During the 3 years in which government policies were actively implemented (2009 - 2012), domestic violence decreased 7.8%, language proficiency improved 20.1%, and the rate of poverty decreased 17.8%. In other words, objective indicators of the quality of life of these women definitely show improvement and advancement with higher satisfaction rates. Social discrimination increased 4.9% between the three years. Work places were where female immigrants felt most discriminated against, followed by restaurants, banks, streets, neighborhoods, public institutions, and schools. There was also a 4.6% increase of marriage immigrants who said they felt lonelier. While in 2009 9.6% of these people felt lonely, in 2012, the rate increased to 14.2%. Social networking decreased as well. The percentage of marriage migrants who said they “don’t have a person to talk to when they are having a hard time” increased by 6.2%, from 15.5% in 2009 to 21.7% in 2012. Also, the percentage of migrants who have never participated in a local neighborhood meeting (which is very frequent in South Korea) increased by 14.5%, from 72.2% in 2009 to 86.7% in 2012. Despite increased Korean language proficiency, and an increased employment rate, social interaction decreased during the three years. Throughout Korean history, the degree of exclusionism against other ethnicities was summarized in the maxim “one blood, one nation.” ”The notion of an ethnically homogeneous and a racially distinctive unitary nation was developed and purposefully spread as Korea faced imperialist encroachments, in particular, in the early 20th century by the Japanese empire.” Even after the colonization, the notion was used politically by Korean President Park Chung-Hee to provoke and enable rapid economic development through strong social cohesion among people. However, national jingoism often allowed ethnic Koreans to become antagonistic to foreign immigrants. Such exclusionism is “often experienced by foreign-born Koreans, who report that they are mistreated or undertreated because of their accent or lack of Korean language proficiency.” Sung argues that previous research has been biased in that it has been interested in and focused on studying difficulties in adjustment within a narrow scope, and with an increase of language proficiency and longer years of living in Korea, “migrant wives realize the gap between these expectations and their actual living conditions,” further leading to their disappointment and lowered expectations of life. Choi agrees, saying, “as for migrant wives in Korea, studies have documented that [those with a] higher level of education were more likely to perceive discrimination, resulting in a lower quality of life.”