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Posted 17 August 2015 - 04:37 PM
Fake admissions racket: 3 Delhi Law colleges exposed
A fake admission racket operating in some law colleges of Delhi has been busted.
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Hardik Patel's quota battle is only an excuse, a stick to beat Narendra Modi with................
by Rahul Roushan Aug 29, 2015
A 22-year-old guy named Hardik Patel hogged headlines in the mainstream media and trended on social media on Tuesday (25 August). He addressed a rally that was reportedly attended by over 4 lakh Patels – who wanted to be declared "backward".
This guy is demanding that Patels – who are traditionally considered socially and politically ahead of other castes in Gujarat – should be included in the list of OBCs and given the benefits of the reservation policy.
The demand sounds like trolling, but since it is taking place in the offline world, it’s some serious business. And when it comes to reservations, it’s always serious business in India.
Reservations are about politics and are about society.
Let’s first talk about the politics.
Hardik is from Gujarat, the home state of Narendra Modi. And Modi alone defines entire politics for various groups – his admirers and haters included – in India.
Modi has always been a fascist dictator for his haters and thus he is someone who is supposed to impose another Emergency in India. You must have heard "undeclared emergency" thousands of times ever since Modi became the prime minister.
Modi’s haters are waiting for Emergency just like Modi’s fans are waiting for Achchhe Din.
And both these groups will latch on to anything that gives them a hope that their respective dreams – Emergency or Achchhe Din – are being realised.
Emergency was preceded by a student movement called "Nav Nirman" in Gujarat. People were out in the streets protesting against the government of that time, and protests would often turn violent.
Hardik, who looks like a student unlike the FTII guys, has been able to repeat those scenes in Gujarat today. He gives Modi’s haters a hope that history will repeat itself, and their dream of Emergency returning would be realised.
This is the reason his demand of putting Patels in the list of OBCs — however illogical or unfair — will get support from Modi’s opponents. The Surat unit of Aam Aadmi Party had already supported him. Nitish Kumar has also supported him last Tuesday.
All the nuances that were visible and audible prominently when Jats demanded reservations or when Gujjars went full Rambo on railway tracks will be missing when discussing Patel’s agitation, because this is something that is supposed to weaken Modi’s fort at his home. Nothing else matters.
Obviously, there are other factors like domestic politics of Gujarat, but Modi factor is largely the politics around Hardik Patel becoming a trending figure today. The reservation issue is just incidental here. He could have as well taken out a rally demanding ice-cream, or something like Lokpal, and he’d still have trended and hailed as the next big thing if the crowds were as massive.
But when it comes to the society, the reservation issue is not incidental.
Disregarding whatever is the politics behind Hardik Patel’s rise, it is interesting to see the kind of arguments he had put forward while demanding reservation benefits for his community.
This argument, not put forward by anyone for the first time, is supposed to have drawn a resonance with many, with many local newspapers publishing reports on similar lines.
What is interesting that this argument has often been put forward by those who oppose caste based reservations, not by someone who is demanding the same.
In yesteryears, demands of reservations, till the Mandal era, were based on how one’s community was oppressed and the others — mostly the Brahmins — were the oppressors. That was the only injustice claimed and thus "social justice" was demanded.
But Hardik Patel has come up with the "post-Mandal injustice", which is measured by the admission cutoff marks.
This post-Mandal injustice comes up each time IIT cutoffs, DU cutoffs, or any other competitive exam results are announced. Invariably there are jokes on reservations — not all of which make me comfortable — and there are demands to remove caste based reservations.
So how can the very definition of injustice, which is considered to be the biggest argument against the caste based reservations, be the basis for demanding the same?
The tragedy is that due to the Modi factor, this issue will be glossed over, and only the politics will be discussed.
It is important to understand that this sentiment of post-Mandal injustice.
The fact that Hardik Patel has been able to organise such a big crowd, which only likes of Modi could manage in Gujarat earlier, shows that this feeling of injustice is real.
This is because the socio-political landscape of urban India has rapidly changed since the Mandal days. OBCs are not really "backward" as they were. Nor do they lack the self-esteem and confidence.
This self-esteem and confidence was gained as they got political power and clout. Today a person with "Yadav" surname has no reason to feel diffident. We have actors, cricketers, and entrepreneurs (no jokes on Rahul Yadav please, he's really a smart guy!) with that surname and they represent "merit".
And this is not only about top cities or only about Yadavs. Even in tier-II cities or in some rural pockets, the OBCs are catching up. They are doing almost the same things that "forward castes" are doing.
There is also this trickle down effect. The probability of a taxi driver or watchman in Mumbai being a Mishra is as good as him being a Yadav. And when this Mishra and Yadav go back to their villages, the boundaries increasingly blur.
That is why, for a 21-year-old brought up in urban India (no, I’m not hinting at Hardik Patel; I don’t know his socio-economic background), caste based reservations sound unfair and the post-Mandal injustice sounds very real.
The pro-reservation lobby often drowns out the anti-reservation lobby by branding them casteist and rejecting this feeling of post-Mandal injustice. But the young urban Indian is not really casteist. They earnestly believe that caste based injustices are a thing of the past and thus they oppose caste based reservations.
Yes, some of them are blind to some privileges they have due to being born in some particular castes, but that doesn’t render them casteist per se.
The way I see it, the real takeaway from Hardik Patel’s rise is not the politics around it, but that the next round of caste politics could come not from the old "Brahminical injustice" plank, but the "post-Mandal injustice" feeling.
This could either lead to more reservations (as Hardik Patel is demanding) or abolition of caste based reservations (as the anti-reservation lobby demands).
Many ask me what merits I find in caste based reservations. Almost nine years ago, I had written this blog post, which kinda explains why I am not in favor of abolishing caste based reservations in entirety.
Even though nine years are long time, I still stand by what I had written. I’d still support caste based reservations, especially for Scheduled Castes.
You might find it ironical that I say that OBCs have caught up after Mandal, but I support caste based reservations for SCs, who have been getting benefits of reservations since independence.
Probably because you missed one thing I said – OBCs have acquired political power and clout, which SCs have not been able to. Social change comes through political change, and SCs have not been too lucky on that count.
It will be tragic if this feeling of post-Mandal injustice is extended to SCs. And there is this risk because the cutoffs, the barometer of post-Mandal injustice, for SCs are usually much lower.
Awareness and compassion about why caste based reservations should stay for SCs, despite those low cutoffs, need to be communicated. Young urban India has to realise that SCs still have to face a lot of caste based prejudices, and thus caste based compensation is needed.
So do I favor doing away with caste based reservations for OBCs but retaining the same for SCs? I will not be politically correct here, and say that yes, to an extent, I believe in that solution.
I’d propose that in case of OBCs, the primary criteria should be made economical i.e. 27 percent seats are reserved for economically weaker sections, with preferential allotment on the basis of caste. So a cutoff is created not based on caste, but based on economic status, but preference is given to OBCs (because you can’t wish away castes in entirely yet) in that list.
This will still be effectively an OBC reservation, but will assuage this feeling of post-Mandal injustice to a large extent. It might sound too early right now, but this is what I believe we should be moving towards.
And apart from that, political empowerment of SCs so that the same can be done with their reservations. The Left and the "liberals" have failed in their designs, so I hope the "right" does it, even if it means Manjhi as the Bihar chief minister. Umm… yes.
(The article first appeared on the author's personal blog.)
A WELL KNOWN EXPERT ON NOTHING
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Posted 08 September 2015 - 05:44 PM
New York Times Weighs in on Hardik Patel vs PM Modi
WASHINGTON: The ongoing protests by the Patels,"a relatively prosperous caste in India" seeking reservations, pose a big challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi's plans for reforms and signifies that India isn't creating enough jobs, according to the New York Times.
The protests "highlight a major problem: India isn't creating enough good jobs," said the influential daily dubbing them as "India's Middle-Class Revolt" in an editorial published on Tuesday. "This is a big challenge to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has built his political career on promises to reform and modernize the stalled economy," it said.
"The fact that 500,000 Patels, who have been a big part of Mr. Modi's electoral base, attended a rally late last month to press their demands is a rebuke of the prime minister's economic policies," the Times said.
"With half of India's 1.2 billion people 25 or younger, the need to create more jobs is acute," it said.
"It should come as no surprise that young Indians, especially those in the middle class like the Patels, are frustrated."
"Before last year's election, Mr. Modi promised to create jobs by applying policies he had used to spur the Gujarat economy," the Times said.
"So far, he has not been able to change many laws at the national level," it said.
"And the protests in his home state raise serious questions about how successful his policies were for the average resident of Gujarat."
"Mr Modi now has less than four years before the next national parliamentary election to make good on his campaign pledge," the US daily said.
"If he doesn't show results soon, the young electorate that swept him into national office could just as easily vote him out," it warned. Story First Published: September 08, 2015 10:55 IST
Indiaís Middle-Class Revolt :
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Posted 19 September 2015 - 08:49 PM
Hardik Patel Using Harsh Words
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Posted 22 September 2015 - 08:36 PM
Modi’s unrealistic American dreams
As the Prime Minister makes another U.S. trip, with hopes of attracting greater foreign investment, there are pressing domestic issues back home seeking his attention, issues like poverty, hunger and misgovernance. A ‘Digital India’ backed by greater FDI flows can only play a limited role in tackling these
There is at least one dimension in which the distance between Narendra Modi and Jawaharlal Nehru is not so great after all. I speak not of their fondness for the bandgala but of their penchant for world travel. Not a day passes without us being informed of some impending visit by our Prime Minister. Right now, we are being bombarded with the details of the itinerary of his visit to the U.S. later this month. He will start, we’re told, with the annual meeting of the U.N. General Assembly and from there proceed to the west coast.
Nehru had undertaken this journey too, in 1949. However, we were a different country then, having inherited a bloodily-partitioned nation with a declining per capita income. On the other hand, India is today one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, hoarding a young labour stock and a substantial talent pool, making the task of its leadership a little easier by comparison.
While India must constantly engage with the rest of the world at all levels, the rest of the world does not hold the key to either the pace or inclusiveness of its economic growth. It is, therefore, altogether surprising that the leader of India should travel westward urging “Come make in India.”
India’s unique place in world order
India is made to appear as a supplicant when no one asks it to be one. Nehru himself had travelled the world as the torchbearer both of an ancient civilisation and a cosmopolitan internationalism with roots in the West to which he considered himself a natural heir. Till the 1990s, many an Indian abroad would have been the beneficiary of praise from African students and American workers for India’s role in hastening the process of decolonisation. It is not without significance that India had been the first port of call for Nelson Mandela after the end of apartheid in South Africa.
Before it comes to be imagined that Nehru’s forays into the wider world had amounted only to showcasing Indian attire, we may want to remember that extraordinary financial inflows had been elicited then. Non-alignment brought with it an unexpected reward as the rival ideological blocks vied with one another to shower India with aid. Over a quarter of the total financing for the Second Five-Year Plan was via official aid from the rest of the world. Michal Kalecki, the astute Polish economist who was one among many intellectuals who had made a beeline for this quickening country, had remarked pithily that India’s policy of non-alignment was akin to “a clever calf sucking milk from two cows!”
It is also of interest that Nehru had shown no particular anxiety over wanting India as a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council, even as he thanklessly championed Communist China’s claims. It is not known what exactly he had thought of the prize itself, but it could not have escaped his attention that even when it was not a cabal of the rich and powerful it could hardly count as a democratic arrangement. Contrast this with India’s desperate attempts today to gain membership of this discredited club. But of course the world has changed since the fifties. Apartheid and colonialism have vanished, and China is firmly entrenched in the Security Council, and one might say with nary a thought for India’s inclusion.
So, one should not expect Mr. Modi to travel to the U.S. with an anachronistic agenda. Yet, one may expect him to be clear of what it will yield in relation to India’s current priorities. An argument is usually made out in terms of attracting foreign direct investment (FDI) and, possibly, technology to drive the ‘Digital India’ programme.
It is incontestable that both foreign investment and the spread of Information and Communications Technology are very important for India. In fact, every effort must be made to accelerate their adoption. However, on FDI, much of what can be achieved via enabling legislation has been achieved. Further, the tariff barrier to trade has been rescinded along with quantitative controls.
Foreign trade accounts for more than 50 per cent of the Indian economy by now. However, the promised gains in manufacturing are disappointing, suggesting that domestic supply and demand conditions may be at least as important for Indian manufacturing as is an open trade regime. It is indeed correct that FDI has increased exponentially over the past one year, suggesting to some that this reflects a new international confidence in India’s economy. While the figure is impressive it is not unprecedented. In any case, FDI accounts for less than 10 per cent of total capital formation in the country. As for the IT tsars Mr. Modi is to meet in Silicon Valley, the U.S.-based IT industry, with its significant Indian presence, has long ago sensed the profit opportunity in engaging with India and does not need handholding. So it is likely to bide its time.
Altogether, while the government is right to pursue foreign investment and technology, it does gives the impression of not giving as much importance to other areas. Without suggesting what these areas are, we might suggest that soon as the PM returns from abroad he goes on a virtual Bharat darshan. He could even remain in the PMO while travelling backwards in a time-machine. What would be the things that he will get to see?
Domestic issues, imported solutions
He will find a farmer committing suicide in Hyderabad because he couldn’t afford medical care for his son. He will find that in Bihar, to which State he has promised an out-of-turn special assistance of Rs. 1.25 lakh crore, the overwhelming majority of rural households do not have access to sanitation. In Delhi, he will find a doctor of the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) announce on television that dengue is “endemic” to its population, a grave diagnosis indeed. In Rajasthan, a State run by his own party, he would find that a senior civil servant ran an extortion racket yielding four crores in ready rupees, thus taking the meaning of “ease of doing business” to an altogether new level. So, alighting from the time machine, he is likely to be struck by the thought that while ‘Digital India’ is a worthwhile project per se, it can only be a partial answer to what needs to be done in this vast and yet underdeveloped country.
The hardship of everyday life faced by Indians has a history far older than that of Mr. Modi’s prime ministership. It is the result of decades of misgovernance. Resolving the citizens’ problems also involves a role for the States, where his writ hardly runs. But, as Prime Minister he is expected to show leadership in providing solutions to these. The least he can do is to draw attention to them, set up bipartisan committees to propose permanent solutions, and suggest means of financing them. The role of the rest of the world — which, it seems, looms large in Mr. Modi’s imagination — in solving these problems faced by the people of India is somewhat limited.
The technical element in the solutions is fully understood and entirely within our capability to handle. Even the financial constraints can be overcome through political will. For instance, should the public sector not be required to yield a much larger surplus than it does? And shouldn’t the government plead with the well off to give-up regressive consumption subsidies? Here, even Mr. Asaduddin Owaisi, with his niche presence in the political firmament, has shown greater statesmanship by reportedly proposing that subsidies for pilgrimages, mostly undertaken by men, be diverted to educate the girl child.
Nevertheless, we wish our Prime Minister an enjoyable visit to the San Francisco Bay Area where a festival of ideas awaits him. He will find that though California is the home of the IT industry, it also has a flourishing agriculture. He will find that it is a society where diversity is celebrated — as a result of which minorities bring their best to the table. He will find women, of Indian origin at that, in highest public office. And if he ever travels to the headquarters of the iconic Apple Computers, he will find that it is headed by a gay man. Being a keen observer, he can hardly remain unaffected by these rich rewards of freethinking. In turn, we await his safe return, hopefully rewired and ready, at last, to govern.
(The author teaches economics at Ashoka University. The views expressed are personal.)
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Posted 24 September 2015 - 04:03 PM
Hardik Patel, his lawyer slammed by Gujarat HC for midnight petition - Tv9 Gujarati
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Posted 04 October 2015 - 11:10 AM
Has Narendra Modi's foreign policy bubble burst?
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has returned to India after a high-profile visit to the United States where he rubbed shoulders with global leaders, met industry representatives and also reached out to the large and increasingly influential Indian diaspora.
The highlight of the visit was his trip to Silicon Valley - the first by an Indian premier in decades. It was high on symbolism - the Bay area is where many Indian Americans have built their professional reputation and, of course, a number of them now head some of the world's leading technology firms.
But even as the prime minister wowed the US, there is trouble back home - in India's immediate neighbourhood.
Its relationship with China has never been particularly strong; Maldives and India are straining at the edges and ties with Sri Lanka are only just back on track. And in recent weeks, India's relations with two of its most significant neighbours, Nepal and Pakistan, have turned decidedly rocky.
That's not good news for a prime minister who not long ago appeared to place improved relations with India's immediate neighbourhood at the core of his foreign policy. So what has gone wrong?
In this Wednesday, Sept. 30, 2015 photo, protesters affiliated with Maoist Communist Center Nepal hold placards against India near the Indian embassy during a protest in Kathmandu, Nepal.Image copyrightAP
Tension between Nepal and India has spiked since Kathmandu adopted a new constitution last week
A spat with Nepal over the country's new constitution is threatening to break out into a full-fledged diplomatic row.
India is Nepal's powerful neighbour but is the only country that did not wholeheartedly welcome its new constitution after protests by ethnic communities living in the plains bordering India.
The protesters have blocked the main border crossings into Nepal from India, choking off a key supply route through which the landlocked country gets much of its requirements, including fuel.
Nepal has accused India of both fanning the protests and imposing the blockade. Delhi has strongly denied this, saying truckers are refusing to cross the border because of the security situation on the other side.
It's an astonishing turnaround in relations which many Nepalis find inexplicable.
Last year, Nepal was among the first countries that Mr Modi chose to visit after his landslide election victory.
His visit, where he interacted with Nepali political leaders across the spectrum but also reached out to members of the public, created enormous goodwill.
"He was such a friend - he owned the hearts and minds of the Nepalese people," top Nepali politician KP Oli - widely expected to become the next prime minister - told me.
Now many in Nepal believe that all of that goodwill has evaporated, a sentiment shared by some in India too.
"There was no point sending a special envoy to urge Nepalis to hold off from promulgating the constitution when it had already been passed by the assembly," says Prof SD Muni, a strategic analyst who closely follows Nepal.
He was referring to the decision to send India's Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar to Kathmandu hours after the constitution was voted in overwhelmingly.
Relations between India and Pakistan have deteriorated in recent months
If relations with Nepal are bad, those with Pakistan are back on familiar ground.
There is tension along the border, acrimonious exchanges at the UN and almost no progress on long-delayed peace talks.
But even here, there had been a flicker of hope a year ago.
Mr Modi surprised everyone by inviting Pakistan's Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif to Delhi for his inauguration. Mr Sharif surprised most by attending, apparently against the wishes of his powerful army chief.
Since then, scheduled foreign office talks and a planned meeting between the national security advisors of the two countries have been called off by India because of differences over Kashmir.
In Islamabad, many believe that Mr Modi has undercut Mr Sharif.
Cancelling the talks "weakened Nawaz's ability to improve relations with India", writes Saira Bano of the Stimson Centre in The Diplomat.
Mr Modi surprised everyone by inviting Pakistan's PM Nawaz Sharif for his inauguration and Mr Sharif surprised most by attending
"Narendra Modi's massive election victory and his position as a nationalist gives him the space to deal with Pakistan from a position of strength - one that allows him to be expansive," one Islamabad-based Western diplomat told me.
"A stable, economically strong Pakistan is surely in India's interest," he added.
One reason why some believe that the Indian prime minister has let things slide is because his foreign policy is being directed by advisors who have little diplomatic experience in the region.
His National Security Advisor Ajit Doval is a former intelligence chief who has served in Pakistan but is seen as too hardline.
Foreign Secretary Jaishankar is an acknowledged expert on China and the United States but has never directly handled any of India's neighbours.
"Previous prime ministers often relied on advisors who had plenty of experience in dealing with Pakistan and understood the country," says KP Nayar, consulting editor of The Telegraph newspaper.
For many in India, Narendra Modi is seen as the country's best brand ambassador. That's quite apparent from his many overseas visits in his first 16 months in office - he has generated plenty of interest, airtime and drawn adulation from the extensive Indian diaspora.
But that may not be enough in sustaining relationships in the neighbourhood, as he is fast finding out.
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Posted 25 October 2015 - 09:22 PM
Woman raped by employer in Rajkot - Tv9 Gujarati
The complainant lady has alleged that her employer named Gokul Sagapariya alias Gokul Patel, had exploited her sexually and repeatedly raped her. He took her to Vadodara, Mumbai and other cities in the name of business trips and meetings and forced her in to physical relationship in hotel rooms. She has claimed that she was also warned of dire consequences and threatened to be killed if she divulged the happenings to anyone.
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Posted 06 December 2015 - 08:03 PM
Narendra Modi Is Running Out of Time to Reform the Indian Economy
The sharp defeat of Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party in the state of Bihar has put the prime minister’s reform plan and political legacy at risk. He still has time to act, but governments usually grow more timid the longer they hold office.
A trading people who had succeeded at commerce around the globe, Indians long were held back by an officious bureaucracy notable for its inefficiency and corruption.
The first systematic economic reforms were implemented in the 1980s, but a succession of weak governments never allowed their people to fulfill India’s high promise. According to the Economic Freedom of the World report, in 2013, the latest year for which numbers are available, India ranked a dismal 114 out of 157 nations rated.
Eighteen months ago, Modi won a dramatic victory and seemed poised to transform India’s economy and more. Some called him the Indian Reagan.
However, his government has not delivered much change. One reason was that the opposition continues to control the legislature’s upper chamber. Moreover, Modi always was more pro-business than free market.
Finally, the government has been timid despite its sizable legislative majority. Deficits continue. Banking remains state-directed. Privatization has disappointed. The law still discourages creation of family firms.
Many reformers worry that Modi missed his chance to transform the economy during the “honeymoon” period immediately after his election triumph. Since then, Modi has lost his electoral magic.
In February a new anti-corruption party won the vote in Delhi. Last month a coalition of two regional parties worked with other opposition parties, such as Congress, and triumphed in Bihar state.
Nevertheless, it would be foolish to count Modi out.
The list of necessary reforms is long. Everyone points to lifting restrictions on foreign investment, modernizing the sclerotic legal system and creating a comprehensive bankruptcy code. Public sector banks are loaded with bad debt. There’s also electricity restructuring, privatization, subsidy reductions, tax reform and labor rules.
The economy is not the only issue requiring the premier’s attention. In Bihar, the BJP pandered to religion and caste.
Religious intolerance—which mostly means majority Hindu attacks on Muslims and Christians—has worsened since Modi’s election. The latest incidents have been mob attacks on Muslims thought to have eaten or smuggled cattle.
Popular Bollywood star Aamir Khan brought the issue to India’s mainstream when last month he criticized the sense of “insecurity and fear” felt even by his own family. The harsh response to him only reinforced Khan’s point.
Sectarian violence does more than harm innocent Indians. It also discourages foreign investment. Religious intolerance provides skittish investors with another reason to put their money elsewhere.
More state elections are pending. To win, the BJP should focus on economics, which is what boosted Modi and his party to last year’s overwhelming victory. With an expanding population, India needs strong economic growth to move people out of poverty. The Minister of State for Finance, Jayant Sinha, said India needs at least eight percent growth annually for decades to provide sufficient jobs.
This kind of progress isn’t easy or common. Yet India’s current growth rate, around seven percent so far this year, suggests that India could take off after sustained, real economic reform.
As I wrote for Forbes: “Despite the recent challenges to his government, Modi retains a rare opportunity to advance his nation. Moreover, given his Hindu nationalist background, Modi also is well-positioned to reinforce tolerance and secularism in government.
“Doing so would promote domestic stability in a nation with tens of millions of people of different religious faiths, strengthen economic growth by encouraging foreign investment, and enhance India’s international influence.”
Will the 21st century be another American Century, the Chinese Century, or something else? If Prime Minister Modi makes tough decisions in leading his country forward, the 21st century might end up being the Indian Century. But if so, he can’t delay much longer in putting his words into action.
Doug Bandow is a senior fellow at the Cato Institute.
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Posted 06 December 2015 - 08:10 PM
Narendra Modi ‘fake’ image: Indian government removes ‘photoshopped’ picture of PM visiting flood-hit Chennai
The Indian government has removed a seemingly doctored photo of Prime Minister Narendra Modi surveying severe flooding in Chennai which went viral amid much mocking on social media.
Mr Modi travelled to Tamil Nadu’s capital city yesterday to get a first-hand view of the disaster.
More than 280 people have been killed and thousands of residents displaced as the south-eastern state continues to experience its heaviest rainfall in a century.
A photo of Mr Modi on the visit was published on the website of the government’s Press Information Bureau (PIB), showing the premier looking through the round window of his helicopter at a clear view of waterlogged buildings.
But the same photo – this time with a blurred view through the chopper’s window – had also been posted on Mr Modi’s personal Twitter account, leading to speculation that the PIB had Photoshopped its version of the image, superimposing the picture of the buildings onto the photo.
PIB has since removed its version from its website.
A senior official at the prime minister’s office, who did not want to be named, said it was “shocked to see facts being distorted”, according to the Reuters news agency.
He added that “officials from the press office have been summoned to reinforce rules and regulations”.
Another official said: “We will not allow anyone to falsify the facts. The prime minister will not tolerate this.”
The head of the PIB did not comment.
But creative Twitter users used the apparent gaffe as inspiration to engineer their own photos of the Indian prime minister.
Hardeep Matharu / The Independent
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Posted 01 July 2016 - 04:59 PM
શું કોઇ પૂછી શકશે મોદીને આ ૧પ સવાલ ?
તાજેતરમાં મોદીએ એક ટીવી ચેનલને મુલાકાત આપી પરંતુ આ મુલાકાત તીખી તમતમચી નહોતી
શું કોઇ પૂછી શકશે મોદીને આ ૧પ સવાલ ?
નવી દિલ્હી તા.૧ : પીએમ મોદીએ હાલમાં જ એક ખાનગી ટીવી ચેનલને ઇન્ટરવ્યુ આપ્યો. આ ઇન્ટરવ્યુમાં તેમને તીખા સવાલો પુછવામાં આવ્યા ન હતા. ઇન્ટરવ્યુ લેનાર અરનબ ગૌસ્વામીએ પીએમને ભીંસમાં લેવાનો પ્રયાસ નહોતો કર્યો અને અનેક પ્રસંગે તેમણે મોદીના વખાણ પણ કર્યા હતા. આ ઇન્ટરવ્યુમાં પીએમનો હાથ ઉપર રહ્યો હતો. એવુ માનવામાં આવે છે કે, પીએમ હજુ પણ કેટલાક મીડીયાને ઇન્ટરવ્યુ આપી શકે છે. જો આવુ થશે તો કોણ અને કેવો સવાલ પુછશે ? એ મહત્વનું બનશે. જનસતાએ ૧પ એવા સવાલ તૈયાર કર્યા છે જે પીએમને પુછવા જોઇએ. શું કોઇ આ સવાલ પુછી શકશે ?
(૧) તમારી સરકાર કાળા નાણાના મુદ્ સત્તા ઉપર આવી હતી, સામાન્ય માણસ હજુ પણ રાહ જોવે છે કે તેમના ખાતામાં ૧૫ લાખ રૃપિયા કયારે આવશે ? કાળા નાણા મામલે કોઇ ખાસ પ્રગતિ નથી થઇ તેનુ કારણ શું છે ?
(ર) દેશની આર્થિક પ્રગતિ આંકડા ઉપર જ થઇ રહી છે પરંતુ હકીકતમાં તેની અસર દેખાતી નથી. આંકડા અને હકીકતના તફાવતને તમારી સરકાર કઇ રીતે દુર કરશે ?
(૩) મોદીજી, તમારી પાસે લોકસભામાં સંપુર્ણ બહુમતી છે. રાજયસભામાં તમારી સંખ્યા ઓછી છે. શું પેન્ડીંગ બીલો પાસ કરાવવા વિપક્ષને સાથે લેશો કે તેમને નજર અંદાજ કરી આગળ વધશો ?
(૪) વિજય માલ્યા અને લલીત મોદીને ભાગવાની છુટ કેમ મળી ? અને એ વખતે જયારે તમે ડિફોલ્ટર સામે કડક થવાનુ જણાવી રહ્યા છો ?
(પ) જો રઘુરામ રાજન દેશભકત હોય અને દેશની સેવા કરતા હોય તો પીએમઓએ સ્વામીના હુમલાનો જવાબ કેમ ન આપ્યો ? અને તમારી સરકારે રાજનને બીજી ટર્મ કેમ ન સોંપી ?
(૬) તમારી પાકિસ્તાન પરત્વેની નીતિ કામ કરતી દેખાતી નથી. પઠાનકોટ હુમલાની તપાસમાં કયાં અડચણ છે ?
(૭) અરૃણ જેટલીએ કહ્યુ હતુ કે, ન્યાયપાલિકાએ પોતાની લક્ષ્મણરેખા નક્કી કરવી જોઇએ. તમે ન્યાયપાલિકા અને સંસદ-વિધાનસભાના મતભેદો કઇ રીતે દુર કરશો ?
(૮) હાલમાં રાજસ્થાનના પાઠય પુસ્તકોમાંથી નહેરૃનો ઉલ્લેખ હટાવાયો છે. શું તમારી સરકાર કોઇ સ્પષ્ટ સંદેશો આપવા ઇચ્છે છે ?
(૯) એફટીઆઇઆઇથી લઇને જેએનયુ સુધી બધા તમારા શાસનમાં ગુસ્સામાં છે. શું તમારી નજરમાં ડાબેરી વિચારધારા હોવી એ રાષ્ટ્ર વિરોધી છે ?
(૧૦) યુપીમાં ભાજપ કોમવાદના મુદ્દાને ભડકાવે છે, તમારા સાંસદ સંગીત સોમ, સંજીવ બાલીયન, હુકમસિંહ અને યોગી આદિત્યનાથ હિન્દુઓની ઘર વાપસીની વાત કરે છે, શું તમારી સરકાર તેમના ઉપર લગામ મુકશે ?
(૧૧) મોંઘવારી બે-લગામ બની છે તો તે કઇ રીતે કાબુમાં આવશે ?
(૧ર) ભારત છેલ્લા થોડા વર્ષોથી ગાયોની રક્ષાને લઇને તોફાનો અને હત્યાઓ ઝેલતુ રહ્યુ છે તમે આ હિંસા ઉપર ચુપ કેમ છો ?
(૧૩) તમારી સરકારે પહલાજ નિહલાની અને ચેતન ચવ્હાણ વગેરેની નિમણુકો કરી છે શું તે વ્યાજબી છે ?
(૧૪) ભાજપે ચૂંટણી વખતે આપેલા વચનો કઇ રીતે પુરા કરશો ? યુપીમાં ચૂંટણી આવી રહી છે, કયાં પ્રકારનો એકશન પ્લાન તૈયાર કર્યો છે ?
(૧પ) દેશમાં એવી ચર્ચા છે કે, સમગ્ર દેશ મોદી અને અમિત શાહ જ ચલાવે છે શું એ ચર્ચામાં કોઇ દમ છે ? (૩-૪)
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Posted 01 July 2016 - 05:00 PM
મોદી દિવસમાં પાંચ વાર ડ્રેસ બદલે છે, વસ્ત્રો પાછળ ૭૦ કરોડ ખર્ચ્યા : કેજરીવાલ
'આપ સરકારનું જાહેરખબર બજેટ મોદીના વસ્ત્રો પાછળ થતાં ખર્ચ કરતાં ઓછું': મોદીએ ફોટો શેર કર્યો તો સોશિયલ મિડીયા પર લોકોએ પૂછયું તમે રોજ નવાં કપડાં કયાંથી લાવો છો?
નવી દિલ્હી તા. ૧ : વડાપ્રધાન નરેન્દ્ર મોદી અને વિશ્વ બેંકના વડા જિમ યોંગ કિમ ગુરુવારે નવી દિલ્હીમાં મળ્યા હતા.વડા પ્રધાને પોતાની સત્તાવાર વેબસાઇટ પર આ ઘટનાની નોંધ લેવા સાથે પોતાના ટ્વિટર એકાઉન્ટ પર પણ આ મુલાકાતની તસવીર શરે કરી હતી. યૂઝર્સે પણ તે પોસ્ટ પર મજેદાર ટિપ્પણીઓ આપવાનું શરૃ કર્યું હતું. એક યૂઝરે લખ્યું હતું કે, 'તમારે નવા વસ્ત્રો કયાંથી આવે છે ? જયારથી પીએમ બન્યા છે, કોઇ વસ્ત્ર બીજીવાર ધારણ નથી કર્યું.' બીજા યૂઝરે તો પોસ્ટ પર સલાહ આપી દીધી કે 'તમારે સ્વામીની વાત સાંભળવી જોઇએ. તેઓ આંગળીના વેઢે ગણી શકાય તેવા રાજકારણી છે કે જે તમારી નીતિઓને અમલમાં મુકવાની હિંમત પણ ધરાવે છે.' પીએમની ટ્વિટર પોસ્ટ પર આ ઉપરાંત પણ જાતજાતની રસપ્રદ ટિપ્પણીઓ થઇ હતી.
દિલ્હીના મુખ્યમંત્રી અરવિંદ કેજરીવાલે ગોવામાં પત્રકારો સાથે વાતચીત કરતાં દાવો કરી દીધો કે આપ સરકારનું જાહેરખબર બજેટ મોદીના વસ્ત્રો પાછળ થતા ખર્ચ કરતાં ઓછું છે. કેજરીવાલે દાવો કર્યો કે મોદી દિવસમાં પાંચવાર વસ્ત્રો બદલે છે અને બે વર્ષમાં મોદી પોતાના વસ્ત્રો પાછળ જ રૃપિયા ૭૦ કરોડ ખર્ચ કરી ચૂકયા છે. મોદી એક દિવસમાં ૧૦ લાખના વસ્ત્રો પહેરે છે. કેજરીવાલે સ્પષ્ટતા કરી કે દિલ્હી સરકારે જાહેરખબર માટે રૃપિયા ૫૨૬ કરોડનું બજેટ રાખ્યું હોવાનું જુઠ્ઠાણું ફેલાવવામાં આવી રહ્યું છે. હકીકતે દિલ્હી સરકારે જાહેર ખબર માટે ૭૬ કરોડ રૃપિયા રિલીઝ કર્યા છે. તેમણે દાવો કર્યો કે દિલ્હી સરકાર દ્વારા જાહેરખબર પાછળ થતો ખર્ચ મોદી દ્વારા વસ્ત્રો પાછળ થતા ખર્ચ કરતાં ઓછો છે.
મીડિયા મોદીથી ડરે છે
કેજરીવાલે આક્ષેપ કર્યા કે મીડિયા મોદીથી ડરે છે. ઉદાહરણ આપતાં તેમણે કહ્યું કે મોદીએ સત્ત્।ામાં બે વર્ષ પુરા કરતાં સતત પાંચ કલાક સુધી કાર્યક્રમો ટેલિકાસ્ટ થયા. પણ આપની એક જ વાત રીપીટ કરીને બતાવવામાં આવી. દિલ્હીના એડ બજેટ વિષે જુઠ્ઠી વાતો થઇ રહી છે.દિલ્હી ચૂંટણી વખતે પણ આવો જ નેગેટિવ પ્રચાર થયો હતો.
એક ડ્રેસ પાછળ બે લાખનું ખર્ચ
કેજરીવાલે મીડિયા સાથે વાત કરતાં દાવો કર્યો કે મોદીના એક ડ્રેસ પાછળ રૃપિયા બે લાખ ખર્ચ થાય છે. મોદી દિવસમાં પાંચ વાર ડ્રેસ બદલે છે.એકવાર ડ્રેસ પહેરે પછી વોર્ડરોબથી તેને હટાવી દેવામાં આવે છે. ગુગલ પર જઇને તમે આ કથનની સચ્ચાઇ તપાસી શકો છે. મોદીની કોઇ તસવીરમાં રીપીટ ડ્રેસ નથી.
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Posted 13 July 2016 - 09:16 AM
૨૫ માસમાં મોદીના ર૪ વિદેશ પ્રવાસોઃ ૪ર દેશો ફર્યાઃ ૧૧૩ દિ' બહાર
મે-૨૦૧૪માં વડાપ્રધાન પદ સંભાળ્યુ તે પછી રપ મહિનામાં મોદીએ લગભગ અડધુ વિશ્વ ફરી લીધુઃ વિદેશ પ્રવાસમાં મનમોહન અને અટલજીને પાછળ રાખી દીધાઃ મોદી એક કરતા વધુ વખત અમેરિકા સહિતના દેશોની મુલાકાતે ગયાઃ મોદીની અમેરિકા અને આફ્રિકાની મુલાકાત મહત્વની રહી
૨૫ માસમાં મોદીના ર૪ વિદેશ પ્રવાસોઃ ૪ર દેશો ફર્યાઃ ૧૧૩ દિ' બહાર રહ્યા
નવી દિલ્હી તા.૧૩ : વડાપ્રધાન નરેન્દ્ર મોદી આફ્રિકાના પાંચ દેશોની મુલાકાત લઇ ગઇકાલે પાછા ફર્યા હતા. તેમણે મે ર૦૧૪માં વડાપ્રધાન પદ સંભાળ્યુ તે પછીના રપ મહિનામાં તેઓએ ર૪ ઇન્ટરનેશનલ ટ્રીપ (પ્રવાસ) કર્યો છે. તેઓએ આ દરમિયાન ૪ર દેશોની મુલાકાત લઇ ભારતની બહાર ૧૧૩ દિવસ પસાર કર્યુ હોવાનુ સરકારના સત્તાવાર ડેટામાં જણાવાયુ છે.
મોદી અગાઉના વડાપ્રધાન મનમોહન સિંહ કરતા સૌથી વધુ વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કરતા વડાપ્રધાન બન્યા છે. પ્રથમ રપ મહિનામાં મોદીએ સૌથી વધુ વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કર્યા છે. વાજપેઇએ પ્રથમ રપ મહિનામાં સૌથી ઓછા વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કર્યા હતા. તેમણે પોતાના પુર્ણ કાર્યકાળમાં ઓછા વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કર્યા હતા.
સરખામણીએ કરીએ તો પ્રથમ રપ મહિનામાં મનમોહન સિંહે મે-ર૦૦૪ અને મે-ર૦૧૪માં બીજી ટર્મ લીધી તેના પ્રથમ રપ મહિનામાં અનુક્રમે ૧૬ અને ૧૮ વિદેશ પ્રવાસો કર્યા હતા. જયારે વાજપેઇએ પ્રથમ રપ મહિનામાં માત્ર ૬ વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કર્યા હતા. દેશોની સંખ્યાની વાત કરીએ તો પણ મોદી આગળ રહ્યા છે. તેમણે ૪ર દેશોનો પ્રવાસ કર્યો છે. જયારે મનમોહન સિંહે પ્રથમ ટર્મમાં આ ગાળામાં ૧૪ અને બીજા ગાળામાં ર૪ વિદેશ પ્રવાસ કર્યા હતા. જયારે અટલજીએ માત્ર ૯ દેશોનો પ્રવાસ કર્યો હતો.
અનેક એવા દેશો છે જયાં આ લોકોએ સત્તાવાર રીતે એક કરતા વધુ વખત મુલાકાત લીધી હોય. દા.ત. ત્રણેય વડાપ્રધાનોએ વારંવાર અમેરિકાની મુલાકાત લીધી હતી. મોદીએ નેપાળ, ફ્રાન્સ, સીંગાપુર, રશિયા, અફઘાનિસ્તાન અને ઉઝબેકીસ્તાનની એક કરતા વધુ વખત યાત્રા કરી છે. જયારે મનમોહન સિંહે પ્રથમ ટર્મના બે વર્ષમાં યુકે, રશિયા અને અમેરિકાની એક કરતા વધુ વખત મુલાકાત લીધી હતી.
જયારે દિવસોની વાત કરીએ તો રપ મહિનામાં મોદી ૧૧૩ દિવસ ભારતની બહાર રહ્યા છે. જયારે મનમોહન સિંહ પોતાની બંને ટર્મમાં અનુક્રમે ૬૪ અને ૭૬ દિવસ દેશની બહાર રહ્યા હતા. જયારે અટલજી ૪૯ દિવસ દેશની બહાર રહ્યા હતા. ખર્ચ અંગેની વિગતો મળી શકી નથી. મોદીની આંતરરાષ્ટ્રીય ટ્રીપ ખાસ કરીને અમેરિકાની મુલાકાતમાં મેડીસન સ્કવેર, અમેરિકી કોંગ્રેસ અને સીલીકોન વેલી મુખ્ય રહી છે. તેમની આફ્રિકાની મુલાકાત પણ મહત્વની રહી હતી. મોદી ભારતના એવા વડાપ્રધાન છે જેઓ ૩૪ વર્ષ બાદ મોઝામ્બીક ગયા હતા.(૩-૪)
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Posted 18 October 2016 - 04:33 PM
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं"*
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
सुबह की सैर में कभी चक्कर खा जाते है ..
सारे मौहल्ले को पता है...पर हमसे छुपाते है
दिन प्रतिदिन अपनी खुराक घटाते हैं
तबियत ठीक होने की बात फ़ोन पे बताते है.
ढीली हो गए कपड़ों को टाइट करवाते है,
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
किसी के देहांत की खबर सुन कर घबराते है,
और अपने परहेजों की संख्या बढ़ाते है,
हमारे मोटापे पे हिदायतों के ढेर लगाते है,
"रोज की वर्जिश"के फायदे गिनाते है.
Ďतंदुरुस्ती हज़ार नियामत "हर दफे बताते है,
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
हर साल बड़े शौक से अपने बैंक जाते है,
अपने जिन्दा होने का सबूत देकर हर्षाते है,
जरा सी बढी पेंशन पर फूले नहीं समाते है,
और FIXED DEPOSIT रिन्ऊ करते जाते है,
खुद के लिए नहीं हमारे लिए ही बचाते है.
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
चीज़ें रख के अब अक्सर भूल जाते है,
फिर उन्हें ढूँढने में सारा घर सर पे उठाते है,
और एक दूसरे को बात बात में हड़काते है,
पर एक दूजे से अलग भी नहीं रह पाते है.
एक ही किस्से को बार बार दोहराते है,
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
चश्में से भी अब ठीक से नहीं देख पाते है,
बीमारी में दवा लेने में नखरे दिखाते है,
एलोपैथी के बहुत सारे साइड इफ़ेक्ट बताते है,
और होमियोपैथी/आयुर्वेदिक की ही रट लगाते है,
ज़रूरी ऑपरेशन को भी और आगे टलवाते है.
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
उड़द की दाल अब नहीं पचा पाते है,
लौकी तुरई और धुली मूंगदाल ही अधिकतर खाते है,
दांतों में अटके खाने को तिली से खुजलाते हैं,
पर डेंटिस्ट के पास जाने से कतराते हैं,
"काम चल तो रहा है" की ही धुन लगाते है.
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते हैं..
हर त्यौहार पर हमारे आने की बाट देखते है,
अपने पुराने घर को नई दुल्हन सा चमकाते है,
हमारी पसंदीदा चीजों के ढेर लगाते है,
हर छोटी बड़ी फरमाईश पूरी करने के लिए माँ रसोई और पापा बाजार दौडे चले जाते है,
पोते-पोतियों से मिलने को कितने आंसू टपकाते है,
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते है..
देखते ही देखते जवान माँ-बाप बूढ़े हो जाते है..
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