Idioma kiowa
{{incubator| code = kio}}
{{Ficha d'idioma |nome=
Kiowa
|nativu= ''Kiowa''
|familia madre = oasisamérica
|oficial=
|países= {{USA}}
|zona= W. d'[[Oklahoma]]
|falantes= ~100 (2013)<ref name = "normantranscript413">{{cita llibru |
apellíu = Cruz
| nome = Hannah
| títulu = Modina Waters using children's story book to keep Kiowa language alive
| obra = The Norman Transcript
| fechaaccesu = 25 d'abril de 2013
| url = https://web.archive.org/web/http://normantranscript.com/features/x210920925/Modina-Waters-using-children-s-story-book-to-keep-Kiowa-language-alive }}</ref>
|familia=[[Llingües kiowa-tañoanas]]<br />
&nbsp;&nbsp;'''Kiowa'''
|mapa = [[Ficheru:Kiowa lang.png|280px]]
|mapa_descripción = Distribución del kiowa al contautu colos europeos.
|axencia=
|iso1= |iso2= |iso3= kio |sil=
}}
El '''kiowa''' ye una llingua de la [[llingües kiowa-tañoanas|familia kiowa-tañoana]] falada anguaño polos kiowa d'Oklahoma, orixinalmente falóse principalmente nel [[condáu caddo]], el [[Condáu de Kiowa (Oklahoma)|condáu kiowa]] y el [[condáu comanche]]. El centru tribal kiowa ta allugáu en [[Carnegie (Oklahoma)]]. Como la mayor parte de llingües indíxenes d'Estaos Xuníos anguaño ye una [[llingua amenazada]] cola estinción.

== Aspeutos históricos, sociales y culturales ==
=== Usu y distribución ===
Laurel Watkins señaló en 1984 que de les estimaciones de Parker McKenzie namái unes 400 persones (la mayor parte d'ellos con más de 50 años) podríen falar kiowa y que raramente la llingua yera falada polos neños de la comunidá. Una cifra más recién de de McKenzie ye qu'unos 300 adultos podríen falalo con «distintos graos de fluyencia», esti datu ye recoyíu por Mithun (1999) dientro d'un grupu étnicu de 12 242 kiowas (Censu estauxunidense de 2000).

La ''Intertribal Wordpath Society'', una organización ensin ánimu d'arriquecimientu dedicada a caltener les llingües indíxenes d'Oklahoma, envaloró que'l númberu máximu de falantes fluentes de kiowa en 2006 yera de namái 400.<ref>Anderton, Alice, Phd. [http://www.ahalenia.com/iws/status.html "Status of Indian Languages in Oklahoma".] ''Intertribal Wordpath Society.'' (retrieved 24 April 2011).</ref> Un artículu periodísticu de 2013 envaloró que namái quedaben 100 falantes fluentes.<ref name = "normantranscript413"/>

=== Esfuercios de revitalización ===
Les autoridaes de la tribu kiowa ufierten clases selmanales na ''Jacobson House'', un centru indíxena ensin ánimu d'arriquecimientu asitiáu en [[Norman (Oklahoma)]]. Dane Poolaw y Carol Williams siguen enseñando la llingua usando'l métodu de Parker McKenzie.<ref>[https://web.archive.org/web/20111114232146/http://www.kiowatribe.org/archives/1047 "Kiowa Language Class".] ''Kiowa Tribe.'' 16 May 2011 (retrieved 26 Aug 2011).</ref>

La [[Universidá de Tulsa]], la [[Universidá d'Oklahoma]] en Norman y la [[Universidá de Ciencia y Artes d'Oklahoma]] en [[Chickasha (Oklahoma)|Chickasha]] ufierten clases de kiowa.

Alecia Gonzales (kiowa-apache, 1926–2011), qu'enseñó en USAO, creó una gramática didáctica del kiowa llamada ''Thaum khoiye tdoen gyah: beginning Kiowa language''.<!--A Kiowa language book of trickster stories, ''Saynday Kiowa Indian Children's Stories'', was published in 2013.--><ref name = "normantranscript413"/><ref>{{Cite news
| títulu = Kiowa language children's book published
| work = Native American Times, Today's Independent Indian News
| location = Norman, OK
| fechaaccesu = 13 d'abril de 2013
| date = 13 d'abril de 2013
| url = http://www.nativetimes.com/culture/language/8583-kiowa-language-childrens-book-published
| archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20160307151357/http://nativetimes.com/culture/language/8583-kiowa-language-childrens-book-published
| archivedate = 2016-03-07
}}</ref>
<!--
== History ==
{{Empty section|date=May 2008}}

== Genealogical relations ==
{{Empty section|date=May 2008}}
-->
== Descripción llingüística ==
=== Fonoloxía ===
{{ap|Fonoloxía del kiowa}}
L'inventariu consonánticu del kiowa ta formáu por 23 unidaes:
:{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
! colspan="2" |
! [[consonante billabial|Billabial]]
! [[consonante dental|Dental]] !! [[consonante alveolar|Alveolar]]
! [[consonante palatal|Palatal]] !! [[consonante velar|Velar]]
! [[consonante glotal|Glotal]]
|-
! rowspan="4" | [[continuante|non-continuante]]
! <small>[[Voice onset time|voiced]]</small>
| {{IPA|b}} || {{IPA|d}} || || || {{IPA|ɡ}} ||
|-
!<small>[[consonante sorda|sorda]]</small>
| {{IPA|p}} || {{IPA|t}} || {{IPA|ts}} || || {{IPA|k}} || {{IPA|ʔ}}
|-
!<small>[[aspiración (fonética)|aspirada]]</small>
| {{IPA|pʰ}} || {{IPA|tʰ}} || || || {{IPA|kʰ}} ||
|-
! <small>[[eyectiva]]</small>
| {{IPA|pʼ}} || {{IPA|tʼ}} || {{IPA|tsʼ}} || || {{IPA|kʼ}} ||
|-
! rowspan="2" | [[Fricativa]]
! <small>sorda</small>
| || || {{IPA|s}} || || || {{IPA|h}}
|-
! <small>sonora</small>
| || || {{IPA|z}} || || ||
|-
! colspan="2"|[[consonante nasal|Nasal]]
| {{IPA|m}} || {{IPA|n}} || || || ||
|-
! colspan="2" | [[Aproximante]]
| {{IPA|(w)}} || {{IPA|l}} || || {{IPA|j}} || ||
|}

Amás el kiowa estrema seis timbres vocálicos, con trés niveles distintivos abertura y un contraste ente vocales anteriores-posteriores. Toes estes vocales estremen fonológiamente ente variedaes llargues/curties, orales/nasales. Les 24 unidaes fonolóxiques vocáliques son:

:{| {{tablaguapa}}
|+ Monoptongos
! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | {{esd}}
! align="center" colspan="2" | [[Vocal anterior|Anterior]]
! align="center" colspan="2" | [[vocal posterior|Posterior]]
|-
! align="center" | <small>curtia</small>
! align="center" | <small>llarga</small>
! align="center" | <small>curtiu</small>
! align="center" | <small>llarga</small>
|-
! rowspan="2" | [[vocal zarrada|Zarrada]]
!<small> oral</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|i}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|iː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|u}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|uː}}
|-
! <small>nasal</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|ĩ}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ĩː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ũ}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ũː}}
|-
!rowspan="2" | [[Vocal media|Media]]
!<small> oral</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|e}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|eː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|o}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|oː}}
|-
!<small> nasal</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|ẽ}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ẽː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|õ}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|õː}}
|-
! rowspan="2" | [[vocal abierta|Abierta]]
!<small> oral</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|a}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|aː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ɔ}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ɔː}}
|-
!<small> nasal</small>
| align="center" | {{IPA|ã}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ãː}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ɔ̃}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ɔ̃ː}}
|}

:{| {{tablaguapa}}
|+ Diptongos
! {{esd}}
! align="center" | {{esd}}Anterior{{esd}}
! align="center" | {{esd}}Posterior{{esd}}
|-
| {{esd}}'''Zarrada'''{{esd}}
| {{esd}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|uj}}
|-
| {{esd}}'''Media'''{{esd}}
| {{esd}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|oj}}
|-
| {{esd}}'''Abierta'''{{esd}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|aj}}
| align="center" | {{IPA|ɔj}}
|}

Toos contratar fonolóxicos nes consonantes del kiowa pueden ser xustificaos por aciu una abondosa coleición [[par mínimu|pares mínimos]] y casi-mínimos. Nun esiste contraste ente la presencia d'una oclusiva inicial glotalizada o la so ausencia.
:{| {{tablaguapa}}
! [[Alfabetu Fonéticu Internacional|AFI]]
! Exemplu
!Glosa |-align=center

|{{IPA|/pʼ/}} || [pʼí] || 'hermana [de la muyer]'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/pʰ/}} || [pʰí]|| 'fueu; llomba; pesáu'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/p/}} || [pĩ] || 'food eating'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/b/}} || [bĩ]|| 'neblado'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/tʼ/}} || [tʼáp]|| 'venáu, venado'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/tʰ/}} || [tʰáp]|| 'secu'
|-align=center
|{{IPA|/t/}} || [tá]|| 'güeyu'
|}

Les oclusives eyectivas y aspiraes se artículan bien enérxicamente. Les oclusives ensin aspirar son tirantes, ente que les sonores son laxas. La fricativa alveolar sorda {{IPA|/s/}} asimilar a [š] ante {{IPA|/y/}}.
:{| {{tablaguapa}}
! Ortografía
!Pronunciación
! Glosa |-align=center

|sét|| [sét]|| 'osu'
|-align=center
|syân|| [šẽnˀ]|| '[ser] pequeñu'
|-align=center
|sân|| [sânˀ] || 'neñu'
|}
<!--
The llateral {{IPA|/l/}} is realized as [l] in syllable-initial position, as lightly affricated [ɫ] in syllable-final position and slightly devoiced in utterance-final position. It occurs seldom in word-initial position.

{| {{tablaguapa}}
|-align=center
|célê|| [séˑʸlêʸ]|| 'set'
|-align=center
|gúldɔ|| [gúɫdɔ]|| 'be rede, painted'
|-align=center
|sál|| [sáɫ] || 'be hot'
|}

The dental resonants {{IPA|/l/}} and {{IPA|/n/}} are palatalized before {{IPA|/i/}}.

{| {{tablaguapa}}
|-align=center
|tʰàlí|| [tʰàlʸí]|| 'boy'
|-align=center
|bõnî|| [bõʷnʸî]|| 'see'
|}

All consonants may begin a syllable but {{IPA|/l/}} may not occur word-initially. The only consonants which may terminate a syllable are /p,t,m,n,l,y/.

Certain sequences of consonant and vowel do not occur: dental and alveolar obstruents preceding {{IPA|/i/}} (tʼi, tʰi, ti, di, kʼi, ki, si, zi). Velars and {{IPA|/y/}} preceding {{IPA|/y/}} (kʼy, kʰy, ke, gue, ye).

The glide /y/ automatically occurs between all velars and /a/.

Nasalization of voiced stops operates automatically only within the domain of the pronominal prefixes: voiced stops become the corresponding nasals either preceding or following a nasal. The velar nasal that is derived from /g/ is deleted; there is non {{IPA|/ŋ/}} in Kiowa.

Underlying /ia/ surfaces in alternating forms as /yá/ following velars, as /a/ following labials and as /i:/ if accompanied by falling tone.

Obstruents are devoiced in two environments: in syllable-final position and following a voiceless obsturent. Voiced stops are devoiced in syllable-final position without exception. In effect, the rule applies only to /b/ and /d/ since velars are prohibited in final position.

The palatal glide /y/ spreads across the laryngeals /h/ and /ʔ/, yielding a glide onset, a brief moment of coarticulation and a glide release. The laryngeals /h/ and /ʔ/ are variably deleted between sonorants. This also applies across a word boundary.

== Orthography ==

Kiowa orthography was developed by native speaker [[Parker McKenzie]], who had worked with [[John Peabody Harrington|J. P. Harrington]] and later with other linguists. The development of the orthography is detailed in Meadows & McKenzie (2001). The tables below show each [[orthography|orthographic]] symbol used in the Kiowa [[writing system]] and its corresponding phonetic value (written IPA).

:{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
|+ Vowels
! Orthography !! Pronunciation
| rowspan="7" | &nbsp;
! Orthography !! Pronunciation
|-
| '''a''' || {{IPA|a}}
| '''ai''' || {{IPA|aj}}
|-
| '''au''' || {{IPA|ɔ}}
| '''aui''' || {{IPA|ɔj}}
|-
| '''y''' || {{IPA|y}}
| colspan="2" rowspan="2" |
|-
| '''i''' || {{IPA|i}}
|-
| '''o''' || {{IPA|o}}
| '''oi''' || {{IPA|oj}}
|-
| '''o''' || {{IPA|o}}
| '''ui''' || {{IPA|uj}}
|}

The mid-back vowel {{IPA|/ɔ/}} is indicated by a [[digraph (orthography)|digraph]] vowel ''au''. The four diphthongs indicate the offglide {{IPA|/j/}} with the symbol ''i'' following the main vowel. Nasal vowels are indicated by underlining the vowel symbol: nasal ''o'' is thus ''{{unicode|o&#x0332;}}''. Long vowels are indicated with [[macron]] diacritics: long ''o'' is thus ''ō''. Short vowels are unmarked. Tone is indicated with diacritics. The [[acute accent]] ''´'' represents high tone, the [[grave accent]] ''`'' indicates low tone, and the [[circumflex]] ''ˆ'' indicates falling tone — these are exemplied on the vowel ''o'' as ''ó'' (high), ''ò'' (low), ''ô'' (falling). Since long vowels also have tones, the vowel symbols can have both a macron and a tone diacritic above the macron: ''{{unicode|ṓ}}'' (long high), ''{{unicode|ṑ}}'' (long low), ''{{unicode|ō̂}}'' (long falling).

:{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
|+ Consonants
! Orthography !! Pronunciation
| rowspan="13" | &nbsp;
! Orthography !! Pronunciation
|-
| '''b''' || {{IPA|b}}
| '''ch''' || {{IPA|ts}}
|-
| '''f''' || {{IPA|p}}
| '''x''' || {{IPA|tsʼ}}
|-
| '''p''' || {{IPA|pʰ}}
| '''s''' || {{IPA|s}}
|-
| '''v''' || {{IPA|pʼ}}
| '''z''' || {{IPA|z}}
|-
| '''d''' || {{IPA|d}}
| '''l''' || {{IPA|l}}
|-
| '''j''' || {{IPA|t}}
| '''y''' || {{IPA|j}}
|-
| '''t''' || {{IPA|tʰ}}
| '''w''' || {{IPA|w}}
|-
| '''th''' || {{IPA|tʼ}}
| '''h''' || {{IPA|h}}
|-
| '''g''' || {{IPA|ɡ}}
| '''m''' || {{IPA|m}}
|-
| '''c''' || {{IPA|k}}
| '''n''' || {{IPA|n}}
|-
| '''k''' || {{IPA|kʰ}}
| colspan="2" rowspan="2" |
|-
| '''q''' || {{IPA|kʼ}}
|}

The palatal glide {{IPA|[j]}} that is pronounced after velar consonants ''g'', ''c'', ''k'', ''q'' (which are phonetically {{IPA|/ɡ, k, kʰ, kʼ/}}, respectively) is never written (as it is predictable).<ref>This glide is written in Harrington's vocabulary.</ref> There are, however, a few exceptions where ''g'' is not followed by a {{IPA|[j]}} glide, in which case an [[apostrophe]] ''''' is written after the ''g'' as ''g'''. Thus, there is, for example, ''ga'' which is pronounced {{IPA|[ɡja]}} and ''g'a'' which is pronounced {{IPA|[ɡa]}}. The [[glottal stop]] {{IPA|/ʔ/}} is also never written as it is often deleted and its presence is predictable. A final convention is that pronominal prefixes are always written as separate words instead of being attached to verbs.

Like sub-continent Indian scripts (e.g. [[Devanagari]]), the Kiowa alphabet is ordered according to mostly phonetic principles. The Kiowa alphabetical order is shown in the tables above, vowels first, then consonants, reading down the columns, left column then right.

== Grammar ==

{{Expand section|date=May 2008}}

=== Nouns ===
==== Number inflection ====

Kiowa, like other Tanoan languages, is characterized by an inverse [[Grammatical number|number]] system. Kiowa has four noun classes. Class I nouns are inherently singular/dual, Class II nouns are inherently dual/plural, Class III nouns are inherently dual, and Class IV nouns are mass or noncount nouns. If the number of a noun is different from its class' inherent value, the noun takes the suffix ''-gau'' (or a variant).

{| border="2" cellpadding="5" style="margin: 1em 1em 1em 0; line-height: 1.2em; border-collapse: collapse; background: #f9f9f9; border: 1px #aaa solid;"
|-
! class !! singular !! dual !! plural
|-
! I |
– || – ||| -gau
|-
! II |
-gau || – || –
|-
! III |
-gau || – || -gau
|-
! IV
| (n/a) || (n/a) || (n/a)
|}

Mithun (1999:445) gives as an example ''{{unicode|chē̂&#x0332;}}'' "horse/two horses" (Class I) made plural with the addition of ''-gau'': ''{{unicode|chē̂&#x0332;gau}}'' "horses". On the other hand, the Class II noun ''{{unicode|tṓ&#x0332;sè}}'' "bones/two bones" is made singular by suffixing ''-gau'': ''{{unicode|tṓ&#x0332;sègau}}'' "bone."

=== Verbs ===

Kiowa verbs consist of verb stems that can be precedéi by prefixes, followed by suffixes, and [[Incorporation (linguistics)|incorporate]] other lexical stems into the verb complex. Kiowa verbs have a complex [[active–stative]] [[pronominal]] system expressed via prefixes. These prefixes can be followed by incorporated nouns, verbs, or adverbs. Following the main verb stem are suffixes that indicate tense/aspect and mode. A final group of suffixes that pertain to clausal relations can follow the tense-aspect-modal suffixes. These syntactic suffixes include [[relativizer]]s, [[subordinating conjunction]]s, and [[switch-reference]] indicators. A skeletal representation of the Kiowa verb structure can be represented as the following:

:{| style="text-align: center; line-height: 1.1em;" cellpadding="3"
! pronominal<br />prefix
! -
| '''incorporated elements'''<br /><small>(adverb + noun + verb)</small>
! -
! VERB STEM
! -
! tense/aspect-modal<br />suffixes
! -
! syntactic<br />suffixes
|}

The pronominal prefixes and tense/aspect-modal suffixes are [[inflectional]] and required to be present on every verb.

==== Pronominal inflection ====

Kiowa verb stems are inflected with prefixes that indicate:

# [[grammatical person]]
# grammatical number
# [[Thematic relation|semantic roles]] of [[animate]] participants

All these of the categories are indicated for only the ''primary'' animate participant. If there is, in addition to the primary participant, a second participant (such as in transitive sentences), then the number of the second participant is also indicated. A participant is primary in the following cases:

* A volitional [[Agent (grammar)|agent]] participant (i.e. the doer of the action who also has control over the action) is primary if it is the only participant in the clause.
* In two-participant volitional agent/non-agent clauses:
*# The non-agent participant is primary when
*#* the non-agent is not in the first person singular or third person singular AND
*#* the volitional agent is singular
*# The volitional agent participant is primary when
*#* the non-agent is in the first person singular or third person singular AND
*#* the volitional agent is non-singular

The term ''non-agent'' here refers to semantic roles including involitional agents, [[Patient (grammar)|patients]], beneficiaries, recipients, experiencers, and possessors.

:{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
|+ Intransitive verbs
!
! colspan="3" | Number
|-
! Person !! Singular !! Dual !! Plural
|-
! 1st
| à-
| style="background-color: lightGrey;" | || è-
|-
! 2nd
| èm- || mà- || bà-
|-
! 3rd
| – || {{unicode|è&#x0332;-}} || á-
|-
! Inverse
| colspan="3" | è-
|}

{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
|+ Agent transitive verbs
!
! colspan="8" | Volitional Agent Primary Person-Number
|-
! Non-agent<br />Number !! 1st-Sg. !! 2nd-Sg. !! 2nd-Dual !! 2nd-Pl. !! 3rd-Sg. !! 3rd-Dual !! 1st-Sg./Dual<br/>3rd-Pl. !! 3rd-Inverse
|-
! Sg.
| gà- || à-&nbsp; || má-`- || bá-`- || – || {{unicode|é&#x0332;-`-}} || á-`-&nbsp; || é-`-
|-
! Dual
| nèn- || mèn- || mén-&nbsp; || bèj-&nbsp; || {{unicode|è&#x0332;-}}&nbsp; || én-&nbsp; || èj-&nbsp;&nbsp; || èj-&nbsp;
|-
! Pl.
| gàj- || bàj- || mán-`- || báj-`- || gà- || én-`- || gá-`- || éj-`-
|-
! Inverse
| dea- || bé-&nbsp; || mén-`- || béj-&nbsp; || é-&nbsp; || én-&nbsp; || è-&nbsp;&nbsp; || éj-&nbsp;
|}
-->

<!--
{| {{tablaguapa}} style="text-align: center;"
|+ Agent transitive verbs
!
! colspan="8" | Non-agent Primary Person-Number
|-
! Non-agent<br />Number !! 1st-Sg. !! 2nd-Sg. !! 2nd-Dual !! 2nd-Pl. !! 3rd-Sg. !! 3rd-Dual !! 1st-Sg./Dual<br/>3rd-Pl. !! 3rd-Inverse
|-
! Sg.
| gà- || à-&nbsp; || má-`- || bá-`- || – || {{unicode|é&#x0332;-`-}} || á-`-&nbsp; || é-`-
|-
! Dual
| nèn- || mèn- || mén-&nbsp; || bèj-&nbsp; || {{unicode|è&#x0332;-}}&nbsp; || én-&nbsp; || èj-&nbsp;&nbsp; || èj-&nbsp;
|-
! Pl.
| gàj- || bàj- || mán-`- || báj-`- || gà- || én-`- || gá-`- || éj-`-
|-
! Inverse
| dea- || bé-&nbsp; || mén-`- || béj-&nbsp; || é-&nbsp; || én-&nbsp; || è-&nbsp;&nbsp; || éj-&nbsp;
|}
-->

== Referencies ==
{{llistaref|2}}

=== Bibliografía ===
* Adger, David and Daniel Harbour. (2005). The syntax and syncretisms of the person-case constraint. In K. Hiraiwa & J. Sabbagh (Eds.), ''MIT working papers in linguistics'' (Non. 50).
* Campbell, Lyle. (1997). ''American Indian languages: The historical linguistics of Native America''. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509427-1.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464040 | last1 = Crowell | first1 = Edith | añu = 1949 | títulu = A preliminary report on Kiowa structure | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 15 | númberu = 3| páxines = 163-167 }}
* Gonzales, Alecia Keahbone. (2001). ''Thaum khoiye tdoen gyah: Beginning Kiowa language.'' Chickasha, OK: University of Science and Arts of Oklahoma Foundation. ISBN 0-9713894-0-3.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464664 | last1 = Hale | first1 = Kenneth | añu = 1962 | títulu = Jemez and Kiowa correspondences in reference to Kiowa–Tanoan | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 28 | número = | páxina = 1-5 }}
* Harbour, Daniel. (2003). The Kiowa case for feature insertion.
* Harrington, John P. (1928). ''Vocabulary of the Kiowa language''. Bureau of American Ethnology bulletin (Non. 84). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/463919 | last1 = Harrington | first1 = John P. | añu = 1947 | títulu = Three Kiowa texts | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 12 | númberu = 4| páxines = 237-242 }}
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/465926 | last1 = Hickerson | first1 = Nancy P. | añu = 1985 | títulu = Some Kiowa terms for currency and financial transactions | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 51 | númberu = 4| páxines = 446-449 }}
* McKenzie, Parker; & Harrington, John P. (1948). ''Popular account of the Kiowa Indian language''. Santa Fe: University of New Mexico Press.
* {{cita publicación | last1 = Meadows | first1 = William C. | last2 = McKenzie | first2 = Parker P. | añu = 2001 | títulu = The Parker P. McKenzie Kiowa orthography: How written Kiowa came into being | url = http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-79711111.html | publicación = Plains Anthropologist | volume = 46 | númberu = 176 | páxines = 233-248 | urlarchivu = https://web.archive.org/web/20121105000637/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-79711111.html | fechaarchivu = 5 de payares de 2012 | archiveurl = https://web.archive.org/web/20121105000637/http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P3-79711111.html | archivedate = 2012-11-05 | fechaaccesu = 2018-10-31 }}
* Merrill, William; Hansson, Marian; Greene, Candace; & Reuss, Frederick. (1997). ''A guide to the Kiowa collections at the Smithsonian Institution''. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 40.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464523 | last1 = Merrifield | first1 = William R. | añu = 1959 | títulu = The Kiowa verb prefix | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 25 | númberu = 3| páxines = 168-176 }}
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464544 | last1 = Merrifield | first1 = William R. | añu = 1959 | títulu = Classification of Kiowa nouns | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 25 | númberu = 4| páxines = 269-271 }}
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1525/aa.1959.61.1.02a00130 | last1 = Miller | first1 = Wick R. | añu = 1959 | títulu = A note on Kiowa linguistic affiliations | url = | publicación = American Anthropologist | volume = 61 | número = | páxina = 102-105 }}
* Mithun, Marianne. (1999). ''The languages of Native North America''. Cambridge: [[Cambridge University Press]]. ISBN 0-521-23228-7 (hbk); ISBN 0-521-29875-X.
* Palmer, Jr., Gus (Pánthâidè). (2004). ''Telling stories the Kiowa way''.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464356 | last1 = Sivertsen | first1 = Eva | añu = 1956 | títulu = Pitch problems in Kiowa | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 22 | númberu = 2| páxines = 117-130 }}
* Takahashi, Junichi. (1984). Case marking in Kiowa. CUNY. (Doctoral dissertation).
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1525/aa.1959.61.6.02a00140 | last1 = Trager | first1 = George L. | last2 = Trager | first2 = Edith | añu = 1959 | títulu = Kiowa and Tanoan | url = | publicación = American Anthropologist | volume = 61 | númberu = 6| páxines = 1078-1083 }}
* Trager, Edith C. (1960). The Kiowa language: A grammatical study. University of Pennsylvania. (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania).
* Trager-Johnson, Edith C. (1972). Kiowa and English pronouns: Contrastive morphosemantics. In L. M. Davis (Ed.), ''Studies in linguistics, in honor of Raven I. McDavid''. University of Alabama Press.
* Watkins, Lloréu J. (1976). Position in grammar: Sit, stand, and lie. In ''Kansas working papers in linguistics'' (Vol. 1). Lawrence.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/466165 | last1 = Watkins | first1 = Lloréu J. | añu = 1990 | títulu = Noun phrase versus zero in Kiowa discourse | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 56 | númberu = 3| páxines = 410-426 }}
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/466193 | last1 = Watkins | first1 = Lloréu J. | añu = 1993 | títulu = The discourse functions of Kiowa switch-reference | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 59 | númberu = 2| páxines = 137-164 }}
* Watkins, Lloréu J.; & McKenzie, Parker. (1984). ''A grammar of Kiowa''. Studies in the anthropology of North American Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-4727-3.
* {{cita publicación | doi = 10.1086/464244 | last1 = Wonderly | first1 = William | last2 = Gibson | first2 = Lornia | last3 = Kirk | first3 = Paul | añu = 1954 | títulu = Number in Kiowa: Nouns, demonstratives, and adjectives | url = | publicación = International Journal of American Linguistics | volume = 20 | número = | páxina = 1-7 }}

=== Enllaces esternos ===
{{traducíu ref|en|Kiowa language|566871474|parcial}}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20120206211113/http://people.umass.edu/armckenz/kiowa.html Kiowa] (from Andrew McKenzie's site).
* [http://www.uapress.arizona.edu/lib/cache/excerpts/kiowa/kiowasng.htm The Power of Kiowa Song: A Collaborative Ethnography.]

{{ORDENAR:Kiowa}}


{{Tradubot|Idioma kiowa}}

{{control d'autoridaes}}
[[Categoría:Llingües kiowa-tañoanas]]
[[Categoría:Llingües amerindies d'Estaos Xuníos]]
El kiowa ye una llingua de la familia kiowa-tañoana falada anguaño polos kiowa d'Oklahoma, orixinalmente falóse principalmente nel condáu caddo, el condáu kiowa y el condáu comanche. El centru tribal kiowa ta allugáu en Carnegie (Oklahoma). Como la mayor parte de llingües indíxenes d'Estaos Xuníos anguaño ye una llingua amenazada cola estinción.

 Aspeutos históricos, sociales y culturales 
 Usu y distribución 
Laurel Watkins señaló en 1984 que de les estimaciones de Parker McKenzie namái unes 400 persones (la mayor parte d'ellos con más de 50 años) podríen falar kiowa y que raramente la llingua yera falada polos neños de la comunidá. Una cifra más recién de de McKenzie ye qu'unos 300 adultos podríen falalo con «distintos graos de fluyencia», esti datu ye recoyíu por Mithun (1999) dientro d'un grupu étnicu de 12 242 kiowas (Censu estauxunidense de 2000).

La Intertribal Wordpath Society, una organización ensin ánimu d'arriquecimientu dedicada a caltener les llingües indíxenes d'Oklahoma, envaloró que'l númberu máximu de falantes fluentes de kiowa en 2006 yera de namái 400.Anderton, Alice, Phd. "Status of Indian Languages in Oklahoma". Intertribal Wordpath Society. (retrieved 24 April 2011). Un artículu periodísticu de 2013 envaloró que namái quedaben 100 falantes fluentes.

 Esfuercios de revitalización 
Les autoridaes de la tribu kiowa ufierten clases selmanales na Jacobson House, un centru indíxena ensin ánimu d'arriquecimientu asitiáu en Norman (Oklahoma). Dane Poolaw y Carol Williams siguen enseñando la llingua usando'l métodu de Parker McKenzie."Kiowa Language Class". Kiowa Tribe. 16 May 2011 (retrieved 26 Aug 2011).

La Universidá de Tulsa, la Universidá d'Oklahoma en Norman y la Universidá de Ciencia y Artes d'Oklahoma en Chickasha ufierten clases de kiowa.

Alecia Gonzales (kiowa-apache, 1926–2011), qu'enseñó en USAO, creó una gramática didáctica del kiowa llamada Thaum khoiye tdoen gyah: beginning Kiowa language.

 Descripción llingüística 
 Fonoloxía 

L'inventariu consonánticu del kiowa ta formáu por 23 unidaes:
{|  style="text-align: center;"
! colspan="2" |
! Billabial
! Dental !! Alveolar
! Palatal !! Velar
! Glotal
|-
! rowspan="4" | non-continuante
! voiced
|  ||  || || ||  ||
|-
!sorda
|  ||  ||  || ||  || 
|-
!aspirada
|  ||  || || ||  ||
|-
! eyectiva
|  ||  ||  || ||  ||
|-
! rowspan="2" | Fricativa
! sorda
| || ||  || || || 
|-
! sonora
| || ||  || || ||
|-
! colspan="2"|Nasal
|  ||  || || || ||
|-
! colspan="2" | Aproximante
|  ||  || ||  || ||
|}

Amás el kiowa estrema seis timbres vocálicos, con trés niveles distintivos abertura y un contraste ente vocales anteriores-posteriores. Toes estes vocales estremen fonológiamente ente variedaes llargues/curties, orales/nasales. Les 24 unidaes fonolóxiques vocáliques son:

{| 
|+ Monoptongos
! rowspan="2" colspan="2" | 
! align="center" colspan="2" | Anterior
! align="center" colspan="2" | Posterior
|-
! align="center" | curtia
! align="center" | llarga
! align="center" | curtiu
! align="center" | llarga
|-
! rowspan="2" | Zarrada
! oral
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|-
! nasal
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|-
!rowspan="2" | Media
! oral
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|-
! nasal
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|-
! rowspan="2" | Abierta
! oral
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|-
! nasal
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|}

{| 
|+ Diptongos
! 
! align="center" | Anterior
! align="center" | Posterior
|-
| Zarrada
| 
| align="center" | 
|-
| Media
| 
| align="center" | 
|-
| Abierta
| align="center" | 
| align="center" | 
|}

Toos contratar fonolóxicos nes consonantes del kiowa pueden ser xustificaos por aciu una abondosa coleición pares mínimos y casi-mínimos. Nun esiste contraste ente la presencia d'una oclusiva inicial glotalizada o la so ausencia.
{| 
! AFI
! Exemplu
!Glosa |-align=center

| || [pʼí] || 'hermana [de la muyer]'
|-align=center
| || [pʰí]|| 'fueu; llomba; pesáu'
|-align=center
| || [pĩ] || 'food eating'
|-align=center
| || [bĩ]|| 'neblado'
|-align=center
| || [tʼáp]|| 'venáu, venado'
|-align=center
| || [tʰáp]|| 'secu'
|-align=center
| || [tá]|| 'güeyu'
|}

Les oclusives eyectivas y aspiraes se artículan bien enérxicamente. Les oclusives ensin aspirar son tirantes, ente que les sonores son laxas. La fricativa alveolar sorda  asimilar a [š] ante .
{| 
! Ortografía
!Pronunciación
! Glosa |-align=center

|sét|| [sét]|| 'osu'
|-align=center
|syân|| [šẽnˀ]|| '[ser] pequeñu'
|-align=center
|sân|| [sânˀ] || 'neñu'
|}

 Referencies 

 Bibliografía 
 Adger, David and Daniel Harbour. (2005). The syntax and syncretisms of the person-case constraint. In K. Hiraiwa & J. Sabbagh (Eds.), MIT working papers in linguistics (Non. 50).
 Campbell, Lyle. (1997). American Indian languages: The historical linguistics of Native America. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-509427-1.
 
 Gonzales, Alecia Keahbone. (2001). Thaum khoiye tdoen gyah: Beginning Kiowa language. Chickasha, OK: University of Science and Arts of Oklahoma Foundation. ISBN 0-9713894-0-3.
 
 Harbour, Daniel. (2003). The Kiowa case for feature insertion.
 Harrington, John P. (1928). Vocabulary of the Kiowa language. Bureau of American Ethnology bulletin (Non. 84). Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off.
 
 
 McKenzie, Parker; & Harrington, John P. (1948). Popular account of the Kiowa Indian language. Santa Fe: University of New Mexico Press.
 
 Merrill, William; Hansson, Marian; Greene, Candace; & Reuss, Frederick. (1997). A guide to the Kiowa collections at the Smithsonian Institution. Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 40.
 
 
 
 Mithun, Marianne. (1999). The languages of Native North America. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-23228-7 (hbk); ISBN 0-521-29875-X.
 Palmer, Jr., Gus (Pánthâidè). (2004). Telling stories the Kiowa way.
 
 Takahashi, Junichi. (1984). Case marking in Kiowa. CUNY. (Doctoral dissertation).
 
 Trager, Edith C. (1960). The Kiowa language: A grammatical study. University of Pennsylvania. (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania).
 Trager-Johnson, Edith C. (1972). Kiowa and English pronouns: Contrastive morphosemantics. In L. M. Davis (Ed.), Studies in linguistics, in honor of Raven I. McDavid. University of Alabama Press.
 Watkins, Lloréu J. (1976). Position in grammar: Sit, stand, and lie. In Kansas working papers in linguistics (Vol. 1). Lawrence.
 
 
 Watkins, Lloréu J.; & McKenzie, Parker. (1984). A grammar of Kiowa. Studies in the anthropology of North American Indians. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0-8032-4727-3.
 

 Enllaces esternos 

 Kiowa (from Andrew McKenzie's site).
 The Power of Kiowa Song: A Collaborative Ethnography.

Categoría:Llingües kiowa-tañoanas
Categoría:Llingües amerindies d'Estaos Xuníos