Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 85th Congress: It is again my high privilege to extend personal greetings to the members of the 85th Congress. All of us realize that, as this new session begins, many Americans are troubled about recent world developments which they believe may threaten our nation's safety. Honest men differ in their appraisal of America's material and intellectual strength, and the dangers that confront us. But all know these dangers are real. The purpose of this message is to outline the measures that can give the American people a confidence--just as real--in their own security. I am not here to justify the past, gloss over the problems of the present, or propose easy solutions for the future. I am here to state what I believe to be right and what I believe to be wrong; and to propose action for correcting what I think wrong! I. There are two tasks confronting us that so far outweigh all other that I shall devote this year's message entirely to them. The first is to ensure our safety through strength. As to our strength, I have repeatedly voiced this conviction: We now have a broadly based and efficient defensive strength, including a great deterrent power, which is, for the present, our main guarantee against war; but, unless we act wisely and promptly, we could lose that capacity to deter attack or defend ourselves. My profoundest conviction is that the American people will say, as one man: No matter what the exertions or sacrifices, we shall maintain that necessary strength ! But we could make no more tragic mistake than merely to concentrate on military strength. 
For if we did only this, the future would hold nothing for the world but an Age of Terror. And so our second task is to do the constructive work of building a genuine peace. We must never become so preoccupied with our desire for military strength that we neglect those areas of economic development, trade, diplomacy, education, ideas and principles where the foundations of real peace must be laid. II. The threat to our safety, and to the hope of a peaceful world, can be simply stated. It is communist imperialism. This threat is not something imagined by critics of the Soviets. Soviet spokesmen, from the beginning, have publicly and frequently declared their aim to expand their power, one way or another, throughout the world. The threat has become increasingly serious as this expansionist aim has been reinforced by an advancing industrial, military and scientific establishment. But what makes the Soviet threat unique in history is its all--inclusiveness. Every human activity is pressed into service as a weapon of expansion. Trade, economic development, military power, arts, science, education, the whole world of ideas--all are harnessed to this same chariot of expansion. 
The Soviets are, in short, waging total cold war. The only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total peace. 
This means bringing to bear every asset of our personal and national lives upon the task of building the conditions in which security and peace can grow. III. Among our assets, let us first briefly glance at our military power. 
Military power serves the cause of security by making prohibitive the cost of any aggressive attack. It serves the cause of peace by holding up a shield behind which the patient constructive work of peace can go on. But it can serve neither cause if we make either of two mistakes. The one would be to overestimate our strength, and thus neglect crucially important actions in the period just ahead. The other would be to underestimate our strength. Thereby we might be tempted to become irresolute in our foreign relations, to dishearten our friends, and to lose our national poise and perspective in approaching the complex problems ahead. Any orderly balance-sheet of military strength must be in two parts. The first is the position as of today. The second is the position in the period ahead. As of today: our defensive shield comprehends a vast complex of ground, sea, and air units, superbly equipped and strategically deployed around the world. The most powerful deterrent to war in the world today lies in the retaliatory power of our Strategic Air Command and the aircraft of our Navy. They present to any potential attacker who would unleash war upon the world the prospect of virtual annihilation of his own country. Even if we assume a surprise attack on our bases, with a marked reduction in our striking power, our bombers would immediately be on their way in sufficient strength to accomplish this mission of retaliation. Every informed government knows this. It is no secret. Since the Korean Armistice, the American people have spent $225 billion in maintaining and strengthening this overall defensive shield. This is the position as of today. Now as to the period ahead: Every part of our military establishment must and will be equipped to do its defensive job with the most modern weapons and methods. But it is particularly important to our planning that we make a candid estimate of the effect of long-range ballistic missiles on the present deterrent power I have described. At this moment, the consensus of opinion is that we are probably somewhat behind the Soviets in some areas of long-range ballistic missile development. But it is my conviction, based on close study of all relevant intelligence, that if we make the necessary effort, we will have the missiles, in the needed quantity and in time, to sustain and strengthen the deterrent power of our increasingly efficient bombers. One encouraging fact evidencing this ability is the rate of progress we have achieved since we began to concentrate on these missiles. The intermediate ballistic missiles, Thor and Jupiter, have already been ordered into production. The parallel progress in the intercontinental ballistic missile effort will be advanced by our plans for acceleration. The development of the submarine-based Polaris missile system has progressed so well that its future procurement schedules are being moved forward markedly. When it is remembered that our country has concentrated on the development of ballistic missiles for only about a third as long as the Soviets, these achievements show a rate of progress that speaks for itself. Only a brief time back, we were spending at the rate of only about one million dollars a year on long range ballistic missiles. In 1957 we spent more than one billion dollars on the Arias, Titan, Thor, Jupiter, and Polaris programs alone. But I repeat, gratifying though this rate of progress is, we must still do more! Our real problem, then, is not our strength today; it is rather the vital necessity of action today to ensure our strength tomorrow. What I have just said applies to our strength as a single country. But we are not alone. I have returned from the recent NATO meeting with renewed conviction that, because we are a part of a world-wide community of free and peaceful nations, our own security is immeasurably increased. By contrast, the Soviet Union has surrounded itself with captive and sullen nations. Like a crack in the crust of an uneasily sleeping volcano, the Hungarian uprising revealed the depth and intensity of the patriotic longing for liberty that still burns within these countries. The world thinks of us as a country which is strong, but which will never start a war. The world also thinks of us as a land which has never enslaved anyone and which is animated by humane ideals. This friendship, based on common ideals, is one of our greatest sources of strength. It cements into a cohesive security arrangement the aggregate of the spiritual, military and economic strength of all those nations which, with us, are allied by treaties and agreements. Up to this point, I have talked solely about our military strength to deter a possible future war. 
I now want to talk about the strength we need to win a different kind of war--one that has already been launched against us. It is the massive economic offensive that has been mounted by the communist imperialists against free nations. The communist imperialist regimes have for some time been largely frustrated in their attempts at expansion based directly on force. As a result, they have begun to concentrate heavily on economic penetration, particularly of newly-developing countries, as a preliminary to political domination. This non-military drive, if underestimated, could defeat the free world regardless of our military strength. This danger is all the greater precisely because many of us fail or refuse to recognize it. Thus, some people may be tempted to finance our extra military effort by cutting economic assistance. But at the very time when the economic threat is assuming menacing proportions, to fail to strengthen our own effort would be nothing less than reckless folly ! Admittedly, most of us did not anticipate the psychological impact upon the world of the launching of the first earth satellite. Let us not make the same kind of mistake in another field, by failing to anticipate the much more serious impact of the Soviet economic offensive. As with our military potential, our economic assets are more than equal to the task. Our independent farmers produce an abundance of food and fibre. Our free workers are versatile, intelligent, and hardworking. Our businessmen are imaginative and resourceful. The productivity, the adaptability of the American economy is the solid foundation-stone of our security structure. We have just concluded another prosperous year. Our output was once more the greatest in the nation's history. In the latter part of the year, some decline in employment and output occurred, following the exceptionally rapid expansion of recent years. In a free economy, reflecting as it does the independent judgments of millions of people, growth typically moves forward unevenly. But the basic forces of growth remain unimpaired. There are solid grounds for confidence that economic growth will be resumed without an extended interruption. Moreover, the Federal government, constantly alert to signs of weakening in any part of our economy, always stands ready, with its full power, to take any appropriate further action to promote renewed business expansion. If our history teaches us anything, it is this lesson: so far as the economic potential of our nation is concerned, the believers in the future of America have always been the realists. I count myself as one of this company. Our long-range problem, then, is not the stamina of our enormous engine of production. Our problem is to make sure that we use these vast economic forces confidently and creatively, not only in direct military defense efforts, but likewise in our foreign policy, through such activities as mutual economic aid and foreign trade. In much the same way, we have tremendous potential resources on other non-military fronts to help in countering the Soviet threat: education, science, research, and, not least, the ideas and principles by which we live. And in all these cases the task ahead is to bring these resources more sharply to bear upon the new tasks of security and peace in a swiftly-changing world. IV. There are many items in the Administration's program, of a kind frequently included in a State of the Union Message, with which I am not dealing today. They are important to us and to our prosperity. But I am reserving them for treatment in separate communications because of my purpose today of speaking only about matters bearing directly upon our security and peace. I now place before you an outline of action designed to focus our resources upon the two tasks of security and peace. In this special category I list eight items requiring action. They are not merely desirable. They are imperative. 1. DEFENSE REORGANIZATION The first need is to assure ourselves that military organization facilitates rather than hinders the functioning of the military establishment in maintaining the security of the nation. Since World War II, the purpose of achieving maximum organizational efficiency in a modern defense establishment has several times occasioned action by the Congress and by the Executive. The advent of revolutionary new devices, bringing with them the problem of overall continental defense, creates new difficulties, reminiscent of those attending the advent of the airplane half a century ago. Some of the important new weapons which technology has produced do not fit into any existing service pattern. They cut across all services, involve all services, and transcend all services, at every stage from development to operation. In some instances they defy classification according to branch of service. Unfortunately, the uncertainties resulting from such a situation, and the jurisdictional disputes attending upon it, tend to bewilder and confuse the public and create the impression that service differences are damaging the national interest. Let us proudly remember that the members of the Armed Forces give their basic allegiance solely to the United States. Of that fact all of us are certain. But pride of service and mistaken zeal in promoting particular doctrine has more than once occasioned the kind of difficulty of which I have just spoken. I am not attempting today to pass judgment on the charge of harmful service rivalries. But one thing is sure. Whatever they are, America wants them stopped. Recently I have had under special study the never-ending problem of efficient organization, complicated as it is by new weapons. Soon my conclusions will be finalized. I shall promptly take such Executive action as is necessary and, in a separate message, I shall present appropriate recommendations to the Congress. Meanwhile, without anticipating the detailed form that a reorganization should take, I can state its main lines in terms of objectives: A major purpose of military organization is to achieve real unity in the Defense establishment in all the principal features of military activities. Of all these, one of the most important to our nation's security is strategic planning and control. This work must be done under unified direction. The defense structure must be one which, as a whole, can assume, with top efficiency and without friction, the defense of America. The Defense establishment must therefore plan for a better integration of its defensive resources, particularly with respect to the newer weapons now building and under development. These obviously require full coordination in their development, production and use. Good organization can help assure this coordination. In recognition of the need for single control in some of our most advanced development projects, the Secretary of Defense has already decided to concentrate into one organization all the anti-missile and satellite technology undertaken within the Department of Defense. Another requirement of military organization is a clear subordination of the military services to duly constituted civilian authority. This control must be real; not merely on the surface. Next there must be assurance that an excessive number of compartments in organization will not create costly and confusing compartments in our scientific and industrial effort. Finally, to end inter-service disputes requires clear organization and decisive central direction, supported by the unstinted cooperation of every individual in the defense establishment, civilian and military. 2. ACCELERATED DEFENSE EFFORT The second major action item is the acceleration of the defense effort in particular areas affected by the fast pace of scientific and technological advance. Some of the points at which improved and increased effort are most essential are these: We must have sure warning in case of attack. The improvement of warning equipment is becoming increasingly important as we approach the period when long-range missiles will come into use. We must protect and disperse our striking forces and increase their readiness for instant reaction. This means more base facilities and standby crews. We must maintain deterrent retaliatory power. This means, among other things, stepped-up long range missile programs; accelerated programs for other effective missile systems; and, for some years, more advanced aircraft. We must maintain freedom of the seas. This means nuclear submarines and cruisers; improved anti-submarine weapons; missile ships; and the like. We must maintain all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local conflicts, should there be need. This means further improvements in equipment, mobility, tactics and fire power. Through increases in pay and incentive, we must maintain in the armed forces the skilled manpower modern military forces require. We must be forward-looking in our research and development to anticipate and achieve the unimagined weapons of the future. With these and other improvements, we intend to assure that our vigilance, power, and technical excellence keep abreast of any realistic threat we face. 3. MUTUAL AID Third: We must continue to strengthen our mutual security efforts. Most people now realize that our programs of military aid and defense support are an integral part of our own defense effort. If the foundations of the Free World structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the pressure of communist imperialism, the entire house of freedom would be in danger of collapse. As for the mutual economic assistance program, the benefit to us is threefold. First, the countries receiving this aid become bulwarks against communist encroachment as their military defenses and economies are strengthened. Nations that are conscious of a steady improvement in their industry, education, health and standard of living are not apt to fall prey to the blandishments of communist imperialists. Second, these countries are helped to reach the point where mutually profitable trade can expand between them and us. Third, the mutual confidence that comes from working together on constructive projects creates an atmosphere in which real understanding and peace can flourish. To help bring these multiple benefits, our economic aid effort should be made more effective. In proposals for future economic aid, I am stressing a greater use of repayable loans, through the Development Loan Fund, through funds generated by sale of surplus farm products, and through the Export-Import Bank. While some increase in Government funds will be required, it remains our objective to encourage shifting to the use of private capital sources as rapidly as possible. One great obstacle to the economic aid program in the past has been, not a rational argument against it on the merits, but a catchword: "give-away program." The real fact is that no investment we make in our own security and peace can pay us greater dividends than necessary amounts of economic aid to friendly nations. 
This is no "give-away." 
Let's stick to facts ! We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan ! 4. MUTUAL TRADE Fourth: Both in our national interest, and in the interest of world peace, we must have a five-year extension of the Trade Agreements Act with broadened authority to negotiate. World trade supports a significant segment of American industry and agriculture. It provides employment for four and one-half million American workers. It helps supply our ever increasing demand for raw materials. It provides the opportunity for American free enterprise to develop on a worldwide scale. It strengthens our friends and increases their desire to be friends. World trade helps to lay the groundwork for peace by making all free nations of the world stronger and more self-reliant. America is today the world's greatest trading nation. If we use this great asset wisely to meet the expanding demands of the world, we shall not only provide future opportunities for our own business, agriculture, and labor, but in the process strengthen our security posture and other prospects for a prosperous, harmonious world. As President McKinley said, as long ago as 1901: "Isolation is no longer possible or desirable .... The period of exclusiveness is past." 5. SCIENTIFIC COOPERATION WITH OUR ALLIES Fifth: It is of the highest importance that the Congress enact the necessary legislation to enable us to exchange appropriate scientific and technical information with friendly countries as part of our effort to achieve effective scientific cooperation. It is wasteful in the extreme for friendly allies to consume talent and money in solving problems that their friends have already solved--all because of artificial barriers to sharing. We cannot afford to cut ourselves off from the brilliant talents and minds of scientists in friendly countries. The task ahead will be hard enough without handcuffs of our own making. The groundwork for this kind of cooperation has already been laid in discussions among NATO countries. Promptness in following through with legislation will be the best possible evidence of American unity of purpose in cooperating with our friends. 6. EDUCATION AND RESEARCH Sixth: In the area of education and research, I recommend a balanced program to improve our resources, involving an investment of about a billion dollars over a four year period. This involves new activities by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare designed principally to encourage improved teaching quality and student opportunities in the interests of national security. It also provides a five-fold increase in sums available to the National Science Foundation for its special activities in stimulating and improving science education. Scrupulous attention has been paid to maintaining local control of educational policy, spurring the maximum amount of local effort, and to avoiding undue stress on the physical sciences at the expense of other branches of learning. In the field of research, I am asking for substantial increases in basic research funds, including a doubling of the funds available to the National Science Foundation for this purpose. But Federal action can do only a part of the job. In both education and research, redoubled exertions will be necessary on the part of all Americans if we are to rise to the demands of our times. This means hard work on the part of state and local governments, private industry, schools and colleges, private organizations and foundations, teachers, parents, and--perhaps most important of all--the student himself, with his bag of books and his homework. With this kind of all-inclusive campaign, I have no doubt that we can create the intellectual capital we need for the years ahead, invest it in the right places--and do all this, not as regimented pawns, but as free men and women ! 7. SPENDING AND SAVING Seventh: To provide for this extra effort for security, we must apply stern tests of priority to other expenditures, both military and civilian. This extra effort involves, most immediately, the need for a supplemental defense appropriation of $1.3 billion for fiscal year 1958. In the 1959 budget, increased expenditures for missiles, nuclear ships, atomic energy, research and development, science and education, a special contingency fund to deal with possible new technological discoveries, and increases in pay and incentives to obtain and retain competent manpower add up to a total increase over the comparable figures in the 1957 budget of about $4 billion. I believe that, in spite of these necessary increases, we should strive to finance the 1959 security effort out of expected revenues. While we now believe that expected revenues and expenditures will roughly balance, our real purpose will be to achieve adequate security, but always with the utmost regard for efficiency and careful management. This purpose will require the cooperation of Congress in making careful analysis of estimates presented, reducing expenditure on less essential military programs and installations, postponing some new civilian programs, transferring some to the states, and curtailing or eliminating others. Such related matters as the national debt ceiling and tax revenues will be dealt with in later messages. 8. WORKS OF PEACE My last call for action is not primarily addressed to the Congress and people of the United States. Rather, it is a message from the people of the United States to all other peoples, especially those of the Soviet Union. 
This is the spirit of what we would like to say: "In the last analysis, there is only one solution to the grim problems that lie ahead. The world must stop the present plunge toward more and more destructive weapons of war, and turn the corner that will start our steps firmly on the path toward lasting peace. "Our greatest hope for success lies in a universal fact: the people of the world, as people, have always wanted peace and want peace now. "The problem, then, is to find a way of translating this universal desire into action. 
"This will require more than words of peace. It requires works of peace." Now, may I try to give you some concrete examples of the kind of works of peace that might make a beginning in the new direction. For a start our people should learn to know each other better. Recent negotiations in Washington have provided a basis in principle for greater freedom of communication and exchange of people. I urge the Soviet government to cooperate in turning principle into practice by prompt and tangible actions that will break down the unnatural barriers that have blocked the flow of thought and understanding between our people. Another kind of work of peace is cooperation on projects of human welfare. For example, we now have it within our power to eradicate from the face of the earth that age-old scourge of mankind: malaria. We are embarking with other nations in an all-out five-year campaign to blot out this curse forever. We invite the Soviets to join with us in this great work of humanity. Indeed, we would be willing to pool our efforts with the Soviets in other campaigns against the diseases that are the common enemy of all mortals--such as cancer and heart disease. If people can get together on such projects, is it not possible that we could then go on to a full-scale cooperative program of Science for Peace? We have as a guide and inspiration the success of our Atoms-for-Peace proposal, which in only a few years, under United Nations auspices, became a reality in the International Atomic Energy Agency. A program of Science for Peace might provide a means of funneling into one place the results of research from scientists everywhere and from there making it available to all parts of the world. There is almost no limit to the human betterment that could result from such cooperation. Hunger and disease could increasingly be driven from the earth. The age-old dream of a good life for all could, at long last, be translated into reality. But of all the works of peace, none is more needed now than a real first step toward disarmament. Last August the United Nations General Assembly, by an overwhelming vote, approved a disarmament plan that we and our allies sincerely believed to be fair and practical. The Soviets have rejected both the plan, and the negotiating procedure set up by the United Nations. As a result, negotiation on this supremely important issue is now at a stand-still. But the world cannot afford to stand still on disarmament! We must never give up the search for a basis of agreement. Our allies from time to time develop differing ideas on how to proceed. We must concert these convictions among ourselves. Thereafter, any reasonable proposal that holds promise for disarmament and reduction of tension must be heard, discussed, and, if possible, negotiated. But a disarmament proposal, to hold real promise, must at the minimum have one feature: reliable means to ensure compliance by all. It takes actions and demonstrated integrity on both sides to create and sustain confidence. And confidence in a genuine disarmament agreement is vital, not only to the signers of the agreement, but also to the millions of people all over the world who are weary of tensions and armaments. I say once more, to all peoples, that we will always go the extra mile with anyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace. CONCLUSION These, then, are the ways in which we must funnel our energies more efficiently into the task of advancing security and peace. These actions demand and expect two things of the American people: sacrifice, and a high degree of understanding. For sacrifice to be effective it must be intelligent. Sacrifice must be made for the right purpose and in the right place--even if that place happens to come close to home ! After all, it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day, and the next day, for local reasons, opposing the elimination of some unneeded Federal facility. It is pointless to condemn Federal spending in general, and the next moment condemn just as strongly an effort to reduce the particular Federal grant that touches one's own interest. And it makes no sense whatever to spend additional billions on military strength to deter a potential danger, and then, by cutting aid and trade programs, let the world succumb to a present danger in economic guise. My friends of the Congress: The world is waiting to see how wisely and decisively a free representative government will now act. I believe that this Congress possesses and will display the wisdom promptly to do its part in translating into law the actions demanded by our nation's interests. But, to make law effective, our kind of government needs the full voluntary support of millions of Americans for these actions. I am fully confident that the response of the Congress and of the American people will make this time of test a time of honor. Mankind then will see more clearly than ever that the future belongs, not to the concept of the regimented atheistic state, but to the people--the God-fearing, peace-loving people of all the world. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the 85th Congress: It is again my high privilege to extend personal greetings to the members of the 85th Congress. All of us realize that, as this new session begins, many Americans are troubled about recent world developments which they believe may threaten our nation's safety. Honest men differ in their appraisal of America's material and intellectual strength, and the dangers that confront us. But all know these dangers are real. The purpose of this message is to outline the measures that can give the American people a confidence--just as real--in their own security. I am not here to justify the past, gloss over the problems of the present, or propose easy solutions for the future. I am here to state what I believe to be right and what I believe to be wrong; and to propose action for correcting what I think wrong! I. There are two tasks confronting us that so far outweigh all other that I shall devote this year's message entirely to them. The first is to ensure our safety through strength. As to our strength, I have repeatedly voiced this conviction: We now have a broadly based and efficient defensive strength, including a great deterrent power, which is, for the present, our main guarantee against war; but, unless we act wisely and promptly, we could lose that capacity to deter attack or defend ourselves. My profoundest conviction is that the American people will say, as one man: No matter what the exertions or sacrifices, we shall maintain that necessary strength ! But we could make no more tragic mistake than merely to concentrate on military strength. For if we did only this, the future would hold nothing for the world but an Age of Terror. And so our second task is to do the constructive work of building a genuine peace. We must never become so preoccupied with our desire for military strength that we neglect those areas of economic development, trade, diplomacy, education, ideas and principles where the foundations of real peace must be laid. II. The threat to our safety, and to the hope of a peaceful world, can be simply stated. It is communist imperialism. This threat is not something imagined by critics of the Soviets. Soviet spokesmen, from the beginning, have publicly and frequently declared their aim to expand their power, one way or another, throughout the world. The threat has become increasingly serious as this expansionist aim has been reinforced by an advancing industrial, military and scientific establishment. But what makes the Soviet threat unique in history is its all--inclusiveness. Every human activity is pressed into service as a weapon of expansion. Trade, economic development, military power, arts, science, education, the whole world of ideas--all are harnessed to this same chariot of expansion. The Soviets are, in short, waging total cold war. The only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total peace. This means bringing to bear every asset of our personal and national lives upon the task of building the conditions in which security and peace can grow. III. Among our assets, let us first briefly glance at our military power. Military power serves the because of security by making prohibitive the cost of any aggressive attack. It serves the because of peace by holding up a shield behind which the patient constructive work of peace can go on. But it can serve neither because if we make either of two mistakes. The one would be to overestimate our strength, and thus neglect crucially important actions in the period just ahead. The other would be to underestimate our strength. Thereby we might be tempted to become irresolute in our foreign relations, to dishearten our friends, and to lose our national poise and perspective in approaching the complex problems ahead. Any orderly balance-sheet of military strength must be in two parts. The first is the position as of today. The second is the position in the period ahead. As of today: our defensive shield comprehends a vast complex of ground, sea, and air units, superbly equipped and strategically deployed around the world. The most powerful deterrent to war in the world today lies in the retaliatory power of our Strategic Air Command and the aircraft of our Navy. They present to any potential attacker who would unleash war upon the world the prospect of virtual annihilation of his own country. Even if we assume a surprise attack on our bases, with a marked reduction in our striking power, our bombers would immediately be on their way in sufficient strength to accomplish this mission of retaliation. Every informed government knows this. It is no secret. Since the Korean Armistice, the American people have spent $225 billion in maintaining and strengthening this overall defensive shield. This is the position as of today. Now as to the period ahead: Every part of our military establishment must and will be equipped to do its defensive job with the most modern weapons and methods. But it is particularly important to our planning that we make a candid estimate of the effect of long-range ballistic missiles on the present deterrent power I have described. At this moment, the consensus of opinion is that we are probably somewhat behind the Soviets in some areas of long-range ballistic missile development. But it is my conviction, based on close study of all relevant intelligence, that if we make the necessary effort, we will have the missiles, in the needed quantity and in time, to sustain and strengthen the deterrent power of our increasingly efficient bombers. One encouraging fact evidencing this ability is the rate of progress we have achieved since we began to concentrate on these missiles. The intermediate ballistic missiles, Thor and Jupiter, have already been ordered into production. The parallel progress in the intercontinental ballistic missile effort will be advanced by our plans for acceleration. The development of the submarine-based Polaris missile system has progressed so well that its future procurement schedules are being moved forward markedly. When it is remembered that our country has concentrated on the development of ballistic missiles for only about a third as long as the Soviets, these achievements show a rate of progress that speaks for itself. Only a brief time back, we were spending at the rate of only about one million dollars a year on long range ballistic missiles. In 1957 we spent more than one billion dollars on the Arias, Titan, Thor, Jupiter, and Polaris programs alone. But I repeat, gratifying though this rate of progress is, we must still do more! Our real problem, then, is not our strength today; it is rather the vital necessity of action today to ensure our strength tomorrow. What I have just said applies to our strength as a single country. But we are not alone. I have returned from the recent NATO meeting with renewed conviction that, because we are a part of a world-wide community of free and peaceful nations, our own security is immeasurably increased. By contrast, the Soviet Union has surrounded itself with captive and sullen nations. Like a crack in the crust of an uneasily sleeping volcano, the Hungarian uprising revealed the depth and intensity of the patriotic longing for liberty that still burns within these countries. The world thinks of us as a country which is strong, but which will never start a war. The world also thinks of us as a land which has never enslaved anyone and which is animated by humane ideals. This friendship, based on common ideals, is one of our greatest sources of strength. It cements into a cohesive security arrangement the aggregate of the spiritual, military and economic strength of all those nations which, with us, are allied by treaties and agreements. Up to this point, I have talked solely about our military strength to deter a possible future war. I now want to talk about the strength we need to win a different kind of war--one that has already been launched against us. It is the massive economic offensive that has been mounted by the communist imperialists against free nations. The communist imperialist regimes have for some time been largely frustrated in their attempts at expansion based directly on force. As a result, they have begun to concentrate heavily on economic penetration, particularly of newly-developing countries, as a preliminary to political domination. This non-military drive, if underestimated, could defeat the free world regardless of our military strength. This danger is all the greater precisely because many of us fail or refuse to recognize it. Thus, some people may be tempted to finance our extra military effort by cutting economic assistance. But at the very time when the economic threat is assuming menacing proportions, to fail to strengthen our own effort would be nothing less than reckless folly ! Admittedly, most of us did not anticipate the psychological impact upon the world of the launching of the first earth satellite. Let us not make the same kind of mistake in another field, by failing to anticipate the much more serious impact of the Soviet economic offensive. As with our military potential, our economic assets are more than equal to the task. Our independent farmers produce an abundance of food and fibre. Our free workers are versatile, intelligent, and hardworking. Our businessmen are imaginative and resourceful. The productivity, the adaptability of the American economy is the solid foundation-stone of our security structure. We have just concluded another prosperous year. Our output was once more the greatest in the nation's history. In the latter part of the year, some decline in employment and output occurred, following the exceptionally rapid expansion of recent years. In a free economy, reflecting as it does the independent judgments of millions of people, growth typically moves forward unevenly. But the basic forces of growth remain unimpaired. There are solid grounds for confidence that economic growth will be resumed without an extended interruption. Moreover, the Federal government, constantly alert to signs of weakening in any part of our economy, always stands ready, with its full power, to take any appropriate further action to promote renewed business expansion. If our history teaches us anything, it is this lesson: so far as the economic potential of our nation is concerned, the believers in the future of America have always been the realists. I count myself as one of this company. Our long-range problem, then, is not the stamina of our enormous engine of production. Our problem is to make sure that we use these vast economic forces confidently and creatively, not only in direct military defense efforts, but likewise in our foreign policy, through such activities as mutual economic aid and foreign trade. In much the same way, we have tremendous potential resources on other non-military fronts to help in countering the Soviet threat: education, science, research, and, not least, the ideas and principles by which we live. And in all these cases the task ahead is to bring these resources more sharply to bear upon the new tasks of security and peace in a swiftly-changing world. IV. There are many items in the Administration's program, of a kind frequently included in a State of the Union Message, with which I am not dealing today. They are important to us and to our prosperity. But I am reserving them for treatment in separate communications because of my purpose today of speaking only about matters bearing directly upon our security and peace. I now place before you an outline of action designed to focus our resources upon the two tasks of security and peace. In this special category I list eight items requiring action. They are not merely desirable. They are imperative. 1. DEFENSE REORGANIZATION The first need is to assure ourselves that military organization facilitates rather than hinders the functioning of the military establishment in maintaining the security of the nation. Since World War II, the purpose of achieving maximum organizational efficiency in a modern defense establishment has several times occasioned action by the Congress and by the Executive. The advent of revolutionary new devices, bringing with them the problem of overall continental defense, creates new difficulties, reminiscent of those attending the advent of the airplane half a century ago. Some of the important new weapons which technology has produced do not fit into any existing service pattern. They cut across all services, involve all services, and transcend all services, at every stage from development to operation. In some instances they defy classification according to branch of service. Unfortunately, the uncertainties resulting from such a situation, and the jurisdictional disputes attending upon it, tend to bewilder and confuse the public and create the impression that service differences are damaging the national interest. Let us proudly remember that the members of the Armed Forces give their basic allegiance solely to the United States. Of that fact all of us are certain. But pride of service and mistaken zeal in promoting particular doctrine has more than once occasioned the kind of difficulty of which I have just spoken. I am not attempting today to pass judgment on the charge of harmful service rivalries. But one thing is sure. Whatever they are, America wants them stopped. Recently I have had under special study the never-ending problem of efficient organization, complicated as it is by new weapons. Soon my conclusions will be finalized. I shall promptly take such Executive action as is necessary and, in a separate message, I shall present appropriate recommendations to the Congress. Meanwhile, without anticipating the detailed form that a reorganization should take, I can state its main lines in terms of objectives: A major purpose of military organization is to achieve real unity in the Defense establishment in all the principal features of military activities. Of all these, one of the most important to our nation's security is strategic planning and control. This work must be done under unified direction. The defense structure must be one which, as a whole, can assume, with top efficiency and without friction, the defense of America. The Defense establishment must therefore plan for a better integration of its defensive resources, particularly with respect to the newer weapons now building and under development. These obviously require full coordination in their development, production and use. Good organization can help assure this coordination. In recognition of the need for single control in some of our most advanced development projects, the Secretary of Defense has already decided to concentrate into one organization all the anti-missile and satellite technology undertaken within the Department of Defense. Another requirement of military organization is a clear subordination of the military services to duly constituted civilian authority. This control must be real; not merely on the surface. Next there must be assurance that an excessive number of compartments in organization will not create costly and confusing compartments in our scientific and industrial effort. Finally, to end inter-service disputes requires clear organization and decisive central direction, supported by the unstinted cooperation of every individual in the defense establishment, civilian and military. 2. ACCELERATED DEFENSE EFFORT The second major action item is the acceleration of the defense effort in particular areas affected by the fast pace of scientific and technological advance. Some of the points at which improved and increased effort are most essential are these: We must have sure warning in case of attack. The improvement of warning equipment is becoming increasingly important as we approach the period when long-range missiles will come into use. We must protect and disperse our striking forces and increase their readiness for instant reaction. This means more base facilities and standby crews. We must maintain deterrent retaliatory power. This means, among other things, stepped-up long range missile programs; accelerated programs for other effective missile systems; and, for some years, more advanced aircraft. We must maintain freedom of the seas. This means nuclear submarines and cruisers; improved anti-submarine weapons; missile ships; and the like. We must maintain all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local conflicts, should there be need. This means further improvements in equipment, mobility, tactics and fire power. Through increases in pay and incentive, we must maintain in the armed forces the skilled manpower modern military forces require. We must be forward-looking in our research and development to anticipate and achieve the unimagined weapons of the future. With these and other improvements, we intend to assure that our vigilance, power, and technical excellence keep abreast of any realistic threat we face. 3. MUTUAL AID Third: We must continue to strengthen our mutual security efforts. Most people now realize that our programs of military aid and defense support are an integral part of our own defense effort. If the foundations of the Free World structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the pressure of communist imperialism, the entire house of freedom would be in danger of collapse. As for the mutual economic assistance program, the benefit to us is threefold. First, the countries receiving this aid become bulwarks against communist encroachment as their military defenses and economies are strengthened. Nations that are conscious of a steady improvement in their industry, education, health and standard of living are not apt to fall prey to the blandishments of communist imperialists. Second, these countries are helped to reach the point where mutually profitable trade can expand between them and us. Third, the mutual confidence that comes from working together on constructive projects creates an atmosphere in which real understanding and peace can flourish. To help bring these multiple benefits, our economic aid effort should be made more effective. In proposals for future economic aid, I am stressing a greater use of repayable loans, through the Development Loan Fund, through funds generated by sale of surplus farm products, and through the Export-Import Bank. While some increase in Government funds will be required, it remains our objective to encourage shifting to the use of private capital sources as rapidly as possible. One great obstacle to the economic aid program in the past has been, not a rational argument against it on the merits, but a catchword: "give-away program." The real fact is that no investment we make in our own security and peace can pay us greater dividends than necessary amounts of economic aid to friendly nations. This is no "give-away." Let us stick to facts ! We cannot afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan ! 4. MUTUAL TRADE Fourth: Both in our national interest, and in the interest of world peace, we must have a five-year extension of the Trade Agreements Act with broadened authority to negotiate. World trade supports a significant segment of American industry and agriculture. It provides employment for four and one-half million American workers. It helps supply our ever increasing demand for raw materials. It provides the opportunity for American free enterprise to develop on a worldwide scale. It strengthens our friends and increases their desire to be friends. World trade helps to lay the groundwork for peace by making all free nations of the world stronger and more self-reliant. America is today the world's greatest trading nation. If we use this great asset wisely to meet the expanding demands of the world, we shall not only provide future opportunities for our own business, agriculture, and labor, but in the process strengthen our security posture and other prospects for a prosperous, harmonious world. As President McKinley said, as long ago as 1901: "Isolation is no longer possible or desirable .... The period of exclusiveness is past." 5. SCIENTIFIC COOPERATION WITH OUR ALLIES Fifth: It is of the highest importance that the Congress enact the necessary legislation to enable us to exchange appropriate scientific and technical information with friendly countries as part of our effort to achieve effective scientific cooperation. It is wasteful in the extreme for friendly allies to consume talent and money in solving problems that their friends have already solved--all because of artificial barriers to sharing. We cannot afford to cut ourselves off from the brilliant talents and minds of scientists in friendly countries. The task ahead will be hard enough without handcuffs of our own making. The groundwork for this kind of cooperation has already been laid in discussions among NATO countries. Promptness in following through with legislation will be the best possible evidence of American unity of purpose in cooperating with our friends. 6. EDUCATION AND RESEARCH Sixth: In the area of education and research, I recommend a balanced program to improve our resources, involving an investment of about a billion dollars over a four year period. This involves new activities by the Department of Health, Education and Welfare designed principally to encourage improved teaching quality and student opportunities in the interests of national security. It also provides a five-fold increase in sums available to the National Science Foundation for its special activities in stimulating and improving science education. Scrupulous attention has been paid to maintaining local control of educational policy, spurring the maximum amount of local effort, and to avoiding undue stress on the physical sciences at the expense of other branches of learning. In the field of research, I am asking for substantial increases in basic research funds, including a doubling of the funds available to the National Science Foundation for this purpose. But Federal action can do only a part of the job. In both education and research, redoubled exertions will be necessary on the part of all Americans if we are to rise to the demands of our times. This means hard work on the part of state and local governments, private industry, schools and colleges, private organizations and foundations, teachers, parents, and--perhaps most important of all--the student himself, with his bag of books and his homework. With this kind of all-inclusive campaign, I have no doubt that we can create the intellectual capital we need for the years ahead, invest it in the right places--and do all this, not as regimented pawns, but as free men and women ! 7. SPENDING AND SAVING Seventh: To provide for this extra effort for security, we must apply stern tests of priority to other expenditures, both military and civilian. This extra effort involves, most immediately, the need for a supplemental defense appropriation of $1.3 billion for fiscal year 1958. In the 1959 budget, increased expenditures for missiles, nuclear ships, atomic energy, research and development, science and education, a special contingency fund to deal with possible new technological discoveries, and increases in pay and incentives to obtain and retain competent manpower add up to a total increase over the comparable figures in the 1957 budget of about $4 billion. I believe that, in spite of these necessary increases, we should strive to finance the 1959 security effort out of expected revenues. While we now believe that expected revenues and expenditures will roughly balance, our real purpose will be to achieve adequate security, but always with the utmost regard for efficiency and careful management. This purpose will require the cooperation of Congress in making careful analysis of estimates presented, reducing expenditure on less essential military programs and installations, postponing some new civilian programs, transferring some to the states, and curtailing or eliminating others. Such related matters as the national debt ceiling and tax revenues will be dealt with in later messages. 8. WORKS OF PEACE My last call for action is not primarily addressed to the Congress and people of the United States. Rather, it is a message from the people of the United States to all other peoples, especially those of the Soviet Union. This is the spirit of what we would like to say: "In the last analysis, there is only one solution to the grim problems that lie ahead. The world must stop the present plunge toward more and more destructive weapons of war, and turn the corner that will start our steps firmly on the path toward lasting peace. "Our greatest hope for success lies in a universal fact: the people of the world, as people, have always wanted peace and want peace now. "The problem, then, is to find a way of translating this universal desire into action. "This will require more than words of peace. It requires works of peace." Now, may I try to give you some concrete examples of the kind of works of peace that might make a beginning in the new direction. For a start our people should learn to know each other better. Recent negotiations in Washington have provided a basis in principle for greater freedom of communication and exchange of people. I urge the Soviet government to cooperate in turning principle into practice by prompt and tangible actions that will break down the unnatural barriers that have blocked the flow of thought and understanding between our people. Another kind of work of peace is cooperation on projects of human welfare. For example, we now have it within our power to eradicate from the face of the earth that age-old scourge of mankind: malaria. We are embarking with other nations in an all-out five-year campaign to blot out this curse forever. We invite the Soviets to join with us in this great work of humanity. Indeed, we would be willing to pool our efforts with the Soviets in other campaigns against the diseases that are the common enemy of all mortals--such as cancer and heart disease. If people can get together on such projects, is it not possible that we could then go on to a full-scale cooperative program of Science for Peace? We have as a guide and inspiration the success of our Atoms-for-Peace proposal, which in only a few years, under United Nations auspices, became a reality in the International Atomic Energy Agency. A program of Science for Peace might provide a means of funneling into one place the results of research from scientists everywhere and from there making it available to all parts of the world. There is almost no limit to the human betterment that could result from such cooperation. Hunger and disease could increasingly be driven from the earth. The age-old dream of a good life for all could, at long last, be translated into reality. But of all the works of peace, none is more needed now than a real first step toward disarmament. Last August the United Nations General Assembly, by an overwhelming vote, approved a disarmament plan that we and our allies sincerely believed to be fair and practical. The Soviets have rejected both the plan, and the negotiating procedure set up by the United Nations. As a result, negotiation on this supremely important issue is now at a stand-still. But the world cannot afford to stand still on disarmament! We must never give up the search for a basis of agreement. Our allies from time to time develop differing ideas on how to proceed. We must concert these convictions among ourselves. Thereafter, any reasonable proposal that holds promise for disarmament and reduction of tension must be heard, discussed, and, if possible, negotiated. But a disarmament proposal, to hold real promise, must at the minimum have one feature: reliable means to ensure compliance by all. It takes actions and demonstrated integrity on both sides to create and sustain confidence. And confidence in a genuine disarmament agreement is vital, not only to the signers of the agreement, but also to the millions of people all over the world who are weary of tensions and armaments. I say once more, to all peoples, that we will always go the extra mile with anyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace. CONCLUSION These, then, are the ways in which we must funnel our energies more efficiently into the task of advancing security and peace. These actions demand and expect two things of the American people: sacrifice, and a high degree of understanding. For sacrifice to be effective it must be intelligent. Sacrifice must be made for the right purpose and in the right place--even if that place happens to come close to home ! After all, it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day, and the next day, for local reasons, opposing the elimination of some unneeded Federal facility. It is pointless to condemn Federal spending in general, and the next moment condemn just as strongly an effort to reduce the particular Federal grant that touches one's own interest. And it makes no sense whatever to spend additional billions on military strength to deter a potential danger, and then, by cutting aid and trade programs, let the world succumb to a present danger in economic guise. My friends of the Congress: The world is waiting to see how wisely and decisively a free representative government will now act. I believe that this Congress possesses and will display the wisdom promptly to do its part in translating into law the actions demanded by our nation's interests. But, to make law effective, our kind of government needs the full voluntary support of millions of Americans for these actions. I am fully confident that the response of the Congress and of the American people will make this time of test a time of honor. Mankind then will see more clearly than ever that the future belongs, not to the concept of the regimented atheistic state, but to the people--the God-fearing, peace-loving people of all the world. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
president speaker members of the 85th congress it is again my high privilege to extend personal greetings to the members of the 85th congress all of us realize that as this new session begins many americans are troubled about recent world developments which they believe may threaten our nation safety honest men differ in their appraisal of america material and intellectual strength and the dangers that confront us but all know these dangers are real the purpose of this message is to outline the measures that can give the american people a confidence just as real in their own security i am not here to justify the past gloss over the problems of the present or propose easy solutions for the future i am here to state what i believe to be right and what i believe to be wrong and to propose action for correcting what i think wrong i there are two tasks confronting us that so far outweigh all other that i shall devote this year message entirely to them the first is to ensure our safety through strength as to our strength i have repeatedly voiced this conviction we now have a broadly based and efficient defensive strength including a great deterrent power which is for the present our main guarantee against war but unless we act wisely and promptly we could lose that capacity to deter attack or defend ourselves my profoundest conviction is that the american people will say as one man no matter what the exertions or sacrifices we shall maintain that necessary strength but we could make no more tragic mistake than merely to concentrate on military strength for if we did only this the future would hold nothing for the world but an age of terror and so our second task is to do the constructive work of building a genuine peace we must never become so preoccupied with our desire for military strength that we neglect those areas of economic development trade diplomacy education ideas and principles where the foundations of real peace must be laid ii the threat to our safety and to the hope of a peaceful world can be simply stated it is communist imperialism this threat is not something imagined by critics of the soviets soviet spokesmen from the beginning have publicly and frequently declared their aim to expand their power one way or another throughout the world the threat has become increasingly serious as this expansionist aim has been reinforced by an advancing industrial military and scientific establishment but what makes the soviet threat unique in history is its all inclusiveness every human activity is pressed into service as a weapon of expansion trade economic development military power arts science education the whole world of ideas all are harnessed to this same chariot of expansion the soviets are in short waging total cold war the only answer to a regime that wages total cold war is to wage total peace this means bringing to bear every asset of our personal and national lives upon the task of building the conditions in which security and peace can grow iii among our assets let us first briefly glance at our military power military power serves the because of security by making prohibitive the cost of any aggressive attack it serves the because of peace by holding up a shield behind which the patient constructive work of peace can go on but it can serve neither because if we make either of two mistakes the one would be to overestimate our strength and thus neglect crucially important actions in the period just ahead the other would be to underestimate our strength thereby we might be tempted to become irresolute in our foreign relations to dishearten our friends and to lose our national poise and perspective in approaching the complex problems ahead any orderly of military strength must be in two parts the first is the position as of today the second is the position in the period ahead as of today our defensive shield comprehends a vast complex of ground sea and air units superbly equipped and strategically deployed around the world the most powerful deterrent to war in the world today lies in the retaliatory power of our strategic air command and the aircraft of our navy they present to any potential attacker who would unleash war upon the world the prospect of virtual annihilation of his own country even if we assume a surprise attack on our bases with a marked reduction in our striking power our bombers would immediately be on their way in sufficient strength to accomplish this mission of retaliation every informed government knows this it is no secret since the korean armistice the american people have spent 225 billion in maintaining and strengthening this overall defensive shield this is the position as of today now as to the period ahead every part of our military establishment must and will be equipped to do its defensive job with the most modern weapons and methods but it is particularly important to our planning that we make a candid estimate of the effect of ballistic missiles on the present deterrent power i have described at this moment the consensus of opinion is that we are probably somewhat behind the soviets in some areas of ballistic missile development but it is my conviction based on close study of all relevant intelligence that if we make the necessary effort we will have the missiles in the needed quantity and in time to sustain and strengthen the deterrent power of our increasingly efficient bombers one encouraging fact evidencing this ability is the rate of progress we have achieved since we began to concentrate on these missiles the intermediate ballistic missiles thor and jupiter have already been ordered into production the parallel progress in the intercontinental ballistic missile effort will be advanced by our plans for acceleration the development of the polaris missile system has progressed so well that its future procurement schedules are being moved forward markedly when it is remembered that our country has concentrated on the development of ballistic missiles for only about a third as long as the soviets these achievements show a rate of progress that speaks for itself only a brief time back we were spending at the rate of only about one million dollars a year on long range ballistic missiles in 1957 we spent more than one billion dollars on the arias titan thor jupiter and polaris programs alone but i repeat gratifying though this rate of progress is we must still do more our real problem then is not our strength today it is rather the vital necessity of action today to ensure our strength tomorrow what i have just said applies to our strength as a single country but we are not alone i have returned from the recent nato meeting with renewed conviction that because we are a part of a community of free and peaceful nations our own security is immeasurably increased by contrast the soviet union has surrounded itself with captive and sullen nations like a crack in the crust of an uneasily sleeping volcano the hungarian uprising revealed the depth and intensity of the patriotic longing for liberty that still burns within these countries the world thinks of us as a country which is strong but which will never start a war the world also thinks of us as a land which has never enslaved anyone and which is animated by humane ideals this friendship based on common ideals is one of our greatest sources of strength it cements into a cohesive security arrangement the aggregate of the spiritual military and economic strength of all those nations which with us are allied by treaties and agreements up to this point i have talked solely about our military strength to deter a possible future war i now want to talk about the strength we need to win a different kind of war one that has already been launched against us it is the massive economic offensive that has been mounted by the communist imperialists against free nations the communist imperialist regimes have for some time been largely frustrated in their attempts at expansion based directly on force as a result they have begun to concentrate heavily on economic penetration particularly of countries as a preliminary to political domination this drive if underestimated could defeat the free world regardless of our military strength this danger is all the greater precisely because many of us fail or refuse to recognize it thus some people may be tempted to finance our extra military effort by cutting economic assistance but at the very time when the economic threat is assuming menacing proportions to fail to strengthen our own effort would be nothing less than reckless folly admittedly most of us did not anticipate the psychological impact upon the world of the launching of the first earth satellite let us not make the same kind of mistake in another field by failing to anticipate the much more serious impact of the soviet economic offensive as with our military potential our economic assets are more than equal to the task our independent farmers produce an abundance of food and fibre our free workers are versatile intelligent and hardworking our businessmen are imaginative and resourceful the productivity the adaptability of the american economy is the solid of our security structure we have just concluded another prosperous year our output was once more the greatest in the nation history in the latter part of the year some decline in employment and output occurred following the exceptionally rapid expansion of recent years in a free economy reflecting as it does the independent judgments of millions of people growth typically moves forward unevenly but the basic forces of growth remain unimpaired there are solid grounds for confidence that economic growth will be resumed without an extended interruption moreover the federal government constantly alert to signs of weakening in any part of our economy always stands ready with its full power to take any appropriate further action to promote renewed business expansion if our history teaches us anything it is this lesson so far as the economic potential of our nation is concerned the believers in the future of america have always been the realists i count myself as one of this company our problem then is not the stamina of our enormous engine of production our problem is to make sure that we use these vast economic forces confidently and creatively not only in direct military defense efforts but likewise in our foreign policy through such activities as mutual economic aid and foreign trade in much the same way we have tremendous potential resources on other fronts to help in countering the soviet threat education science research and not least the ideas and principles by which we live and in all these cases the task ahead is to bring these resources more sharply to bear upon the new tasks of security and peace in a world iv there are many items in the administration program of a kind frequently included in a state of the union message with which i am not dealing today they are important to us and to our prosperity but i am reserving them for treatment in separate communications because of my purpose today of speaking only about matters bearing directly upon our security and peace i now place before you an outline of action designed to focus our resources upon the two tasks of security and peace in this special category i list eight items requiring action they are not merely desirable they are imperative 1 defense reorganization the first need is to assure ourselves that military organization facilitates rather than hinders the functioning of the military establishment in maintaining the security of the nation since world war ii the purpose of achieving maximum organizational efficiency in a modern defense establishment has several times occasioned action by the congress and by the executive the advent of revolutionary new devices bringing with them the problem of overall continental defense creates new difficulties reminiscent of those attending the advent of the airplane half a century ago some of the important new weapons which technology has produced do not fit into any existing service pattern they cut across all services involve all services and transcend all services at every stage from development to operation in some instances they defy classification according to branch of service unfortunately the uncertainties resulting from such a situation and the jurisdictional disputes attending upon it tend to bewilder and confuse the public and create the impression that service differences are damaging the national interest let us proudly remember that the members of the armed forces give their basic allegiance solely to the united states of that fact all of us are certain but pride of service and mistaken zeal in promoting particular doctrine has more than once occasioned the kind of difficulty of which i have just spoken i am not attempting today to pass judgment on the charge of harmful service rivalries but one thing is sure whatever they are america wants them stopped recently i have had under special study the problem of efficient organization complicated as it is by new weapons soon my conclusions will be finalized i shall promptly take such executive action as is necessary and in a separate message i shall present appropriate recommendations to the congress meanwhile without anticipating the detailed form that a reorganization should take i can state its main lines in terms of objectives a major purpose of military organization is to achieve real unity in the defense establishment in all the principal features of military activities of all these one of the most important to our nation security is strategic planning and control this work must be done under unified direction the defense structure must be one which as a whole can assume with top efficiency and without friction the defense of america the defense establishment must therefore plan for a better integration of its defensive resources particularly with respect to the newer weapons now building and under development these obviously require full coordination in their development production and use good organization can help assure this coordination in recognition of the need for single control in some of our most advanced development projects the secretary of defense has already decided to concentrate into one organization all the and satellite technology undertaken within the department of defense another requirement of military organization is a clear subordination of the military services to duly constituted civilian authority this control must be real not merely on the surface next there must be assurance that an excessive number of compartments in organization will not create costly and confusing compartments in our scientific and industrial effort finally to end disputes requires clear organization and decisive central direction supported by the unstinted cooperation of every individual in the defense establishment civilian and military 2 accelerated defense effort the second major action item is the acceleration of the defense effort in particular areas affected by the fast pace of scientific and technological advance some of the points at which improved and increased effort are most essential are these we must have sure warning in case of attack the improvement of warning equipment is becoming increasingly important as we approach the period when missiles will come into use we must protect and disperse our striking forces and increase their readiness for instant reaction this means more base facilities and standby crews we must maintain deterrent retaliatory power this means among other things long range missile programs accelerated programs for other effective missile systems and for some years more advanced aircraft we must maintain freedom of the seas this means nuclear submarines and cruisers improved weapons missile ships and the like we must maintain all necessary types of mobile forces to deal with local conflicts should there be need this means further improvements in equipment mobility tactics and fire power through increases in pay and incentive we must maintain in the armed forces the skilled manpower modern military forces require we must be in our research and development to anticipate and achieve the unimagined weapons of the future with these and other improvements we intend to assure that our vigilance power and technical excellence keep abreast of any realistic threat we face 3 mutual aid third we must continue to strengthen our mutual security efforts most people now realize that our programs of military aid and defense support are an integral part of our own defense effort if the foundations of the free world structure were progressively allowed to crumble under the pressure of communist imperialism the entire house of freedom would be in danger of collapse as for the mutual economic assistance program the benefit to us is threefold first the countries receiving this aid become bulwarks against communist encroachment as their military defenses and economies are strengthened nations that are conscious of a steady improvement in their industry education health and standard of living are not apt to fall prey to the blandishments of communist imperialists second these countries are helped to reach the point where mutually profitable trade can expand between them and us third the mutual confidence that comes from working together on constructive projects creates an atmosphere in which real understanding and peace can flourish to help bring these multiple benefits our economic aid effort should be made more effective in proposals for future economic aid i am stressing a greater use of repayable loans through the development loan fund through funds generated by sale of surplus farm products and through the bank while some increase in government funds will be required it remains our objective to encourage shifting to the use of private capital sources as rapidly as possible one great obstacle to the economic aid program in the past has been not a rational argument against it on the merits but a catchword program the real fact is that no investment we make in our own security and peace can pay us greater dividends than necessary amounts of economic aid to friendly nations this is no let us stick to facts we can not afford to have one of our most essential security programs shot down with a slogan 4 mutual trade fourth both in our national interest and in the interest of world peace we must have a extension of the trade agreements act with broadened authority to negotiate world trade supports a significant segment of american industry and agriculture it provides employment for four and million american workers it helps supply our ever increasing demand for raw materials it provides the opportunity for american free enterprise to develop on a worldwide scale it strengthens our friends and increases their desire to be friends world trade helps to lay the groundwork for peace by making all free nations of the world stronger and more america is today the world greatest trading nation if we use this great asset wisely to meet the expanding demands of the world we shall not only provide future opportunities for our own business agriculture and labor but in the process strengthen our security posture and other prospects for a prosperous harmonious world as president mckinley said as long ago as 1901 isolation is no longer possible or desirable the period of exclusiveness is past 5 scientific cooperation with our allies fifth it is of the highest importance that the congress enact the necessary legislation to enable us to exchange appropriate scientific and technical information with friendly countries as part of our effort to achieve effective scientific cooperation it is wasteful in the extreme for friendly allies to consume talent and money in solving problems that their friends have already solved all because of artificial barriers to sharing we can not afford to cut ourselves off from the brilliant talents and minds of scientists in friendly countries the task ahead will be hard enough without handcuffs of our own making the groundwork for this kind of cooperation has already been laid in discussions among nato countries promptness in following through with legislation will be the best possible evidence of american unity of purpose in cooperating with our friends 6 education and research sixth in the area of education and research i recommend a balanced program to improve our resources involving an investment of about a billion dollars over a four year period this involves new activities by the department of health education and welfare designed principally to encourage improved teaching quality and student opportunities in the interests of national security it also provides a increase in sums available to the national science foundation for its special activities in stimulating and improving science education scrupulous attention has been paid to maintaining local control of educational policy spurring the maximum amount of local effort and to avoiding undue stress on the physical sciences at the expense of other branches of learning in the field of research i am asking for substantial increases in basic research funds including a doubling of the funds available to the national science foundation for this purpose but federal action can do only a part of the job in both education and research redoubled exertions will be necessary on the part of all americans if we are to rise to the demands of our times this means hard work on the part of state and local governments private industry schools and colleges private organizations and foundations teachers parents and perhaps most important of all the student himself with his bag of books and his homework with this kind of campaign i have no doubt that we can create the intellectual capital we need for the years ahead invest it in the right places and do all this not as regimented pawns but as free men and women 7 spending and saving seventh to provide for this extra effort for security we must apply stern tests of priority to other expenditures both military and civilian this extra effort involves most immediately the need for a supplemental defense appropriation of billion for fiscal year 1958 in the 1959 budget increased expenditures for missiles nuclear ships atomic energy research and development science and education a special contingency fund to deal with possible new technological discoveries and increases in pay and incentives to obtain and retain competent manpower add up to a total increase over the comparable figures in the 1957 budget of about 4 billion i believe that in spite of these necessary increases we should strive to finance the 1959 security effort out of expected revenues while we now believe that expected revenues and expenditures will roughly balance our real purpose will be to achieve adequate security but always with the utmost regard for efficiency and careful management this purpose will require the cooperation of congress in making careful analysis of estimates presented reducing expenditure on less essential military programs and installations postponing some new civilian programs transferring some to the states and curtailing or eliminating others such related matters as the national debt ceiling and tax revenues will be dealt with in later messages 8 works of peace my last call for action is not primarily addressed to the congress and people of the united states rather it is a message from the people of the united states to all other peoples especially those of the soviet union this is the spirit of what we would like to say in the last analysis there is only one solution to the grim problems that lie ahead the world must stop the present plunge toward more and more destructive weapons of war and turn the corner that will start our steps firmly on the path toward lasting peace our greatest hope for success lies in a universal fact the people of the world as people have always wanted peace and want peace now the problem then is to find a way of translating this universal desire into action this will require more than words of peace it requires works of peace now may i try to give you some concrete examples of the kind of works of peace that might make a beginning in the new direction for a start our people should learn to know each other better recent negotiations in washington have provided a basis in principle for greater freedom of communication and exchange of people i urge the soviet government to cooperate in turning principle into practice by prompt and tangible actions that will break down the unnatural barriers that have blocked the flow of thought and understanding between our people another kind of work of peace is cooperation on projects of human welfare for example we now have it within our power to eradicate from the face of the earth that scourge of mankind malaria we are embarking with other nations in an campaign to blot out this curse forever we invite the soviets to join with us in this great work of humanity indeed we would be willing to pool our efforts with the soviets in other campaigns against the diseases that are the common enemy of all mortals such as cancer and heart disease if people can get together on such projects is it not possible that we could then go on to a cooperative program of science for peace we have as a guide and inspiration the success of our proposal which in only a few years under united nations auspices became a reality in the international atomic energy agency a program of science for peace might provide a means of funneling into one place the results of research from scientists everywhere and from there making it available to all parts of the world there is almost no limit to the human betterment that could result from such cooperation hunger and disease could increasingly be driven from the earth the dream of a good life for all could at long last be translated into reality but of all the works of peace none is more needed now than a real first step toward disarmament last august the united nations general assembly by an overwhelming vote approved a disarmament plan that we and our allies sincerely believed to be fair and practical the soviets have rejected both the plan and the negotiating procedure set up by the united nations as a result negotiation on this supremely important issue is now at a but the world can not afford to stand still on disarmament we must never give up the search for a basis of agreement our allies from time to time develop differing ideas on how to proceed we must concert these convictions among ourselves thereafter any reasonable proposal that holds promise for disarmament and reduction of tension must be heard discussed and if possible negotiated but a disarmament proposal to hold real promise must at the minimum have one feature reliable means to ensure compliance by all it takes actions and demonstrated integrity on both sides to create and sustain confidence and confidence in a genuine disarmament agreement is vital not only to the signers of the agreement but also to the millions of people all over the world who are weary of tensions and armaments i say once more to all peoples that we will always go the extra mile with anyone on earth if it will bring us nearer a genuine peace conclusion these then are the ways in which we must funnel our energies more efficiently into the task of advancing security and peace these actions demand and expect two things of the american people sacrifice and a high degree of understanding for sacrifice to be effective it must be intelligent sacrifice must be made for the right purpose and in the right place even if that place happens to come close to home after all it is no good demanding sacrifice in general terms one day and the next day for local reasons opposing the elimination of some unneeded federal facility it is pointless to condemn federal spending in general and the next moment condemn just as strongly an effort to reduce the particular federal grant that touches one own interest and it makes no sense whatever to spend additional billions on military strength to deter a potential danger and then by cutting aid and trade programs let the world succumb to a present danger in economic guise my friends of the congress the world is waiting to see how wisely and decisively a free representative government will now act i believe that this congress possesses and will display the wisdom promptly to do its part in translating into law the actions demanded by our nation interests but to make law effective our kind of government needs the full voluntary support of millions of americans for these actions i am fully confident that the response of the congress and of the american people will make this time of test a time of honor mankind then will see more clearly than ever that the future belongs not to the concept of the regimented atheistic state but to the people the people of all the world dwight eisenhower
president speaker members 85th congress high privilege extend personal greetings members 85th congress us realize new session begins many americans troubled recent world developments believe may threaten nation safety honest men differ appraisal america material intellectual strength dangers confront us know dangers real purpose message outline measures give american people confidence real security justify past gloss problems present propose easy solutions future state believe right believe wrong propose action correcting think wrong two tasks confronting us far outweigh shall devote year message entirely first ensure safety strength strength repeatedly voiced conviction broadly based efficient defensive strength including great deterrent power present main guarantee war unless act wisely promptly could lose capacity deter attack defend profoundest conviction american people say one man matter exertions sacrifices shall maintain necessary strength could make tragic mistake merely concentrate military strength future would hold nothing world age terror second task constructive work building genuine peace must never become preoccupied desire military strength neglect areas economic development trade diplomacy education ideas principles foundations real peace must laid ii threat safety hope peaceful world simply stated communist imperialism threat something imagined critics soviets soviet spokesmen beginning publicly frequently declared aim expand power one way another throughout world threat become increasingly serious expansionist aim reinforced advancing industrial military scientific establishment makes soviet threat unique history inclusiveness every human activity pressed service weapon expansion trade economic development military power arts science education whole world ideas harnessed chariot expansion soviets short waging total cold war answer regime wages total cold war wage total peace means bringing bear every asset personal national lives upon task building conditions security peace grow iii among assets let us first briefly glance military power military power serves security making prohibitive cost aggressive attack serves peace holding shield behind patient constructive work peace go serve neither make either two mistakes one would overestimate strength thus neglect crucially important actions period ahead would underestimate strength thereby might tempted become irresolute foreign relations dishearten friends lose national poise perspective approaching complex problems ahead orderly military strength must two parts first position today second position period ahead today defensive shield comprehends vast complex ground sea air units superbly equipped strategically deployed around world powerful deterrent war world today lies retaliatory power strategic air command aircraft navy present potential attacker would unleash war upon world prospect virtual annihilation country even assume surprise attack bases marked reduction striking power bombers would immediately way sufficient strength accomplish mission retaliation every informed government knows secret since korean armistice american people spent 225 billion maintaining strengthening overall defensive shield position today period ahead every part military establishment must equipped defensive job modern weapons methods particularly important planning make candid estimate effect ballistic missiles present deterrent power described moment consensus opinion probably somewhat behind soviets areas ballistic missile development conviction based close study relevant intelligence make necessary effort missiles needed quantity time sustain strengthen deterrent power increasingly efficient bombers one encouraging fact evidencing ability rate progress achieved since began concentrate missiles intermediate ballistic missiles thor jupiter already ordered production parallel progress intercontinental ballistic missile effort advanced plans acceleration development polaris missile system progressed well future procurement schedules moved forward markedly remembered country concentrated development ballistic missiles third long soviets achievements show rate progress speaks brief time back spending rate one million dollars year long range ballistic missiles 1957 spent one billion dollars arias titan thor jupiter polaris programs alone repeat gratifying though rate progress must still real problem strength today rather vital necessity action today ensure strength tomorrow said applies strength single country alone returned recent nato meeting renewed conviction part community free peaceful nations security immeasurably increased contrast soviet union surrounded captive sullen nations like crack crust uneasily sleeping volcano hungarian uprising revealed depth intensity patriotic longing liberty still burns within countries world thinks us country strong never start war world also thinks us land never enslaved anyone animated humane ideals friendship based common ideals one greatest sources strength cements cohesive security arrangement aggregate spiritual military economic strength nations us allied treaties agreements point talked solely military strength deter possible future war want talk strength need win different kind war one already launched us massive economic offensive mounted communist imperialists free nations communist imperialist regimes time largely frustrated attempts expansion based directly force result begun concentrate heavily economic penetration particularly countries preliminary political domination drive underestimated could defeat free world regardless military strength danger greater precisely many us fail refuse recognize thus people may tempted finance extra military effort cutting economic assistance time economic threat assuming menacing proportions fail strengthen effort would nothing less reckless folly admittedly us anticipate psychological impact upon world launching first earth satellite let us make kind mistake another field failing anticipate much serious impact soviet economic offensive military potential economic assets equal task independent farmers produce abundance food fibre free workers versatile intelligent hardworking businessmen imaginative resourceful productivity adaptability american economy solid security structure concluded another prosperous year output greatest nation history latter part year decline employment output occurred following exceptionally rapid expansion recent years free economy reflecting independent judgments millions people growth typically moves forward unevenly basic forces growth remain unimpaired solid grounds confidence economic growth resumed without extended interruption moreover federal government constantly alert signs weakening part economy always stands ready full power take appropriate action promote renewed business expansion history teaches us anything lesson far economic potential nation concerned believers future america always realists count one company problem stamina enormous engine production problem make sure use vast economic forces confidently creatively direct military defense efforts likewise foreign policy activities mutual economic aid foreign trade much way tremendous potential resources fronts help countering soviet threat education science research least ideas principles live cases task ahead bring resources sharply bear upon new tasks security peace world iv many items administration program kind frequently included state union message dealing today important us prosperity reserving treatment separate communications purpose today speaking matters bearing directly upon security peace place outline action designed focus resources upon two tasks security peace special category list eight items requiring action merely desirable imperative 1 defense reorganization first need assure military organization facilitates rather hinders functioning military establishment maintaining security nation since world war ii purpose achieving maximum organizational efficiency modern defense establishment several times occasioned action congress executive advent revolutionary new devices bringing problem overall continental defense creates new difficulties reminiscent attending advent airplane half century ago important new weapons technology produced fit existing service pattern cut across services involve services transcend services every stage development operation instances defy classification according branch service unfortunately uncertainties resulting situation jurisdictional disputes attending upon tend bewilder confuse public create impression service differences damaging national interest let us proudly remember members armed forces give basic allegiance solely united states fact us certain pride service mistaken zeal promoting particular doctrine occasioned kind difficulty spoken attempting today pass judgment charge harmful service rivalries one thing sure whatever america wants stopped recently special study problem efficient organization complicated new weapons soon conclusions finalized shall promptly take executive action necessary separate message shall present appropriate recommendations congress meanwhile without anticipating detailed form reorganization take state main lines terms objectives major purpose military organization achieve real unity defense establishment principal features military activities one important nation security strategic planning control work must done unified direction defense structure must one whole assume top efficiency without friction defense america defense establishment must therefore plan better integration defensive resources particularly respect newer weapons building development obviously require full coordination development production use good organization help assure coordination recognition need single control advanced development projects secretary defense already decided concentrate one organization satellite technology undertaken within department defense another requirement military organization clear subordination military services duly constituted civilian authority control must real merely surface next must assurance excessive number compartments organization create costly confusing compartments scientific industrial effort finally end disputes requires clear organization decisive central direction supported unstinted cooperation every individual defense establishment civilian military 2 accelerated defense effort second major action item acceleration defense effort particular areas affected fast pace scientific technological advance points improved increased effort essential must sure warning case attack improvement warning equipment becoming increasingly important approach period missiles come use must protect disperse striking forces increase readiness instant reaction means base facilities standby crews must maintain deterrent retaliatory power means among things long range missile programs accelerated programs effective missile systems years advanced aircraft must maintain freedom seas means nuclear submarines cruisers improved weapons missile ships like must maintain necessary types mobile forces deal local conflicts need means improvements equipment mobility tactics fire power increases pay incentive must maintain armed forces skilled manpower modern military forces require must research development anticipate achieve unimagined weapons future improvements intend assure vigilance power technical excellence keep abreast realistic threat face 3 mutual aid third must continue strengthen mutual security efforts people realize programs military aid defense support integral part defense effort foundations free world structure progressively allowed crumble pressure communist imperialism entire house freedom would danger collapse mutual economic assistance program benefit us threefold first countries receiving aid become bulwarks communist encroachment military defenses economies strengthened nations conscious steady improvement industry education health standard living apt fall prey blandishments communist imperialists second countries helped reach point mutually profitable trade expand us third mutual confidence comes working together constructive projects creates atmosphere real understanding peace flourish help bring multiple benefits economic aid effort made effective proposals future economic aid stressing greater use repayable loans development loan fund funds generated sale surplus farm products bank increase government funds required remains objective encourage shifting use private capital sources rapidly possible one great obstacle economic aid program past rational argument merits catchword program real fact investment make security peace pay us greater dividends necessary amounts economic aid friendly nations let us stick facts afford one essential security programs shot slogan 4 mutual trade fourth national interest interest world peace must extension trade agreements act broadened authority negotiate world trade supports significant segment american industry agriculture provides employment four million american workers helps supply ever increasing demand raw materials provides opportunity american free enterprise develop worldwide scale strengthens friends increases desire friends world trade helps lay groundwork peace making free nations world stronger america today world greatest trading nation use great asset wisely meet expanding demands world shall provide future opportunities business agriculture labor process strengthen security posture prospects prosperous harmonious world president mckinley said long ago 1901 isolation longer possible desirable period exclusiveness past 5 scientific cooperation allies fifth highest importance congress enact necessary legislation enable us exchange appropriate scientific technical information friendly countries part effort achieve effective scientific cooperation wasteful extreme friendly allies consume talent money solving problems friends already solved artificial barriers sharing afford cut brilliant talents minds scientists friendly countries task ahead hard enough without handcuffs making groundwork kind cooperation already laid discussions among nato countries promptness following legislation best possible evidence american unity purpose cooperating friends 6 education research sixth area education research recommend balanced program improve resources involving investment billion dollars four year period involves new activities department health education welfare designed principally encourage improved teaching quality student opportunities interests national security also provides increase sums available national science foundation special activities stimulating improving science education scrupulous attention paid maintaining local control educational policy spurring maximum amount local effort avoiding undue stress physical sciences expense branches learning field research asking substantial increases basic research funds including doubling funds available national science foundation purpose federal action part job education research redoubled exertions necessary part americans rise demands times means hard work part state local governments private industry schools colleges private organizations foundations teachers parents perhaps important student bag books homework kind campaign doubt create intellectual capital need years ahead invest right places regimented pawns free men women 7 spending saving seventh provide extra effort security must apply stern tests priority expenditures military civilian extra effort involves immediately need supplemental defense appropriation billion fiscal year 1958 1959 budget increased expenditures missiles nuclear ships atomic energy research development science education special contingency fund deal possible new technological discoveries increases pay incentives obtain retain competent manpower add total increase comparable figures 1957 budget 4 billion believe spite necessary increases strive finance 1959 security effort expected revenues believe expected revenues expenditures roughly balance real purpose achieve adequate security always utmost regard efficiency careful management purpose require cooperation congress making careful analysis estimates presented reducing expenditure less essential military programs installations postponing new civilian programs transferring states curtailing eliminating others related matters national debt ceiling tax revenues dealt later messages 8 works peace last call action primarily addressed congress people united states rather message people united states peoples especially soviet union spirit would like say last analysis one solution grim problems lie ahead world must stop present plunge toward destructive weapons war turn corner start steps firmly path toward lasting peace greatest hope success lies universal fact people world people always wanted peace want peace problem find way translating universal desire action require words peace requires works peace may try give concrete examples kind works peace might make beginning new direction start people learn know better recent negotiations washington provided basis principle greater freedom communication exchange people urge soviet government cooperate turning principle practice prompt tangible actions break unnatural barriers blocked flow thought understanding people another kind work peace cooperation projects human welfare example within power eradicate face earth scourge mankind malaria embarking nations campaign blot curse forever invite soviets join us great work humanity indeed would willing pool efforts soviets campaigns diseases common enemy mortals cancer heart disease people get together projects possible could go cooperative program science peace guide inspiration success proposal years united nations auspices became reality international atomic energy agency program science peace might provide means funneling one place results research scientists everywhere making available parts world almost limit human betterment could result cooperation hunger disease could increasingly driven earth dream good life could long last translated reality works peace none needed real first step toward disarmament last august united nations general assembly overwhelming vote approved disarmament plan allies sincerely believed fair practical soviets rejected plan negotiating procedure set united nations result negotiation supremely important issue world afford stand still disarmament must never give search basis agreement allies time time develop differing ideas proceed must concert convictions among thereafter reasonable proposal holds promise disarmament reduction tension must heard discussed possible negotiated disarmament proposal hold real promise must minimum one feature reliable means ensure compliance takes actions demonstrated integrity sides create sustain confidence confidence genuine disarmament agreement vital signers agreement also millions people world weary tensions armaments say peoples always go extra mile anyone earth bring us nearer genuine peace conclusion ways must funnel energies efficiently task advancing security peace actions demand expect two things american people sacrifice high degree understanding sacrifice effective must intelligent sacrifice must made right purpose right place even place happens come close home good demanding sacrifice general terms one day next day local reasons opposing elimination unneeded federal facility pointless condemn federal spending general next moment condemn strongly effort reduce particular federal grant touches one interest makes sense whatever spend additional billions military strength deter potential danger cutting aid trade programs let world succumb present danger economic guise friends congress world waiting see wisely decisively free representative government act believe congress possesses display wisdom promptly part translating law actions demanded nation interests make law effective kind government needs full voluntary support millions americans actions fully confident response congress american people make time test time honor mankind see clearly ever future belongs concept regimented atheistic state people people world dwight eisenhower
president speaker member 85th congress high privilege extend personal greeting member 85th congress u realize new session begin many american trouble recent world development believe may threaten nation safety honest men differ appraisal america material intellectual strength danger confront u know danger real purpose message outline measure give american people confidence real security justify past gloss problem present propose easy solution future state believe right believe wrong propose action correct think wrong two task confront u far outweigh shall devote year message entirely first ensure safety strength strength repeatedly voice conviction broadly base efficient defensive strength include great deterrent power present main guarantee war unless act wisely promptly could lose capacity deter attack defend profound conviction american people say one man matter exertion sacrifice shall maintain necessary strength could make tragic mistake merely concentrate military strength future would hold nothing world age terror second task constructive work build genuine peace must never become preoccupied desire military strength neglect area economic development trade diplomacy education idea principles foundation real peace must lay ii threat safety hope peaceful world simply state communist imperialism threat something imagined critic soviet soviet spokesman begin publicly frequently declare aim expand power one way another throughout world threat become increasingly serious expansionist aim reinforce advance industrial military scientific establishment make soviet threat unique history inclusiveness every human activity press service weapon expansion trade economic development military power art science education whole world idea harness chariot expansion soviet short wag total cold war answer regime wage total cold war wage total peace mean bring bear every asset personal national life upon task building condition security peace grow iii among asset let u first briefly glance military power military power serf security make prohibitive cost aggressive attack serve peace hold shield behind patient constructive work peace go serve neither make either two mistake one would overestimate strength thus neglect crucially important action period ahead would underestimate strength thereby might tempt become irresolute foreign relation dishearten friend lose national poise perspective approach complex problem ahead orderly military strength must two part first position today second position period ahead today defensive shield comprehends vast complex ground sea air unit superbly equip strategically deploy around world powerful deterrent war world today lie retaliatory power strategic air command aircraft navy present potential attacker would unleash war upon world prospect virtual annihilation country even assume surprise attack base mark reduction strike power bomber would immediately way sufficient strength accomplish mission retaliation every informed government know secret since korean armistice american people spend 225 billion maintain strengthen overall defensive shield position today period ahead every part military establishment must equip defensive job modern weapon method particularly important plan make candid estimate effect ballistic missile present deterrent power describe moment consensus opinion probably somewhat behind soviet area ballistic missile development conviction base close study relevant intelligence make necessary effort missile need quantity time sustain strengthen deterrent power increasingly efficient bomber one encourage fact evidence ability rate progress achieve since begin concentrate missile intermediate ballistic missile thor jupiter already order production parallel progress intercontinental ballistic missile effort advance plan acceleration development polaris missile system progress well future procurement schedule move forward markedly remembered country concentrate development ballistic missile third long soviets achievement show rate progress speak brief time back spending rate one million dollar year long range ballistic missile 1957 spend one billion dollar arias titan thor jupiter polaris program alone repeat gratify though rate progress must still real problem strength today rather vital necessity action today ensure strength tomorrow say applies strength single country alone return recent nato meeting renew conviction part community free peaceful nation security immeasurably increase contrast soviet union surround captive sullen nation like crack crust uneasily sleep volcano hungarian uprising reveal depth intensity patriotic longing liberty still burn within country world think u country strong never start war world also think u land never enslave anyone animate humane ideal friendship base common ideal one great source strength cement cohesive security arrangement aggregate spiritual military economic strength nation u ally treaty agreement point talk solely military strength deter possible future war want talk strength need win different kind war one already launch u massive economic offensive mount communist imperialist free nation communist imperialist regime time largely frustrated attempt expansion base directly force result begin concentrate heavily economic penetration particularly country preliminary political domination drive underestimate could defeat free world regardless military strength danger great precisely many u fail refuse recognize thus people may tempt finance extra military effort cut economic assistance time economic threat assume menace proportion fail strengthen effort would nothing less reckless folly admittedly u anticipate psychological impact upon world launch first earth satellite let u make kind mistake another field fail anticipate much serious impact soviet economic offensive military potential economic asset equal task independent farmer produce abundance food fibre free worker versatile intelligent hardworking businessmen imaginative resourceful productivity adaptability american economy solid security structure conclude another prosperous year output great nation history latter part year decline employment output occur follow exceptionally rapid expansion recent year free economy reflect independent judgment million people growth typically move forward unevenly basic force growth remain unimpaired solid ground confidence economic growth resume without extend interruption moreover federal government constantly alert sign weaken part economy always stand ready full power take appropriate action promote renew business expansion history teach u anything lesson far economic potential nation concern believer future america always realists count one company problem stamina enormous engine production problem make sure use vast economic force confidently creatively direct military defense effort likewise foreign policy activity mutual economic aid foreign trade much way tremendous potential resource front help counter soviet threat education science research least ideas principle live case task ahead bring resource sharply bear upon new task security peace world iv many item administration program kind frequently include state union message deal today important u prosperity reserve treatment separate communication purpose today speak matter bear directly upon security peace place outline action design focus resource upon two task security peace special category list eight item require action merely desirable imperative 1 defense reorganization first need assure military organization facilitate rather hinders function military establishment maintain security nation since world war ii purpose achieve maximum organizational efficiency modern defense establishment several time occasion action congress executive advent revolutionary new device bring problem overall continental defense create new difficulty reminiscent attend advent airplane half century ago important new weapon technology produce fit exist service pattern cut across service involve service transcend service every stage development operation instance defy classification accord branch service unfortunately uncertainties result situation jurisdictional dispute attend upon tend bewilder confuse public create impression service difference damage national interest let u proudly remember member arm force give basic allegiance solely united state fact u certain pride service mistake zeal promote particular doctrine occasion kind difficulty speak attempt today pass judgment charge harmful service rivalry one thing sure whatever america want stop recently special study problem efficient organization complicate new weapon soon conclusion finalize shall promptly take executive action necessary separate message shall present appropriate recommendation congress meanwhile without anticipate detailed form reorganization take state main line term objective major purpose military organization achieve real unity defense establishment principal feature military activity one important nation security strategic planning control work must do unified direction defense structure must one whole assume top efficiency without friction defense america defense establishment must therefore plan good integration defensive resource particularly respect new weapon building development obviously require full coordination development production use good organization help assure coordination recognition need single control advance development project secretary defense already decide concentrate one organization satellite technology undertaken within department defense another requirement military organization clear subordination military service duly constitute civilian authority control must real merely surface next must assurance excessive number compartment organization create costly confuse compartment scientific industrial effort finally end dispute require clear organization decisive central direction support unstinted cooperation every individual defense establishment civilian military 2 accelerate defense effort second major action item acceleration defense effort particular area affect fast pace scientific technological advance point improve increased effort essential must sure warn case attack improvement warning equipment become increasingly important approach period missile come use must protect disperse striking force increase readiness instant reaction mean base facility standby crew must maintain deterrent retaliatory power mean among thing long range missile program accelerate program effective missile system year advance aircraft must maintain freedom sea mean nuclear submarine cruiser improve weapon missile ship like must maintain necessary type mobile force deal local conflict need mean improvement equipment mobility tactic fire power increase pay incentive must maintain armed force skilled manpower modern military force require must research development anticipate achieve unimagined weapon future improvement intend assure vigilance power technical excellence keep abreast realistic threat face 3 mutual aid third must continue strengthen mutual security effort people realize program military aid defense support integral part defense effort foundation free world structure progressively allow crumble pressure communist imperialism entire house freedom would danger collapse mutual economic assistance program benefit u threefold first country receive aid become bulwark communist encroachment military defense economy strengthen nation conscious steady improvement industry education health standard live apt fall prey blandishment communist imperialist second country help reach point mutually profitable trade expand u third mutual confidence come work together constructive project create atmosphere real understanding peace flourish help bring multiple benefit economic aid effort make effective proposal future economic aid stressing great use repayable loan development loan fund fund generate sale surplus farm product bank increase government fund require remain objective encourage shift use private capital source rapidly possible one great obstacle economic aid program past rational argument merit catchword program real fact investment make security peace pay u great dividend necessary amount economic aid friendly nation let u stick fact afford one essential security program shoot slogan 4 mutual trade fourth national interest interest world peace must extension trade agreement act broaden authority negotiate world trade support significant segment american industry agriculture provide employment four million american worker help supply ever increase demand raw material provide opportunity american free enterprise develop worldwide scale strengthen friend increase desire friend world trade help lay groundwork peace make free nation world strong america today world great trading nation use great asset wisely meet expand demand world shall provide future opportunity business agriculture labor process strengthen security posture prospect prosperous harmonious world president mckinley say long ago 1901 isolation longer possible desirable period exclusiveness past 5 scientific cooperation ally fifth high importance congress enact necessary legislation enable u exchange appropriate scientific technical information friendly country part effort achieve effective scientific cooperation wasteful extreme friendly ally consume talent money solve problem friend already solve artificial barrier share afford cut brilliant talent mind scientist friendly country task ahead hard enough without handcuff make groundwork kind cooperation already laid discussion among nato country promptness follow legislation best possible evidence american unity purpose cooperate friend 6 education research sixth area education research recommend balance program improve resource involve investment billion dollar four year period involve new activity department health education welfare design principally encourage improved teaching quality student opportunity interest national security also provide increase sum available national science foundation special activity stimulate improve science education scrupulous attention pay maintain local control educational policy spur maximum amount local effort avoid undue stress physical science expense branch learn field research ask substantial increase basic research fund include double fund available national science foundation purpose federal action part job education research redouble exertion necessary part american rise demand time mean hard work part state local government private industry school college private organization foundation teacher parent perhaps important student bag book homework kind campaign doubt create intellectual capital need year ahead invest right place regiment pawn free men woman 7 spending save seventh provide extra effort security must apply stern test priority expenditures military civilian extra effort involve immediately need supplemental defense appropriation billion fiscal year 1958 1959 budget increase expenditure missile nuclear ship atomic energy research development science education special contingency fund deal possible new technological discovery increase pay incentive obtain retain competent manpower add total increase comparable figure 1957 budget 4 billion believe spite necessary increase strive finance 1959 security effort expect revenue believe expect revenue expenditures roughly balance real purpose achieve adequate security always utmost regard efficiency careful management purpose require cooperation congress make careful analysis estimate present reduce expenditure less essential military program installation postpone new civilian program transfer state curtail eliminate others related matter national debt ceiling tax revenue deal later message 8 work peace last call action primarily address congress people united state rather message people united state people especially soviet union spirit would like say last analysis one solution grim problem lie ahead world must stop present plunge toward destructive weapon war turn corner start step firmly path toward last peace great hope success lie universal fact people world people always want peace want peace problem find way translate universal desire action require word peace require work peace may try give concrete example kind work peace might make begin new direction start people learn know well recent negotiation washington provide basis principle great freedom communication exchange people urge soviet government cooperate turn principle practice prompt tangible action break unnatural barrier block flow think understanding people another kind work peace cooperation project human welfare example within power eradicate face earth scourge mankind malaria embark nation campaign blot curse forever invite soviet join u great work humanity indeed would willing pool effort soviet campaign disease common enemy mortal cancer heart disease people get together project possible could go cooperative program science peace guide inspiration success proposal year united nation auspex become reality international atomic energy agency program science peace might provide mean funnel one place result research scientist everywhere make available part world almost limit human betterment could result cooperation hunger disease could increasingly drive earth dream good life could long last translated reality work peace none need real first step toward disarmament last august unite nation general assembly overwhelming vote approve disarmament plan ally sincerely believe fair practical soviet reject plan negotiate procedure set united nation result negotiation supremely important issue world afford stand still disarmament must never give search basis agreement ally time time develop differ idea proceed must concert conviction among thereafter reasonable proposal hold promise disarmament reduction tension must hear discuss possible negotiated disarmament proposal hold real promise must minimum one feature reliable mean ensure compliance take action demonstrate integrity side create sustain confidence confidence genuine disarmament agreement vital signer agreement also million people world weary tension armament say people always go extra mile anyone earth bring u near genuine peace conclusion way must funnel energy efficiently task advance security peace action demand expect two thing american people sacrifice high degree understand sacrifice effective must intelligent sacrifice must make right purpose right place even place happen come close home good demanding sacrifice general term one day next day local reason oppose elimination unneeded federal facility pointless condemn federal spending general next moment condemn strongly effort reduce particular federal grant touch one interest make sense whatever spend additional billion military strength deter potential danger cut aid trade program let world succumb present danger economic guise friend congress world wait see wisely decisively free representative government act believe congress possesses display wisdom promptly part translate law action demand nation interest make law effective kind government need full voluntary support million americans action fully confident response congress american people make time test time honor mankind see clearly ever future belongs concept regiment atheistic state people people world dwight eisenhower