators might have processed crime-related information more elaborately than controls – who did not receive any instructions after the mock crime viewing – in order to come up with a personal simulated version of the offense. In fact, although one could expect that feigning amnesia mainly leads to omitting information, previous studies suggested that when participants were asked to recall a mock crime in such a way they had great difficulties in remembering what happened, they were even likely to provide an alternative self-generated story (e.g., van Oorsouw and Merckelbach, 2004, 2006; van Oorsouw and Giesbrecht, 2008). Indeed, van Oorsouw and Merckelbach (2006) found that one-third of their entire sample used an alternative story in an attempt to feign amnesia. Yet, this result appears to be in line with the idea that by enhancing an active elaboration of information during memory encoding (McWilliams et al., 2014), being tested in itself could promote correct recollection (Chan, 2010; Fazio et al., 2010). However, even though feigners were more accurate than controls, no significant differences were found between groups on the number of correct responses provided during the cued recall test. This may suggest that individuals who did not receive any instruction during the first memory phase might find it easier to report correct information when prompted by open-ended cued recall questions rather than through a free recollection (Craik and McDowd, 1987; Padilla-Walker and Poole, 2002).