To the Congress: In considering the State of the Union, the war and the peace that is to follow are naturally uppermost in the minds of all of us. This war must be waged—it is being waged—with the greatest and most persistent intensity. Everything we are and have is at stake. Everything we are and have will be given. American men, fighting far from home, have already won victories which the world will never forget. We have no question of the ultimate victory. We have no question of the cost. Our losses will be heavy. We and our allies will go on fighting together to ultimate total victory. We have seen a year marked, on the whole, by substantial progress toward victory, even though the year ended with a setback for our arms, when the Germans launched a ferocious counter-attack into Luxembourg and Belgium with the obvious objective of cutting our line in the center. Our men have fought with indescribable and unforgettable gallantry under most difficult conditions, and our German enemies have sustained considerable losses while failing to obtain their objectives. The high tide of this German effort was reached two days after Christmas. Since then we have reassumed the offensive, rescued the isolated garrison at Bastogne, and forced a German withdrawal along the whole line of the salient. The speed with which we recovered from this savage attack was largely possible because we have one supreme commander in complete control of all the Allied armies in France. General Eisenhower has faced this period of trial with admirable calm and resolution and with steadily increasing success. He has my complete confidence. Further desperate attempts may well be made to break our lines, to slow our progress. We must never make the mistake of assuming that the Germans are beaten until the last Nazi has surrendered. And I would express another most serious warning against the poisonous effects of enemy propaganda. The wedge that the Germans attempted to drive in western Europe was less dangerous in actual terms of winning the war than the wedges which they are continually attempting to drive between ourselves and our allies. Every little rumor which is intended to weaken our faith in our allies is like an actual enemy agent in our midst- seeking to sabotage our war effort. There are, here and there, evil and baseless rumors against the Russians- rumors against the British—rumors against our own American commanders in the field. When you examine these rumors closely, you will observe that every one of them bears the same trade-mark—"Made in Germany." We must resist this divisive propaganda—we must destroy it -with the same strength and the same determination that our fighting men are displaying as they resist and destroy the panzer divisions. In Europe, we shall resume the attack and—despite temporary setbacks here or there- we shall continue the attack relentlessly until Germany is completely defeated. It is appropriate at this time to review the basic strategy which has guided us through three years of war, and which will lead, eventually, to total victory. The tremendous effort of the first years of this war was directed toward the concentration of men and supplies in the various theaters of action at the points where they could hurt our enemies most. It was an effort—in the language of the military men—of deployment of our forces. Many battles—essential battles—were fought; many victories—vital victories—were won. But these battles and these victories were fought and won to hold back the attacking enemy, and to put us in positions from which we and our allies could deliver the final, decisive blows. In the beginning our most important military task was to prevent our enemies—the strongest and most violently aggressive powers that ever have threatened civilization—from winning decisive victories. But even while we were conducting defensive, delaying actions, we were looking forward to the time when we could wrest the initiative from our enemies and place our superior resources of men and materials into direct competition with them. It was plain then that the defeat of either enemy would require the massing of overwhelming forces- ground, sea, and air- in positions from which we and our allies could strike directly against the enemy homelands and destroy the Nazi and Japanese war machines. In the case of Japan, we had to await the completion of extensive preliminary operations—operations designed to establish secure supply lines through the Japanese outer-zone defenses. This called for overwhelming sea power and air power—supported by ground forces strategically employed against isolated outpost garrisons. Always—from the very day we were attacked- it was right militarily as well as morally to reject the arguments of those shortsighted people who would have had us throw Britain and Russia to the Nazi wolves and concentrate against the Japanese. Such people urged that we fight a purely defensive war against Japan while allowing the domination of all the rest of the world by Nazism and Fascism. In the European theater the necessary bases for the massing of ground and air power against Germany were already available in Great Britain. In the Mediterranean area we could begin ground operations against major elements of the German Army as rapidly as we could put troops in the field, first in North Africa and then in Italy. Therefore, our decision was made to concentrate the bulk of our ground and air forces against Germany until her utter defeat. That decision was based on all these factors; and it was also based on the realization that, of our two enemies, Germany would be more able to digest quickly her conquests, the more able quickly to convert the manpower and resources of her conquered territory into a war potential. We had in Europe two active and indomitable allies- Britain and the Soviet Union- and there were also the heroic resistance movements in the occupied countries, constantly engaging and harassing the Germans. We cannot forget how Britain held the line, alone, in 1940 and 1941; and at the same time, despite ferocious bombardment from the air, built up a tremendous armaments industry which enabled her to take the offensive at El Alamein in 1942. We cannot forget the heroic defense of Moscow and Leningrad and Stalingrad, or the tremendous Russian offensives of 1943 and 1944 which destroyed formidable German armies. Nor can we forget how, for more than seven long years, the Chinese people have been sustaining the barbarous attacks of the Japanese and containing large enemy forces on the vast areas of the Asiatic mainland. In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have learned- that we must have friends who will work with us in peace as they have fought at our side in war. As a result of the combined effort of the Allied forces, great military victories were achieved in 1944: The liberation of France, Belgium, Greece, and parts of The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia; the surrender of Rumania and Bulgaria; the invasion of Germany itself and Hungary; the steady march through the Pacific islands to the Philippines, Guam, and Saipan; and the beginnings of a mighty air offensive against the Japanese islands. Now, as this Seventy-ninth Congress meets, we have reached the most critical phase of the war. The greatest victory of the last year was, of course, the successful breach on June 6, 1944, of the German "impregnable" seawall of Europe and the victorious sweep of the Allied forces through France and Belgium and Luxembourg—almost to the Rhine itself. The cross-channel invasion of the Allied armies was the greatest amphibious operation in the history of the world. It overshadowed all other operations in this or any other war in its immensity. Its success is a tribute to the fighting courage of the soldiers who stormed the beaches- to the sailors and merchant seamen who put the soldiers ashore and kept them supplied-and to the military and naval leaders who achieved a real miracle of planning and execution. And it is also a tribute to the ability of two Nations, Britain and America, to plan together, and work together, and fight together in perfect cooperation and perfect harmony. This cross-channel invasion was followed in August by a second great amphibious operation, landing troops in southern France. In this, the same cooperation and the same harmony existed between the American, French, and other Allied forces based in North Africa and Italy. The success of the two invasions is a tribute also to the ability of many men and women to maintain silence, when a few careless words would have imperiled the lives of hundreds of thousands, and would have jeopardized the whole vast undertakings. These two great operations were made possible by success in the Battle of the Atlantic. Without this success over German submarines, we could not have built up our invasion forces or air forces in Great Britain, nor could we have kept a steady stream of supplies flowing to them after they had landed in France. The Nazis, however, may succeed in improving their submarines and their crews. They have recently increased their U-boat activity. The Battle of the Atlantic—like all campaigns in this war—demands eternal vigilance. But the British, Canadian, and other Allied navies, together with our own, are constantly on the alert. The tremendous operations in western Europe have overshadowed in the public mind the less spectacular but vitally important Italian front. Its place in the strategic conduct of the war in Europe has been obscured, and—by some people unfortunately—underrated. It is important that any misconception on that score be corrected—now. What the Allied forces in Italy are doing is a well-considered part in our strategy in Europe, now aimed at only one objective —the total defeat of the Germans. These valiant forces in Italy are continuing to keep a substantial portion of the German Army under constant pressure—including some 20 first-line German divisions and the necessary supply and transport and replacement troops—all of which our enemies need so badly elsewhere. Over very difficult terrain and through adverse weather conditions, our Fifth Army and the British Eighth Army—reinforced by units from other United Nations, including a brave and well equipped unit of the Brazilian Army—have, in the past year, pushed north through bloody Cassino and the Anzio beachhead, and through Rome until now they occupy heights overlooking the valley of the Po. The greatest tribute which can be paid to the courage and fighting ability of these splendid soldiers in Italy is to point out that although their strength is about equal to that of the Germans they oppose, the Allies have been continuously on the offensive. That pressure, that offensive, by our troops in Italy will continue. The American people- and every soldier now fighting in the Apennines—should remember that the Italian front has not lost any of the importance which it had in the days when it was the only Allied front in Europe. In the Pacific during the past year, we have conducted the fastest-moving offensive in the history of modern warfare. We have driven the enemy back more than 3,000 miles across the Central Pacific. A year ago, our conquest of Tarawa was a little more than a month old. A year ago, we were preparing for our invasion of Kwajalein, the second of our great strides across the Central Pacific to the Philippines. A year ago, General MacArthur was still fighting in New Guinea almost 1,500 miles from his present position in the Philippine Islands. We now have firmly established bases in the Mariana Islands, from which our Super fortresses bomb Tokyo itself—and will continue to blast Japan in ever-increasing numbers. Japanese forces in the Philippines have been cut in two. There is still hard fighting ahead—costly fighting. But the liberation of the Philippines will mean that Japan has been largely cut off from her conquests in the East Indies. The landing of our troops on Leyte was the largest amphibious operation thus far conducted in the Pacific. Moreover, these landings drew the Japanese Fleet into the first great sea battle which Japan has risked in almost two years. Not since the night engagements around Guadalcanal in November-December, 1942, had our Navy been able to come to grips with major units of the Japanese Fleet. We had brushed against their fleet in the first battle of the Philippine Sea in June, 1944, but not until last October were we able really to engage a major portion of the Japanese Navy in actual combat. The naval engagement which raged for three days was the heaviest blow ever struck against Japanese sea power. As a result of that battle, much of what is left of the Japanese Fleet has been driven behind the screen of islands that separates the Yellow Sea, the China Sea, and the Sea of Japan from the Pacific. Our Navy looks forward to any opportunity which the lords of the Japanese Navy will give us to fight them again. The people of this Nation have a right to be proud of the courage and fighting ability of the men in the armed forces—on all fronts. They also have a right to be proud of American leadership which has guided their sons into battle. The history of the generalship of this war has been a history of teamwork and cooperation, of skill and daring. Let me give you one example out of last year's operations in the Pacific. Last September Admiral Halsey led American naval task forces into Philippine waters and north to the East China Sea, and struck heavy blows at Japanese air and sea power. At that time it was our plan to approach the Philippines by further stages, taking islands which we may call A, C, and E. However, Admiral Halsey reported that a direct attack on Leyte appeared feasible. When General MacArthur received the reports from Admiral Halsey's task forces, he also concluded that it might be possible to attack the Japanese in the Philippines directly- bypassing islands A, C, and E. Admiral Nimitz thereupon offered to make available to General MacArthur several divisions which had been scheduled to take the intermediate objectives. These discussions, conducted at great distances, all took place in one day. General MacArthur immediately informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff here in Washington that he was prepared to initiate plans for an attack on Leyte in October. Approval of the change in plan was given on the same day. Thus, within the space of 24 hours, a major change of plans was accomplished which involved Army and Navy forces from two different theaters of operations- a change which hastened the liberation of the Philippines and the final day of victory- a change which saved lives which would have been expended in the capture of islands which are now neutralized far behind our lines. Our over-all strategy has not neglected the important task of rendering all possible aid to China. Despite almost insuperable difficulties, we increased this aid during 1944. At present our aid to China must be accomplished by air transport- there is no other way. By the end of 1944, the Air Transport Command was carrying into China a tonnage of supplies three times as great as that delivered a year ago, and much more, each month, than the Burma Road ever delivered at its peak. Despite the loss of important bases in China, the tonnage delivered by air transport has enabled General Chennault's Fourteenth Air Force, which includes many Chinese flyers, to wage an effective and aggressive campaign against the Japanese. In 1944 aircraft of the Fourteenth Air Force flew more than 35,000 sorties against the Japanese and sank enormous tonnage of enemy shipping, greatly diminishing the usefulness of the China Sea lanes. British, Dominion, and Chinese forces together with our own have not only held the line in Burma against determined Japanese attacks but have gained bases of considerable importance to the supply line into China. The Burma campaigns have involved incredible hardship, and have demanded exceptional fortitude and determination. The officers and men who have served with so much devotion in these far distant jungles and mountains deserve high honor from their countrymen. In all of the far-flung operations of our own armed forces—on land, and sea and in the air— the final job, the toughest job, has been performed by the average, easy-going, hard-fighting young American, who carries the weight of battle on his own shoulders. It is to him that we and all future generations of Americans must pay grateful tribute. But—it is of small satisfaction to him to know that monuments will be raised to him in the future. He wants, he needs, and he is entitled to insist upon, our full and active support—now. Although unprecedented production figures have made possible our victories, we shall have to increase our goals even more in certain items. Peak deliveries of supplies were made to the War Department in December, 1943. Due in part to cutbacks, we have not produced as much since then. Deliveries of Army supplies were down by 15 percent by July, 1944, before the upward trend was once more resumed. Because of increased demands from overseas, the Army Service Forces in the month of October, 1944, had to increase its estimate of required production by 10 percent. But in November, one month later, the requirements for 1945 had to be increased another 10 percent, sending the production goal well above anything we have yet attained. Our armed forces in combat have steadily increased their expenditure of medium and heavy artillery ammunition. As we continue the decisive phases of this war, the munitions that we expend will mount day by day. In October, 1944, while some were saying the war in Europe was over, the Army was shipping more men to Europe than in any previous month of the war. One of the most urgent immediate requirements of the armed forces is more nurses. Last April the Army requirement for nurses was set at 50,000. Actual strength in nurses was then 40,000. Since that time the Army has tried to raise the additional 10,000. Active recruiting has been carried on, but the net gain in eight months has been only 2,000. There are now 42,000 nurses in the Army. Recent estimates have increased the total number needed to 60,000. That means that 18,000 more nurses must be obtained for the Army alone and the Navy now requires 2,000 additional nurses. The present shortage of Army nurses is reflected in undue strain on the existing force. More than a thousand nurses are now hospitalized, and part of this is due to overwork. The shortage is also indicated by the fact that 11 Army hospital units have been sent overseas without their complement of nurses. At Army hospitals in the United States there is only 1 nurse to 26 beds, instead of the recommended 1 to 15 beds. It is tragic that the gallant women who have volunteered for service as nurses should be so overworked. It is tragic that our wounded men should ever want for the best possible nursing care. The inability to get the needed nurses for the Army is not due to any shortage of nurses; 280,000 registered nurses are now practicing in this country. It has been estimated by the War Manpower Commission that 27,000 additional nurses could be made available to the armed forces without interfering too seriously with the needs of the civilian population for nurses. Since volunteering has not produced the number of nurses required, I urge that the Selective Service Act be amended to provide for the induction of nurses into the armed forces. The need is too pressing to await the outcome of further efforts at recruiting. The care and treatment given to our wounded and sick soldiers have been the best known to medical science. Those standards must be maintained at all costs. We cannot tolerate a lowering of them by failure to provide adequate nursing for the brave men who stand desperately in need of it. In the continuing progress of this war we have constant need for new types of weapons, for we cannot afford to fight the war of today or tomorrow with the weapons of yesterday. For example, the American Army now has developed a new tank with a gun more powerful than any yet mounted on a fast-moving vehicle. The Army will need many thousands of these new tanks in 1945. Almost every month finds some new development in electronics which must be put into production in order to maintain our technical superiority—and in order to save lives. We have to work every day to keep ahead of the enemy in radar. On D-Day, in France, with our superior new equipment, we located and then put out of operation every warning set which the Germans had along the French coast. If we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the development of new weapons, we pay for our backwardness with the life's blood of our sons. The only way to meet these increased needs for new weapons and more of them is for every American engaged in war work to stay on his war job—for additional American civilians, men and women, not engaged in essential work, to go out and get a war job. Workers who are released because their production is cut back should get another job where production is being increased. This is no time to quit or change to less essential jobs. There is an old and true saying that the Lord hates a quitter. And this Nation must pay for all those who leave their essential jobs- or all those who lay down on their essential jobs for nonessential reasons. And-again—that payment must be made 'with the life's blood of our sons. Many critical production programs with sharply rising needs are now seriously hampered by manpower shortages. The most important Army needs are artillery ammunition, cotton duck, bombs, tires, tanks, heavy trucks, and even B-29's. In each of these vital programs, present production is behind requirements. Navy production of bombardment ammunition is hampered by manpower shortages; so is production for its huge rocket program. Labor shortages have also delayed its cruiser and carrier programs, and production of certain types of aircraft. There is critical need for more repair workers and repair parts; this Jack delays the return of damaged fighting ships to their places in the fleet, and prevents ships now in the fighting line from getting needed overhauling. The pool of young men under 26 classified as I-A is almost depleted. Increased replacements for the armed forces will take men now deferred who are at work in war industry. The armed forces must have an assurance of a steady flow of young men for replacements. Meeting this paramount need will be difficult, and will also make it progressively more difficult to attain the 1945 production goals. Last year, after much consideration, I recommended that the Congress adopt a national service act as the most efficient and democratic way of insuring full production for our war requirements. This recommendation was not adopted. I now again call upon the Congress to enact this measure for the total mobilization of all our human resources for the prosecution of the war. I urge that this be done at the earliest possible moment. It is not too late in the war. In fact, bitter experience has shown that in this kind of mechanized warfare where new weapons are constantly being created by our enemies and by ourselves, the closer we come to the end of the war, the more pressing becomes the need for sustained war production with which to deliver the final blow to the enemy. There are three basic arguments for a national service law: First, it would assure that we have the right numbers of workers in the right places at the right times. Second, it would provide supreme proof to all our fighting men that we are giving them what they are entitled to, which is nothing less than our total effort. And, third, it would be the final, unequivocal answer to the hopes of the Nazis and the Japanese that we may become halfhearted about this war and that they can get from us a negotiated peace. National service legislation would make it possible to put ourselves in a position to assure certain and speedy action in meeting our manpower needs. It would be used only to the extent absolutely required by military necessities. In fact, experience in Great Britain and in other Nations at war indicates that use of the compulsory powers of national service is necessary only in rare instances. This proposed legislation would provide against loss of retirement and seniority rights and benefits. It would not mean reduction in wages. In adopting such legislation, it is not necessary to discard the voluntary and cooperative processes which have prevailed up to this time. This cooperation has already produced great results. The contribution of our workers to the war effort has been beyond measure. We must build on the foundations that have already been laid and supplement the measures now in operation, in order to guarantee the production that may be necessary in the critical period that lies ahead. At the present time we are using the inadequate tools at hand to do the best we can by such expedients as manpower ceilings, and the use of priority and other powers, to induce men and women to shift from non-essential to essential war jobs. I am in receipt of a joint letter from the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, dated January 3, 1945, which says: "With the experience of three years of war and after the most thorough consideration, we are convinced that it is now necessary to carry out the statement made by the Congress in the joint resolutions declaring that a state of war existed with Japan and Germany: That 'to bring the conflict to a successful conclusion, all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.' "In our considered judgment, which is supported by General Marshall and Admiral King, this requires total mobilization of our manpower by the passage of a national war service law. The armed forces need this legislation to hasten the day of final victory, and to keep to a minimum the cost in lives. "National war service, the recognition by law of the duty of every citizen to do his or her part in winning the war, will give complete assurance that the need for war equipment will be filled. In the coming year we must increase the output of many weapons and supplies on short notice. Otherwise we shall not keep our production abreast of the swiftly changing needs of war. At the same time it will be necessary to draw progressively many men now engaged in war production to serve with the armed forces, and their places in war production must be filled promptly. These developments will require the addition of hundreds of thousands to those already working in war industry. We do not believe that these needs can be met effectively under present methods. "The record made by management and labor in war industry has been a notable testimony to the resourcefulness and power of America. The needs are so great, nevertheless, that in many instances we have been forced to recall soldiers and sailors from military duty to do work of a civilian character in war production, because of the urgency of the need for equipment and because of inability to recruit civilian labor." Pending action by the Congress on the broader aspects of national service, I recommend that the Congress immediately enact legislation which will be effective in using the services of the 4,000,000 men now classified as IV-F in whatever capacity is best for the war effort. In the field of foreign policy, we propose to stand together with the United Nations not for the war alone but for the victory for which the war is fought. It is not only a common danger which unites us but a common hope. Ours is an association not of Governments but of peoples—and the peoples' hope is peace. Here, as in England; in England, as in Russia; in Russia, as in China; in France, and through the continent of Europe, and throughout the world; wherever men love freedom, the hope and purpose of the people are for peace—a peace that is durable and secure. It will not be easy to create this peoples' peace. We delude ourselves if we believe that the surrender of the armies of our enemies will make the peace we long for. The unconditional surrender of the armies of our enemies is the first and necessary step- but the first step only. We have seen already, in areas liberated from the Nazi and the Fascist tyranny, what problems peace will bring. And we delude ourselves if we attempt to believe wishfully that all these problems can be solved overnight. The firm foundation can be built- and it will be built. But the continuance and assurance of a living peace must, in the long run, be the work of the people themselves. We ourselves, like all peoples who have gone through the difficult processes of liberation and adjustment, know of our own experience how great the difficulties can be. We know that they are not difficulties peculiar to any continent or any Nation. Our own Revolutionary War left behind it, in the words of one American historian, "an eddy of lawlessness and disregard of human life." There were separatist movements of one kind or another in Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Maine. There were insurrections, open or threatened, in Massachusetts and New Hampshire. These difficulties we worked out for ourselves as the peoples of the liberated areas of Europe, faced with complex problems of adjustment, will work out their difficulties for themselves. Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination of free and peace-loving peoples who are willing to work together- willing to help one another—willing to respect and tolerate and try to understand one another's opinions and feelings. The nearer we come to vanquishing our enemies the more we inevitably become conscious of differences among the victors. We must not let those differences divide us and blind us to our more important common and continuing interests in winning the war and building the peace. International cooperation on which enduring peace must be based is not a one-way street. Nations like individuals do not always see alike or think alike, and international cooperation and progress are not helped by any Nation assuming that it has a monopoly of wisdom or of virtue. In the future world the misuse of power, as implied in the term "power politics," must not be a controlling factor in international relations. That is the heart of the principles to which we have subscribed. We cannot deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its existence as a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as in a democratic Nation, power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good. Perfectionism, no less than isolationism or imperialism or power politics, may obstruct the paths to international peace. Let us not forget that the retreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a direct attack against international cooperation but against the alleged imperfections of the peace. In our disillusionment after the last war we preferred international anarchy to international cooperation with Nations which did not see and think exactly as we did. We gave up the hope of gradually achieving a better peace because we had not the courage to fulfill our responsibilities in an admittedly imperfect world. We must not let that happen again, or we shall follow the same tragic road again—the road to a third world war. We can fulfill our responsibilities for maintaining the security of our own country only by exercising our power and our influence to achieve the principles in which we believe and for which we have fought. In August, 1941, Prime Minister Churchill and I agreed to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, these being later incorporated into the Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 1942. At that time certain isolationists protested vigorously against our right to proclaim the principles—and against the very principles themselves. Today, many of the same people are protesting against the possibility of violation of the same principles. It is true that the statement of principles in the Atlantic Charter does not provide rules of easy application to each and every one of this war-torn world's tangled situations. But it is a good and a useful thing- it is an essential thing- to have principles toward which we can aim. And we shall not hesitate to use our influence- and to use it now—to secure so far as is humanly possible the fulfillment of the principles of the Atlantic Charter. We have not shrunk from the military responsibilities brought on by this war. We cannot and will not shrink from the political responsibilities which follow in the wake of battle. I do not wish to give the impression that all mistakes can be avoided and that many disappointments are not inevitable in the making of peace. But we must not this time lose the hope of establishing an international order which will be capable of maintaining peace and realizing through the years more perfect justice between Nations. To do this we must be on our guard not to exploit and exaggerate the differences between us and our allies, particularly with reference to the peoples who have been liberated from Fascist tyranny. That is not the way to secure a better settlement of those differences or to secure international machinery which can rectify mistakes which may be made. I should not be frank if I did not admit concern about many situations—the Greek and Polish for example. But those situations are not as easy or as simple to deal with as some spokesmen, whose sincerity I do not question, would have us believe. We have obligations, not necessarily legal, to the exiled Governments, to the underground leaders, and to our major allies who came much nearer the shadows than we did. We and our allies have declared that it is our purpose to respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live and to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them. But with internal dissension, with many citizens of liberated countries still prisoners of war or forced to labor in Germany, it is difficult to guess the kind of self-government the people really want. During the interim period, until conditions permit a genuine expression of the people's will, we and our allies have a duty, which we cannot ignore, to use our influence to the end that no temporary or provisional authorities in the liberated countries block the eventual exercise of the peoples' right freely to choose the government and institutions under which, as freemen, they are to live. It is only too easy for all of us to rationalize what we want to believe, and to consider those leaders we like responsible and those we dislike irresponsible. And our task is not helped by stubborn partisanship, however understandable on the part of opposed internal factions. It is our purpose to help the peace-loving peoples of Europe to live together as good neighbors, to recognize their common interests and not to nurse their traditional grievances against one another. But we must not permit the many specific and immediate problems of adjustment connected with the liberation of Europe to delay the establishment of permanent machinery for the maintenance of peace. Under the threat of a common danger, the United Nations joined together in war to preserve their independence and their freedom. They must now join together to make secure the independence and freedom of all peace-loving states, so that never again shall tyranny be able to divide and conquer. International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, require constant alertness, continuing cooperation, and organized effort. International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, can be secured only through institutions capable of life and growth. Many of the problems of the peace are upon us even now while the conclusion of the war is still before us. The atmosphere of friendship and mutual understanding and determination to find a common ground of common understanding, which surrounded the conversations at Dumbarton Oaks, gives us reason to hope that future discussions will succeed in developing the democratic and fully integrated world security system toward which these preparatory conversations were directed. We and the other United Nations are going forward, with vigor and resolution, in our efforts to create such a system by providing for it strong and flexible institutions of joint and cooperative action. The aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure in this supreme endeavor. We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon which peace and the institutions of peace must rest, and it is our policy and purpose to use these great technological achievements for the common advantage of the world. We support the greatest possible freedom of trade and commerce. We Americans have always believed in freedom of opportunity, and equality of opportunity remains one of the principal objectives of our national life. What we believe in for individuals, we believe in also for Nations. We are opposed to restrictions, whether by public act or private arrangement, which distort and impair commerce, transit, and trade. We have house-cleaning of our own to do in this regard. But it is our hope, not only in the interest of our own prosperity but in the interest of the prosperity of the world, that trade and commerce and access to materials and markets may be freer after this war than ever before in the history of the world. One of the most heartening events of the year in the international field has been the renaissance of the French people and the return of the French Nation to the ranks of the United Nations. Far from having been crushed by the terror of Nazi domination, the French people have emerged with stronger faith than ever in the destiny of their country and in the soundness of the democratic ideals to which the French Nation has traditionally contributed so greatly. During her liberation, France has given proof of her unceasing determination to fight the Germans, continuing the heroic efforts of the resistance groups under the occupation and of all those Frenchmen throughout the world who refused to surrender after the disaster of 1940. Today, French armies are again on the German frontier, and are again fighting shoulder to shoulder with our sons. Since our landings in Africa, we have placed in French hands all the arms and material of war which our resources and the military situation permitted. And I am glad to say that we are now about to equip large new French forces with the most modern weapons for combat duty. In addition to the contribution which France can make to our common victory, her liberation likewise means that her great influence will again be available in meeting the problems of peace. We fully recognize France's vital interest in a lasting solution of the German problem and the contribution which she can make in achieving international security. Her formal adherence to the declaration by United Nations a few days ago and the proposal at the Dumbarton Oaks discussions, whereby France would receive one of the five permanent seats in the proposed Security Council, demonstrate the extent to which France has resumed her proper position of strength and leadership. I am clear in my own mind that, as an essential factor in the maintenance of peace in the future, we must have universal military training after this war, and I shall send a special message to the Congress on this subject. An enduring peace cannot be achieved without a strong America- strong in the social and economic sense as well as in the military sense. In the State of the Union message last year I set forth what I considered to be an American economic bill of rights. I said then, and I say now, that these economic truths represent a second bill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all- regardless of station, race, or creed. Of these rights the most fundamental, and one on which the fulfillment of the others in large degree depends, is the "right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the Nation." In turn, others of the economic rights of American citizenship, such as the right to a decent home, to a good education, to good medical care, to social security, to reasonable farm income, will, if fulfilled, make major contributions to achieving adequate levels of employment. The Federal Government must see to it that these rights become realities—with the help of States, municipalities, business, labor, and agriculture. We have had full employment during the war. We have had it because the Government has been ready to buy all the materials of war which the country could produce—and this has amounted to approximately half our present productive capacity. After the war we must maintain full employment with Government performing its peacetime functions. This means that we must achieve a level of demand and purchasing power by private consumers- farmers, businessmen, workers, professional men, housewives- which is sufficiently high to replace wartime Government demands; and it means also that we must greatly increase our export trade above the prewar level. Our policy is, of course, to rely as much as possible on private enterprise to provide jobs. But the American people will not accept mass unemployment or mere makeshift work. There will be need for the work of everyone willing and able to work—and that means close to 60,000,000 jobs. Full employment means not only jobs- but productive jobs. Americans do not regard jobs that pay substandard wages as productive jobs. We must make sure that private enterprise works as it is supposed to work- on the basis of initiative and vigorous competition, without the stifling presence of monopolies and cartels. During the war we have guaranteed investment in enterprise essential to the war effort. We should also take appropriate measures in peacetime to secure opportunities for new small enterprises and for productive business expansion for which finance would otherwise be unavailable. This necessary expansion of our peacetime productive capacity will require new facilities, new plants, and new equipment. It will require large outlays of money which should be raised through normal investment channels. But while private capital should finance this expansion program, the Government should recognize its responsibility for sharing part of any special or abnormal risk of loss attached to such financing. Our full-employment program requires the extensive development of our natural resources and other useful public works. The undeveloped resources of this continent are still vast. Our river-watershed projects will add new and fertile territories to the United States. The Tennessee Valley Authority, which was constructed at a cost of $750,000,000—the cost of waging this war for less than 4 days—was a bargain. We have similar opportunities in our other great river basins. By harnessing the resources of these river basins, as we have in the Tennessee Valley, we shall provide the same kind of stimulus to enterprise as was provided by the Louisiana Purchase and the new discoveries in the West during the nineteenth century. If we are to avail ourselves fully of the benefits of civil aviation, and if we are to use the automobiles we can produce, it will be necessary to construct thousands of airports and to overhaul our entire national highway system. The provision of a decent home for every family is a national necessity, if this country is to be worthy of its greatness—and that task will itself create great employment opportunities. Most of our cities need extensive rebuilding. Much of our farm plant is in a state of disrepair. To make a frontal attack on the problems of housing and urban reconstruction will require thoroughgoing cooperation between industry and labor, and the Federal, State, and local Governments. An expanded social security program, and adequate health and education programs, must play essential roles in a program designed to support individual productivity and mass purchasing power. I shall communicate further with the Congress on these subjects at a later date. The millions of productive jobs that a program of this nature could bring are jobs in private enterprise. They are jobs based on the expanded demand for the output of our economy for consumption and investment. Through a program of this character we can maintain a national income high enough to provide for an orderly retirement of the public debt along with reasonable tax reduction. Our present tax system geared primarily to war requirements must be revised for peacetime so as to encourage private demand. While no general revision of the tax structure can be made until the war ends on all fronts, the Congress should be prepared to provide tax modifications at the end of the war in Europe, designed to encourage capital to invest in new enterprises and to provide jobs. As an integral part of this program to maintain high employment, we must, after the war is over, reduce or eliminate taxes which bear too heavily on consumption. The war will leave deep disturbances in the world economy, in our national economy, in many communities, in many families, and in many individuals. It will require determined effort and responsible action of all of us to find our way back to peacetime, and to help others to find their way back to peacetime- a peacetime that holds the values of the past and the promise of the future. If we attack our problems with determination we shall succeed. And we must succeed. For freedom and peace cannot exist without security. During the past year the American people, in a national election, reasserted their democratic faith. In the course of that campaign various references were made to "strife" between this Administration and the Congress, with the implication, if not the direct assertion, that this Administration and the Congress could never work together harmoniously in the service of the Nation. It cannot be denied that there have been disagreements between the legislative and executive branches—as there have been disagreements during the past century and a half. I think we all realize too that there are some people in this Capital City whose task is in large part to stir up dissension, and to magnify normal healthy disagreements so that they appear to be irreconcilable conflicts. But- I think that the over-all record in this respect is eloquent: The Government of the United States of America—all branches of it- has a good record of achievement in this war. The Congress, the Executive, and the Judiciary have worked together for the common good. I myself want to tell you, the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, how happy I am in our relationships and friendships. I have not yet had the pleasure of meeting some of the new Members in each House, but I hope that opportunity will offer itself in the near future. We have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with realism and courage. This new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human history. Nineteen forty-five can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of terror in Europe. Nineteen forty-five can see the closing in of the forces of retribution about the center of the malignant power of imperialistic Japan. Most important of all—1945 can and must see the substantial beginning of the organization of world peace. This organization must be the fulfillment of the promise for which men have fought and died in this war. It must be the justification of all the sacrifices that have been made- of all the dreadful misery that this world has endured. We Americans of today, together with our allies, are making history- and I hope it will be better history than ever has been made before. We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us.
To the Congress: In considering the State of the Union, the war and the peace that is to follow are naturally uppermost in the minds of all of us. This war must be waged—it is being waged—with the greatest and most persistent intensity. Everything we are and have is at stake. Everything we are and have will be given. American men, fighting far from home, have already won victories which the world will never forget. We have no question of the ultimate victory. We have no question of the cost. Our losses will be heavy. We and our allies will go on fighting together to ultimate total victory. We have seen a year marked, on the whole, by substantial progress toward victory, even though the year ended with a setback for our arms, when the Germans launched a ferocious counter-attack into Luxembourg and Belgium with the obvious objective of cutting our line in the center. Our men have fought with indescribable and unforgettable gallantry under most difficult conditions, and our German enemies have sustained considerable losses while failing to obtain their objectives. The high tide of this German effort was reached two days after Christmas. Since then we have reassumed the offensive, rescued the isolated garrison at Bastogne, and forced a German withdrawal along the whole line of the salient. The speed with which we recovered from this savage attack was largely possible because we have one supreme commander in complete control of all the Allied armies in France. General Eisenhower has faced this period of trial with admirable calm and resolution and with steadily increasing success. He has my complete confidence. Further desperate attempts may well be made to break our lines, to slow our progress. We must never make the mistake of assuming that the Germans are beaten until the last Nazi has surrendered. And I would express another most serious warning against the poisonous effects of enemy propaganda. The wedge that the Germans attempted to drive in western Europe was less dangerous in actual terms of winning the war than the wedges which they are continually attempting to drive between ourselves and our allies. Every little rumor which is intended to weaken our faith in our allies is like an actual enemy agent in our midst- seeking to sabotage our war effort. There are, here and there, evil and baseless rumors against the Russians- rumors against the British—rumors against our own American commanders in the field. When you examine these rumors closely, you will observe that every one of them bears the same trade-mark—"Made in Germany." We must resist this divisive propaganda—we must destroy it -with the same strength and the same determination that our fighting men are displaying as they resist and destroy the panzer divisions. In Europe, we shall resume the attack and—despite temporary setbacks here or there- we shall continue the attack relentlessly until Germany is completely defeated. It is appropriate at this time to review the basic strategy which has guided us through three years of war, and which will lead, eventually, to total victory. The tremendous effort of the first years of this war was directed toward the concentration of men and supplies in the various theaters of action at the points where they could hurt our enemies most. It was an effort—in the language of the military men—of deployment of our forces. Many battles—essential battles—were fought; many victories—vital victories—were won. But these battles and these victories were fought and won to hold back the attacking enemy, and to put us in positions from which we and our allies could deliver the final, decisive blows. In the beginning our most important military task was to prevent our enemies—the strongest and most violently aggressive powers that ever have threatened civilization—from winning decisive victories. But even while we were conducting defensive, delaying actions, we were looking forward to the time when we could wrest the initiative from our enemies and place our superior resources of men and materials into direct competition with them. It was plain then that the defeat of either enemy would require the massing of overwhelming forces- ground, sea, and air- in positions from which we and our allies could strike directly against the enemy homelands and destroy the Nazi and Japanese war machines. In the case of Japan, we had to await the completion of extensive preliminary operations—operations designed to establish secure supply lines through the Japanese outer-zone defenses. This called for overwhelming sea power and air power—supported by ground forces strategically employed against isolated outpost garrisons. Always—from the very day we were attacked- it was right militarily as well as morally to reject the arguments of those shortsighted people who would have had us throw Britain and Russia to the Nazi wolves and concentrate against the Japanese. Such people urged that we fight a purely defensive war against Japan while allowing the domination of all the rest of the world by Nazism and Fascism. In the European theater the necessary bases for the massing of ground and air power against Germany were already available in Great Britain. In the Mediterranean area we could begin ground operations against major elements of the German Army as rapidly as we could put troops in the field, first in North Africa and then in Italy. Therefore, our decision was made to concentrate the bulk of our ground and air forces against Germany until her utter defeat. That decision was based on all these factors; and it was also based on the realization that, of our two enemies, Germany would be more able to digest quickly her conquests, the more able quickly to convert the manpower and resources of her conquered territory into a war potential. We had in Europe two active and indomitable allies- Britain and the Soviet Union- and there were also the heroic resistance movements in the occupied countries, constantly engaging and harassing the Germans. We cannot forget how Britain held the line, alone, in 1940 and 1941; and at the same time, despite ferocious bombardment from the air, built up a tremendous armaments industry which enabled her to take the offensive at El Alamein in 1942. We cannot forget the heroic defense of Moscow and Leningrad and Stalingrad, or the tremendous Russian offensives of 1943 and 1944 which destroyed formidable German armies. Nor can we forget how, for more than seven long years, the Chinese people have been sustaining the barbarous attacks of the Japanese and containing large enemy forces on the vast areas of the Asiatic mainland. In the future we must never forget the lesson that we have learned- that we must have friends who will work with us in peace as they have fought at our side in war. As a result of the combined effort of the Allied forces, great military victories were achieved in 1944: The liberation of France, Belgium, Greece, and parts of The Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia; the surrender of Rumania and Bulgaria; the invasion of Germany itself and Hungary; the steady march through the Pacific islands to the Philippines, Guam, and Saipan; and the beginnings of a mighty air offensive against the Japanese islands. Now, as this Seventy-ninth Congress meets, we have reached the most critical phase of the war. The greatest victory of the last year was, of course, the successful breach on June 6, 1944, of the German "impregnable" seawall of Europe and the victorious sweep of the Allied forces through France and Belgium and Luxembourg—almost to the Rhine itself. The cross-channel invasion of the Allied armies was the greatest amphibious operation in the history of the world. It overshadowed all other operations in this or any other war in its immensity. Its success is a tribute to the fighting courage of the soldiers who stormed the beaches- to the sailors and merchant seamen who put the soldiers ashore and kept them supplied-and to the military and naval leaders who achieved a real miracle of planning and execution. And it is also a tribute to the ability of two Nations, Britain and America, to plan together, and work together, and fight together in perfect cooperation and perfect harmony. This cross-channel invasion was followed in August by a second great amphibious operation, landing troops in southern France. In this, the same cooperation and the same harmony existed between the American, French, and other Allied forces based in North Africa and Italy. The success of the two invasions is a tribute also to the ability of many men and women to maintain silence, when a few careless words would have imperiled the lives of hundreds of thousands, and would have jeopardized the whole vast undertakings. These two great operations were made possible by success in the Battle of the Atlantic. Without this success over German submarines, we could not have built up our invasion forces or air forces in Great Britain, nor could we have kept a steady stream of supplies flowing to them after they had landed in France. The Nazis, however, may succeed in improving their submarines and their crews. They have recently increased their YOU-boat activity. The Battle of the Atlantic—like all campaigns in this war—demands eternal vigilance. But the British, Canadian, and other Allied navies, together with our own, are constantly on the alert. The tremendous operations in western Europe have overshadowed in the public mind the less spectacular but vitally important Italian front. Its place in the strategic conduct of the war in Europe has been obscured, and—by some people unfortunately—underrated. It is important that any misconception on that score be corrected—now. What the Allied forces in Italy are doing is a well-considered part in our strategy in Europe, now aimed at only one objective —the total defeat of the Germans. These valiant forces in Italy are continuing to keep a substantial portion of the German Army under constant pressure—including some 20 first-line German divisions and the necessary supply and transport and replacement troops—all of which our enemies need so badly elsewhere. Over very difficult terrain and through adverse weather conditions, our Fifth Army and the British Eighth Army—reinforced by units from other United Nations, including a brave and well equipped unit of the Brazilian Army—have, in the past year, pushed north through bloody Cassino and the Anzio beachhead, and through Rome until now they occupy heights overlooking the valley of the Po. The greatest tribute which can be paid to the courage and fighting ability of these splendid soldiers in Italy is to point out that although their strength is about equal to that of the Germans they oppose, the Allies have been continuously on the offensive. That pressure, that offensive, by our troops in Italy will continue. The American people- and every soldier now fighting in the Apennines—should remember that the Italian front has not lost any of the importance which it had in the days when it was the only Allied front in Europe. In the Pacific during the past year, we have conducted the fastest-moving offensive in the history of modern warfare. We have driven the enemy back more than 3,000 miles across the Central Pacific. A year ago, our conquest of Tarawa was a little more than a month old. A year ago, we were preparing for our invasion of Kwajalein, the second of our great strides across the Central Pacific to the Philippines. A year ago, General MacArthur was still fighting in New Guinea almost 1,500 miles from his present position in the Philippine Islands. We now have firmly established bases in the Mariana Islands, from which our Super fortresses bomb Tokyo itself—and will continue to blast Japan in ever-increasing numbers. Japanese forces in the Philippines have been cut in two. There is still hard fighting ahead—costly fighting. But the liberation of the Philippines will mean that Japan has been largely cut off from her conquests in the East Indies. The landing of our troops on Leyte was the largest amphibious operation thus far conducted in the Pacific. Moreover, these landings drew the Japanese Fleet into the first great sea battle which Japan has risked in almost two years. Not since the night engagements around Guadalcanal in November-December, 1942, had our Navy been able to come to grips with major units of the Japanese Fleet. We had brushed against their fleet in the first battle of the Philippine Sea in June, 1944, but not until last October were we able really to engage a major portion of the Japanese Navy in actual combat. The naval engagement which raged for three days was the heaviest blow ever struck against Japanese sea power. As a result of that battle, much of what is left of the Japanese Fleet has been driven behind the screen of islands that separates the Yellow Sea, the China Sea, and the Sea of Japan from the Pacific. Our Navy looks forward to any opportunity which the lords of the Japanese Navy will give us to fight them again. The people of this Nation have a right to be proud of the courage and fighting ability of the men in the armed forces—on all fronts. They also have a right to be proud of American leadership which has guided their sons into battle. The history of the generalship of this war has been a history of teamwork and cooperation, of skill and daring. Let me give you one example out of last year's operations in the Pacific. Last September Admiral Halsey led American naval task forces into Philippine waters and north to the East China Sea, and struck heavy blows at Japanese air and sea power. At that time it was our plan to approach the Philippines by further stages, taking islands which we may call A, C, and E. However, Admiral Halsey reported that a direct attack on Leyte appeared feasible. When General MacArthur received the reports from Admiral Halsey's task forces, he also concluded that it might be possible to attack the Japanese in the Philippines directly- bypassing islands A, C, and E. Admiral Nimitz thereupon offered to make available to General MacArthur several divisions which had been scheduled to take the intermediate objectives. These discussions, conducted at great distances, all took place in one day. General MacArthur immediately informed the Joint Chiefs of Staff here in Washington that he was prepared to initiate plans for an attack on Leyte in October. Approval of the change in plan was given on the same day. Thus, within the space of 24 hours, a major change of plans was accomplished which involved Army and Navy forces from two different theaters of operations- a change which hastened the liberation of the Philippines and the final day of victory- a change which saved lives which would have been expended in the capture of islands which are now neutralized far behind our lines. Our over-all strategy has not neglected the important task of rendering all possible aid to China. Despite almost insuperable difficulties, we increased this aid during 1944. At present our aid to China must be accomplished by air transport- there is no other way. By the end of 1944, the Air Transport Command was carrying into China a tonnage of supplies three times as great as that delivered a year ago, and much more, each month, than the Burma Road ever delivered at its peak. Despite the loss of important bases in China, the tonnage delivered by air transport has enabled General Chennault's Fourteenth Air Force, which includes many Chinese flyers, to wage an effective and aggressive campaign against the Japanese. In 1944 aircraft of the Fourteenth Air Force flew more than 35,000 sorties against the Japanese and sank enormous tonnage of enemy shipping, greatly diminishing the usefulness of the China Sea lanes. British, Dominion, and Chinese forces together with our own have not only held the line in Burma against determined Japanese attacks but have gained bases of considerable importance to the supply line into China. The Burma campaigns have involved incredible hardship, and have demanded exceptional fortitude and determination. The officers and men who have served with so much devotion in these far distant jungles and mountains deserve high honor from their countrymen. In all of the far-flung operations of our own armed forces—on land, and sea and in the air— the final job, the toughest job, has been performed by the average, easy-going, hard-fighting young American, who carries the weight of battle on his own shoulders. It is to him that we and all future generations of Americans must pay grateful tribute. But—it is of small satisfaction to him to know that monuments will be raised to him in the future. He wants, he needs, and he is entitled to insist upon, our full and active support—now. Although unprecedented production figures have made possible our victories, we shall have to increase our goals even more in certain items. Peak deliveries of supplies were made to the War Department in December, 1943. Due in part to cutbacks, we have not produced as much since then. Deliveries of Army supplies were down by 15 percent by July, 1944, before the upward trend was once more resumed. Because of increased demands from overseas, the Army Service Forces in the month of October, 1944, had to increase its estimate of required production by 10 percent. But in November, one month later, the requirements for 1945 had to be increased another 10 percent, sending the production goal well above anything we have yet attained. Our armed forces in combat have steadily increased their expenditure of medium and heavy artillery ammunition. As we continue the decisive phases of this war, the munitions that we expend will mount day by day. In October, 1944, while some were saying the war in Europe was over, the Army was shipping more men to Europe than in any previous month of the war. One of the most urgent immediate requirements of the armed forces is more nurses. Last April the Army requirement for nurses was set at 50,000. Actual strength in nurses was then 40,000. Since that time the Army has tried to raise the additional 10,000. Active recruiting has been carried on, but the net gain in eight months has been only 2,000. There are now 42,000 nurses in the Army. Recent estimates have increased the total number needed to 60,000. That means that 18,000 more nurses must be obtained for the Army alone and the Navy now requires 2,000 additional nurses. The present shortage of Army nurses is reflected in undue strain on the existing force. More than a thousand nurses are now hospitalized, and part of this is due to overwork. The shortage is also indicated by the fact that 11 Army hospital units have been sent overseas without their complement of nurses. At Army hospitals in the United States there is only 1 nurse to 26 beds, instead of the recommended 1 to 15 beds. It is tragic that the gallant women who have volunteered for service as nurses should be so overworked. It is tragic that our wounded men should ever want for the best possible nursing care. The inability to get the needed nurses for the Army is not due to any shortage of nurses; 280,000 registered nurses are now practicing in this country. It has been estimated by the War Manpower Commission that 27,000 additional nurses could be made available to the armed forces without interfering too seriously with the needs of the civilian population for nurses. Since volunteering has not produced the number of nurses required, I urge that the Selective Service Act be amended to provide for the induction of nurses into the armed forces. The need is too pressing to await the outcome of further efforts at recruiting. The care and treatment given to our wounded and sick soldiers have been the best known to medical science. Those standards must be maintained at all costs. We cannot tolerate a lowering of them by failure to provide adequate nursing for the brave men who stand desperately in need of it. In the continuing progress of this war we have constant need for new types of weapons, for we cannot afford to fight the war of today or tomorrow with the weapons of yesterday. For example, the American Army now has developed a new tank with a gun more powerful than any yet mounted on a fast-moving vehicle. The Army will need many thousands of these new tanks in 1945. Almost every month finds some new development in electronics which must be put into production in order to maintain our technical superiority—and in order to save lives. We have to work every day to keep ahead of the enemy in radar. On D-Day, in France, with our superior new equipment, we located and then put out of operation every warning set which the Germans had along the French coast. If we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the development of new weapons, we pay for our backwardness with the life's blood of our sons. The only way to meet these increased needs for new weapons and more of them is for every American engaged in war work to stay on his war job—for additional American civilians, men and women, not engaged in essential work, to go out and get a war job. Workers who are released because their production is cut back should get another job where production is being increased. This is no time to quit or change to less essential jobs. There is an old and true saying that the Lord hates a quitter. And this Nation must pay for all those who leave their essential jobs- or all those who lay down on their essential jobs for nonessential reasons. And-again—that payment must be made 'with the life's blood of our sons. Many critical production programs with sharply rising needs are now seriously hampered by manpower shortages. The most important Army needs are artillery ammunition, cotton duck, bombs, tires, tanks, heavy trucks, and even B-29's. In each of these vital programs, present production is behind requirements. Navy production of bombardment ammunition is hampered by manpower shortages; so is production for its huge rocket program. Labor shortages have also delayed its cruiser and carrier programs, and production of certain types of aircraft. There is critical need for more repair workers and repair parts; this Jack delays the return of damaged fighting ships to their places in the fleet, and prevents ships now in the fighting line from getting needed overhauling. The pool of young men under 26 classified as I-A is almost depleted. Increased replacements for the armed forces will take men now deferred who are at work in war industry. The armed forces must have an assurance of a steady flow of young men for replacements. Meeting this paramount need will be difficult, and will also make it progressively more difficult to attain the 1945 production goals. Last year, after much consideration, I recommended that the Congress adopt a national service act as the most efficient and democratic way of insuring full production for our war requirements. This recommendation was not adopted. I now again call upon the Congress to enact this measure for the total mobilization of all our human resources for the prosecution of the war. I urge that this be done at the earliest possible moment. It is not too late in the war. In fact, bitter experience has shown that in this kind of mechanized warfare where new weapons are constantly being created by our enemies and by ourselves, the closer we come to the end of the war, the more pressing becomes the need for sustained war production with which to deliver the final blow to the enemy. There are three basic arguments for a national service law: First, it would assure that we have the right numbers of workers in the right places at the right times. Second, it would provide supreme proof to all our fighting men that we are giving them what they are entitled to, which is nothing less than our total effort. And, third, it would be the final, unequivocal answer to the hopes of the Nazis and the Japanese that we may become halfhearted about this war and that they can get from us a negotiated peace. National service legislation would make it possible to put ourselves in a position to assure certain and speedy action in meeting our manpower needs. It would be used only to the extent absolutely required by military necessities. In fact, experience in Great Britain and in other Nations at war indicates that use of the compulsory powers of national service is necessary only in rare instances. This proposed legislation would provide against loss of retirement and seniority rights and benefits. It would not mean reduction in wages. In adopting such legislation, it is not necessary to discard the voluntary and cooperative processes which have prevailed up to this time. This cooperation has already produced great results. The contribution of our workers to the war effort has been beyond measure. We must build on the foundations that have already been laid and supplement the measures now in operation, in order to guarantee the production that may be necessary in the critical period that lies ahead. At the present time we are using the inadequate tools at hand to do the best we can by such expedients as manpower ceilings, and the use of priority and other powers, to induce men and women to shift from non-essential to essential war jobs. I am in receipt of a joint letter from the Secretary of War and the Secretary of the Navy, dated January 3, 1945, which says: "With the experience of three years of war and after the most thorough consideration, we are convinced that it is now necessary to carry out the statement made by the Congress in the joint resolutions declaring that a state of war existed with Japan and Germany: That 'to bring the conflict to a successful conclusion, all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.' "In our considered judgment, which is supported by General Marshall and Admiral King, this requires total mobilization of our manpower by the passage of a national war service law. The armed forces need this legislation to hasten the day of final victory, and to keep to a minimum the cost in lives. "National war service, the recognition by law of the duty of every citizen to do his or her part in winning the war, will give complete assurance that the need for war equipment will be filled. In the coming year we must increase the output of many weapons and supplies on short notice. Otherwise we shall not keep our production abreast of the swiftly changing needs of war. At the same time it will be necessary to draw progressively many men now engaged in war production to serve with the armed forces, and their places in war production must be filled promptly. These developments will require the addition of hundreds of thousands to those already working in war industry. We do not believe that these needs can be met effectively under present methods. "The record made by management and labor in war industry has been a notable testimony to the resourcefulness and power of America. The needs are so great, nevertheless, that in many instances we have been forced to recall soldiers and sailors from military duty to do work of a civilian character in war production, because of the urgency of the need for equipment and because of inability to recruit civilian labor." Pending action by the Congress on the broader aspects of national service, I recommend that the Congress immediately enact legislation which will be effective in using the services of the 4,000,000 men now classified as IV-F in whatever capacity is best for the war effort. In the field of foreign policy, we propose to stand together with the United Nations not for the war alone but for the victory for which the war is fought. It is not only a common danger which unites us but a common hope. Ours is an association not of Governments but of peoples—and the peoples' hope is peace. Here, as in England; in England, as in Russia; in Russia, as in China; in France, and through the continent of Europe, and throughout the world; wherever men love freedom, the hope and purpose of the people are for peace—a peace that is durable and secure. It will not be easy to create this peoples' peace. We delude ourselves if we believe that the surrender of the armies of our enemies will make the peace we long for. The unconditional surrender of the armies of our enemies is the first and necessary step- but the first step only. We have seen already, in areas liberated from the Nazi and the Fascist tyranny, what problems peace will bring. And we delude ourselves if we attempt to believe wishfully that all these problems can be solved overnight. The firm foundation can be built- and it will be built. But the continuance and assurance of a living peace must, in the long run, be the work of the people themselves. We ourselves, like all peoples who have gone through the difficult processes of liberation and adjustment, know of our own experience how great the difficulties can be. We know that they are not difficulties peculiar to any continent or any Nation. Our own Revolutionary War left behind it, in the words of one American historian, "an eddy of lawlessness and disregard of human life." There were separatist movements of one kind or another in Vermont, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Maine. There were insurrections, open or threatened, in Massachusetts and New Hampshire. These difficulties we worked out for ourselves as the peoples of the liberated areas of Europe, faced with complex problems of adjustment, will work out their difficulties for themselves. Peace can be made and kept only by the united determination of free and peace-loving peoples who are willing to work together- willing to help one another—willing to respect and tolerate and try to understand one another's opinions and feelings. The nearer we come to vanquishing our enemies the more we inevitably become conscious of differences among the victors. We must not let those differences divide us and blind us to our more important common and continuing interests in winning the war and building the peace. International cooperation on which enduring peace must be based is not a one-way street. Nations like individuals do not always see alike or think alike, and international cooperation and progress are not helped by any Nation assuming that it has a monopoly of wisdom or of virtue. In the future world the misuse of power, as implied in the term "power politics," must not be a controlling factor in international relations. That is the heart of the principles to which we have subscribed. We cannot deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its existence as a factor in national politics. But in a democratic world, as in a democratic Nation, power must be linked with responsibility, and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good. Perfectionism, no less than isolationism or imperialism or power politics, may obstruct the paths to international peace. Let us not forget that the retreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a direct attack against international cooperation but against the alleged imperfections of the peace. In our disillusionment after the last war we preferred international anarchy to international cooperation with Nations which did not see and think exactly as we did. We gave up the hope of gradually achieving a better peace because we had not the courage to fulfill our responsibilities in an admittedly imperfect world. We must not let that happen again, or we shall follow the same tragic road again—the road to a third world war. We can fulfill our responsibilities for maintaining the security of our own country only by exercising our power and our influence to achieve the principles in which we believe and for which we have fought. In August, 1941, Prime Minister Churchill and I agreed to the principles of the Atlantic Charter, these being later incorporated into the Declaration by United Nations of January 1, 1942. At that time certain isolationists protested vigorously against our right to proclaim the principles—and against the very principles themselves. Today, many of the same people are protesting against the possibility of violation of the same principles. It is true that the statement of principles in the Atlantic Charter does not provide rules of easy application to each and every one of this war-torn world's tangled situations. But it is a good and a useful thing- it is an essential thing- to have principles toward which we can aim. And we shall not hesitate to use our influence- and to use it now—to secure so far as is humanly possible the fulfillment of the principles of the Atlantic Charter. We have not shrunk from the military responsibilities brought on by this war. We cannot and will not shrink from the political responsibilities which follow in the wake of battle. I do not wish to give the impression that all mistakes can be avoided and that many disappointments are not inevitable in the making of peace. But we must not this time lose the hope of establishing an international order which will be capable of maintaining peace and realizing through the years more perfect justice between Nations. To do this we must be on our guard not to exploit and exaggerate the differences between us and our allies, particularly with reference to the peoples who have been liberated from Fascist tyranny. That is not the way to secure a better settlement of those differences or to secure international machinery which can rectify mistakes which may be made. I should not be frank if I did not admit concern about many situations—the Greek and Polish for example. But those situations are not as easy or as simple to deal with as some spokesmen, whose sincerity I do not question, would have us believe. We have obligations, not necessarily legal, to the exiled Governments, to the underground leaders, and to our major allies who came much nearer the shadows than we did. We and our allies have declared that it is our purpose to respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live and to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them. But with internal dissension, with many citizens of liberated countries still prisoners of war or forced to labor in Germany, it is difficult to guess the kind of self-government the people really want. During the interim period, until conditions permit a genuine expression of the people's will, we and our allies have a duty, which we cannot ignore, to use our influence to the end that no temporary or provisional authorities in the liberated countries block the eventual exercise of the peoples' right freely to choose the government and institutions under which, as freemen, they are to live. It is only too easy for all of us to rationalize what we want to believe, and to consider those leaders we like responsible and those we dislike irresponsible. And our task is not helped by stubborn partisanship, however understandable on the part of opposed internal factions. It is our purpose to help the peace-loving peoples of Europe to live together as good neighbors, to recognize their common interests and not to nurse their traditional grievances against one another. But we must not permit the many specific and immediate problems of adjustment connected with the liberation of Europe to delay the establishment of permanent machinery for the maintenance of peace. Under the threat of a common danger, the United Nations joined together in war to preserve their independence and their freedom. They must now join together to make secure the independence and freedom of all peace-loving states, so that never again shall tyranny be able to divide and conquer. International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, require constant alertness, continuing cooperation, and organized effort. International peace and well-being, like national peace and well-being, can be secured only through institutions capable of life and growth. Many of the problems of the peace are upon us even now while the conclusion of the war is still before us. The atmosphere of friendship and mutual understanding and determination to find a common ground of common understanding, which surrounded the conversations at Dumbarton Oaks, gives us reason to hope that future discussions will succeed in developing the democratic and fully integrated world security system toward which these preparatory conversations were directed. We and the other United Nations are going forward, with vigor and resolution, in our efforts to create such a system by providing for it strong and flexible institutions of joint and cooperative action. The aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure in this supreme endeavor. We believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon which peace and the institutions of peace must rest, and it is our policy and purpose to use these great technological achievements for the common advantage of the world. We support the greatest possible freedom of trade and commerce. We Americans have always believed in freedom of opportunity, and equality of opportunity remains one of the principal objectives of our national life. What we believe in for individuals, we believe in also for Nations. We are opposed to restrictions, whether by public act or private arrangement, which distort and impair commerce, transit, and trade. We have house-cleaning of our own to do in this regard. But it is our hope, not only in the interest of our own prosperity but in the interest of the prosperity of the world, that trade and commerce and access to materials and markets may be freer after this war than ever before in the history of the world. One of the most heartening events of the year in the international field has been the renaissance of the French people and the return of the French Nation to the ranks of the United Nations. Far from having been crushed by the terror of Nazi domination, the French people have emerged with stronger faith than ever in the destiny of their country and in the soundness of the democratic ideals to which the French Nation has traditionally contributed so greatly. During her liberation, France has given proof of her unceasing determination to fight the Germans, continuing the heroic efforts of the resistance groups under the occupation and of all those Frenchmen throughout the world who refused to surrender after the disaster of 1940. Today, French armies are again on the German frontier, and are again fighting shoulder to shoulder with our sons. Since our landings in Africa, we have placed in French hands all the arms and material of war which our resources and the military situation permitted. And I am glad to say that we are now about to equip large new French forces with the most modern weapons for combat duty. In addition to the contribution which France can make to our common victory, her liberation likewise means that her great influence will again be available in meeting the problems of peace. We fully recognize France's vital interest in a lasting solution of the German problem and the contribution which she can make in achieving international security. Her formal adherence to the declaration by United Nations a few days ago and the proposal at the Dumbarton Oaks discussions, whereby France would receive one of the five permanent seats in the proposed Security Council, demonstrate the extent to which France has resumed her proper position of strength and leadership. I am clear in my own mind that, as an essential factor in the maintenance of peace in the future, we must have universal military training after this war, and I shall send a special message to the Congress on this subject. An enduring peace cannot be achieved without a strong America- strong in the social and economic sense as well as in the military sense. In the State of the Union message last year I set forth what I considered to be an American economic bill of rights. I said then, and I say now, that these economic truths represent a second bill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all- regardless of station, race, or creed. Of these rights the most fundamental, and one on which the fulfillment of the others in large degree depends, is the "right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the Nation." In turn, others of the economic rights of American citizenship, such as the right to a decent home, to a good education, to good medical care, to social security, to reasonable farm income, will, if fulfilled, make major contributions to achieving adequate levels of employment. The Federal Government must see to it that these rights become realities—with the help of States, municipalities, business, labor, and agriculture. We have had full employment during the war. We have had it because the Government has been ready to buy all the materials of war which the country could produce—and this has amounted to approximately half our present productive capacity. After the war we must maintain full employment with Government performing its peacetime functions. This means that we must achieve a level of demand and purchasing power by private consumers- farmers, businessmen, workers, professional men, housewives- which is sufficiently high to replace wartime Government demands; and it means also that we must greatly increase our export trade above the prewar level. Our policy is, of course, to rely as much as possible on private enterprise to provide jobs. But the American people will not accept mass unemployment or mere makeshift work. There will be need for the work of everyone willing and able to work—and that means close to 60,000,000 jobs. Full employment means not only jobs- but productive jobs. Americans do not regard jobs that pay substandard wages as productive jobs. We must make sure that private enterprise works as it is supposed to work- on the basis of initiative and vigorous competition, without the stifling presence of monopolies and cartels. During the war we have guaranteed investment in enterprise essential to the war effort. We should also take appropriate measures in peacetime to secure opportunities for new small enterprises and for productive business expansion for which finance would otherwise be unavailable. This necessary expansion of our peacetime productive capacity will require new facilities, new plants, and new equipment. It will require large outlays of money which should be raised through normal investment channels. But while private capital should finance this expansion program, the Government should recognize its responsibility for sharing part of any special or abnormal risk of loss attached to such financing. Our full-employment program requires the extensive development of our natural resources and other useful public works. The undeveloped resources of this continent are still vast. Our river-watershed projects will add new and fertile territories to the United States. The Tennessee Valley Authority, which was constructed at a cost of $750,000,000—the cost of waging this war for less than 4 days—was a bargain. We have similar opportunities in our other great river basins. By harnessing the resources of these river basins, as we have in the Tennessee Valley, we shall provide the same kind of stimulus to enterprise as was provided by the Louisiana Purchase and the new discoveries in the West during the nineteenth century. If we are to avail ourselves fully of the benefits of civil aviation, and if we are to use the automobiles we can produce, it will be necessary to construct thousands of airports and to overhaul our entire national highway system. The provision of a decent home for every family is a national necessity, if this country is to be worthy of its greatness—and that task will itself create great employment opportunities. Most of our cities need extensive rebuilding. Much of our farm plant is in a state of disrepair. To make a frontal attack on the problems of housing and urban reconstruction will require thoroughgoing cooperation between industry and labor, and the Federal, State, and local Governments. An expanded social security program, and adequate health and education programs, must play essential roles in a program designed to support individual productivity and mass purchasing power. I shall communicate further with the Congress on these subjects at a later date. The millions of productive jobs that a program of this nature could bring are jobs in private enterprise. They are jobs based on the expanded demand for the output of our economy for consumption and investment. Through a program of this character we can maintain a national income high enough to provide for an orderly retirement of the public debt along with reasonable tax reduction. Our present tax system geared primarily to war requirements must be revised for peacetime so as to encourage private demand. While no general revision of the tax structure can be made until the war ends on all fronts, the Congress should be prepared to provide tax modifications at the end of the war in Europe, designed to encourage capital to invest in new enterprises and to provide jobs. As an integral part of this program to maintain high employment, we must, after the war is over, reduce or eliminate taxes which bear too heavily on consumption. The war will leave deep disturbances in the world economy, in our national economy, in many communities, in many families, and in many individuals. It will require determined effort and responsible action of all of us to find our way back to peacetime, and to help others to find their way back to peacetime- a peacetime that holds the values of the past and the promise of the future. If we attack our problems with determination we shall succeed. And we must succeed. For freedom and peace cannot exist without security. During the past year the American people, in a national election, reasserted their democratic faith. In the course of that campaign various references were made to "strife" between this Administration and the Congress, with the implication, if not the direct assertion, that this Administration and the Congress could never work together harmoniously in the service of the Nation. It cannot be denied that there have been disagreements between the legislative and executive branches—as there have been disagreements during the past century and a half. I think we all realize too that there are some people in this Capital City whose task is in large part to stir up dissension, and to magnify normal healthy disagreements so that they appear to be irreconcilable conflicts. But- I think that the over-all record in this respect is eloquent: The Government of the United States of America—all branches of it- has a good record of achievement in this war. The Congress, the Executive, and the Judiciary have worked together for the common good. I myself want to tell you, the Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives, how happy I am in our relationships and friendships. I have not yet had the pleasure of meeting some of the new Members in each House, but I hope that opportunity will offer itself in the near future. We have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with realism and courage. This new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human history. Nineteen forty-five can see the final ending of the Nazi-Fascist reign of terror in Europe. Nineteen forty-five can see the closing in of the forces of retribution about the center of the malignant power of imperialistic Japan. Most important of all—1945 can and must see the substantial beginning of the organization of world peace. This organization must be the fulfillment of the promise for which men have fought and died in this war. It must be the justification of all the sacrifices that have been made- of all the dreadful misery that this world has endured. We Americans of today, together with our allies, are making history- and I hope it will be better history than ever has been made before. We pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that God has given us.
to the congress in considering the state of the union the war and the peace that is to follow are naturally uppermost in the minds of all of us this war must be is being the greatest and most persistent intensity everything we are and have is at stake everything we are and have will be given american men fighting far from home have already won victories which the world will never forget we have no question of the ultimate victory we have no question of the cost our losses will be heavy we and our allies will go on fighting together to ultimate total victory we have seen a year marked on the whole by substantial progress toward victory even though the year ended with a setback for our arms when the germans launched a ferocious into luxembourg and belgium with the obvious objective of cutting our line in the center our men have fought with indescribable and unforgettable gallantry under most difficult conditions and our german enemies have sustained considerable losses while failing to obtain their objectives the high tide of this german effort was reached two days after christmas since then we have reassumed the offensive rescued the isolated garrison at bastogne and forced a german withdrawal along the whole line of the salient the speed with which we recovered from this savage attack was largely possible because we have one supreme commander in complete control of all the allied armies in france general eisenhower has faced this period of trial with admirable calm and resolution and with steadily increasing success he has my complete confidence further desperate attempts may well be made to break our lines to slow our progress we must never make the mistake of assuming that the germans are beaten until the last nazi has surrendered and i would express another most serious warning against the poisonous effects of enemy propaganda the wedge that the germans attempted to drive in western europe was less dangerous in actual terms of winning the war than the wedges which they are continually attempting to drive between ourselves and our allies every little rumor which is intended to weaken our faith in our allies is like an actual enemy agent in our seeking to sabotage our war effort there are here and there evil and baseless rumors against the rumors against the against our own american commanders in the field when you examine these rumors closely you will observe that every one of them bears the same made in germany we must resist this divisive must destroy it the same strength and the same determination that our fighting men are displaying as they resist and destroy the panzer divisions in europe we shall resume the attack temporary setbacks here or we shall continue the attack relentlessly until germany is completely defeated it is appropriate at this time to review the basic strategy which has guided us through three years of war and which will lead eventually to total victory the tremendous effort of the first years of this war was directed toward the concentration of men and supplies in the various theaters of action at the points where they could hurt our enemies most it was an the language of the military deployment of our forces many fought many won but these battles and these victories were fought and won to hold back the attacking enemy and to put us in positions from which we and our allies could deliver the final decisive blows in the beginning our most important military task was to prevent our strongest and most violently aggressive powers that ever have threatened winning decisive victories but even while we were conducting defensive delaying actions we were looking forward to the time when we could wrest the initiative from our enemies and place our superior resources of men and materials into direct competition with them it was plain then that the defeat of either enemy would require the massing of overwhelming ground sea and in positions from which we and our allies could strike directly against the enemy homelands and destroy the nazi and japanese war machines in the case of japan we had to await the completion of extensive preliminary designed to establish secure supply lines through the japanese defenses this called for overwhelming sea power and air by ground forces strategically employed against isolated outpost garrisons the very day we were it was right militarily as well as morally to reject the arguments of those shortsighted people who would have had us throw britain and russia to the nazi wolves and concentrate against the japanese such people urged that we fight a purely defensive war against japan while allowing the domination of all the rest of the world by nazism and fascism in the european theater the necessary bases for the massing of ground and air power against germany were already available in great britain in the mediterranean area we could begin ground operations against major elements of the german army as rapidly as we could put troops in the field first in north africa and then in italy therefore our decision was made to concentrate the bulk of our ground and air forces against germany until her utter defeat that decision was based on all these factors and it was also based on the realization that of our two enemies germany would be more able to digest quickly her conquests the more able quickly to convert the manpower and resources of her conquered territory into a war potential we had in europe two active and indomitable britain and the soviet and there were also the heroic resistance movements in the occupied countries constantly engaging and harassing the germans we can not forget how britain held the line alone in 1940 and 1941 and at the same time despite ferocious bombardment from the air built up a tremendous armaments industry which enabled her to take the offensive at el alamein in 1942 we can not forget the heroic defense of moscow and leningrad and stalingrad or the tremendous russian offensives of 1943 and 1944 which destroyed formidable german armies nor can we forget how for more than seven long years the chinese people have been sustaining the barbarous attacks of the japanese and containing large enemy forces on the vast areas of the asiatic mainland in the future we must never forget the lesson that we have that we must have friends who will work with us in peace as they have fought at our side in war as a result of the combined effort of the allied forces great military victories were achieved in 1944 the liberation of france belgium greece and parts of the netherlands norway poland yugoslavia and czechoslovakia the surrender of rumania and bulgaria the invasion of germany itself and hungary the steady march through the pacific islands to the philippines guam and saipan and the beginnings of a mighty air offensive against the japanese islands now as this congress meets we have reached the most critical phase of the war the greatest victory of the last year was of course the successful breach on june 6 1944 of the german impregnable seawall of europe and the victorious sweep of the allied forces through france and belgium and to the rhine itself the invasion of the allied armies was the greatest amphibious operation in the history of the world it overshadowed all other operations in this or any other war in its immensity its success is a tribute to the fighting courage of the soldiers who stormed the to the sailors and merchant seamen who put the soldiers ashore and kept them to the military and naval leaders who achieved a real miracle of planning and execution and it is also a tribute to the ability of two nations britain and america to plan together and work together and fight together in perfect cooperation and perfect harmony this invasion was followed in august by a second great amphibious operation landing troops in southern france in this the same cooperation and the same harmony existed between the american french and other allied forces based in north africa and italy the success of the two invasions is a tribute also to the ability of many men and women to maintain silence when a few careless words would have imperiled the lives of hundreds of thousands and would have jeopardized the whole vast undertakings these two great operations were made possible by success in the battle of the atlantic without this success over german submarines we could not have built up our invasion forces or air forces in great britain nor could we have kept a steady stream of supplies flowing to them after they had landed in france the nazis however may succeed in improving their submarines and their crews they have recently increased their activity the battle of the all campaigns in this eternal vigilance but the british canadian and other allied navies together with our own are constantly on the alert the tremendous operations in western europe have overshadowed in the public mind the less spectacular but vitally important italian front its place in the strategic conduct of the war in europe has been obscured some people it is important that any misconception on that score be what the allied forces in italy are doing is a part in our strategy in europe now aimed at only one objective total defeat of the germans these valiant forces in italy are continuing to keep a substantial portion of the german army under constant some 20 german divisions and the necessary supply and transport and replacement of which our enemies need so badly elsewhere over very difficult terrain and through adverse weather conditions our fifth army and the british eighth by units from other united nations including a brave and well equipped unit of the brazilian in the past year pushed north through bloody cassino and the anzio beachhead and through rome until now they occupy heights overlooking the valley of the po the greatest tribute which can be paid to the courage and fighting ability of these splendid soldiers in italy is to point out that although their strength is about equal to that of the germans they oppose the allies have been continuously on the offensive that pressure that offensive by our troops in italy will continue the american and every soldier now fighting in the remember that the italian front has not lost any of the importance which it had in the days when it was the only allied front in europe in the pacific during the past year we have conducted the offensive in the history of modern warfare we have driven the enemy back more than miles across the central pacific a year ago our conquest of tarawa was a little more than a month old a year ago we were preparing for our invasion of kwajalein the second of our great strides across the central pacific to the philippines a year ago general macarthur was still fighting in new guinea almost miles from his present position in the philippine islands we now have firmly established bases in the mariana islands from which our super fortresses bomb tokyo will continue to blast japan in numbers japanese forces in the philippines have been cut in two there is still hard fighting fighting but the liberation of the philippines will mean that japan has been largely cut off from her conquests in the east indies the landing of our troops on leyte was the largest amphibious operation thus far conducted in the pacific moreover these landings drew the japanese fleet into the first great sea battle which japan has risked in almost two years not since the night engagements around guadalcanal in 1942 had our navy been able to come to grips with major units of the japanese fleet we had brushed against their fleet in the first battle of the philippine sea in june 1944 but not until last october were we able really to engage a major portion of the japanese navy in actual combat the naval engagement which raged for three days was the heaviest blow ever struck against japanese sea power as a result of that battle much of what is left of the japanese fleet has been driven behind the screen of islands that separates the yellow sea the china sea and the sea of japan from the pacific our navy looks forward to any opportunity which the lords of the japanese navy will give us to fight them again the people of this nation have a right to be proud of the courage and fighting ability of the men in the armed all fronts they also have a right to be proud of american leadership which has guided their sons into battle the history of the generalship of this war has been a history of teamwork and cooperation of skill and daring let me give you one example out of last year operations in the pacific last september admiral halsey led american naval task forces into philippine waters and north to the east china sea and struck heavy blows at japanese air and sea power at that time it was our plan to approach the philippines by further stages taking islands which we may call a c and however admiral halsey reported that a direct attack on leyte appeared feasible when general macarthur received the reports from admiral halsey task forces he also concluded that it might be possible to attack the japanese in the philippines bypassing islands a c and admiral nimitz thereupon offered to make available to general macarthur several divisions which had been scheduled to take the intermediate objectives these discussions conducted at great distances all took place in one day general macarthur immediately informed the joint chiefs of staff here in washington that he was prepared to initiate plans for an attack on leyte in october approval of the change in plan was given on the same day thus within the space of 24 hours a major change of plans was accomplished which involved army and navy forces from two different theaters of a change which hastened the liberation of the philippines and the final day of a change which saved lives which would have been expended in the capture of islands which are now neutralized far behind our lines our strategy has not neglected the important task of rendering all possible aid to china despite almost insuperable difficulties we increased this aid during 1944 at present our aid to china must be accomplished by air there is no other way by the end of 1944 the air transport command was carrying into china a tonnage of supplies three times as great as that delivered a year ago and much more each month than the burma road ever delivered at its peak despite the loss of important bases in china the tonnage delivered by air transport has enabled general chennault fourteenth air force which includes many chinese flyers to wage an effective and aggressive campaign against the japanese in 1944 aircraft of the fourteenth air force flew more than sorties against the japanese and sank enormous tonnage of enemy shipping greatly diminishing the usefulness of the china sea lanes british dominion and chinese forces together with our own have not only held the line in burma against determined japanese attacks but have gained bases of considerable importance to the supply line into china the burma campaigns have involved incredible hardship and have demanded exceptional fortitude and determination the officers and men who have served with so much devotion in these far distant jungles and mountains deserve high honor from their countrymen in all of the operations of our own armed land and sea and in the the final job the toughest job has been performed by the average young american who carries the weight of battle on his own shoulders it is to him that we and all future generations of americans must pay grateful tribute is of small satisfaction to him to know that monuments will be raised to him in the future he wants he needs and he is entitled to insist upon our full and active although unprecedented production figures have made possible our victories we shall have to increase our goals even more in certain items peak deliveries of supplies were made to the war department in december 1943 due in part to cutbacks we have not produced as much since then deliveries of army supplies were down by 15 percent by july 1944 before the upward trend was once more resumed because of increased demands from overseas the army service forces in the month of october 1944 had to increase its estimate of required production by 10 percent but in november one month later the requirements for 1945 had to be increased another 10 percent sending the production goal well above anything we have yet attained our armed forces in combat have steadily increased their expenditure of medium and heavy artillery ammunition as we continue the decisive phases of this war the munitions that we expend will mount day by day in october 1944 while some were saying the war in europe was over the army was shipping more men to europe than in any previous month of the war one of the most urgent immediate requirements of the armed forces is more nurses last april the army requirement for nurses was set at actual strength in nurses was then since that time the army has tried to raise the additional active recruiting has been carried on but the net gain in eight months has been only there are now nurses in the army recent estimates have increased the total number needed to that means that more nurses must be obtained for the army alone and the navy now requires additional nurses the present shortage of army nurses is reflected in undue strain on the existing force more than a thousand nurses are now hospitalized and part of this is due to overwork the shortage is also indicated by the fact that 11 army hospital units have been sent overseas without their complement of nurses at army hospitals in the united states there is only 1 nurse to 26 beds instead of the recommended 1 to 15 beds it is tragic that the gallant women who have volunteered for service as nurses should be so overworked it is tragic that our wounded men should ever want for the best possible nursing care the inability to get the needed nurses for the army is not due to any shortage of nurses registered nurses are now practicing in this country it has been estimated by the war manpower commission that additional nurses could be made available to the armed forces without interfering too seriously with the needs of the civilian population for nurses since volunteering has not produced the number of nurses required i urge that the selective service act be amended to provide for the induction of nurses into the armed forces the need is too pressing to await the outcome of further efforts at recruiting the care and treatment given to our wounded and sick soldiers have been the best known to medical science those standards must be maintained at all costs we can not tolerate a lowering of them by failure to provide adequate nursing for the brave men who stand desperately in need of it in the continuing progress of this war we have constant need for new types of weapons for we can not afford to fight the war of today or tomorrow with the weapons of yesterday for example the american army now has developed a new tank with a gun more powerful than any yet mounted on a vehicle the army will need many thousands of these new tanks in 1945 almost every month finds some new development in electronics which must be put into production in order to maintain our technical in order to save lives we have to work every day to keep ahead of the enemy in radar on in france with our superior new equipment we located and then put out of operation every warning set which the germans had along the french coast if we do not keep constantly ahead of our enemies in the development of new weapons we pay for our backwardness with the life blood of our sons the only way to meet these increased needs for new weapons and more of them is for every american engaged in war work to stay on his war additional american civilians men and women not engaged in essential work to go out and get a war job workers who are released because their production is cut back should get another job where production is being increased this is no time to quit or change to less essential jobs there is an old and true saying that the lord hates a quitter and this nation must pay for all those who leave their essential or all those who lay down on their essential jobs for nonessential reasons payment must be made the life blood of our sons many critical production programs with sharply rising needs are now seriously hampered by manpower shortages the most important army needs are artillery ammunition cotton duck bombs tires tanks heavy trucks and even in each of these vital programs present production is behind requirements navy production of bombardment ammunition is hampered by manpower shortages so is production for its huge rocket program labor shortages have also delayed its cruiser and carrier programs and production of certain types of aircraft there is critical need for more repair workers and repair parts this jack delays the return of damaged fighting ships to their places in the fleet and prevents ships now in the fighting line from getting needed overhauling the pool of young men under 26 classified as is almost depleted increased replacements for the armed forces will take men now deferred who are at work in war industry the armed forces must have an assurance of a steady flow of young men for replacements meeting this paramount need will be difficult and will also make it progressively more difficult to attain the 1945 production goals last year after much consideration i recommended that the congress adopt a national service act as the most efficient and democratic way of insuring full production for our war requirements this recommendation was not adopted i now again call upon the congress to enact this measure for the total mobilization of all our human resources for the prosecution of the war i urge that this be done at the earliest possible moment it is not too late in the war in fact bitter experience has shown that in this kind of mechanized warfare where new weapons are constantly being created by our enemies and by ourselves the closer we come to the end of the war the more pressing becomes the need for sustained war production with which to deliver the final blow to the enemy there are three basic arguments for a national service law first it would assure that we have the right numbers of workers in the right places at the right times second it would provide supreme proof to all our fighting men that we are giving them what they are entitled to which is nothing less than our total effort and third it would be the final unequivocal answer to the hopes of the nazis and the japanese that we may become halfhearted about this war and that they can get from us a negotiated peace national service legislation would make it possible to put ourselves in a position to assure certain and speedy action in meeting our manpower needs it would be used only to the extent absolutely required by military necessities in fact experience in great britain and in other nations at war indicates that use of the compulsory powers of national service is necessary only in rare instances this proposed legislation would provide against loss of retirement and seniority rights and benefits it would not mean reduction in wages in adopting such legislation it is not necessary to discard the voluntary and cooperative processes which have prevailed up to this time this cooperation has already produced great results the contribution of our workers to the war effort has been beyond measure we must build on the foundations that have already been laid and supplement the measures now in operation in order to guarantee the production that may be necessary in the critical period that lies ahead at the present time we are using the inadequate tools at hand to do the best we can by such expedients as manpower ceilings and the use of priority and other powers to induce men and women to shift from to essential war jobs i am in receipt of a joint letter from the secretary of war and the secretary of the navy dated january 3 1945 which says with the experience of three years of war and after the most thorough consideration we are convinced that it is now necessary to carry out the statement made by the congress in the joint resolutions declaring that a state of war existed with japan and germany that bring the conflict to a successful conclusion all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the congress of the united states in our considered judgment which is supported by general marshall and admiral king this requires total mobilization of our manpower by the passage of a national war service law the armed forces need this legislation to hasten the day of final victory and to keep to a minimum the cost in lives national war service the recognition by law of the duty of every citizen to do his or her part in winning the war will give complete assurance that the need for war equipment will be filled in the coming year we must increase the output of many weapons and supplies on short notice otherwise we shall not keep our production abreast of the swiftly changing needs of war at the same time it will be necessary to draw progressively many men now engaged in war production to serve with the armed forces and their places in war production must be filled promptly these developments will require the addition of hundreds of thousands to those already working in war industry we do not believe that these needs can be met effectively under present methods the record made by management and labor in war industry has been a notable testimony to the resourcefulness and power of america the needs are so great nevertheless that in many instances we have been forced to recall soldiers and sailors from military duty to do work of a civilian character in war production because of the urgency of the need for equipment and because of inability to recruit civilian labor pending action by the congress on the broader aspects of national service i recommend that the congress immediately enact legislation which will be effective in using the services of the men now classified as in whatever capacity is best for the war effort in the field of foreign policy we propose to stand together with the united nations not for the war alone but for the victory for which the war is fought it is not only a common danger which unites us but a common hope ours is an association not of governments but of the peoples hope is peace here as in england in england as in russia in russia as in china in france and through the continent of europe and throughout the world wherever men love freedom the hope and purpose of the people are for peace that is durable and secure it will not be easy to create this peoples peace we delude ourselves if we believe that the surrender of the armies of our enemies will make the peace we long for the unconditional surrender of the armies of our enemies is the first and necessary but the first step only we have seen already in areas liberated from the nazi and the fascist tyranny what problems peace will bring and we delude ourselves if we attempt to believe wishfully that all these problems can be solved overnight the firm foundation can be and it will be built but the continuance and assurance of a living peace must in the long run be the work of the people themselves we ourselves like all peoples who have gone through the difficult processes of liberation and adjustment know of our own experience how great the difficulties can be we know that they are not difficulties peculiar to any continent or any nation our own revolutionary war left behind it in the words of one american historian an eddy of lawlessness and disregard of human life there were separatist movements of one kind or another in vermont pennsylvania virginia tennessee kentucky and maine there were insurrections open or threatened in massachusetts and new hampshire these difficulties we worked out for ourselves as the peoples of the liberated areas of europe faced with complex problems of adjustment will work out their difficulties for themselves peace can be made and kept only by the united determination of free and peoples who are willing to work willing to help one to respect and tolerate and try to understand one another opinions and feelings the nearer we come to vanquishing our enemies the more we inevitably become conscious of differences among the victors we must not let those differences divide us and blind us to our more important common and continuing interests in winning the war and building the peace international cooperation on which enduring peace must be based is not a street nations like individuals do not always see alike or think alike and international cooperation and progress are not helped by any nation assuming that it has a monopoly of wisdom or of virtue in the future world the misuse of power as implied in the term power politics must not be a controlling factor in international relations that is the heart of the principles to which we have subscribed we can not deny that power is a factor in world politics any more than we can deny its existence as a factor in national politics but in a democratic world as in a democratic nation power must be linked with responsibility and obliged to defend and justify itself within the framework of the general good perfectionism no less than isolationism or imperialism or power politics may obstruct the paths to international peace let us not forget that the retreat to isolationism a quarter of a century ago was started not by a direct attack against international cooperation but against the alleged imperfections of the peace in our disillusionment after the last war we preferred international anarchy to international cooperation with nations which did not see and think exactly as we did we gave up the hope of gradually achieving a better peace because we had not the courage to fulfill our responsibilities in an admittedly imperfect world we must not let that happen again or we shall follow the same tragic road road to a third world war we can fulfill our responsibilities for maintaining the security of our own country only by exercising our power and our influence to achieve the principles in which we believe and for which we have fought in august 1941 prime minister churchill and i agreed to the principles of the atlantic charter these being later incorporated into the declaration by united nations of january 1 1942 at that time certain isolationists protested vigorously against our right to proclaim the against the very principles themselves today many of the same people are protesting against the possibility of violation of the same principles it is true that the statement of principles in the atlantic charter does not provide rules of easy application to each and every one of this world tangled situations but it is a good and a useful it is an essential to have principles toward which we can aim and we shall not hesitate to use our and to use it secure so far as is humanly possible the fulfillment of the principles of the atlantic charter we have not shrunk from the military responsibilities brought on by this war we can not and will not shrink from the political responsibilities which follow in the wake of battle i do not wish to give the impression that all mistakes can be avoided and that many disappointments are not inevitable in the making of peace but we must not this time lose the hope of establishing an international order which will be capable of maintaining peace and realizing through the years more perfect justice between nations to do this we must be on our guard not to exploit and exaggerate the differences between us and our allies particularly with reference to the peoples who have been liberated from fascist tyranny that is not the way to secure a better settlement of those differences or to secure international machinery which can rectify mistakes which may be made i should not be frank if i did not admit concern about many greek and polish for example but those situations are not as easy or as simple to deal with as some spokesmen whose sincerity i do not question would have us believe we have obligations not necessarily legal to the exiled governments to the underground leaders and to our major allies who came much nearer the shadows than we did we and our allies have declared that it is our purpose to respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live and to see sovereign rights and restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them but with internal dissension with many citizens of liberated countries still prisoners of war or forced to labor in germany it is difficult to guess the kind of the people really want during the interim period until conditions permit a genuine expression of the people will we and our allies have a duty which we can not ignore to use our influence to the end that no temporary or provisional authorities in the liberated countries block the eventual exercise of the peoples right freely to choose the government and institutions under which as freemen they are to live it is only too easy for all of us to rationalize what we want to believe and to consider those leaders we like responsible and those we dislike irresponsible and our task is not helped by stubborn partisanship however understandable on the part of opposed internal factions it is our purpose to help the peoples of europe to live together as good neighbors to recognize their common interests and not to nurse their traditional grievances against one another but we must not permit the many specific and immediate problems of adjustment connected with the liberation of europe to delay the establishment of permanent machinery for the maintenance of peace under the threat of a common danger the united nations joined together in war to preserve their independence and their freedom they must now join together to make secure the independence and freedom of all states so that never again shall tyranny be able to divide and conquer international peace and like national peace and require constant alertness continuing cooperation and organized effort international peace and like national peace and can be secured only through institutions capable of life and growth many of the problems of the peace are upon us even now while the conclusion of the war is still before us the atmosphere of friendship and mutual understanding and determination to find a common ground of common understanding which surrounded the conversations at dumbarton oaks gives us reason to hope that future discussions will succeed in developing the democratic and fully integrated world security system toward which these preparatory conversations were directed we and the other united nations are going forward with vigor and resolution in our efforts to create such a system by providing for it strong and flexible institutions of joint and cooperative action the aroused conscience of humanity will not permit failure in this supreme endeavor we believe that the extraordinary advances in the means of intercommunication between peoples over the past generation offer a practical method of advancing the mutual understanding upon which peace and the institutions of peace must rest and it is our policy and purpose to use these great technological achievements for the common advantage of the world we support the greatest possible freedom of trade and commerce we americans have always believed in freedom of opportunity and equality of opportunity remains one of the principal objectives of our national life what we believe in for individuals we believe in also for nations we are opposed to restrictions whether by public act or private arrangement which distort and impair commerce transit and trade we have of our own to do in this regard but it is our hope not only in the interest of our own prosperity but in the interest of the prosperity of the world that trade and commerce and access to materials and markets may be freer after this war than ever before in the history of the world one of the most heartening events of the year in the international field has been the renaissance of the french people and the return of the french nation to the ranks of the united nations far from having been crushed by the terror of nazi domination the french people have emerged with stronger faith than ever in the destiny of their country and in the soundness of the democratic ideals to which the french nation has traditionally contributed so greatly during her liberation france has given proof of her unceasing determination to fight the germans continuing the heroic efforts of the resistance groups under the occupation and of all those frenchmen throughout the world who refused to surrender after the disaster of 1940 today french armies are again on the german frontier and are again fighting shoulder to shoulder with our sons since our landings in africa we have placed in french hands all the arms and material of war which our resources and the military situation permitted and i am glad to say that we are now about to equip large new french forces with the most modern weapons for combat duty in addition to the contribution which france can make to our common victory her liberation likewise means that her great influence will again be available in meeting the problems of peace we fully recognize france vital interest in a lasting solution of the german problem and the contribution which she can make in achieving international security her formal adherence to the declaration by united nations a few days ago and the proposal at the dumbarton oaks discussions whereby france would receive one of the five permanent seats in the proposed security council demonstrate the extent to which france has resumed her proper position of strength and leadership i am clear in my own mind that as an essential factor in the maintenance of peace in the future we must have universal military training after this war and i shall send a special message to the congress on this subject an enduring peace can not be achieved without a strong strong in the social and economic sense as well as in the military sense in the state of the union message last year i set forth what i considered to be an american economic bill of rights i said then and i say now that these economic truths represent a second bill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for regardless of station race or creed of these rights the most fundamental and one on which the fulfillment of the others in large degree depends is the right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries or shops or farms or mines of the nation in turn others of the economic rights of american citizenship such as the right to a decent home to a good education to good medical care to social security to reasonable farm income will if fulfilled make major contributions to achieving adequate levels of employment the federal government must see to it that these rights become the help of states municipalities business labor and agriculture we have had full employment during the war we have had it because the government has been ready to buy all the materials of war which the country could this has amounted to approximately half our present productive capacity after the war we must maintain full employment with government performing its peacetime functions this means that we must achieve a level of demand and purchasing power by private farmers businessmen workers professional men which is sufficiently high to replace wartime government demands and it means also that we must greatly increase our export trade above the prewar level our policy is of course to rely as much as possible on private enterprise to provide jobs but the american people will not accept mass unemployment or mere makeshift work there will be need for the work of everyone willing and able to that means close to jobs full employment means not only but productive jobs americans do not regard jobs that pay substandard wages as productive jobs we must make sure that private enterprise works as it is supposed to on the basis of initiative and vigorous competition without the stifling presence of monopolies and cartels during the war we have guaranteed investment in enterprise essential to the war effort we should also take appropriate measures in peacetime to secure opportunities for new small enterprises and for productive business expansion for which finance would otherwise be unavailable this necessary expansion of our peacetime productive capacity will require new facilities new plants and new equipment it will require large outlays of money which should be raised through normal investment channels but while private capital should finance this expansion program the government should recognize its responsibility for sharing part of any special or abnormal risk of loss attached to such financing our program requires the extensive development of our natural resources and other useful public works the undeveloped resources of this continent are still vast our projects will add new and fertile territories to the united states the tennessee valley authority which was constructed at a cost of cost of waging this war for less than 4 a bargain we have similar opportunities in our other great river basins by harnessing the resources of these river basins as we have in the tennessee valley we shall provide the same kind of stimulus to enterprise as was provided by the louisiana purchase and the new discoveries in the west during the nineteenth century if we are to avail ourselves fully of the benefits of civil aviation and if we are to use the automobiles we can produce it will be necessary to construct thousands of airports and to overhaul our entire national highway system the provision of a decent home for every family is a national necessity if this country is to be worthy of its that task will itself create great employment opportunities most of our cities need extensive rebuilding much of our farm plant is in a state of disrepair to make a frontal attack on the problems of housing and urban reconstruction will require thoroughgoing cooperation between industry and labor and the federal state and local governments an expanded social security program and adequate health and education programs must play essential roles in a program designed to support individual productivity and mass purchasing power i shall communicate further with the congress on these subjects at a later date the millions of productive jobs that a program of this nature could bring are jobs in private enterprise they are jobs based on the expanded demand for the output of our economy for consumption and investment through a program of this character we can maintain a national income high enough to provide for an orderly retirement of the public debt along with reasonable tax reduction our present tax system geared primarily to war requirements must be revised for peacetime so as to encourage private demand while no general revision of the tax structure can be made until the war ends on all fronts the congress should be prepared to provide tax modifications at the end of the war in europe designed to encourage capital to invest in new enterprises and to provide jobs as an integral part of this program to maintain high employment we must after the war is over reduce or eliminate taxes which bear too heavily on consumption the war will leave deep disturbances in the world economy in our national economy in many communities in many families and in many individuals it will require determined effort and responsible action of all of us to find our way back to peacetime and to help others to find their way back to a peacetime that holds the values of the past and the promise of the future if we attack our problems with determination we shall succeed and we must succeed for freedom and peace can not exist without security during the past year the american people in a national election reasserted their democratic faith in the course of that campaign various references were made to strife between this administration and the congress with the implication if not the direct assertion that this administration and the congress could never work together harmoniously in the service of the nation it can not be denied that there have been disagreements between the legislative and executive there have been disagreements during the past century and a half i think we all realize too that there are some people in this capital city whose task is in large part to stir up dissension and to magnify normal healthy disagreements so that they appear to be irreconcilable conflicts i think that the record in this respect is eloquent the government of the united states of branches of has a good record of achievement in this war the congress the executive and the judiciary have worked together for the common good i myself want to tell you the members of the senate and of the house of representatives how happy i am in our relationships and friendships i have not yet had the pleasure of meeting some of the new members in each house but i hope that opportunity will offer itself in the near future we have a great many problems ahead of us and we must approach them with realism and courage this new year of 1945 can be the greatest year of achievement in human history nineteen can see the final ending of the reign of terror in europe nineteen can see the closing in of the forces of retribution about the center of the malignant power of imperialistic japan most important of can and must see the substantial beginning of the organization of world peace this organization must be the fulfillment of the promise for which men have fought and died in this war it must be the justification of all the sacrifices that have been of all the dreadful misery that this world has endured we americans of today together with our allies are making and i hope it will be better history than ever has been made before we pray that we may be worthy of the unlimited opportunities that god has given us
congress considering state union war peace follow naturally uppermost minds us war must greatest persistent intensity everything stake everything given american men fighting far home already victories world never forget question ultimate victory question cost losses heavy allies go fighting together ultimate total victory seen year marked whole substantial progress toward victory even though year ended setback arms germans launched ferocious luxembourg belgium obvious objective cutting line center men fought indescribable unforgettable gallantry difficult conditions german enemies sustained considerable losses failing obtain objectives high tide german effort reached two days christmas since reassumed offensive rescued isolated garrison bastogne forced german withdrawal along whole line salient speed recovered savage attack largely possible one supreme commander complete control allied armies france general eisenhower faced period trial admirable calm resolution steadily increasing success complete confidence desperate attempts may well made break lines slow progress must never make mistake assuming germans beaten last nazi surrendered would express another serious warning poisonous effects enemy propaganda wedge germans attempted drive western europe less dangerous actual terms winning war wedges continually attempting drive allies every little rumor intended weaken faith allies like actual enemy agent seeking sabotage war effort evil baseless rumors rumors american commanders field examine rumors closely observe every one bears made germany must resist divisive must destroy strength determination fighting men displaying resist destroy panzer divisions europe shall resume attack temporary setbacks shall continue attack relentlessly germany completely defeated appropriate time review basic strategy guided us three years war lead eventually total victory tremendous effort first years war directed toward concentration men supplies various theaters action points could hurt enemies language military deployment forces many fought many battles victories fought hold back attacking enemy put us positions allies could deliver final decisive blows beginning important military task prevent strongest violently aggressive powers ever threatened winning decisive victories even conducting defensive delaying actions looking forward time could wrest initiative enemies place superior resources men materials direct competition plain defeat either enemy would require massing overwhelming ground sea positions allies could strike directly enemy homelands destroy nazi japanese war machines case japan await completion extensive preliminary designed establish secure supply lines japanese defenses called overwhelming sea power air ground forces strategically employed isolated outpost garrisons day right militarily well morally reject arguments shortsighted people would us throw britain russia nazi wolves concentrate japanese people urged fight purely defensive war japan allowing domination rest world nazism fascism european theater necessary bases massing ground air power germany already available great britain mediterranean area could begin ground operations major elements german army rapidly could put troops field first north africa italy therefore decision made concentrate bulk ground air forces germany utter defeat decision based factors also based realization two enemies germany would able digest quickly conquests able quickly convert manpower resources conquered territory war potential europe two active indomitable britain soviet also heroic resistance movements occupied countries constantly engaging harassing germans forget britain held line alone 1940 1941 time despite ferocious bombardment air built tremendous armaments industry enabled take offensive el alamein 1942 forget heroic defense moscow leningrad stalingrad tremendous russian offensives 1943 1944 destroyed formidable german armies forget seven long years chinese people sustaining barbarous attacks japanese containing large enemy forces vast areas asiatic mainland future must never forget lesson must friends work us peace fought side war result combined effort allied forces great military victories achieved 1944 liberation france belgium greece parts netherlands norway poland yugoslavia czechoslovakia surrender rumania bulgaria invasion germany hungary steady march pacific islands philippines guam saipan beginnings mighty air offensive japanese islands congress meets reached critical phase war greatest victory last year course successful breach june 6 1944 german impregnable seawall europe victorious sweep allied forces france belgium rhine invasion allied armies greatest amphibious operation history world overshadowed operations war immensity success tribute fighting courage soldiers stormed sailors merchant seamen put soldiers ashore kept military naval leaders achieved real miracle planning execution also tribute ability two nations britain america plan together work together fight together perfect cooperation perfect harmony invasion followed august second great amphibious operation landing troops southern france cooperation harmony existed american french allied forces based north africa italy success two invasions tribute also ability many men women maintain silence careless words would imperiled lives hundreds thousands would jeopardized whole vast undertakings two great operations made possible success battle atlantic without success german submarines could built invasion forces air forces great britain could kept steady stream supplies flowing landed france nazis however may succeed improving submarines crews recently increased activity battle campaigns eternal vigilance british canadian allied navies together constantly alert tremendous operations western europe overshadowed public mind less spectacular vitally important italian front place strategic conduct war europe obscured people important misconception score allied forces italy part strategy europe aimed one objective total defeat germans valiant forces italy continuing keep substantial portion german army constant 20 german divisions necessary supply transport replacement enemies need badly elsewhere difficult terrain adverse weather conditions fifth army british eighth units united nations including brave well equipped unit brazilian past year pushed north bloody cassino anzio beachhead rome occupy heights overlooking valley po greatest tribute paid courage fighting ability splendid soldiers italy point although strength equal germans oppose allies continuously offensive pressure offensive troops italy continue american every soldier fighting remember italian front lost importance days allied front europe pacific past year conducted offensive history modern warfare driven enemy back miles across central pacific year ago conquest tarawa little month old year ago preparing invasion kwajalein second great strides across central pacific philippines year ago general macarthur still fighting new guinea almost miles present position philippine islands firmly established bases mariana islands super fortresses bomb tokyo continue blast japan numbers japanese forces philippines cut two still hard fighting fighting liberation philippines mean japan largely cut conquests east indies landing troops leyte largest amphibious operation thus far conducted pacific moreover landings drew japanese fleet first great sea battle japan risked almost two years since night engagements around guadalcanal 1942 navy able come grips major units japanese fleet brushed fleet first battle philippine sea june 1944 last october able really engage major portion japanese navy actual combat naval engagement raged three days heaviest blow ever struck japanese sea power result battle much left japanese fleet driven behind screen islands separates yellow sea china sea sea japan pacific navy looks forward opportunity lords japanese navy give us fight people nation right proud courage fighting ability men armed fronts also right proud american leadership guided sons battle history generalship war history teamwork cooperation skill daring let give one example last year operations pacific last september admiral halsey led american naval task forces philippine waters north east china sea struck heavy blows japanese air sea power time plan approach philippines stages taking islands may call c however admiral halsey reported direct attack leyte appeared feasible general macarthur received reports admiral halsey task forces also concluded might possible attack japanese philippines bypassing islands c admiral nimitz thereupon offered make available general macarthur several divisions scheduled take intermediate objectives discussions conducted great distances took place one day general macarthur immediately informed joint chiefs staff washington prepared initiate plans attack leyte october approval change plan given day thus within space 24 hours major change plans accomplished involved army navy forces two different theaters change hastened liberation philippines final day change saved lives would expended capture islands neutralized far behind lines strategy neglected important task rendering possible aid china despite almost insuperable difficulties increased aid 1944 present aid china must accomplished air way end 1944 air transport command carrying china tonnage supplies three times great delivered year ago much month burma road ever delivered peak despite loss important bases china tonnage delivered air transport enabled general chennault fourteenth air force includes many chinese flyers wage effective aggressive campaign japanese 1944 aircraft fourteenth air force flew sorties japanese sank enormous tonnage enemy shipping greatly diminishing usefulness china sea lanes british dominion chinese forces together held line burma determined japanese attacks gained bases considerable importance supply line china burma campaigns involved incredible hardship demanded exceptional fortitude determination officers men served much devotion far distant jungles mountains deserve high honor countrymen operations armed land sea final job toughest job performed average young american carries weight battle shoulders future generations americans must pay grateful tribute small satisfaction know monuments raised future wants needs entitled insist upon full active although unprecedented production figures made possible victories shall increase goals even certain items peak deliveries supplies made war department december 1943 due part cutbacks produced much since deliveries army supplies 15 percent july 1944 upward trend resumed increased demands overseas army service forces month october 1944 increase estimate required production 10 percent november one month later requirements 1945 increased another 10 percent sending production goal well anything yet attained armed forces combat steadily increased expenditure medium heavy artillery ammunition continue decisive phases war munitions expend mount day day october 1944 saying war europe army shipping men europe previous month war one urgent immediate requirements armed forces nurses last april army requirement nurses set actual strength nurses since time army tried raise additional active recruiting carried net gain eight months nurses army recent estimates increased total number needed means nurses must obtained army alone navy requires additional nurses present shortage army nurses reflected undue strain existing force thousand nurses hospitalized part due overwork shortage also indicated fact 11 army hospital units sent overseas without complement nurses army hospitals united states 1 nurse 26 beds instead recommended 1 15 beds tragic gallant women volunteered service nurses overworked tragic wounded men ever want best possible nursing care inability get needed nurses army due shortage nurses registered nurses practicing country estimated war manpower commission additional nurses could made available armed forces without interfering seriously needs civilian population nurses since volunteering produced number nurses required urge selective service act amended provide induction nurses armed forces need pressing await outcome efforts recruiting care treatment given wounded sick soldiers best known medical science standards must maintained costs tolerate lowering failure provide adequate nursing brave men stand desperately need continuing progress war constant need new types weapons afford fight war today tomorrow weapons yesterday example american army developed new tank gun powerful yet mounted vehicle army need many thousands new tanks 1945 almost every month finds new development electronics must put production order maintain technical order save lives work every day keep ahead enemy radar france superior new equipment located put operation every warning set germans along french coast keep constantly ahead enemies development new weapons pay backwardness life blood sons way meet increased needs new weapons every american engaged war work stay war additional american civilians men women engaged essential work go get war job workers released production cut back get another job production increased time quit change less essential jobs old true saying lord hates quitter nation must pay leave essential lay essential jobs nonessential reasons payment must made life blood sons many critical production programs sharply rising needs seriously hampered manpower shortages important army needs artillery ammunition cotton duck bombs tires tanks heavy trucks even vital programs present production behind requirements navy production bombardment ammunition hampered manpower shortages production huge rocket program labor shortages also delayed cruiser carrier programs production certain types aircraft critical need repair workers repair parts jack delays return damaged fighting ships places fleet prevents ships fighting line getting needed overhauling pool young men 26 classified almost depleted increased replacements armed forces take men deferred work war industry armed forces must assurance steady flow young men replacements meeting paramount need difficult also make progressively difficult attain 1945 production goals last year much consideration recommended congress adopt national service act efficient democratic way insuring full production war requirements recommendation adopted call upon congress enact measure total mobilization human resources prosecution war urge done earliest possible moment late war fact bitter experience shown kind mechanized warfare new weapons constantly created enemies closer come end war pressing becomes need sustained war production deliver final blow enemy three basic arguments national service law first would assure right numbers workers right places right times second would provide supreme proof fighting men giving entitled nothing less total effort third would final unequivocal answer hopes nazis japanese may become halfhearted war get us negotiated peace national service legislation would make possible put position assure certain speedy action meeting manpower needs would used extent absolutely required military necessities fact experience great britain nations war indicates use compulsory powers national service necessary rare instances proposed legislation would provide loss retirement seniority rights benefits would mean reduction wages adopting legislation necessary discard voluntary cooperative processes prevailed time cooperation already produced great results contribution workers war effort beyond measure must build foundations already laid supplement measures operation order guarantee production may necessary critical period lies ahead present time using inadequate tools hand best expedients manpower ceilings use priority powers induce men women shift essential war jobs receipt joint letter secretary war secretary navy dated january 3 1945 says experience three years war thorough consideration convinced necessary carry statement made congress joint resolutions declaring state war existed japan germany bring conflict successful conclusion resources country hereby pledged congress united states considered judgment supported general marshall admiral king requires total mobilization manpower passage national war service law armed forces need legislation hasten day final victory keep minimum cost lives national war service recognition law duty every citizen part winning war give complete assurance need war equipment filled coming year must increase output many weapons supplies short notice otherwise shall keep production abreast swiftly changing needs war time necessary draw progressively many men engaged war production serve armed forces places war production must filled promptly developments require addition hundreds thousands already working war industry believe needs met effectively present methods record made management labor war industry notable testimony resourcefulness power america needs great nevertheless many instances forced recall soldiers sailors military duty work civilian character war production urgency need equipment inability recruit civilian labor pending action congress broader aspects national service recommend congress immediately enact legislation effective using services men classified whatever capacity best war effort field foreign policy propose stand together united nations war alone victory war fought common danger unites us common hope association governments peoples hope peace england england russia russia china france continent europe throughout world wherever men love freedom hope purpose people peace durable secure easy create peoples peace delude believe surrender armies enemies make peace long unconditional surrender armies enemies first necessary first step seen already areas liberated nazi fascist tyranny problems peace bring delude attempt believe wishfully problems solved overnight firm foundation built continuance assurance living peace must long run work people like peoples gone difficult processes liberation adjustment know experience great difficulties know difficulties peculiar continent nation revolutionary war left behind words one american historian eddy lawlessness disregard human life separatist movements one kind another vermont pennsylvania virginia tennessee kentucky maine insurrections open threatened massachusetts new hampshire difficulties worked peoples liberated areas europe faced complex problems adjustment work difficulties peace made kept united determination free peoples willing work willing help one respect tolerate try understand one another opinions feelings nearer come vanquishing enemies inevitably become conscious differences among victors must let differences divide us blind us important common continuing interests winning war building peace international cooperation enduring peace must based street nations like individuals always see alike think alike international cooperation progress helped nation assuming monopoly wisdom virtue future world misuse power implied term power politics must controlling factor international relations heart principles subscribed deny power factor world politics deny existence factor national politics democratic world democratic nation power must linked responsibility obliged defend justify within framework general good perfectionism less isolationism imperialism power politics may obstruct paths international peace let us forget retreat isolationism quarter century ago started direct attack international cooperation alleged imperfections peace disillusionment last war preferred international anarchy international cooperation nations see think exactly gave hope gradually achieving better peace courage fulfill responsibilities admittedly imperfect world must let happen shall follow tragic road road third world war fulfill responsibilities maintaining security country exercising power influence achieve principles believe fought august 1941 prime minister churchill agreed principles atlantic charter later incorporated declaration united nations january 1 1942 time certain isolationists protested vigorously right proclaim principles today many people protesting possibility violation principles true statement principles atlantic charter provide rules easy application every one world tangled situations good useful essential principles toward aim shall hesitate use use secure far humanly possible fulfillment principles atlantic charter shrunk military responsibilities brought war shrink political responsibilities follow wake battle wish give impression mistakes avoided many disappointments inevitable making peace must time lose hope establishing international order capable maintaining peace realizing years perfect justice nations must guard exploit exaggerate differences us allies particularly reference peoples liberated fascist tyranny way secure better settlement differences secure international machinery rectify mistakes may made frank admit concern many greek polish example situations easy simple deal spokesmen whose sincerity question would us believe obligations necessarily legal exiled governments underground leaders major allies came much nearer shadows allies declared purpose respect right peoples choose form government live see sovereign rights restored forcibly deprived internal dissension many citizens liberated countries still prisoners war forced labor germany difficult guess kind people really want interim period conditions permit genuine expression people allies duty ignore use influence end temporary provisional authorities liberated countries block eventual exercise peoples right freely choose government institutions freemen live easy us rationalize want believe consider leaders like responsible dislike irresponsible task helped stubborn partisanship however understandable part opposed internal factions purpose help peoples europe live together good neighbors recognize common interests nurse traditional grievances one another must permit many specific immediate problems adjustment connected liberation europe delay establishment permanent machinery maintenance peace threat common danger united nations joined together war preserve independence freedom must join together make secure independence freedom states never shall tyranny able divide conquer international peace like national peace require constant alertness continuing cooperation organized effort international peace like national peace secured institutions capable life growth many problems peace upon us even conclusion war still us atmosphere friendship mutual understanding determination find common ground common understanding surrounded conversations dumbarton oaks gives us reason hope future discussions succeed developing democratic fully integrated world security system toward preparatory conversations directed united nations going forward vigor resolution efforts create system providing strong flexible institutions joint cooperative action aroused conscience humanity permit failure supreme endeavor believe extraordinary advances means intercommunication peoples past generation offer practical method advancing mutual understanding upon peace institutions peace must rest policy purpose use great technological achievements common advantage world support greatest possible freedom trade commerce americans always believed freedom opportunity equality opportunity remains one principal objectives national life believe individuals believe also nations opposed restrictions whether public act private arrangement distort impair commerce transit trade regard hope interest prosperity interest prosperity world trade commerce access materials markets may freer war ever history world one heartening events year international field renaissance french people return french nation ranks united nations far crushed terror nazi domination french people emerged stronger faith ever destiny country soundness democratic ideals french nation traditionally contributed greatly liberation france given proof unceasing determination fight germans continuing heroic efforts resistance groups occupation frenchmen throughout world refused surrender disaster 1940 today french armies german frontier fighting shoulder shoulder sons since landings africa placed french hands arms material war resources military situation permitted glad say equip large new french forces modern weapons combat duty addition contribution france make common victory liberation likewise means great influence available meeting problems peace fully recognize france vital interest lasting solution german problem contribution make achieving international security formal adherence declaration united nations days ago proposal dumbarton oaks discussions whereby france would receive one five permanent seats proposed security council demonstrate extent france resumed proper position strength leadership clear mind essential factor maintenance peace future must universal military training war shall send special message congress subject enduring peace achieved without strong strong social economic sense well military sense state union message last year set forth considered american economic bill rights said say economic truths represent second bill rights new basis security prosperity established regardless station race creed rights fundamental one fulfillment others large degree depends right useful remunerative job industries shops farms mines nation turn others economic rights american citizenship right decent home good education good medical care social security reasonable farm income fulfilled make major contributions achieving adequate levels employment federal government must see rights become help states municipalities business labor agriculture full employment war government ready buy materials war country could amounted approximately half present productive capacity war must maintain full employment government performing peacetime functions means must achieve level demand purchasing power private farmers businessmen workers professional men sufficiently high replace wartime government demands means also must greatly increase export trade prewar level policy course rely much possible private enterprise provide jobs american people accept mass unemployment mere makeshift work need work everyone willing able means close jobs full employment means productive jobs americans regard jobs pay substandard wages productive jobs must make sure private enterprise works supposed basis initiative vigorous competition without stifling presence monopolies cartels war guaranteed investment enterprise essential war effort also take appropriate measures peacetime secure opportunities new small enterprises productive business expansion finance would otherwise unavailable necessary expansion peacetime productive capacity require new facilities new plants new equipment require large outlays money raised normal investment channels private capital finance expansion program government recognize responsibility sharing part special abnormal risk loss attached financing program requires extensive development natural resources useful public works undeveloped resources continent still vast projects add new fertile territories united states tennessee valley authority constructed cost cost waging war less 4 bargain similar opportunities great river basins harnessing resources river basins tennessee valley shall provide kind stimulus enterprise provided louisiana purchase new discoveries west nineteenth century avail fully benefits civil aviation use automobiles produce necessary construct thousands airports overhaul entire national highway system provision decent home every family national necessity country worthy task create great employment opportunities cities need extensive rebuilding much farm plant state disrepair make frontal attack problems housing urban reconstruction require thoroughgoing cooperation industry labor federal state local governments expanded social security program adequate health education programs must play essential roles program designed support individual productivity mass purchasing power shall communicate congress subjects later date millions productive jobs program nature could bring jobs private enterprise jobs based expanded demand output economy consumption investment program character maintain national income high enough provide orderly retirement public debt along reasonable tax reduction present tax system geared primarily war requirements must revised peacetime encourage private demand general revision tax structure made war ends fronts congress prepared provide tax modifications end war europe designed encourage capital invest new enterprises provide jobs integral part program maintain high employment must war reduce eliminate taxes bear heavily consumption war leave deep disturbances world economy national economy many communities many families many individuals require determined effort responsible action us find way back peacetime help others find way back peacetime holds values past promise future attack problems determination shall succeed must succeed freedom peace exist without security past year american people national election reasserted democratic faith course campaign various references made strife administration congress implication direct assertion administration congress could never work together harmoniously service nation denied disagreements legislative executive disagreements past century half think realize people capital city whose task large part stir dissension magnify normal healthy disagreements appear irreconcilable conflicts think record respect eloquent government united states branches good record achievement war congress executive judiciary worked together common good want tell members senate house representatives happy relationships friendships yet pleasure meeting new members house hope opportunity offer near future great many problems ahead us must approach realism courage new year 1945 greatest year achievement human history nineteen see final ending reign terror europe nineteen see closing forces retribution center malignant power imperialistic japan important must see substantial beginning organization world peace organization must fulfillment promise men fought died war must justification sacrifices dreadful misery world endured americans today together allies making hope better history ever made pray may worthy unlimited opportunities god given us
congress consider state union war peace follow naturally uppermost mind u war must greatest persistent intensity everything stake everything give american men fight far home already victories world never forget question ultimate victory question cost loss heavy ally go fight together ultimate total victory see year mark whole substantial progress toward victory even though year end setback arm german launch ferocious luxembourg belgium obvious objective cut line center men fight indescribable unforgettable gallantry difficult condition german enemy sustain considerable loss fail obtain objective high tide german effort reach two day christmas since reassumed offensive rescue isolated garrison bastogne forced german withdrawal along whole line salient speed recover savage attack largely possible one supreme commander complete control allied army france general eisenhower face period trial admirable calm resolution steadily increase success complete confidence desperate attempt may well make break line slow progress must never make mistake assume german beat last nazi surrender would express another serious warn poisonous effect enemy propaganda wedge german attempt drive western europe less dangerous actual term win war wedge continually attempt drive ally every little rumor intend weaken faith ally like actual enemy agent seek sabotage war effort evil baseless rumor rumor american commander field examine rumor closely observe every one bear make germany must resist divisive must destroy strength determination fight men display resist destroy panzer division europe shall resume attack temporary setback shall continue attack relentlessly germany completely defeat appropriate time review basic strategy guide u three year war lead eventually total victory tremendous effort first year war direct toward concentration men supply various theater action point could hurt enemy language military deployment force many fought many battle victory fight hold back attack enemy put u position ally could deliver final decisive blow begin important military task prevent strong violently aggressive power ever threaten win decisive victory even conduct defensive delaying action look forward time could wrest initiative enemy place superior resource men material direct competition plain defeat either enemy would require mass overwhelming ground sea position ally could strike directly enemy homeland destroy nazi japanese war machine case japan await completion extensive preliminary design establish secure supply line japanese defense call overwhelm sea power air ground force strategically employ isolate outpost garrison day right militarily well morally reject argument shortsighted people would u throw britain russia nazi wolf concentrate japanese people urge fight purely defensive war japan allow domination rest world nazism fascism european theater necessary base mass ground air power germany already available great britain mediterranean area could begin ground operation major element german army rapidly could put troop field first north africa italy therefore decision make concentrate bulk ground air force germany utter defeat decision base factor also base realization two enemy germany would able digest quickly conquest able quickly convert manpower resource conquer territory war potential europe two active indomitable britain soviet also heroic resistance movement occupied country constantly engage harass german forget britain held line alone 1940 1941 time despite ferocious bombardment air build tremendous armament industry enable take offensive el alamein 1942 forget heroic defense moscow leningrad stalingrad tremendous russian offensive 1943 1944 destroy formidable german army forget seven long year chinese people sustain barbarous attack japanese contain large enemy force vast area asiatic mainland future must never forget lesson must friends work u peace fought side war result combine effort ally force great military victory achieve 1944 liberation france belgium greece part netherlands norway poland yugoslavia czechoslovakia surrender rumania bulgaria invasion germany hungary steady march pacific islands philippine guam saipan beginning mighty air offensive japanese island congress meet reach critical phase war great victory last year course successful breach june 6 1944 german impregnable seawall europe victorious sweep ally force france belgium rhine invasion ally army great amphibious operation history world overshadow operation war immensity success tribute fight courage soldier storm sailor merchant seaman put soldier ashore keep military naval leader achieve real miracle planning execution also tribute ability two nation britain america plan together work together fight together perfect cooperation perfect harmony invasion follow august second great amphibious operation land troop southern france cooperation harmony exist american french ally force base north africa italy success two invasion tribute also ability many men woman maintain silence careless word would imperil life hundred thousand would jeopardize whole vast undertaking two great operation make possible success battle atlantic without success german submarine could build invasion force air force great britain could keep steady stream supply flow land france nazi however may succeed improve submarine crew recently increase activity battle campaign eternal vigilance british canadian ally navy together constantly alert tremendous operation western europe overshadow public mind less spectacular vitally important italian front place strategic conduct war europe obscure people important misconception score ally force italy part strategy europe aim one objective total defeat german valiant force italy continue keep substantial portion german army constant 20 german division necessary supply transport replacement enemy need badly elsewhere difficult terrain adverse weather condition fifth army british eighth unit unite nation include brave well equip unit brazilian past year push north bloody cassino anzio beachhead rome occupy height overlook valley po great tribute pay courage fight ability splendid soldier italy point although strength equal german oppose ally continuously offensive pressure offensive troop italy continue american every soldier fight remember italian front lose importance day ally front europe pacific past year conduct offensive history modern warfare drive enemy back mile across central pacific year ago conquest tarawa little month old year ago prepare invasion kwajalein second great stride across central pacific philippine year ago general macarthur still fight new guinea almost mile present position philippine islands firmly establish base mariana island super fortress bomb tokyo continue blast japan number japanese force philippine cut two still hard fight fight liberation philippine mean japan largely cut conquest east indie land troop leyte large amphibious operation thus far conduct pacific moreover landing draw japanese fleet first great sea battle japan risk almost two year since night engagement around guadalcanal 1942 navy able come grip major unit japanese fleet brush fleet first battle philippine sea june 1944 last october able really engage major portion japanese navy actual combat naval engagement rag three day heaviest blow ever strike japanese sea power result battle much leave japanese fleet drive behind screen island separate yellow sea china sea sea japan pacific navy look forward opportunity lord japanese navy give u fight people nation right proud courage fight ability men arm front also right proud american leadership guide son battle history generalship war history teamwork cooperation skill dare let give one example last year operation pacific last september admiral halsey lead american naval task force philippine water north east china sea strike heavy blow japanese air sea power time plan approach philippine stage take island may call c however admiral halsey report direct attack leyte appear feasible general macarthur receive report admiral halsey task force also conclude might possible attack japanese philippine bypass island c admiral nimitz thereupon offer make available general macarthur several division schedule take intermediate objective discussion conduct great distance take place one day general macarthur immediately inform joint chief staff washington prepare initiate plan attack leyte october approval change plan give day thus within space 24 hour major change plan accomplish involved army navy force two different theater change hasten liberation philippine final day change save life would expend capture island neutralize far behind line strategy neglect important task render possible aid china despite almost insuperable difficulty increase aid 1944 present aid china must accomplish air way end 1944 air transport command carry china tonnage supply three time great delivered year ago much month burma road ever deliver peak despite loss important base china tonnage deliver air transport enable general chennault fourteenth air force include many chinese flyer wage effective aggressive campaign japanese 1944 aircraft fourteenth air force fly sortie japanese sink enormous tonnage enemy ship greatly diminish usefulness china sea lane british dominion chinese force together hold line burma determine japanese attack gain base considerable importance supply line china burma campaign involve incredible hardship demand exceptional fortitude determination officer men serve much devotion far distant jungle mountain deserve high honor countryman operation arm land sea final job tough job perform average young american carry weight battle shoulder future generation american must pay grateful tribute small satisfaction know monument raise future want need entitle insist upon full active although unprecedented production figure make possible victory shall increase goal even certain item peak delivery supply make war department december 1943 due part cutback produce much since delivery army supply 15 percent july 1944 upward trend resume increased demand overseas army service force month october 1944 increase estimate require production 10 percent november one month later requirement 1945 increase another 10 percent send production goal well anything yet attain armed force combat steadily increase expenditure medium heavy artillery ammunition continue decisive phase war munition expend mount day day october 1944 say war europe army ship men europe previous month war one urgent immediate requirement arm force nurse last april army requirement nurse set actual strength nurse since time army try raise additional active recruiting carry net gain eight month nurse army recent estimate increase total number need mean nurse must obtain army alone navy require additional nurse present shortage army nurse reflect undue strain exist force thousand nurse hospitalize part due overwork shortage also indicate fact 11 army hospital unit send overseas without complement nurse army hospital united state 1 nurse 26 bed instead recommend 1 15 bed tragic gallant woman volunteer service nurse overwork tragic wound men ever want best possible nursing care inability get need nurse army due shortage nurse register nurse practice country estimate war manpower commission additional nurse could make available armed force without interfere seriously need civilian population nurse since volunteer produce number nurse require urge selective service act amend provide induction nurse arm force need press await outcome effort recruit care treatment give wound sick soldier best know medical science standard must maintain cost tolerate lowering failure provide adequate nursing brave men stand desperately need continue progress war constant need new type weapon afford fight war today tomorrow weapon yesterday example american army develop new tank gun powerful yet mount vehicle army need many thousand new tank 1945 almost every month find new development electronics must put production order maintain technical order save life work every day keep ahead enemy radar france superior new equipment locate put operation every warning set german along french coast keep constantly ahead enemy development new weapon pay backwardness life blood son way meet increase need new weapon every american engage war work stay war additional american civilian men woman engage essential work go get war job worker release production cut back get another job production increase time quit change less essential job old true say lord hat quitter nation must pay leave essential lay essential job nonessential reason payment must make life blood son many critical production program sharply rise need seriously hamper manpower shortage important army need artillery ammunition cotton duck bomb tire tank heavy truck even vital program present production behind requirement navy production bombardment ammunition hamper manpower shortage production huge rocket program labor shortage also delay cruiser carrier program production certain type aircraft critical need repair worker repair part jack delay return damage fight ship place fleet prevents ship fight line get need overhaul pool young men 26 classify almost deplete increased replacement arm force take men deferred work war industry arm force must assurance steady flow young men replacement meet paramount need difficult also make progressively difficult attain 1945 production goal last year much consideration recommend congress adopt national service act efficient democratic way insure full production war requirement recommendation adopt call upon congress enact measure total mobilization human resource prosecution war urge do early possible moment late war fact bitter experience show kind mechanize warfare new weapon constantly create enemy closer come end war press becomes need sustained war production deliver final blow enemy three basic argument national service law first would assure right number worker right place right time second would provide supreme proof fight men give entitle nothing less total effort third would final unequivocal answer hop nazi japanese may become halfhearted war get u negotiate peace national service legislation would make possible put position assure certain speedy action meet manpower need would use extent absolutely required military necessity fact experience great britain nation war indicate use compulsory power national service necessary rare instance propose legislation would provide loss retirement seniority right benefit would mean reduction wage adopt legislation necessary discard voluntary cooperative process prevail time cooperation already produce great result contribution worker war effort beyond measure must build foundation already lay supplement measure operation order guarantee production may necessary critical period lie ahead present time use inadequate tool hand best expedient manpower ceiling use priority power induce men woman shift essential war job receipt joint letter secretary war secretary navy date january 3 1945 say experience three year war thorough consideration convince necessary carry statement make congress joint resolution declare state war exist japan germany bring conflict successful conclusion resource country hereby pledge congress united state consider judgment support general marshall admiral king require total mobilization manpower passage national war service law arm force need legislation hasten day final victory keep minimum cost live national war service recognition law duty every citizen part win war give complete assurance need war equipment fill coming year must increase output many weapon supply short notice otherwise shall keep production abreast swiftly change need war time necessary draw progressively many men engage war production serve arm force place war production must fill promptly development require addition hundred thousand already work war industry believe need meet effectively present method record make management labor war industry notable testimony resourcefulness power america need great nevertheless many instance force recall soldier sailor military duty work civilian character war production urgency need equipment inability recruit civilian labor pending action congress broad aspect national service recommend congress immediately enact legislation effective use service men classify whatever capacity best war effort field foreign policy propose stand together united nation war alone victory war fight common danger unite u common hope association government people hope peace england england russia russia china france continent europe throughout world wherever men love freedom hope purpose people peace durable secure easy create people peace delude believe surrender army enemy make peace long unconditional surrender army enemy first necessary first step see already area liberate nazi fascist tyranny problem peace bring delude attempt believe wishfully problem solve overnight firm foundation build continuance assurance live peace must long run work people like people go difficult process liberation adjustment know experience great difficulty know difficulty peculiar continent nation revolutionary war leave behind word one american historian eddy lawlessness disregard human life separatist movement one kind another vermont pennsylvania virginia tennessee kentucky maine insurrection open threaten massachusetts new hampshire difficulty work people liberate area europe face complex problem adjustment work difficulty peace make kept united determination free people willing work willing help one respect tolerate try understand one another opinion feeling nearer come vanquishing enemy inevitably become conscious difference among victor must let difference divide u blind u important common continue interest win war build peace international cooperation endure peace must base street nation like individual always see alike think alike international cooperation progress help nation assume monopoly wisdom virtue future world misuse power imply term power politics must control factor international relation heart principles subscribe deny power factor world politics deny existence factor national politics democratic world democratic nation power must link responsibility oblige defend justify within framework general good perfectionism less isolationism imperialism power politics may obstruct paths international peace let u forget retreat isolationism quarter century ago start direct attack international cooperation allege imperfection peace disillusionment last war prefer international anarchy international cooperation nation see think exactly give hope gradually achieve well peace courage fulfill responsibility admittedly imperfect world must let happen shall follow tragic road road third world war fulfill responsibility maintain security country exercise power influence achieve principle believe fight august 1941 prime minister churchill agree principle atlantic charter later incorporate declaration united nation january 1 1942 time certain isolationist protest vigorously right proclaim principle today many people protest possibility violation principle true statement principle atlantic charter provide rule easy application every one world tangle situation good useful essential principle toward aim shall hesitate use use secure far humanly possible fulfillment principle atlantic charter shrunk military responsibility bring war shrink political responsibility follow wake battle wish give impression mistake avoid many disappointment inevitable make peace must time lose hope establish international order capable maintain peace realize year perfect justice nation must guard exploit exaggerate difference u ally particularly reference people liberate fascist tyranny way secure well settlement differences secure international machinery rectify mistake may make frank admit concern many greek polish example situation easy simple deal spokesman whose sincerity question would u believe obligation necessarily legal exile government underground leader major ally come much near shadows ally declare purpose respect right people choose form government live see sovereign right restore forcibly deprive internal dissension many citizen liberate country still prisoner war force labor germany difficult guess kind people really want interim period condition permit genuine expression people ally duty ignore use influence end temporary provisional authority liberate country block eventual exercise people right freely choose government institution freemen live easy u rationalize want believe consider leader like responsible dislike irresponsible task help stubborn partisanship however understandable part oppose internal faction purpose help people europe live together good neighbor recognize common interest nurse traditional grievance one another must permit many specific immediate problem adjustment connect liberation europe delay establishment permanent machinery maintenance peace threat common danger united nation join together war preserve independence freedom must join together make secure independence freedom state never shall tyranny able divide conquer international peace like national peace require constant alertness continue cooperation organize effort international peace like national peace secure institution capable life growth many problem peace upon u even conclusion war still u atmosphere friendship mutual understanding determination find common ground common understanding surround conversation dumbarton oaks give u reason hope future discussion succeed develop democratic fully integrated world security system toward preparatory conversation direct united nation go forward vigor resolution effort create system provide strong flexible institution joint cooperative action arouse conscience humanity permit failure supreme endeavor believe extraordinary advance mean intercommunication people past generation offer practical method advance mutual understanding upon peace institution peace must rest policy purpose use great technological achievement common advantage world support great possible freedom trade commerce americans always believe freedom opportunity equality opportunity remain one principal objectives national life believe individual believe also nation oppose restriction whether public act private arrangement distort impair commerce transit trade regard hope interest prosperity interest prosperity world trade commerce access material market may freer war ever history world one heartening event year international field renaissance french people return french nation rank unite nation far crush terror nazi domination french people emerge strong faith ever destiny country soundness democratic ideal french nation traditionally contribute greatly liberation france give proof unceasing determination fight german continue heroic effort resistance group occupation frenchman throughout world refuse surrender disaster 1940 today french army german frontier fight shoulder shoulder son since landing africa place french hand arm material war resource military situation permit glad say equip large new french force modern weapon combat duty addition contribution france make common victory liberation likewise mean great influence available meeting problem peace fully recognize france vital interest last solution german problem contribution make achieve international security formal adherence declaration united nation day ago proposal dumbarton oak discussion whereby france would receive one five permanent seat propose security council demonstrate extent france resume proper position strength leadership clear mind essential factor maintenance peace future must universal military training war shall send special message congress subject endure peace achieve without strong strong social economic sense well military sense state union message last year set forth consider american economic bill right say say economic truth represent second bill right new basis security prosperity establish regardless station race creed right fundamental one fulfillment others large degree depends right useful remunerative job industry shop farm mine nation turn others economic right american citizenship right decent home good education good medical care social security reasonable farm income fulfil make major contribution achieve adequate level employment federal government must see right become help state municipality business labor agriculture full employment war government ready buy material war country could amount approximately half present productive capacity war must maintain full employment government perform peacetime function mean must achieve level demand purchase power private farmer businessmen worker professional men sufficiently high replace wartime government demand mean also must greatly increase export trade prewar level policy course rely much possible private enterprise provide job american people accept mass unemployment mere makeshift work need work everyone willing able mean close job full employment mean productive job americans regard job pay substandard wage productive job must make sure private enterprise work suppose basis initiative vigorous competition without stifle presence monopoly cartels war guarantee investment enterprise essential war effort also take appropriate measure peacetime secure opportunities new small enterprise productive business expansion finance would otherwise unavailable necessary expansion peacetime productive capacity require new facility new plant new equipment require large outlay money raise normal investment channel private capital finance expansion program government recognize responsibility share part special abnormal risk loss attach financing program require extensive development natural resource useful public work undeveloped resource continent still vast project add new fertile territory unite state tennessee valley authority construct cost cost wag war less 4 bargain similar opportunity great river basins harnessing resource river basin tennessee valley shall provide kind stimulus enterprise provide louisiana purchase new discovery west nineteenth century avail fully benefit civil aviation use automobile produce necessary construct thousand airports overhaul entire national highway system provision decent home every family national necessity country worthy task create great employment opportunity city need extensive rebuild much farm plant state disrepair make frontal attack problem housing urban reconstruction require thoroughgoing cooperation industry labor federal state local government expand social security program adequate health education program must play essential role program design support individual productivity mass purchase power shall communicate congress subject later date million productive job program nature could bring job private enterprise job base expanded demand output economy consumption investment program character maintain national income high enough provide orderly retirement public debt along reasonable tax reduction present tax system gear primarily war requirement must revise peacetime encourage private demand general revision tax structure make war end front congress prepare provide tax modification end war europe design encourage capital invest new enterprise provide job integral part program maintain high employment must war reduce eliminate tax bear heavily consumption war leave deep disturbance world economy national economy many community many family many individual require determined effort responsible action u find way back peacetime help others find way back peacetime hold value past promise future attack problem determination shall succeed must succeed freedom peace exist without security past year american people national election reassert democratic faith course campaign various reference make strife administration congress implication direct assertion administration congress could never work together harmoniously service nation deny disagreement legislative executive disagreement past century half think realize people capital city whose task large part stir dissension magnify normal healthy disagreement appear irreconcilable conflict think record respect eloquent government unite state branch good record achievement war congress executive judiciary work together common good want tell member senate house representative happy relationship friendship yet pleasure meet new member house hope opportunity offer near future great many problem ahead u must approach realism courage new year 1945 great year achievement human history nineteen see final end reign terror europe nineteen see closing force retribution center malignant power imperialistic japan important must see substantial begin organization world peace organization must fulfillment promise men fight died war must justification sacrifice dreadful misery world endure american today together ally make hope well history ever make pray may worthy unlimited opportunity god give u