In performing my duty at the opening of your present session it gives me pleasure to congratulate you again upon the prosperous condition of our beloved country. Divine Providence has favored us with general health, with rich rewards in the fields of agriculture and in every branch of labor, and with peace to cultivate and extend the various resources which employ the virtue and enterprise of our citizens. Let us trust that in surveying a scene so flattering to our free institutions our joint deliberations to preserve them may be crowned with success. Our foreign relations continue, with but few exceptions, to maintain the favorable aspect which they bore in my last annual message, and promise to extend those advantages which the principles that regulate our intercourse with other nations are so well calculated to secure. The question of our North East boundary is still pending with Great Britain, and the proposition made in accordance with the resolution of the Senate for the establishment of a line according to the treaty of 1783 has not been accepted by that Government. Believing that every disposition is felt on both sides to adjust this perplexing question to the satisfaction of all the parties interested in it, the hope is yet indulged that it may be effected on the basis of that proposition. With the Governments of Austria, Russia, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark the best understanding exists. Commerce with all is fostered and protected by reciprocal good will under the sanction of liberal conventional or legal provisions. In the midst of her internal difficulties the Queen of Spain has ratified the convention for the payment of the claims of our citizens arising since 1819. It is in the course of execution on her part, and a copy of it is now laid before you for such legislation as may be found necessary to enable those interested to derive the benefits of it. Yielding to the force of circumstances and to the wise counsels of time and experience, that power has finally resolved no longer to occupy the unnatural position in which she stood to the new Governments established in this hemisphere. I have the great satisfaction of stating to you that in preparing the way for the restoration of harmony between those who have sprung from the same ancestors, who are allied by common interests, profess the same religion, and speak the same language the United States have been actively instrumental. Our efforts to effect this good work will be persevered in while they are deemed useful to the parties and our entire disinterestedness continues to be felt and understood. The act of Congress to countervail the discriminating duties to the prejudice of our navigation levied in Cuba and Puerto Rico has been transmitted to the minister of the United States at Madrid, to be communicated to the Government of the Queen. No intelligence of its receipt has yet reached the Department of State. If the present condition of the country permits the Government to make a careful and enlarged examination of the true interests of these important portions of its dominions, no doubt is entertained that their future intercourse with the United States will be placed upon a more just and liberal basis. The Florida archives have not yet been selected and delivered. Recent orders have been sent to the agent of the United States at Havana to return with all that he can obtain, so that they may be in Washington before the session of the Supreme Court, to be used in the legal questions there pending to which the Government is a party. Internal tranquillity is happily restored to Portugal. The distracted state of the country rendered unavoidable the postponement of a final payment of the just claims of our citizens. Our diplomatic relations will be soon resumed, and the long-subsisting friendship with that power affords the strongest guaranty that the balance due will receive prompt attnetion. The first installment due under the convention of indemnity with the King of the Two Sicilies has been duly received, and an offer has been made to extinguish the whole by a prompt payment -- an offer I did not consider myself authorized to accept, as the indemnification provided is the exclusive property of individual citizens of the United States. The original adjustment of our claims and the anxiety displayed to fulfill at once the stipulations made for the payment of them are highly honorable to the Government of the Two Sicilies. When it is recollected that they were the result of the injustice of an intrusive power temporarily dominant in its territory, a repugnance to acknowledge and to pay which would have been neither unnatural nor unexpected, the circumstances can not fail to exalt its character for justice and good faith in the eyes of all nations. The treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium, brought to your notice in my last annual message as sanctioned by the Senate, but the ratifications of which had not been exchanged owing to a delay in its reception at Brussels and a subsequent absence of the Belgian minister of foreign affairs, has been, after mature deliberation, finally disavowed by that Government as inconsistent with the powers and instructions given to their minister who negotiated it. This disavowal was entirely unexpected, as the liberal principles embodied in the convention, and which form the ground-work of the objections to it, were perfectly satisfactory to the Belgian representative, and were supposed to be not only within the powers granted, but expressly conformable to the instructions given to him. An offer, not yet accepted, has been made by Belgium to renew negotiations for a treaty less liberal in its provisions on questions of general maritime law. Our newly established relations with the Sublime Porte promise to be useful to our commerce and satisfactory in every respect to this Government. Our intercourse with the Barbary Powers continues without important change, except that the present political state of Algiers has induced me to terminate the residence there of a salaried consul and to substitute an ordinary consulate, to remain so long as the place continues in the possession of France. Our first treaty with one of these powers, the Emperor of Morocco, was formed in 1786, and was limited to fifty years. That period has almost expired. I shall take measures to renew it with the greater satisfaction as its stipulations are just and liberal and have been, with mutual fidelity and reciprocal advantage, scrupulously fulfilled. Intestine dissensions have too frequently occurred to mar the prosperity, interrupt the commerce, and distract the governments of most of the nations of this hemisphere which have separated themselves from Spain. When a firm and permanent understanding with the parent country shall have produced a formal acknowledgment of their independence, and the idea of danger from that quarter can be no longer entertained, the friends of freedom expect that those countries, so favored by nature, will be distinguished for their love of justice and their devotion to those peaceful arts the assiduous cultivation of which confers honor upon nations and gives value to human life. In the mean time I confidently hope that the apprehensions entertained that some of the people of these luxuriant regions may be tempted, in a moment of unworthy distrust of their own capacity for the enjoyment of liberty, to commit the too common error of purchasing present repose by bestowing on some favorite leaders the fatal gift of irresponsible power will not be realized. With all these Governments and with that of Brazil no unexpected changes in our relations have occurred during the present year. Frequent causes of just complaint have arisen upon the part of the citizens of the United States, some times from the irregular action of the constituted subordinate authorities of the maritime regions and some times from the leaders or partisans of those in arms against the established Governments. In all cases representations have been or will be made, and as soon as their political affairs are in a settled position it is expected that our friendly remonstrances will be followed by adequate redress. The Government of Mexico made known in [1833] December last the appointment of commissioners and a surveyor on its part to run, in conjunction with ours, the boundary line between its territories and the United States, and excused the delay for the reasons anticipated -- the prevalence of civil war. The commissioners and surveyors not having met within the time stipulated by the treaty, a new arrangement became necessary, and our chargé d'affaires was instructed in [1833] January to negotiate in Mexico an article additional to the pre-existing treaty. This instruction was acknowledged, and no difficulty was apprehended in the accomplishment of that object. By information just received that additional article to the treaty will be obtained and transmitted to this country as soon as it can receive the ratification of the Mexican Congress. The reunion of the three States of New Grenada, Venezuela, and Equador, forming the Republic of Colombia, seems every day to become more improbable. The commissioners of the two first are understood to be now negotiating a just division of the obligations contracted by them when united under one government. The civil war in Equador, it is believed, has prevented even the appointment of a commissioner on its part. I propose at an early day to submit, in the proper form, the appointment of a diplomatic agent to Venezuela, the importance of the commerce of that country to the United States and the large claims of our citizens upon the Government arising before and since the division of Colombia rendering it, in my judgment, improper longer to delay this step. Our representatives to Central America, Peru, and Brazil are either at or on their way to their respective posts. From the Argentine Republic, from which a minister was expected to this Government, nothing further has been heard. Occasion has been taken on the departure of a new consul to Buenos Ayres to remind that Government that its long delayed minister, whose appointment had been made known to us, had not arrived. It becomes my unpleasant duty to inform you that this pacific and highly gratifying picture of our foreign relations does not include those with France at this time. It is not possible that any Government and people could be more sincerely desirous of conciliating a just and friendly intercourse with another nation than are those of the United States with their ancient ally and friend. This disposition is founded as well on the most grateful and honorable recollections associated with our struggle for independence as upon a well grounded conviction that it is consonant with the true policy of both. The people of the United States could not, therefore, see without the deepest regret even a temporary interruption of the friendly relations between the two countries -- a regret which would, I am sure, be greatly aggravated if there should turn out to be any reasonable ground for attributing such a result to any act of omission or commission on our part. I derive, therefore, the highest satisfaction from being able to assure you that the whole course of this Government has been characterized by a spirit so conciliatory and forbearing   as to make it impossible that our justice and moderation should be questioned, what ever may be the consequences of a longer perseverance on the part of the French Government in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our citizens. The history of the accumulated and unprovoked aggressions upon our commerce committed by authority of the existing Governments of France between the years 1800 and 1817 has been rendered too painfully familiar to Americans to make its repetition either necessary or desirable. It will be sufficient here to remark that there has for many years been scarcely a single administration of the French Government by whom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens to indemnity were not to a very considerable extent admitted, and yet near a quarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotiations to secure it. Deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state of things upon the interests and character of both nations, I regarded it as among my first duties to cause one more effort to be made to satisfy France that a just and liberal settlement of our claims was as well due to her own honor as to their incontestable validity. The negotiation for this purpose was commenced with the late Government of France, and was prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground to doubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that which was subsequently made would have been effected had not the revolution by which the negotiation was cut off taken place. The discussions were resumed with the present Government, and the result showed that we were not wrong in supposing that an event by which the two Governments were made to approach each other so much nearer in their political principles, and by which the motives for the most liberal and friendly intercourse were so greatly multiplied, could exercise no other than a salutary influence upon the negotiation. After the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subject a treaty between the two Governments was concluded and signed at Paris on 1831-07-04, by which it was stipulated that   ; and it was also stipulated on the part of the French Government that this 25,000,000 francs should "be paid at Paris, in six annual installments of 4,166,666 francs and 66 centimes each, into the hands of such person or persons   , the first installment to be paid  It was also stipulated on the part of the United States, for the purpose of being completely liberated from all the reclamations presented by France on behalf of its citizens, that the sum of 1,500,000 francs should be paid to the Government of France in six annual installments, to be deducted out of the annual sums which France had agreed to pay, interest thereupon being in like manner computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifications. In addition to this stipulation, important advantages were secured to France by the following article, viz: The wines of France, from and after the exchange of the ratifications of the present conventions, shall be admitted to consumption in the States of the Union at duties which shall not exceed the following rates by the gallon (such as it is used at present for wines in the US), to wit: 6 cents for red wines in casks; 10 cents for white wines in casks, and 22 cents for wines of all sorts in bottles. The proportions existing between the duties on French wines thus reduced and the general rates of the tariff which went into operation 1829-01-01, shall be maintained in case the Government of the United States should think proper to diminish those general rates in a new tariff.
 In consideration of this stipulation, which shall be binding on the United States for 10 years, the French Government abandons the reclamations which it had formed in relation to the 8th article of the treaty of cession of Louisiana. It engages, moreover, to establish on the long-staple cottons of the United States which after the exchange of the ratifications of the present convention shall be brought directly thence to France by the vessels of the US or by French vessels the same duties as on short-staple cotton. This treaty was duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the constitutions of both countries, and the ratification was exchanged at the city of Washington on 1832-02-02. On account of its commercial stipulations it was in five days thereafter laid before the Congress of the United States, which proceeded to enact such laws favorable to the commerce of France as were necessary to carry it into full execution, and France has from that period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of the valuable privileges that were thus secured to her. The faith of the French nation having been thus solemnly pledged through its constitutional organ for the liquidation and ultimate payment of the long deferred claims of our citizens, as also for the adjustment of other points of great and reciprocal benefits to both countries, and the United States having, with a fidelity and promptitude by which their conduct will, I trust, be always characterized, done every thing that was necessary to carry the treaty into full and fair effect on their part, counted with the most perfect confidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the French Government. In this reasonable expectation we have been, I regret to inform you, wholly disappointed. No legislative provision has been made by France for the execution of the treaty, either as it respects the indemnity to be paid or the commercial benefits to be secured to the United States, and the relations between the United States and that power in consequence thereof are placed in a situation threatening to interrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happily existed between the two nations. Not only has the French Government been thus wanting in the performance of the stipulations it has so solemnly entered into with the United States, but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which would seem to leave us without satisfactory evidences that such performance will certainly take place at a future period. Advice of the exchange of ratifications reached Paris prior to 1832-04-08. The French Chambers were then sitting, and continued in session until 1832-04-21, and although one installment of the indemnity was payable on 1833-02-02, one year after the exchange of ratifications, no application was made to the Chambers for the required appropriation, and in consequence of no appropriation having then been made the draft of the United States Government for that installment was dishonored by the minister of finance, and the United States thereby involved in much controversy. The next session of the Chambers commenced on 1832-11-19, and continued until 1833-04-25. Not withstanding the omission to pay the first installment had been made the subject of earnest remonstrance on our part, the treaty with the United States and a bill making the necessary appropriations to execute it were not laid before the Chamber of Deputies until 1833-04-06, nearly five months after its meeting, and only nineteen days before the close of the session. The bill was read and referred to a committee, but there was no further action upon it. The next session of the Chambers commenced on 1833-04-26, and continued until 1833-06-26. A new bill was introduced on 1833-06-11, but nothing important was done in relation to it during the session. In 1834 April, nearly three years after the signature of the treaty, the final action of the French Chambers upon the bill to carry the treaty into effect was obtained, and resulted in a refusal of the necessary appropriations. The avowed grounds upon which the bill was rejected are to be found in the published debates of that body, and no observations of mine can be necessary to satisfy Congress of their utter insufficiency. Although the gross amount of the claims of our citizens is probably greater than will be ultimately allowed by the commissioners, sufficient is, never the less, shown to render it absolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the actual amount of our just claims, independently of the question of damages and interest for the detention. That the settlement involved a sacrifice in this respect was well known at the time -- a sacrifice which was cheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the Federal Government, whose action upon the treaty was required from a sincere desire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subject and in the confident expectation that the general relations between the two countries would be improved thereby. The refusal to vote the appropriation, the news of which was received from our minister in Paris about 1834-05-15, might have been considered the final determination of the French Government not to execute the stipulations of the treaty, and would have justified an immediate communication of the facts to Congress, with a recommendation of such ultimate measures as the interest and honor of the United States might seem to require. But with the news of the refusal of the Chambers to make the appropriation were conveyed the regrets of the King and a declaration that a national vessel should be forthwith sent out with instructions to the French minister to give the most ample explanations of the past and the strongest assurances for the future. After a long passage the promised dispatch vessel arrived. The pledges given by the French minister upon receipt of his instructions were that as soon after the election of the new members as the charter would permit the legislative Chambers of France should be called together and the proposition for an appropriation laid before them; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his cabinet should be exerted to accomplish the object, and that the result should be made known early enough to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of the present session. Relying upon these pledges, and not doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims, the promised exertions of the King and his cabinet, and, above all, that sacred regard for the national faith and honor for which the French character has been so distinguished would secure an early execution of the treaty in all its parts, I did not deem it necessary to call the attention of Congress to the subject at the last session. I regret to say that the pledges made through the minister of France have not been redeemed. The new Chambers met on 1834-07-31, and although the subject of fulfilling treaties was alluded to in the speech from the throne, no attempt was made by the King or his cabinet to procure an appropriation to carry it into execution. The reasons given for this omission, although they might be considered sufficient in an ordinary case, are not consistent with the expectations founded upon the assurances given here, for there is no constitutional obstacle to entering into legislative business at the first meeting of the Chambers. This point, however, might have been over-looked had not the Chambers, instead of being called to meet at so early a day that the result of their deliberations might be communicated to me before the meeting of Congress, been prorogued to 1834-12-29 -- a period so late that their decision can scarcely be made known to the present Congress prior to its dissolution. To avoid this delay our minister in Paris, in virtue of the assurance given by the French minister in the United States, strongly urged the convocation of the Chambers at an earlier day, but without success. It is proper to remark, however, that this refusal has been accompanied with the most positive assurances on the part of the executive government of France of their intention to press the appropriation at the ensuing session of the Chambers. The executive branch of this Government has, as matters stand, exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is invested and which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed. The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execute the treaty will not, I am confident, be for a moment entertained by any branch of this Government, and further negotiation upon the subject is equally out of the question. If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further action of the French Chambers, no further consideration of the subject will at this session probably be required at your hands. But if from the original delay in asking for an appropriation, from the refusal of the Chambers to grant it when asked, from the omission to bring the subject before the Chambers at their last session, from the fact that, including that session, there have been five different occasions when the appropriation might have been made, and from the delay in convoking the Chambers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, when it was well known that a communication of the whole subject to Congress at the last session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposed of before its present meeting, you should feel yourselves constrained to doubt whether it be the intention of the French Government, in all its branches, to carry the treaty into effect, and think that such measures as the occasion may be deemed to call for should be now adopted, the important question arises what those measures shall be. Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendly intercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Government as they are the interest of our people. But these objects are not to be permanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens or permitting solemn treaties for their indemnity, in cases of flagrant wrong, to be abrogated or set aside. It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to affect the agricultural and manufacturing interests of France by the passage of laws relating to her trade with the United States. Her products, manufactures, and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in our ports, or all commercial intercourse with her may be suspended. But there are powerful and to my mind conclusive objections to this mode of proceeding. We can not embarrass or cut off the trade of France without at the same time in some degree embarrassing or cutting off our own trade. The injury of such a warfare must fall, though unequally, upon our own citizens, and could not but impair the means of the Government and weaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honor of the nation which must now pervade every bosom. Nor is it impossible that such a course of legislation would introduce once more into our national councils those disturbing questions in relation to the tariff of duties which have been so recently put to rest. Besides, by every measure adopted by the Government of the United Sstates with the view of injuring France the clear perception of right which will induce our own people and the rulers and people of all other nations, even of France herself, to pronounce our quarrel just will be obscured and the support rendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more limited and equivocal. There is but one point of controversy, and upon that the whole civilized world must pronounce France to be in the wrong. We insist that she shall pay us a sum of money which she has acknowledged to be due, and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion among mankind. True policy would seem to dictate that the question at issue should be kept thus disencumbered and that not the slightest pretense should be given to France to persist in her refusal to make payment by any act on our part affecting the interests of her people. The question should be left, as it is now, in such an attitude that when France fulfills her treaty stipulations all controversy will be at an end. It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on a prompt execution of the treaty, and in case it be refused or longer delayed take redress into their own hands. After the delay on the part of France of a quarter of a century in acknowledging these claims by treaty, it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century is to be wasted in negotiating about the payment. The laws of nations provide a remedy for such occasions. It is a well-settled principle of the international code that where one nation owes another a liquidated debt which it refuses or neglects to pay the aggrieved party may seize on the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt without giving just cause of war. This remedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herself toward Portugal, under circumstances less unquestionable. The time at which resort should be had to this or any other mode of redress is a point to be decided by Congress. If an appropriation shall not be made by the French Chambers at their next session, it may justly be concluded that the Government of France has finally determined to disregard its own solemn undertaking and refuse to pay an acknowledged debt. In that event every day's delay on our part will be a stain upon our national honor, as well as a denial of justice to our injured citizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France shall be complete, will not only be most honorable and just, but will have the best effect upon our national character. Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her minister here, has delayed her final action so long that her decision will not probably be known in time to be communicated to this Congress, I recommend that a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon French property in case provision shall not be made for the payment of the debt at the approaching session of the French Chambers. Her pride and power are too well known to expect any thing from her fears and preclude the necessity of a declaration that nothing partaking of the character of intimidation is intended by us. She ought to look upon it as the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of the United States to insist on their rights. That Government, by doing only what it has itself acknowledged to be just, will be able to spare the United States the necessity of taking redress into their own hands and save the property of French citizens from that seizure and sequestration which American citizens so long endured without retaliation or redress. If she should continue to refuse that act of acknowledged justice and, in violation of the law of nations, make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities against the United States, she would but add violence to injustice, and could not fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations and to the retributive judgments of Heaven. Collision with France is the more to be regretted on account of the position she occupies in Europe in relation to liberal institutions, but in maintaining our national rights and honor all governments are alike to us. If by a collision with France in a case where she is clearly in the wrong the march of liberal principles shall be impeded, the responsibility for that result as well as every other will rest on her own head. Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to Congress to decide whether after what has taken place it will still await the further action of the French Chambers or now adopt such provisional measures as it may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights and maintain the honor of the country. What ever that decision may be, it will be faithfully enforced by the Executive as far as he is authorized so to do. According to the estimate of the Treasury Department, the revenue accruing from all sources during the present year will amount to $20,624,717, which, with the balance remaining in the Treasury on 1834-01-01 of $11,702,905, produces an aggregate of $32,327,623. The total expenditure during the year for all objects, including the public debt, is estimated at $25,591,390, which will leave a balance in the Treasury on 1835-01-01 of $6,736,232. In this balance, however, will be included about $1,150,000 of what was heretofore reported by the Department as not effective. Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will remain unexpended at the close of the year $8,002,925, and that of this sum there will not be required more than $5,141,964 to accomplish the objects of all the current appropriations. Thus it appears that after satisfying all those appropriations and after discharging the last item of our public debt, which will be done on 1835-01-01, there will remain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of about $440,000. That such should be the aspect of our finances is highly flattering to the industry and enterprise of our population and auspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the future cultivation of their growing resources. It is not deemed prudent, however, to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates, the effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not being sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount of revenue which they will produce. Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with no complicated interests to consult in our intercourse with foreign powers, the present may be hailed as the epoch in our history the most favorable for the settlement of those principles in our domestic policy which shall be best calculated to give stability to our Republic and secure the blessings of freedom to our citizens. Among these principles, from our past experience, it can not be doubted that simplicity in the character of the Federal Government and a rigid economy in its administration should be regarded as fundamental and sacred. All must be sensible that the existence of the public debt, by rendering taxation necessary for its extinguishment, has increased the difficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing power, and that it was in this respect a remote agent in producing those disturbing questions which grew out of the discussions relating to the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties, the obligations of which all portions of the Union cheerfully acknowledged, it must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the burdens of Government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of preserving its true character. While we are felicitating ourselves, therefore, upon the extinguishment of the national debt and the prosperous state of our finances, let us not be tempted to depart from those sound maxims of public policy which enjoin a just adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures that are consistent with a rigid economy and an entire abstinence from all topics of legislation that are not clearly within the constitutional powers of the Government and suggested by the wants of the country. Properly regarded under such a policy, every diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives to individual enterprise increased power and furnishes to all the members of our happy Confederacy new motives for patriotic affection and support. But above all, its most important effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the Government by confining its action to those objects which will be sure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow citizens. Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of Congress to the Bank of the United States. Created for the convenience of the Government, that institution has become the scourge of the people. Its interference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debt that it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose to strengthen it in a political contest, the extraordinary extension and contraction of its accommodations to the community, its corrupt and partisan loans, its exclusion of the public directors from a knowledge of its most important proceedings, the unlimited authority conferred on the president to expend its funds in hiring writers and procuring the execution of printing, and the use made of that authority, the retention of the pension money and books after the selection of new agents, the groundless claim to heavy damages in consequence of the protest of the bill drawn on the French Government, have through various channels been laid before Congress. Immediately after the close of the last session the bank, through its president, announced its ability and readiness to abandon the system of unparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchanges which it had practiced upon from 1833-08-01 to 1834-06-30, and to extend its accommodations to the community. The grounds assumed in this annunciation amounted to an acknowledgment that the curtailment, in the extent to which it had been carried, was not necessary to the safety of the bank, and had been persisted in merely to induce Congress to grant the prayer of the bank in its memorial relative to the removal of the deposits and to give it a new charter. They were substantially a confession that all the real distresses which individuals and the country had endured for the preceding 6 or 8 months had been needlessly produced by it, with the view of affecting through the sufferings of the people the legislative action of Congress. It is subject of congratulation that Congress and the country had the virtue and firmness to bear the infliction, that the energies of our people soon found relief from this wanton tyranny in vast importations of th eprecious metals from almost every part of the world, and that at the close of this tremendous effort to control our Government the bank found itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplus means. The community had learned to manage its affairs without its assistance, and trade had already found new auxiliaries, so that on 1834-10-01 the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a national more than half of whose capital was either lying unproductive in its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers. To the needless distresses brought on the country during the last session of Congress has since been added the open seizure of the dividends on the public stock to the amount of $170,041, under pretense of paying damages, cost, and interest upon the protested French bill. This sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year 1834, upon which the appropriations made by Congress were based. It would as soon have been expected that our collectors would seize on the customs or the receivers of our land offices on the moneys arising from the sale of public lands under pretenses of claims against the United States as that the bank would have retained the dividends. Indeed, if the principle be established that any one who chooses to set up a claim against the United States may without authority of law seize on the public property or money wherever he can find it to pay such claim, there will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the Treasury or that it will be applied after the appropriation to the purposes designated in the law. The pay masters of our Army and the pursers of our Navy may under like pretenses apply to their own use moneys appropriated to set in motion the public force, and in time of war leave the country without defense. This measure resorted to by the bank is disorganizing and revolutionary, and if generally resorted to by private citizens in like cases would fill the land with anarchy and violence. It is a constitutional provision   . The palpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of the public money for any purpose what so ever which shall not have been 1st approved by the representatives of the people and the States in Congress assembled. It vests the power of declaring for what purposes the public money shall be expended in the legislative department of the Government, to the exclusion of the executive and judicial, and it is not within the constitutional authority of either of those departments to pay it away without law or to sanction its payment. According to this plain constitutional provision, the claim of the bank can never be paid without an appropriation by act of Congress. But the bank has never asked for an appropriation. It attempts to defeat the provision of the Constitution and obtain payment without an act of Congress. Instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both Houses and approved by the President, it makes an appropriation for itself and invites an appeal to the judiciary to sanction it. That the money had not technically been paid into the Treasury does not affect the principle intended to be established by the Constitution. The Executive and the judiciary have as little right to appropriate and expend the public money without authority of law before it is placed to the credit of the Treasury as to take it from the Treasury. In the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and in his correspondence with the president of the bank, and the opinions of the Attorney General accompanying it, you will find a further examination of the claims of the bank and the course it has pursued. It seems due to the safety of the public   funds remaining in that bank and to the honor of the American people that measures be taken to separate the Government entirely from an institution so mischievous to the public prosperity and so regardless of the Constitution and laws. By transferring the public deposits, by appointing other pension agents as far as it had the power, by ordering the discontinuance of the receipt of bank checks in the payment of the public dues after 1834-01-01, the Executive has exerted all its lawful authority to sever the connection between the Government and this faithless corporation. The high-handed career of this institution imposes upon the constitutional functionaries of this Government duties of the gravest and most imperative character -- duties which they can not avoid and from which I trust there will be no inclination on the part of any of them to shrink. My own sense of them is most clear, as is also my readiness to discharge those which may rightfully fall on me. To continue any business relations with the Bank of the United States that may be avoided without a violation of the national faith after that institution has set at open defiance the conceded right of the Government to examine its affairs, after it has done all in its power to deride the public authority in other respects and to bring it into disrepute at home and abroad, after it has attempted to defeat the clearly expressed will of the people by turning against them the immense power intrusted to its hands and by involving a country otherwise peaceful, flourishing, and happy, in dissension, embarrassment, and distress, would make the nation itself a party to the degradation so sedulously prepared for itss public agents and do much to destroy the confidence of man-kind in popular governments and to bring into contempt their authority and efficiency. In guarding against an evil of such magnitude consideration of temprary convenience should be thrown out of the question, and we should be influenced by such motives only as look to the honor and preservation of the republican system. Deeply and solemnly impressed with the justice of these views, I feel it to be my duty to recommend to you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock; that the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of the bank in payment of public dues shall, in accordance with the power reserved to Congress in the 14th section of the charter, be suspended until the bank pays to the Treasury the dividends withheld, and that all laws connecting the Government or its officers with the bank, directly or indirectly, be repealed, and that the institution be left hereafter to its own resources and means. Events have satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the American people, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far over-balance all its advantages. The bold effort the present bank has made to control the Government, the distresses it has wantonly produced, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its observance of law and order, are but premonitions of the fate which awaits the American people should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it. It is fervently hoped that thus admonished those who have heretofore favored the establishment of a substitute for the present bank will be induced to abandon it, as it is evidently better to incur any inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Republic in any form what so ever or under any restrictions. Happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such an institution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of the Government. The State banks are found fully adequate to the performance of all services which were required of the Bank of the United States, quite as promptly and with the same cheapness. They have maintained themselves and discharged all these duties while the Bank of the United States was still powerful and in the field as an open enemy, and it is not possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties in their operations when that enemy shall cease to exist. The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the regulation of the deposits in the State banks by law. Although the power now exercised by the executive department in this behalf is only such as was uniformly exerted through every Administration from the origin of the Government up to the establishment of the present bank, yet it is one which is susceptible of regulation by law, and therefore ought so to be regulated. The power of Congress to direct in what places the Treasurer shall keep the moneys in the Treasury and to impose restrictions upon the Executive authority in relation to their custody and removal is unlimited, and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged by those public officers and agents on whom rests the responsibility for their safety. It is desirable that as little power as possible should be left to the President or the Secretary of the Treasury over those institutions, which, being thus freed from Executive influence, and without a common head to direct their operations, would have neither the temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflicts of the country. Not deriving their charters from the national authorities, they would never have those inducements to meddle in general elections which have led the Bank of the United States to agitate and convulse the country for upward of two years. The progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of the Mint, and promises in a short period to furnish the country with a sound and portable currency, which will much diminish the inconvenience to travelers of the want of a general paper currency should the State banks be incapable of furnishing it. Those institutions have already shown themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade at reasonable rates, and not a doubt is entertained that in a short period all the wants of the country in bank accommodations and exchange will be supplid as promptly and as cheaply as they have heretofore been by the Bank of the United States. If the several States shall be induced gradually to reform their banking systems and prohibit the issue of all small notes, we shall in a few years have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluctuations as any other commercial country. The report of the Secretary of War, together with the accompanying documents from the several bureaux of that Department, will exhibit the situation of the various objects committed to its administration. No event has occurred since your last session rendering necessary any movements of the Army, with the exception of the expedition of the regiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatory tribes inhabiting the western frontier and living adjacent to the Mexican boundary. These tribes have been heretofore known to us principally by their attacks upon our own citizens and upon other Indians entitled to the protection of the United States. It became necessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitual inroads, and I am happy to inform you that the object has been effected without the commission of any act of hostility. Colonel Dodge and the troops under his command have acted with equal firmness and humanity, and an arrangement has been made with those Indians which it is hoped will assure their permanent pacific relations with the United States and the other tribes of Indians upon that border. It is to be regretted that the prevalence of sickness in that quarter has deprived the country of a number of valuable lives, and particularly that General Leavenworth, an officer well known, and esteemed for his gallant services in the late war and for his subsequent good conduct, has fallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty. The Army is in a high state of discipline. Its moral condition, so far as that is known here, is good, and the various branches of the public service are carefully attended to. It is amply sufficient under its present organization for providing the necessary garrisons for the seaboard and for the defense of the internal frontier, and also for preserving the elements of military knowledge and for keeping pace with those improvements which modern experience is continually making. And these objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes for which a permanent military force should be maintained in our country. The lessons of history teach us its danger and the tendency which exists to an increase. This can be best met and averted by a just caution on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent them in Congress. From the duties which devolve on teh Engineer Department and upon the topographical engineers, a different organization seems to be demanded by the public interest, and I recommend the subject to your consideration. No important change has during this season taken place in the condition of the Indians. Arrangements are in progress for the removal of the Creeks, and will soon be for the removal of the Seminoles. I regret that the Cherokees east of the Mississippi have not yet determined as a community to remove. How long the personal causes which have heretofore retarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate I am unable to conjecture. It is certain, however, that delay will bring with it accumulated evils which will render their condition more and more unpleasant. The experience of every year adds to the conviction that emigration, and that alone, can preserve from destruction the remnant of the tribes yet living amongst us. The facility with which the necessaries of life are procured and the treaty stipulations providing aid for the emigrant Indians in their agricultural pursuits and in the important concern of education, and their removal from those causes which have heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of the tribes, can not fail to stimulate their exertions and to reward their industry. The two laws passed at the last session of Congress on the subject of Indian affairs have been carried into effect, and detailed instructions for their administration have been given. It will be seen by the estimates for the present session that a great reduction will take place in the expenditures of the Department in consequence of these laws, and there is reason to believe that their operation will be salutary and that the colonization of the Indians on the western frontier, together with a judicious system of administration, will still further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public service and at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency. Circumstances have been recently developed showing the existence of extensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and gratuities for Revolutionary services. It is impossible to estimate the amount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the National Treasury. I am satisfied, however, it has been such as to justify a re-examination of the system and the adoption of the necessary checks in its administration. All will agree that the services and sufferings of the remnant of our Revolutionary band should be fully compensated; but while this is done, every proper precaution should be taken to prevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims. In the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates of the judicial officers of the various States form   a considerable portion of the checks which are interposed against the commission of frauds. These, however, have been and may be fabricated, and in such a way as to elude detection at the examining offices. And independently of this practical difficulty, it is ascertained that these documents are often loosely granted; some times even blank certificates have been issued; some times prepared papers have been signed without inquiry, and in one instance, at least, the seal of the court has been within reach of a person most interested in its improper application. It is obvious that under such circumstances no severity of administration can check the abuse of the law. And information has from time to time been communicated to the Pension Office questioning or denying the right of persons placed upon the pension list to the bounty of the country. Such cautions are always attended to and examined, but a far more general investigation is called for, and I therefore recommend, in conformity with the suggestion of the Secretary of War, that an actual inspection should be made in each State into the circumstances and claims of every person now drawing a pension. The honest veteran has nothing to fear from such a scrutiny, while the fraudulent claimant will be detected and the public Treasury relieved to an amount, I have reason to believe, far greater than has heretofore been suspected. The details of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the necessary checks without any burdensome operation upon the pensioners. The object should be two-fold: This measure will, if adopted, be productive, I think, of the desired results, and I therefore recommend it to your consideration, with the further suggestion that all payments should be suspended 'til the necessary reports are received. It will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the documents transmitted to Congress that the appropriations for objects connected with the War Department, made at the last session, for the service of the year 1834, excluding the permanent appropriation for the payment of military gratuities under the act of 1832-06-07, the appropriation of $200,000 for arming and equipping the militia, and the appropriation of $10,000 for the civilization of the Indians, which are not annually renewed, amounted to the sum of $9,003,261, and that the estimates of appropriations necessary for the same branches of service for the year 1835 amount to the sum of $5,778,964, making a difference in the appropriations of the current year over the estimates of the appropriations for the next of $3,224,297. The principal causes which have operated at this time to produce this great difference are shown in the reports and documents and in the detailed estimates. Some of these causes are accidental and temporary, while others are permanent, and, aided by a just course of administration, may continue to operate beneficially upon the public expenditures. A just economy, expending where the public service requires and withholding where it does not, is among the indispensable duties of the Government. I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy and to the documents with it for a full view of the operations of that important branch of our service during the present year. It will be seen that the wisdom and liberality with which Congress has provided for the gradual increase of our navy material have been seconded by a corresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has been confided the execution of the laws on the subject, and that but a short period would be now required to put in commission a force large enough for any exigency into which the country may be thrown. When we reflect upon our position in relation to other nations, it must be apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must look chiefly to our Navy for the protection of our national rights. The wide seas which separate us from other Governments must of necessity be the theater on which an enemy will aim to assail us, and unless we are prepared to meet him on this element we can not be said to possess the power requisite to repel or prevent aggressions. We can not, therefore, watch with too much attention this arm of our defense, or cherish with too much care the means by which it can possess the necessary efficiency and extension. To this end our policy has been heretofore wisely directed to the constant employment of a force sufficient to guard our commerce, and to the rapid accumulation of the materials which are necessary to repair our vessels and construct with ease such new ones as may be required in a state of war. In accordance with this policy, I recommend to your consideration the erection of the additional dry dock described by the Secretary of the Navy, and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he has referred, for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries to the system of defense now in use. The report of the PostMaster General herewith submitted exhibits the condition and prospects of that Department. From that document it appears that there was a deficit in the funds of the Department at the commencement of the present year beyond its available means of $315,599.98, which on the first of July last (1834-07-01) had been reduced to $268,092.74. It appears also that the revenues for the coming year will exceed the expenditures about $270,000, which, with the excess of revenue which will result from the operations of the current half year, may be expected, independently of any increase in the gross amount of postages, to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835. But as this calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which had accrued within the period embraced by the times of striking the balances, it is obvious that without a progressive increase in the amount of postages the existing retrenchments must be persevered in through the year 1836 that the Department may accumulate a surplus fund sufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease. It will be observed that the revenues of the Post Office Department, though they have increased, and their amount is above that of any former year, have yet fallen short of the estimates more than $100,000. This is attributed in a great degree to the increase of free letters growing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege. There has been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to which it has been granted, and by an act passed in 1833-03, it was extended to members of Congress throughout the whole year. It is believed that a revision of the laws relative to the franking privilege, with some enactments to enforce more rigidly the restrictions under which it is granted, would operate beneficially to the country, by enabling the Department at an earlier period to restore the mail facilities that have been withdrawn, and to extend them more widely, as the growing settlements of the country may require. To a measure so important to the Government and so just to our constituents, who ask no exclusive privileges for themselves and are not willing to concede them to others, I earnestly recommend the serious attention of Congress. The importance of the Post Office Department and the magnitude to which it has grown, both in its revenues and in its operations, seem to demand its reorganization by law. The whole of its receipts and disbursements have hitherto been left entirely to Executive control and individual discretion. The principle is as sound in relation to this as to any other Department of the Government, that as little discretion should be confided to the executive officer who controls it as is compatible with its efficiency. It is therefore earnestly recommended that it be organized with an auditor and treasurer of its own, appointed by the President and Senate, who shall be branches of the Treasury Department. Your attention is again respectfully invited to the defect which exists in the judicial system of the United States. Nothing can be more desirable than the uniform operation of the Federal judiciary throughout the several States, all of which, standing on the same footing as members of the Union, have equal rights to the advantages and benefits resulting from its laws. This object is not attained by the judicial acts now in force, because they leave one quarter of the States without circuit courts. It is undoubtedly the duty of Congress to place all the States on the same footing in this respect, either by the creation of an additional number of associate judges or by an enlargement of the circuits assigned to those already appointed so as to include the new States. What ever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of the judicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in all parts of the Union and at the same time to avoid such an increase of judges as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, it should not be allowed to weigh against the great injustice which the present operation of the system produces. I trust that I may be also pardoned for renewing the recommendation I have so often submitted to your attention in regard to the mode of electing the President and Vice President of the United States. All the reflection I have been able to bestow upon the subject increases my conviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted by the adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies that important right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people. Could this be attained, and the terms of those officers be limited to a single period of either four or six years, I think our liberties would possess an additional safeguard. At your last session I called the attention of Congress to the destruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department. As the public interest requires that another building should be erected with as little delay as possible, it is hoped that the means will be seasonably provided and that they will be ample enough to authorize such an enlargement and improvement in the plan of the building as will more effectually accommodate the public officers and secure the public documents deposited in it from the casualties of fire. I have not been able to satisfy myself that the bill entitled   , which was sent to me at the close of your last session, ought to pass, and I have therefore withheld from it my approval and now return it to the Senate, the body in which it originated. There can be no question connected with the administration of public affairs more important or more difficult to be satisfactorily dealth with than that which relates to the rightful authority and proper action of the Federal Government upon the subject of internal improvements. To inherent embarrassments have been added others resulting from the course of our legislation concerning it. I have heretofore communicated freely with Congress upon this subject, and in adverting to it again I can not refrain from expressing my increased conviction of its extreme importance as well in regard to its bearing upon the maintenance of the Constitution and the prudent management of the public revenue as on account of its disturbing effect upon the harmony of the Union. We are in no danger from violations of the Constitution by which encroachments are made upon the personal rights of the citizen. The sentence of condemnation long since pronounced by the American people upon acts of that character will, I doubt not, continue to prove as salutary in its effects as it is irreversible in its nature. But against the dangers of unconstitutional acts which, instead of menacing the vengeance of offended authority, proffer local advantages and bring in their train the patronage of the Government, we are, I fear, not so safe. To suppose that because our Government has been instituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have the power to do what ever may seem to conduce to the public good is an error into which even honest minds are too apt to fall. In yielding themselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations in which the Federal Constitution was founded. They forget that in consequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and condition of the different States it was foreseen at the period of its adoption that although a particular measure of the Government might be beneficial and proper in 1 State it might be the reverse in another; that it was for this reason the States would not consent to make a grant to the Federal Government of the general and usual powers of government, but of such only as were specifically enumerated, and the probable effects of which they could, as they thought, safely anticipate; and they forget also the paramount obligation upon all to abide by the compact then so solemnly and, as it was hoped, so firmly established. In addition to the dangers to the Constitution springing from the sources I have stated, there has been one which was perhaps greater than all. I allude to the materials which this subject has afforded for sinister appeals to selfish feelings, and the opinion heretofore so extensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of personal ambition. With such stimulus it is not surprising that the acts and pretensions of the Federal Government in this behalf should some times have been carried to an alarming extent. The questions which have arisen upon this subject have related -- The claims of power for the General Government upon each of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest. The first is, however, of much the greatest importance, in as much as, in addition to the dangers of unequal and improvident expenditures of public moneys common to all, there is super-added to that the conflicting jurisdictions of the respective governments. Federal jurisdiction, at least to the extent I have stated, has been justly regarded by its advocates as necessarily appurtenant to the power in question, if that exists by the Constitution. That the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between the respective jurisdictions of the State and Federal Governments in the absence of a constitutional provision marking out their respective boundaries can not be doubted. The local advantages to be obtained would induce the States to overlook in the beginning the dangers and difficulties to which they might ultimately be exposed. The powers exercised by the Federal Government would soon be regarded with jealousy by the State authorities, and originating as they must from implication or assumption, it would be impossible to affix to them certain and safe limits. Opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatible with State sovereignty would be increased and those barriers which resist the tendency of our system toward consolidation greatly weakened. The officers and agents of the General Government might not always have the discretion to abstain from intermeddling with State concerns, and if they did they would not always escape the suspicion of having done so. Collisions and consequent irritations would spring up; that harmony which should ever exist between the General Government and each member of the Confederacy would be frequently interrupted; a spirit of contention would be engendered and the dangers of disunion greatly multiplied. Yet we know that not withstanding these grave objections this dangerous doctrine was at one time apparently proceeding to its final establishment with fearful rapidity. The desier to embark the Federal Government in works of internal improvement prevailed in the highest degree during the first session of the first Congress that I had the honor to meet in my present situation. When the bill authorizing a subscription on the part of the United States for stock in the Maysville and Lexington TurnPike Company passed the two houses, there had been reported by the Committees of Internal Improvements bills containing appropriations for such objects, inclusive of those for the Cumberland road and for harbors and light houses, to the amount of $106,000,000. In this amount was included authority to the Secretary of the Treasury to subscribe for the stock of different companies to a great extent, and the residue was principally for the direct construction of roads by this Government. In addition to these projects, which had been presented to the two Houses under the sanction and recommendation of their respective Committees on Internal Improvements, there were then still pending before the committees, and in memorials to Congress presented but not referred, different projects for works of a similar character, the expense of which can not be estimated with certainty, but must have exceeded $100,000,000. Regarding the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington TurnPike Company as the entering wedge of a system which, however weak at first, might soon become strong enough to rive the bands of the Union asunder, and believing that if its passage was acquiesced in by the Executive and the people there would no longer be any limitation upon the authority of the General Government in respect to the appropriation of money for such objects, I deemed it an imperative duty to withhold from it the Executive approval. Although from the obviously local character of that work I might well have contented myself with a refusal to approve the bill upon that ground, yet sensible of the vital importance of the subject, and anxious that my views and opinions in regard to the whole matter should be fully understood by Congress and by my constituents, I felt it my duty to go further. I therefore embraced that early occasion to apprise Congress that in my opinion the Constitution did not confer upon it the power to authorize the construction of ordinary roads and canals within the limits of a State and to say, respectfully, that no bill admitting such a power could receive my official sanction. I did so in the confident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mind upon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the difference between the 2 Houses and myself, and that the harmonious action of the several departments of the Federal Government in regard to it would be ultimately secured. So far, at least, as it regards this branch of the subject, my best hopes have been realized. Nearly four years have elapsed, and several sessions of Congress have intervened, and no attempt within my recollection has been made to induce Congress to exercise this power. The applications for the construction of roads and canals which were formerly multiplied upon your files are no longer presented, and we have good reason to infer that the current public sentiment has become so decided against the pretension as effectually to discourage its reassertion. So thinking, I derive the greatest satisfaction from the conviction that thus much at least has been secured upon this important and embarrassing subject. From attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which are confessedly of a local character we can not, I trust, have anything further to apprehend. My views in regard to the expediency of making appropriations for works which are claimed to be of a national character and prosecuted under State authority -- assuming that Congress have the right to do so -- were stated in my annual message to Congress in 1830, and also in that containing my objections to the Maysville road bill. So thoroughly convinced am I that no such appropriations ought to be made by Congress until a suitable constitutional provision is made upon the subject, and so essential do I regard the point to the highest interests of our country, that I could not consider myself as discharging my duty to my constituents in giving the Executive sanction to any bill containing such an appropriation. If the people of the United States desire that the public Treasury shall be resorted to for the means to prosecute such works, they will concur in an amendment of the Constitution prescribing a rule by which the national character of the works is to be tested, and by which the greatest practicable equality of benefits may be secured to each member of the Confederacy. The effects of such a regulation would be most salutary in preventing unprofitable expenditures, in securing our legislation from the pernicious consequences of a scramble for the favors of Government, and in repressing the spirit of discontent which must inevitably arise from an unequal distribution of treasures which belong alike to all. There is another class of appropriations for what may be called, without impropriety, internal improvements, which have always been regarded as standing upon different grounds from those to which I have referred. I allude to such as have for their object the improvement of our harbors, the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, for the facility and security of our foreign commerce. The grounds upon which I distinguished appropriations of this character from others have already been stated to Congress. I will now only add that at the 1st session of Congress under the new Constitution it was provided by law that all expenses which should accrue from and after the 15th day of August, 1789, in the necessary support and maintenance and repairs of all light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers erected, placed, or sunk before the passage of the act within any bay, inlet, harbor, or port of the United States, for rendering the navigation thereof easy and safe, should be defrayed out of the Treasury of the United States, and, further, that it should be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contracts, with the approbation of the President, for rebuilding when necessary and keeping in good repair the light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers in the several States, and for furnishing them with supplies. Appropriations for similar objects have been continued from that time to the present without interruption or dispute. As a natural consequence of the increase and extension of our foreign commerce, ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied and established, not only upon our sea-board but in the interior of the country upon our lakes and navigable rivers. The convenience and safety of this commerce have led to the gradual extension of these expenditures; to the erection of light houses, the placing, planting, and sinking of buoys, beacons, and piers, and to the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers and in the harbors upon our Great Lakes as well as on the sea-board. Although I have expressed to Congress my apprehension that these expenditures have some times been extravagant and disproportionate to the advantages to be derived from them, I have not gelt it to be my duty to refuse my assent to bills containing them, and have contented myself to follow in this respect in the foot-steps of all my predecessors. Sensible, however, from experience and observation of the great abuses to which the unrestricted exercise of this authority by Congress was exposed, I have prescribed a limitation for the government of my own conduct by which expenditures of this character are confined to places below the ports of entry or delivery established by law. I am very sentible that this restriction is not as satisfactory as could be desired, and that much embarrassment may be caused to the executive department in its execution by appropriations for remote and not well-understood objects. But as neither my own reflections nor the lights which I may properly derive from other sources have supplied me with a better, I shall continue to apply my best exertions to a faithful application of the rule upon which it is founded. I sincerely regret that I could not give my assent to the bill entitled:   ; but I could not have done so without receding from the ground which I have, upon the fullest consideration, taken upon this subject, and of which Congress has been heretofore apprised, and without throwing the subject again open to abuses which no good citizen entertaining my opinions could desire. I rely upon the intelligence and candor of my fellow citizens, in whose liberal indulgence I have already so largely participated, for a correct appreciation on my motives in interposing as I have done on this and other occasions checks to a course of legislation which, without in the slightest degree calling in question the motives of others, I consider as sanctioning improper and unconstitutional expenditures of public treasure. I am not hostile to internal improvements, and wish to see them extended to every part of the country. But I am fully persuaded, if they are not commenced in a proper manner, confined to proper objects, and conducted under an authority generally conceded to be rightful, that a successful prosecution of them can not be reasonably expected. The attempt will meet with resistance where it might otherwise receive support, and instead of strengthening the bonds of our Confederacy it will only multiply and aggravate the causes of disunion.
In performing my duty at the opening of your present session it gives me pleasure to congratulate you again upon the prosperous condition of our beloved country. Divine Providence has favored us with general health, with rich rewards in the fields of agriculture and in every branch of labor, and with peace to cultivate and extend the various resources which employ the virtue and enterprise of our citizens. Let us trust that in surveying a scene so flattering to our free institutions our joint deliberations to preserve them may be crowned with success. Our foreign relations continue, with but few exceptions, to maintain the favorable aspect which they bore in my last annual message, and promise to extend those advantages which the principles that regulate our intercourse with other nations are so well calculated to secure. The question of our North East boundary is still pending with Great Britain, and the proposition made in accordance with the resolution of the Senate for the establishment of a line according to the treaty of 1783 has not been accepted by that Government. Believing that every disposition is felt on both sides to adjust this perplexing question to the satisfaction of all the parties interested in it, the hope is yet indulged that it may be effected on the basis of that proposition. With the Governments of Austria, Russia, Prussia, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark the best understanding exists. Commerce with all is fostered and protected by reciprocal good will under the sanction of liberal conventional or legal provisions. In the midst of her internal difficulties the Queen of Spain has ratified the convention for the payment of the claims of our citizens arising since 1819. It is in the course of execution on her part, and a copy of it is now laid before you for such legislation as may be found necessary to enable those interested to derive the benefits of it. Yielding to the force of circumstances and to the wise counsels of time and experience, that power has finally resolved no longer to occupy the unnatural position in which she stood to the new Governments established in this hemisphere. I have the great satisfaction of stating to you that in preparing the way for the restoration of harmony between those who have sprung from the same ancestors, who are allied by common interests, profess the same religion, and speak the same language the United States have been actively instrumental. Our efforts to effect this good work will be persevered in while they are deemed useful to the parties and our entire disinterestedness continues to be felt and understood. The act of Congress to countervail the discriminating duties to the prejudice of our navigation levied in Cuba and Puerto Rico has been transmitted to the minister of the United States at Madrid, to be communicated to the Government of the Queen. No intelligence of its receipt has yet reached the Department of State. If the present condition of the country permits the Government to make a careful and enlarged examination of the true interests of these important portions of its dominions, no doubt is entertained that their future intercourse with the United States will be placed upon a more just and liberal basis. The Florida archives have not yet been selected and delivered. Recent orders have been sent to the agent of the United States at Havana to return with all that he can obtain, so that they may be in Washington before the session of the Supreme Court, to be used in the legal questions there pending to which the Government is a party. Internal tranquillity is happily restored to Portugal. The distracted state of the country rendered unavoidable the postponement of a final payment of the just claims of our citizens. Our diplomatic relations will be soon resumed, and the long-subsisting friendship with that power affords the strongest guaranty that the balance due will receive prompt attnetion. The first installment due under the convention of indemnity with the King of the Two Sicilies has been duly received, and an offer has been made to extinguish the whole by a prompt payment -- an offer I did not consider myself authorized to accept, as the indemnification provided is the exclusive property of individual citizens of the United States. The original adjustment of our claims and the anxiety displayed to fulfill at once the stipulations made for the payment of them are highly honorable to the Government of the Two Sicilies. When it is recollected that they were the result of the injustice of an intrusive power temporarily dominant in its territory, a repugnance to acknowledge and to pay which would have been neither unnatural nor unexpected, the circumstances can not fail to exalt its character for justice and good faith in the eyes of all nations. The treaty of amity and commerce between the United States and Belgium, brought to your notice in my last annual message as sanctioned by the Senate, but the ratifications of which had not been exchanged owing to a delay in its reception at Brussels and a subsequent absence of the Belgian minister of foreign affairs, has been, after mature deliberation, finally disavowed by that Government as inconsistent with the powers and instructions given to their minister who negotiated it. This disavowal was entirely unexpected, as the liberal principles embodied in the convention, and which form the ground-work of the objections to it, were perfectly satisfactory to the Belgian representative, and were supposed to be not only within the powers granted, but expressly conformable to the instructions given to him. An offer, not yet accepted, has been made by Belgium to renew negotiations for a treaty less liberal in its provisions on questions of general maritime law. Our newly established relations with the Sublime Porte promise to be useful to our commerce and satisfactory in every respect to this Government. Our intercourse with the Barbary Powers continues without important change, except that the present political state of Algiers has induced me to terminate the residence there of a salaried consul and to substitute an ordinary consulate, to remain so long as the place continues in the possession of France. Our first treaty with one of these powers, the Emperor of Morocco, was formed in 1786, and was limited to fifty years. That period has almost expired. I shall take measures to renew it with the greater satisfaction as its stipulations are just and liberal and have been, with mutual fidelity and reciprocal advantage, scrupulously fulfilled. Intestine dissensions have too frequently occurred to mar the prosperity, interrupt the commerce, and distract the governments of most of the nations of this hemisphere which have separated themselves from Spain. When a firm and permanent understanding with the parent country shall have produced a formal acknowledgment of their independence, and the idea of danger from that quarter can be no longer entertained, the friends of freedom expect that those countries, so favored by nature, will be distinguished for their love of justice and their devotion to those peaceful arts the assiduous cultivation of which confers honor upon nations and gives value to human life. In the mean time I confidently hope that the apprehensions entertained that some of the people of these luxuriant regions may be tempted, in a moment of unworthy distrust of their own capacity for the enjoyment of liberty, to commit the too common error of purchasing present repose by bestowing on some favorite leaders the fatal gift of irresponsible power will not be realized. With all these Governments and with that of Brazil no unexpected changes in our relations have occurred during the present year. Frequent causes of just complaint have arisen upon the part of the citizens of the United States, some times from the irregular action of the constituted subordinate authorities of the maritime regions and some times from the leaders or partisans of those in arms against the established Governments. In all cases representations have been or will be made, and as soon as their political affairs are in a settled position it is expected that our friendly remonstrances will be followed by adequate redress. The Government of Mexico made known in [1833] December last the appointment of commissioners and a surveyor on its part to run, in conjunction with ours, the boundary line between its territories and the United States, and excused the delay for the reasons anticipated -- the prevalence of civil war. The commissioners and surveyors not having met within the time stipulated by the treaty, a new arrangement became necessary, and our chargé d'affaires was instructed in [1833] January to negotiate in Mexico an article additional to the pre-existing treaty. This instruction was acknowledged, and no difficulty was apprehended in the accomplishment of that object. By information just received that additional article to the treaty will be obtained and transmitted to this country as soon as it can receive the ratification of the Mexican Congress. The reunion of the three States of New Grenada, Venezuela, and Equador, forming the Republic of Colombia, seems every day to become more improbable. The commissioners of the two first are understood to be now negotiating a just division of the obligations contracted by them when united under one government. The civil war in Equador, it is believed, has prevented even the appointment of a commissioner on its part. I propose at an early day to submit, in the proper form, the appointment of a diplomatic agent to Venezuela, the importance of the commerce of that country to the United States and the large claims of our citizens upon the Government arising before and since the division of Colombia rendering it, in my judgment, improper longer to delay this step. Our representatives to Central America, Peru, and Brazil are either at or on their way to their respective posts. From the Argentine Republic, from which a minister was expected to this Government, nothing further has been heard. Occasion has been taken on the departure of a new consul to Buenos Ayres to remind that Government that its long delayed minister, whose appointment had been made known to us, had not arrived. It becomes my unpleasant duty to inform you that this pacific and highly gratifying picture of our foreign relations does not include those with France at this time. It is not possible that any Government and people could be more sincerely desirous of conciliating a just and friendly intercourse with another nation than are those of the United States with their ancient ally and friend. This disposition is founded as well on the most grateful and honorable recollections associated with our struggle for independence as upon a well grounded conviction that it is consonant with the true policy of both. The people of the United States could not, therefore, see without the deepest regret even a temporary interruption of the friendly relations between the two countries -- a regret which would, I am sure, be greatly aggravated if there should turn out to be any reasonable ground for attributing such a result to any act of omission or commission on our part. I derive, therefore, the highest satisfaction from being able to assure you that the whole course of this Government has been characterized by a spirit so conciliatory and forbearing as to make it impossible that our justice and moderation should be questioned, what ever may be the consequences of a longer perseverance on the part of the French Government in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our citizens. The history of the accumulated and unprovoked aggressions upon our commerce committed by authority of the existing Governments of France between the years 1800 and 1817 has been rendered too painfully familiar to Americans to make its repetition either necessary or desirable. It will be sufficient here to remark that there has for many years been scarcely a single administration of the French Government by whom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens to indemnity were not to a very considerable extent admitted, and yet near a quarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotiations to secure it. Deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state of things upon the interests and character of both nations, I regarded it as among my first duties to because one more effort to be made to satisfy France that a just and liberal settlement of our claims was as well due to her own honor as to their incontestable validity. The negotiation for this purpose was commenced with the late Government of France, and was prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground to doubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that which was subsequently made would have been effected had not the revolution by which the negotiation was cut off taken place. The discussions were resumed with the present Government, and the result showed that we were not wrong in supposing that an event by which the two Governments were made to approach each other so much nearer in their political principles, and by which the motives for the most liberal and friendly intercourse were so greatly multiplied, could exercise no other than a salutary influence upon the negotiation. After the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subject a treaty between the two Governments was concluded and signed at Paris on 1831-07-04, by which it was stipulated that ; and it was also stipulated on the part of the French Government that this 25,000,000 francs should "be paid at Paris, in six annual installments of 4,166,666 francs and 66 centimes each, into the hands of such person or persons , the first installment to be paid It was also stipulated on the part of the United States, for the purpose of being completely liberated from all the reclamations presented by France on behalf of its citizens, that the sum of 1,500,000 francs should be paid to the Government of France in six annual installments, to be deducted out of the annual sums which France had agreed to pay, interest thereupon being in like manner computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifications. In addition to this stipulation, important advantages were secured to France by the following article, viz: The wines of France, from and after the exchange of the ratifications of the present conventions, shall be admitted to consumption in the States of the Union at duties which shall not exceed the following rates by the gallon (such as it is used at present for wines in the US), to wit: 6 cents for red wines in casks; 10 cents for white wines in casks, and 22 cents for wines of all sorts in bottles. The proportions existing between the duties on French wines thus reduced and the general rates of the tariff which went into operation 1829-01-01, shall be maintained in case the Government of the United States should think proper to diminish those general rates in a new tariff. In consideration of this stipulation, which shall be binding on the United States for 10 years, the French Government abandons the reclamations which it had formed in relation to the 8th article of the treaty of cession of Louisiana. It engages, moreover, to establish on the long-staple cottons of the United States which after the exchange of the ratifications of the present convention shall be brought directly thence to France by the vessels of the US or by French vessels the same duties as on short-staple cotton. This treaty was duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the constitutions of both countries, and the ratification was exchanged at the city of Washington on 1832-02-02. On account of its commercial stipulations it was in five days thereafter laid before the Congress of the United States, which proceeded to enact such laws favorable to the commerce of France as were necessary to carry it into full execution, and France has from that period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of the valuable privileges that were thus secured to her. The faith of the French nation having been thus solemnly pledged through its constitutional organ for the liquidation and ultimate payment of the long deferred claims of our citizens, as also for the adjustment of other points of great and reciprocal benefits to both countries, and the United States having, with a fidelity and promptitude by which their conduct will, I trust, be always characterized, done every thing that was necessary to carry the treaty into full and fair effect on their part, counted with the most perfect confidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the French Government. In this reasonable expectation we have been, I regret to inform you, wholly disappointed. No legislative provision has been made by France for the execution of the treaty, either as it respects the indemnity to be paid or the commercial benefits to be secured to the United States, and the relations between the United States and that power in consequence thereof are placed in a situation threatening to interrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happily existed between the two nations. Not only has the French Government been thus wanting in the performance of the stipulations it has so solemnly entered into with the United States, but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which would seem to leave us without satisfactory evidences that such performance will certainly take place at a future period. Advice of the exchange of ratifications reached Paris prior to 1832-04-08. The French Chambers were then sitting, and continued in session until 1832-04-21, and although one installment of the indemnity was payable on 1833-02-02, one year after the exchange of ratifications, no application was made to the Chambers for the required appropriation, and in consequence of no appropriation having then been made the draft of the United States Government for that installment was dishonored by the minister of finance, and the United States thereby involved in much controversy. The next session of the Chambers commenced on 1832-11-19, and continued until 1833-04-25. Not withstanding the omission to pay the first installment had been made the subject of earnest remonstrance on our part, the treaty with the United States and a bill making the necessary appropriations to execute it were not laid before the Chamber of Deputies until 1833-04-06, nearly five months after its meeting, and only nineteen days before the close of the session. The bill was read and referred to a committee, but there was no further action upon it. The next session of the Chambers commenced on 1833-04-26, and continued until 1833-06-26. A new bill was introduced on 1833-06-11, but nothing important was done in relation to it during the session. In 1834 April, nearly three years after the signature of the treaty, the final action of the French Chambers upon the bill to carry the treaty into effect was obtained, and resulted in a refusal of the necessary appropriations. The avowed grounds upon which the bill was rejected are to be found in the published debates of that body, and no observations of mine can be necessary to satisfy Congress of their utter insufficiency. Although the gross amount of the claims of our citizens is probably greater than will be ultimately allowed by the commissioners, sufficient is, never the less, shown to render it absolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the actual amount of our just claims, independently of the question of damages and interest for the detention. That the settlement involved a sacrifice in this respect was well known at the time -- a sacrifice which was cheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the Federal Government, whose action upon the treaty was required from a sincere desire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subject and in the confident expectation that the general relations between the two countries would be improved thereby. The refusal to vote the appropriation, the news of which was received from our minister in Paris about 1834-05-15, might have been considered the final determination of the French Government not to execute the stipulations of the treaty, and would have justified an immediate communication of the facts to Congress, with a recommendation of such ultimate measures as the interest and honor of the United States might seem to require. But with the news of the refusal of the Chambers to make the appropriation were conveyed the regrets of the King and a declaration that a national vessel should be forthwith sent out with instructions to the French minister to give the most ample explanations of the past and the strongest assurances for the future. After a long passage the promised dispatch vessel arrived. The pledges given by the French minister upon receipt of his instructions were that as soon after the election of the new members as the charter would permit the legislative Chambers of France should be called together and the proposition for an appropriation laid before them; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his cabinet should be exerted to accomplish the object, and that the result should be made known early enough to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of the present session. Relying upon these pledges, and not doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims, the promised exertions of the King and his cabinet, and, above all, that sacred regard for the national faith and honor for which the French character has been so distinguished would secure an early execution of the treaty in all its parts, I did not deem it necessary to call the attention of Congress to the subject at the last session. I regret to say that the pledges made through the minister of France have not been redeemed. The new Chambers met on 1834-07-31, and although the subject of fulfilling treaties was alluded to in the speech from the throne, no attempt was made by the King or his cabinet to procure an appropriation to carry it into execution. The reasons given for this omission, although they might be considered sufficient in an ordinary case, are not consistent with the expectations founded upon the assurances given here, for there is no constitutional obstacle to entering into legislative business at the first meeting of the Chambers. This point, however, might have been over-looked had not the Chambers, instead of being called to meet at so early a day that the result of their deliberations might be communicated to me before the meeting of Congress, been prorogued to 1834-12-29 -- a period so late that their decision can scarcely be made known to the present Congress prior to its dissolution. To avoid this delay our minister in Paris, in virtue of the assurance given by the French minister in the United States, strongly urged the convocation of the Chambers at an earlier day, but without success. It is proper to remark, however, that this refusal has been accompanied with the most positive assurances on the part of the executive government of France of their intention to press the appropriation at the ensuing session of the Chambers. The executive branch of this Government has, as matters stand, exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is invested and which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed. The idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execute the treaty will not, I am confident, be for a moment entertained by any branch of this Government, and further negotiation upon the subject is equally out of the question. If it shall be the pleasure of Congress to await the further action of the French Chambers, no further consideration of the subject will at this session probably be required at your hands. But if from the original delay in asking for an appropriation, from the refusal of the Chambers to grant it when asked, from the omission to bring the subject before the Chambers at their last session, from the fact that, including that session, there have been five different occasions when the appropriation might have been made, and from the delay in convoking the Chambers until some weeks after the meeting of Congress, when it was well known that a communication of the whole subject to Congress at the last session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposed of before its present meeting, you should feel yourselves constrained to doubt whether it be the intention of the French Government, in all its branches, to carry the treaty into effect, and think that such measures as the occasion may be deemed to call for should be now adopted, the important question arises what those measures shall be. Our institutions are essentially pacific. Peace and friendly intercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our Government as they are the interest of our people. But these objects are not to be permanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens or permitting solemn treaties for their indemnity, in cases of flagrant wrong, to be abrogated or set aside. It is undoubtedly in the power of Congress seriously to affect the agricultural and manufacturing interests of France by the passage of laws relating to her trade with the United States. Her products, manufactures, and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in our ports, or all commercial intercourse with her may be suspended. But there are powerful and to my mind conclusive objections to this mode of proceeding. We can not embarrass or cut off the trade of France without at the same time in some degree embarrassing or cutting off our own trade. The injury of such a warfare must fall, though unequally, upon our own citizens, and could not but impair the means of the Government and weaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honor of the nation which must now pervade every bosom. Nor is it impossible that such a course of legislation would introduce once more into our national councils those disturbing questions in relation to the tariff of duties which have been so recently put to rest. Besides, by every measure adopted by the Government of the United Sstates with the view of injuring France the clear perception of right which will induce our own people and the rulers and people of all other nations, even of France herself, to pronounce our quarrel just will be obscured and the support rendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more limited and equivocal. There is but one point of controversy, and upon that the whole civilized world must pronounce France to be in the wrong. We insist that she shall pay us a sum of money which she has acknowledged to be due, and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion among mankind. True policy would seem to dictate that the question at issue should be kept thus disencumbered and that not the slightest pretense should be given to France to persist in her refusal to make payment by any act on our part affecting the interests of her people. The question should be left, as it is now, in such an attitude that when France fulfills her treaty stipulations all controversy will be at an end. It is my conviction that the United States ought to insist on a prompt execution of the treaty, and in case it be refused or longer delayed take redress into their own hands. After the delay on the part of France of a quarter of a century in acknowledging these claims by treaty, it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century is to be wasted in negotiating about the payment. The laws of nations provide a remedy for such occasions. It is a well-settled principle of the international code that where one nation owes another a liquidated debt which it refuses or neglects to pay the aggrieved party may seize on the property belonging to the other, its citizens or subjects, sufficient to pay the debt without giving just because of war. This remedy has been repeatedly resorted to, and recently by France herself toward Portugal, under circumstances less unquestionable. The time at which resort should be had to this or any other mode of redress is a point to be decided by Congress. If an appropriation shall not be made by the French Chambers at their next session, it may justly be concluded that the Government of France has finally determined to disregard its own solemn undertaking and refuse to pay an acknowledged debt. In that event every day's delay on our part will be a stain upon our national honor, as well as a denial of justice to our injured citizens. Prompt measures, when the refusal of France shall be complete, will not only be most honorable and just, but will have the best effect upon our national character. Since France, in violation of the pledges given through her minister here, has delayed her final action so long that her decision will not probably be known in time to be communicated to this Congress, I recommend that a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon French property in case provision shall not be made for the payment of the debt at the approaching session of the French Chambers. Her pride and power are too well known to expect any thing from her fears and preclude the necessity of a declaration that nothing partaking of the character of intimidation is intended by us. She ought to look upon it as the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of the United States to insist on their rights. That Government, by doing only what it has itself acknowledged to be just, will be able to spare the United States the necessity of taking redress into their own hands and save the property of French citizens from that seizure and sequestration which American citizens so long endured without retaliation or redress. If she should continue to refuse that act of acknowledged justice and, in violation of the law of nations, make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities against the United States, she would but add violence to injustice, and could not fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations and to the retributive judgments of Heaven. Collision with France is the more to be regretted on account of the position she occupies in Europe in relation to liberal institutions, but in maintaining our national rights and honor all governments are alike to us. If by a collision with France in a case where she is clearly in the wrong the march of liberal principles shall be impeded, the responsibility for that result as well as every other will rest on her own head. Having submitted these considerations, it belongs to Congress to decide whether after what has taken place it will still await the further action of the French Chambers or now adopt such provisional measures as it may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights and maintain the honor of the country. What ever that decision may be, it will be faithfully enforced by the Executive as far as he is authorized so to do. According to the estimate of the Treasury Department, the revenue accruing from all sources during the present year will amount to $20,624,717, which, with the balance remaining in the Treasury on 1834-01-01 of $11,702,905, produces an aggregate of $32,327,623. The total expenditure during the year for all objects, including the public debt, is estimated at $25,591,390, which will leave a balance in the Treasury on 1835-01-01 of $6,736,232. In this balance, however, will be included about $1,150,000 of what was heretofore reported by the Department as not effective. Of former appropriations it is estimated that there will remain unexpended at the close of the year $8,002,925, and that of this sum there will not be required more than $5,141,964 to accomplish the objects of all the current appropriations. Thus it appears that after satisfying all those appropriations and after discharging the last item of our public debt, which will be done on 1835-01-01, there will remain unexpended in the Treasury an effective balance of about $440,000. That such should be the aspect of our finances is highly flattering to the industry and enterprise of our population and auspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the future cultivation of their growing resources. It is not deemed prudent, however, to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates, the effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not being sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount of revenue which they will produce. Free from public debt, at peace with all the world, and with no complicated interests to consult in our intercourse with foreign powers, the present may be hailed as the epoch in our history the most favorable for the settlement of those principles in our domestic policy which shall be best calculated to give stability to our Republic and secure the blessings of freedom to our citizens. Among these principles, from our past experience, it can not be doubted that simplicity in the character of the Federal Government and a rigid economy in its administration should be regarded as fundamental and sacred. All must be sensible that the existence of the public debt, by rendering taxation necessary for its extinguishment, has increased the difficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing power, and that it was in this respect a remote agent in producing those disturbing questions which grew out of the discussions relating to the tariff. If such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties, the obligations of which all portions of the Union cheerfully acknowledged, it must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the burdens of Government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of preserving its true character. While we are felicitating ourselves, therefore, upon the extinguishment of the national debt and the prosperous state of our finances, let us not be tempted to depart from those sound maxims of public policy which enjoin a just adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures that are consistent with a rigid economy and an entire abstinence from all topics of legislation that are not clearly within the constitutional powers of the Government and suggested by the wants of the country. Properly regarded under such a policy, every diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives to individual enterprise increased power and furnishes to all the members of our happy Confederacy new motives for patriotic affection and support. But above all, its most important effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the Government by confining its action to those objects which will be sure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow citizens. Circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of Congress to the Bank of the United States. Created for the convenience of the Government, that institution has become the scourge of the people. Its interference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debt that it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose to strengthen it in a political contest, the extraordinary extension and contraction of its accommodations to the community, its corrupt and partisan loans, its exclusion of the public directors from a knowledge of its most important proceedings, the unlimited authority conferred on the president to expend its funds in hiring writers and procuring the execution of printing, and the use made of that authority, the retention of the pension money and books after the selection of new agents, the groundless claim to heavy damages in consequence of the protest of the bill drawn on the French Government, have through various channels been laid before Congress. Immediately after the close of the last session the bank, through its president, announced its ability and readiness to abandon the system of unparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchanges which it had practiced upon from 1833-08-01 to 1834-06-30, and to extend its accommodations to the community. The grounds assumed in this annunciation amounted to an acknowledgment that the curtailment, in the extent to which it had been carried, was not necessary to the safety of the bank, and had been persisted in merely to induce Congress to grant the prayer of the bank in its memorial relative to the removal of the deposits and to give it a new charter. They were substantially a confession that all the real distresses which individuals and the country had endured for the preceding 6 or 8 months had been needlessly produced by it, with the view of affecting through the sufferings of the people the legislative action of Congress. It is subject of congratulation that Congress and the country had the virtue and firmness to bear the infliction, that the energies of our people soon found relief from this wanton tyranny in vast importations of th eprecious metals from almost every part of the world, and that at the close of this tremendous effort to control our Government the bank found itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplus means. The community had learned to manage its affairs without its assistance, and trade had already found new auxiliaries, so that on 1834-10-01 the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a national more than half of whose capital was either lying unproductive in its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers. To the needless distresses brought on the country during the last session of Congress has since been added the open seizure of the dividends on the public stock to the amount of $170,041, under pretense of paying damages, cost, and interest upon the protested French bill. This sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year 1834, upon which the appropriations made by Congress were based. It would as soon have been expected that our collectors would seize on the customs or the receivers of our land offices on the moneys arising from the sale of public lands under pretenses of claims against the United States as that the bank would have retained the dividends. Indeed, if the principle be established that any one who chooses to set up a claim against the United States may without authority of law seize on the public property or money wherever he can find it to pay such claim, there will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the Treasury or that it will be applied after the appropriation to the purposes designated in the law. The pay masters of our Army and the pursers of our Navy may under like pretenses apply to their own use moneys appropriated to set in motion the public force, and in time of war leave the country without defense. This measure resorted to by the bank is disorganizing and revolutionary, and if generally resorted to by private citizens in like cases would fill the land with anarchy and violence. It is a constitutional provision . The palpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of the public money for any purpose what so ever which shall not have been 1st approved by the representatives of the people and the States in Congress assembled. It vests the power of declaring for what purposes the public money shall be expended in the legislative department of the Government, to the exclusion of the executive and judicial, and it is not within the constitutional authority of either of those departments to pay it away without law or to sanction its payment. According to this plain constitutional provision, the claim of the bank can never be paid without an appropriation by act of Congress. But the bank has never asked for an appropriation. It attempts to defeat the provision of the Constitution and obtain payment without an act of Congress. Instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both Houses and approved by the President, it makes an appropriation for itself and invites an appeal to the judiciary to sanction it. That the money had not technically been paid into the Treasury does not affect the principle intended to be established by the Constitution. The Executive and the judiciary have as little right to appropriate and expend the public money without authority of law before it is placed to the credit of the Treasury as to take it from the Treasury. In the annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and in his correspondence with the president of the bank, and the opinions of the Attorney General accompanying it, you will find a further examination of the claims of the bank and the course it has pursued. It seems due to the safety of the public funds remaining in that bank and to the honor of the American people that measures be taken to separate the Government entirely from an institution so mischievous to the public prosperity and so regardless of the Constitution and laws. By transferring the public deposits, by appointing other pension agents as far as it had the power, by ordering the discontinuance of the receipt of bank checks in the payment of the public dues after 1834-01-01, the Executive has exerted all its lawful authority to sever the connection between the Government and this faithless corporation. The high-handed career of this institution imposes upon the constitutional functionaries of this Government duties of the gravest and most imperative character -- duties which they can not avoid and from which I trust there will be no inclination on the part of any of them to shrink. My own sense of them is most clear, as is also my readiness to discharge those which may rightfully fall on me. To continue any business relations with the Bank of the United States that may be avoided without a violation of the national faith after that institution has set at open defiance the conceded right of the Government to examine its affairs, after it has done all in its power to deride the public authority in other respects and to bring it into disrepute at home and abroad, after it has attempted to defeat the clearly expressed will of the people by turning against them the immense power intrusted to its hands and by involving a country otherwise peaceful, flourishing, and happy, in dissension, embarrassment, and distress, would make the nation itself a party to the degradation so sedulously prepared for itss public agents and do much to destroy the confidence of man-kind in popular governments and to bring into contempt their authority and efficiency. In guarding against an evil of such magnitude consideration of temprary convenience should be thrown out of the question, and we should be influenced by such motives only as look to the honor and preservation of the republican system. Deeply and solemnly impressed with the justice of these views, I feel it to be my duty to recommend to you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock; that the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of the bank in payment of public dues shall, in accordance with the power reserved to Congress in the 14th section of the charter, be suspended until the bank pays to the Treasury the dividends withheld, and that all laws connecting the Government or its officers with the bank, directly or indirectly, be repealed, and that the institution be left hereafter to its own resources and means. Events have satisfied my mind, and I think the minds of the American people, that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far over-balance all its advantages. The bold effort the present bank has made to control the Government, the distresses it has wantonly produced, the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its observance of law and order, are but premonitions of the fate which awaits the American people should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it. It is fervently hoped that thus admonished those who have heretofore favored the establishment of a substitute for the present bank will be induced to abandon it, as it is evidently better to incur any inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Republic in any form what so ever or under any restrictions. Happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such an institution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of the Government. The State banks are found fully adequate to the performance of all services which were required of the Bank of the United States, quite as promptly and with the same cheapness. They have maintained themselves and discharged all these duties while the Bank of the United States was still powerful and in the field as an open enemy, and it is not possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties in their operations when that enemy shall cease to exist. The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the regulation of the deposits in the State banks by law. Although the power now exercised by the executive department in this behalf is only such as was uniformly exerted through every Administration from the origin of the Government up to the establishment of the present bank, yet it is one which is susceptible of regulation by law, and therefore ought so to be regulated. The power of Congress to direct in what places the Treasurer shall keep the moneys in the Treasury and to impose restrictions upon the Executive authority in relation to their custody and removal is unlimited, and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged by those public officers and agents on whom rests the responsibility for their safety. It is desirable that as little power as possible should be left to the President or the Secretary of the Treasury over those institutions, which, being thus freed from Executive influence, and without a common head to direct their operations, would have neither the temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflicts of the country. Not deriving their charters from the national authorities, they would never have those inducements to meddle in general elections which have led the Bank of the United States to agitate and convulse the country for upward of two years. The progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of the Mint, and promises in a short period to furnish the country with a sound and portable currency, which will much diminish the inconvenience to travelers of the want of a general paper currency should the State banks be incapable of furnishing it. Those institutions have already shown themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade at reasonable rates, and not a doubt is entertained that in a short period all the wants of the country in bank accommodations and exchange will be supplid as promptly and as cheaply as they have heretofore been by the Bank of the United States. If the several States shall be induced gradually to reform their banking systems and prohibit the issue of all small notes, we shall in a few years have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluctuations as any other commercial country. The report of the Secretary of War, together with the accompanying documents from the several bureaux of that Department, will exhibit the situation of the various objects committed to its administration. No event has occurred since your last session rendering necessary any movements of the Army, with the exception of the expedition of the regiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatory tribes inhabiting the western frontier and living adjacent to the Mexican boundary. These tribes have been heretofore known to us principally by their attacks upon our own citizens and upon other Indians entitled to the protection of the United States. It became necessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitual inroads, and I am happy to inform you that the object has been effected without the commission of any act of hostility. Colonel Dodge and the troops under his command have acted with equal firmness and humanity, and an arrangement has been made with those Indians which it is hoped will assure their permanent pacific relations with the United States and the other tribes of Indians upon that border. It is to be regretted that the prevalence of sickness in that quarter has deprived the country of a number of valuable lives, and particularly that General Leavenworth, an officer well known, and esteemed for his gallant services in the late war and for his subsequent good conduct, has fallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty. The Army is in a high state of discipline. Its moral condition, so far as that is known here, is good, and the various branches of the public service are carefully attended to. It is amply sufficient under its present organization for providing the necessary garrisons for the seaboard and for the defense of the internal frontier, and also for preserving the elements of military knowledge and for keeping pace with those improvements which modern experience is continually making. And these objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes for which a permanent military force should be maintained in our country. The lessons of history teach us its danger and the tendency which exists to an increase. This can be best met and averted by a just caution on the part of the public itself, and of those who represent them in Congress. From the duties which devolve on teh Engineer Department and upon the topographical engineers, a different organization seems to be demanded by the public interest, and I recommend the subject to your consideration. No important change has during this season taken place in the condition of the Indians. Arrangements are in progress for the removal of the Creeks, and will soon be for the removal of the Seminoles. I regret that the Cherokees east of the Mississippi have not yet determined as a community to remove. How long the personal causes which have heretofore retarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate I am unable to conjecture. It is certain, however, that delay will bring with it accumulated evils which will render their condition more and more unpleasant. The experience of every year adds to the conviction that emigration, and that alone, can preserve from destruction the remnant of the tribes yet living amongst us. The facility with which the necessaries of life are procured and the treaty stipulations providing aid for the emigrant Indians in their agricultural pursuits and in the important concern of education, and their removal from those causes which have heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of the tribes, can not fail to stimulate their exertions and to reward their industry. The two laws passed at the last session of Congress on the subject of Indian affairs have been carried into effect, and detailed instructions for their administration have been given. It will be seen by the estimates for the present session that a great reduction will take place in the expenditures of the Department in consequence of these laws, and there is reason to believe that their operation will be salutary and that the colonization of the Indians on the western frontier, together with a judicious system of administration, will still further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public service and at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency. Circumstances have been recently developed showing the existence of extensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and gratuities for Revolutionary services. It is impossible to estimate the amount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the National Treasury. I am satisfied, however, it has been such as to justify a re-examination of the system and the adoption of the necessary checks in its administration. All will agree that the services and sufferings of the remnant of our Revolutionary band should be fully compensated; but while this is done, every proper precaution should be taken to prevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims. In the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates of the judicial officers of the various States form a considerable portion of the checks which are interposed against the commission of frauds. These, however, have been and may be fabricated, and in such a way as to elude detection at the examining offices. And independently of this practical difficulty, it is ascertained that these documents are often loosely granted; some times even blank certificates have been issued; some times prepared papers have been signed without inquiry, and in one instance, at least, the seal of the court has been within reach of a person most interested in its improper application. It is obvious that under such circumstances no severity of administration can check the abuse of the law. And information has from time to time been communicated to the Pension Office questioning or denying the right of persons placed upon the pension list to the bounty of the country. Such cautions are always attended to and examined, but a far more general investigation is called for, and I therefore recommend, in conformity with the suggestion of the Secretary of War, that an actual inspection should be made in each State into the circumstances and claims of every person now drawing a pension. The honest veteran has nothing to fear from such a scrutiny, while the fraudulent claimant will be detected and the public Treasury relieved to an amount, I have reason to believe, far greater than has heretofore been suspected. The details of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the necessary checks without any burdensome operation upon the pensioners. The object should be two-fold: This measure will, if adopted, be productive, I think, of the desired results, and I therefore recommend it to your consideration, with the further suggestion that all payments should be suspended 'til the necessary reports are received. It will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the documents transmitted to Congress that the appropriations for objects connected with the War Department, made at the last session, for the service of the year 1834, excluding the permanent appropriation for the payment of military gratuities under the act of 1832-06-07, the appropriation of $200,000 for arming and equipping the militia, and the appropriation of $10,000 for the civilization of the Indians, which are not annually renewed, amounted to the sum of $9,003,261, and that the estimates of appropriations necessary for the same branches of service for the year 1835 amount to the sum of $5,778,964, making a difference in the appropriations of the current year over the estimates of the appropriations for the next of $3,224,297. The principal causes which have operated at this time to produce this great difference are shown in the reports and documents and in the detailed estimates. Some of these causes are accidental and temporary, while others are permanent, and, aided by a just course of administration, may continue to operate beneficially upon the public expenditures. A just economy, expending where the public service requires and withholding where it does not, is among the indispensable duties of the Government. I refer you to the accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy and to the documents with it for a full view of the operations of that important branch of our service during the present year. It will be seen that the wisdom and liberality with which Congress has provided for the gradual increase of our navy material have been seconded by a corresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has been confided the execution of the laws on the subject, and that but a short period would be now required to put in commission a force large enough for any exigency into which the country may be thrown. When we reflect upon our position in relation to other nations, it must be apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must look chiefly to our Navy for the protection of our national rights. The wide seas which separate us from other Governments must of necessity be the theater on which an enemy will aim to assail us, and unless we are prepared to meet him on this element we can not be said to possess the power requisite to repel or prevent aggressions. We can not, therefore, watch with too much attention this arm of our defense, or cherish with too much care the means by which it can possess the necessary efficiency and extension. To this end our policy has been heretofore wisely directed to the constant employment of a force sufficient to guard our commerce, and to the rapid accumulation of the materials which are necessary to repair our vessels and construct with ease such new ones as may be required in a state of war. In accordance with this policy, I recommend to your consideration the erection of the additional dry dock described by the Secretary of the Navy, and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he has referred, for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries to the system of defense now in use. The report of the PostMaster General herewith submitted exhibits the condition and prospects of that Department. From that document it appears that there was a deficit in the funds of the Department at the commencement of the present year beyond its available means of $315,599.98, which on the first of July last (1834-07-01) had been reduced to $268,092.74. It appears also that the revenues for the coming year will exceed the expenditures about $270,000, which, with the excess of revenue which will result from the operations of the current half year, may be expected, independently of any increase in the gross amount of postages, to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835. But as this calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which had accrued within the period embraced by the times of striking the balances, it is obvious that without a progressive increase in the amount of postages the existing retrenchments must be persevered in through the year 1836 that the Department may accumulate a surplus fund sufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease. It will be observed that the revenues of the Post Office Department, though they have increased, and their amount is above that of any former year, have yet fallen short of the estimates more than $100,000. This is attributed in a great degree to the increase of free letters growing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege. There has been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to which it has been granted, and by an act passed in 1833-03, it was extended to members of Congress throughout the whole year. It is believed that a revision of the laws relative to the franking privilege, with some enactments to enforce more rigidly the restrictions under which it is granted, would operate beneficially to the country, by enabling the Department at an earlier period to restore the mail facilities that have been withdrawn, and to extend them more widely, as the growing settlements of the country may require. To a measure so important to the Government and so just to our constituents, who ask no exclusive privileges for themselves and are not willing to concede them to others, I earnestly recommend the serious attention of Congress. The importance of the Post Office Department and the magnitude to which it has grown, both in its revenues and in its operations, seem to demand its reorganization by law. The whole of its receipts and disbursements have hitherto been left entirely to Executive control and individual discretion. The principle is as sound in relation to this as to any other Department of the Government, that as little discretion should be confided to the executive officer who controls it as is compatible with its efficiency. It is therefore earnestly recommended that it be organized with an auditor and treasurer of its own, appointed by the President and Senate, who shall be branches of the Treasury Department. Your attention is again respectfully invited to the defect which exists in the judicial system of the United States. Nothing can be more desirable than the uniform operation of the Federal judiciary throughout the several States, all of which, standing on the same footing as members of the Union, have equal rights to the advantages and benefits resulting from its laws. This object is not attained by the judicial acts now in force, because they leave one quarter of the States without circuit courts. It is undoubtedly the duty of Congress to place all the States on the same footing in this respect, either by the creation of an additional number of associate judges or by an enlargement of the circuits assigned to those already appointed so as to include the new States. What ever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of the judicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in all parts of the Union and at the same time to avoid such an increase of judges as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, it should not be allowed to weigh against the great injustice which the present operation of the system produces. I trust that I may be also pardoned for renewing the recommendation I have so often submitted to your attention in regard to the mode of electing the President and Vice President of the United States. All the reflection I have been able to bestow upon the subject increases my conviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted by the adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies that important right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people. Could this be attained, and the terms of those officers be limited to a single period of either four or six years, I think our liberties would possess an additional safeguard. At your last session I called the attention of Congress to the destruction of the public building occupied by the Treasury Department. As the public interest requires that another building should be erected with as little delay as possible, it is hoped that the means will be seasonably provided and that they will be ample enough to authorize such an enlargement and improvement in the plan of the building as will more effectually accommodate the public officers and secure the public documents deposited in it from the casualties of fire. I have not been able to satisfy myself that the bill entitled , which was sent to me at the close of your last session, ought to pass, and I have therefore withheld from it my approval and now return it to the Senate, the body in which it originated. There can be no question connected with the administration of public affairs more important or more difficult to be satisfactorily dealth with than that which relates to the rightful authority and proper action of the Federal Government upon the subject of internal improvements. To inherent embarrassments have been added others resulting from the course of our legislation concerning it. I have heretofore communicated freely with Congress upon this subject, and in adverting to it again I can not refrain from expressing my increased conviction of its extreme importance as well in regard to its bearing upon the maintenance of the Constitution and the prudent management of the public revenue as on account of its disturbing effect upon the harmony of the Union. We are in no danger from violations of the Constitution by which encroachments are made upon the personal rights of the citizen. The sentence of condemnation long since pronounced by the American people upon acts of that character will, I doubt not, continue to prove as salutary in its effects as it is irreversible in its nature. But against the dangers of unconstitutional acts which, instead of menacing the vengeance of offended authority, proffer local advantages and bring in their train the patronage of the Government, we are, I fear, not so safe. To suppose that because our Government has been instituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have the power to do what ever may seem to conduce to the public good is an error into which even honest minds are too apt to fall. In yielding themselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations in which the Federal Constitution was founded. They forget that in consequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and condition of the different States it was foreseen at the period of its adoption that although a particular measure of the Government might be beneficial and proper in 1 State it might be the reverse in another; that it was for this reason the States would not consent to make a grant to the Federal Government of the general and usual powers of government, but of such only as were specifically enumerated, and the probable effects of which they could, as they thought, safely anticipate; and they forget also the paramount obligation upon all to abide by the compact then so solemnly and, as it was hoped, so firmly established. In addition to the dangers to the Constitution springing from the sources I have stated, there has been one which was perhaps greater than all. I allude to the materials which this subject has afforded for sinister appeals to selfish feelings, and the opinion heretofore so extensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of personal ambition. With such stimulus it is not surprising that the acts and pretensions of the Federal Government in this behalf should some times have been carried to an alarming extent. The questions which have arisen upon this subject have related -- The claims of power for the General Government upon each of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest. The first is, however, of much the greatest importance, in as much as, in addition to the dangers of unequal and improvident expenditures of public moneys common to all, there is super-added to that the conflicting jurisdictions of the respective governments. Federal jurisdiction, at least to the extent I have stated, has been justly regarded by its advocates as necessarily appurtenant to the power in question, if that exists by the Constitution. That the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between the respective jurisdictions of the State and Federal Governments in the absence of a constitutional provision marking out their respective boundaries can not be doubted. The local advantages to be obtained would induce the States to overlook in the beginning the dangers and difficulties to which they might ultimately be exposed. The powers exercised by the Federal Government would soon be regarded with jealousy by the State authorities, and originating as they must from implication or assumption, it would be impossible to affix to them certain and safe limits. Opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatible with State sovereignty would be increased and those barriers which resist the tendency of our system toward consolidation greatly weakened. The officers and agents of the General Government might not always have the discretion to abstain from intermeddling with State concerns, and if they did they would not always escape the suspicion of having done so. Collisions and consequent irritations would spring up; that harmony which should ever exist between the General Government and each member of the Confederacy would be frequently interrupted; a spirit of contention would be engendered and the dangers of disunion greatly multiplied. Yet we know that not withstanding these grave objections this dangerous doctrine was at one time apparently proceeding to its final establishment with fearful rapidity. The desier to embark the Federal Government in works of internal improvement prevailed in the highest degree during the first session of the first Congress that I had the honor to meet in my present situation. When the bill authorizing a subscription on the part of the United States for stock in the Maysville and Lexington TurnPike Company passed the two houses, there had been reported by the Committees of Internal Improvements bills containing appropriations for such objects, inclusive of those for the Cumberland road and for harbors and light houses, to the amount of $106,000,000. In this amount was included authority to the Secretary of the Treasury to subscribe for the stock of different companies to a great extent, and the residue was principally for the direct construction of roads by this Government. In addition to these projects, which had been presented to the two Houses under the sanction and recommendation of their respective Committees on Internal Improvements, there were then still pending before the committees, and in memorials to Congress presented but not referred, different projects for works of a similar character, the expense of which can not be estimated with certainty, but must have exceeded $100,000,000. Regarding the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the Maysville and Lexington TurnPike Company as the entering wedge of a system which, however weak at first, might soon become strong enough to rive the bands of the Union asunder, and believing that if its passage was acquiesced in by the Executive and the people there would no longer be any limitation upon the authority of the General Government in respect to the appropriation of money for such objects, I deemed it an imperative duty to withhold from it the Executive approval. Although from the obviously local character of that work I might well have contented myself with a refusal to approve the bill upon that ground, yet sensible of the vital importance of the subject, and anxious that my views and opinions in regard to the whole matter should be fully understood by Congress and by my constituents, I felt it my duty to go further. I therefore embraced that early occasion to apprise Congress that in my opinion the Constitution did not confer upon it the power to authorize the construction of ordinary roads and canals within the limits of a State and to say, respectfully, that no bill admitting such a power could receive my official sanction. I did so in the confident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mind upon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the difference between the 2 Houses and myself, and that the harmonious action of the several departments of the Federal Government in regard to it would be ultimately secured. So far, at least, as it regards this branch of the subject, my best hopes have been realized. Nearly four years have elapsed, and several sessions of Congress have intervened, and no attempt within my recollection has been made to induce Congress to exercise this power. The applications for the construction of roads and canals which were formerly multiplied upon your files are no longer presented, and we have good reason to infer that the current public sentiment has become so decided against the pretension as effectually to discourage its reassertion. So thinking, I derive the greatest satisfaction from the conviction that thus much at least has been secured upon this important and embarrassing subject. From attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which are confessedly of a local character we can not, I trust, have anything further to apprehend. My views in regard to the expediency of making appropriations for works which are claimed to be of a national character and prosecuted under State authority -- assuming that Congress have the right to do so -- were stated in my annual message to Congress in 1830, and also in that containing my objections to the Maysville road bill. So thoroughly convinced am I that no such appropriations ought to be made by Congress until a suitable constitutional provision is made upon the subject, and so essential do I regard the point to the highest interests of our country, that I could not consider myself as discharging my duty to my constituents in giving the Executive sanction to any bill containing such an appropriation. If the people of the United States desire that the public Treasury shall be resorted to for the means to prosecute such works, they will concur in an amendment of the Constitution prescribing a rule by which the national character of the works is to be tested, and by which the greatest practicable equality of benefits may be secured to each member of the Confederacy. The effects of such a regulation would be most salutary in preventing unprofitable expenditures, in securing our legislation from the pernicious consequences of a scramble for the favors of Government, and in repressing the spirit of discontent which must inevitably arise from an unequal distribution of treasures which belong alike to all. There is another class of appropriations for what may be called, without impropriety, internal improvements, which have always been regarded as standing upon different grounds from those to which I have referred. I allude to such as have for their object the improvement of our harbors, the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers, for the facility and security of our foreign commerce. The grounds upon which I distinguished appropriations of this character from others have already been stated to Congress. I will now only add that at the 1st session of Congress under the new Constitution it was provided by law that all expenses which should accrue from and after the 15th day of August, 1789, in the necessary support and maintenance and repairs of all light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers erected, placed, or sunk before the passage of the act within any bay, inlet, harbor, or port of the United States, for rendering the navigation thereof easy and safe, should be defrayed out of the Treasury of the United States, and, further, that it should be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to provide by contracts, with the approbation of the President, for rebuilding when necessary and keeping in good repair the light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers in the several States, and for furnishing them with supplies. Appropriations for similar objects have been continued from that time to the present without interruption or dispute. As a natural consequence of the increase and extension of our foreign commerce, ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied and established, not only upon our sea-board but in the interior of the country upon our lakes and navigable rivers. The convenience and safety of this commerce have led to the gradual extension of these expenditures; to the erection of light houses, the placing, planting, and sinking of buoys, beacons, and piers, and to the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers and in the harbors upon our Great Lakes as well as on the sea-board. Although I have expressed to Congress my apprehension that these expenditures have some times been extravagant and disproportionate to the advantages to be derived from them, I have not gelt it to be my duty to refuse my assent to bills containing them, and have contented myself to follow in this respect in the foot-steps of all my predecessors. Sensible, however, from experience and observation of the great abuses to which the unrestricted exercise of this authority by Congress was exposed, I have prescribed a limitation for the government of my own conduct by which expenditures of this character are confined to places below the ports of entry or delivery established by law. I am very sentible that this restriction is not as satisfactory as could be desired, and that much embarrassment may be caused to the executive department in its execution by appropriations for remote and not well-understood objects. But as neither my own reflections nor the lights which I may properly derive from other sources have supplied me with a better, I shall continue to apply my best exertions to a faithful application of the rule upon which it is founded. I sincerely regret that I could not give my assent to the bill entitled: ; but I could not have done so without receding from the ground which I have, upon the fullest consideration, taken upon this subject, and of which Congress has been heretofore apprised, and without throwing the subject again open to abuses which no good citizen entertaining my opinions could desire. I rely upon the intelligence and candor of my fellow citizens, in whose liberal indulgence I have already so largely participated, for a correct appreciation on my motives in interposing as I have done on this and other occasions checks to a course of legislation which, without in the slightest degree calling in question the motives of others, I consider as sanctioning improper and unconstitutional expenditures of public treasure. I am not hostile to internal improvements, and wish to see them extended to every part of the country. But I am fully persuaded, if they are not commenced in a proper manner, confined to proper objects, and conducted under an authority generally conceded to be rightful, that a successful prosecution of them can not be reasonably expected. The attempt will meet with resistance where it might otherwise receive support, and instead of strengthening the bonds of our Confederacy it will only multiply and aggravate the causes of disunion.
in performing my duty at the opening of your present session it gives me pleasure to congratulate you again upon the prosperous condition of our beloved country divine providence has favored us with general health with rich rewards in the fields of agriculture and in every branch of labor and with peace to cultivate and extend the various resources which employ the virtue and enterprise of our citizens let us trust that in surveying a scene so flattering to our free institutions our joint deliberations to preserve them may be crowned with success our foreign relations continue with but few exceptions to maintain the favorable aspect which they bore in my last annual message and promise to extend those advantages which the principles that regulate our intercourse with other nations are so well calculated to secure the question of our north east boundary is still pending with great britain and the proposition made in accordance with the resolution of the senate for the establishment of a line according to the treaty of 1783 has not been accepted by that government believing that every disposition is felt on both sides to adjust this perplexing question to the satisfaction of all the parties interested in it the hope is yet indulged that it may be effected on the basis of that proposition with the governments of austria russia prussia holland sweden and denmark the best understanding exists commerce with all is fostered and protected by reciprocal good will under the sanction of liberal conventional or legal provisions in the midst of her internal difficulties the queen of spain has ratified the convention for the payment of the claims of our citizens arising since 1819 it is in the course of execution on her part and a copy of it is now laid before you for such legislation as may be found necessary to enable those interested to derive the benefits of it yielding to the force of circumstances and to the wise counsels of time and experience that power has finally resolved no longer to occupy the unnatural position in which she stood to the new governments established in this hemisphere i have the great satisfaction of stating to you that in preparing the way for the restoration of harmony between those who have sprung from the same ancestors who are allied by common interests profess the same religion and speak the same language the united states have been actively instrumental our efforts to effect this good work will be persevered in while they are deemed useful to the parties and our entire disinterestedness continues to be felt and understood the act of congress to countervail the discriminating duties to the prejudice of our navigation levied in cuba and puerto rico has been transmitted to the minister of the united states at madrid to be communicated to the government of the queen no intelligence of its receipt has yet reached the department of state if the present condition of the country permits the government to make a careful and enlarged examination of the true interests of these important portions of its dominions no doubt is entertained that their future intercourse with the united states will be placed upon a more just and liberal basis the florida archives have not yet been selected and delivered recent orders have been sent to the agent of the united states at havana to return with all that he can obtain so that they may be in washington before the session of the supreme court to be used in the legal questions there pending to which the government is a party internal tranquillity is happily restored to portugal the distracted state of the country rendered unavoidable the postponement of a final payment of the just claims of our citizens our diplomatic relations will be soon resumed and the friendship with that power affords the strongest guaranty that the balance due will receive prompt attnetion the first installment due under the convention of indemnity with the king of the two sicilies has been duly received and an offer has been made to extinguish the whole by a prompt payment an offer i did not consider myself authorized to accept as the indemnification provided is the exclusive property of individual citizens of the united states the original adjustment of our claims and the anxiety displayed to fulfill at once the stipulations made for the payment of them are highly honorable to the government of the two sicilies when it is recollected that they were the result of the injustice of an intrusive power temporarily dominant in its territory a repugnance to acknowledge and to pay which would have been neither unnatural nor unexpected the circumstances can not fail to exalt its character for justice and good faith in the eyes of all nations the treaty of amity and commerce between the united states and belgium brought to your notice in my last annual message as sanctioned by the senate but the ratifications of which had not been exchanged owing to a delay in its reception at brussels and a subsequent absence of the belgian minister of foreign affairs has been after mature deliberation finally disavowed by that government as inconsistent with the powers and instructions given to their minister who negotiated it this disavowal was entirely unexpected as the liberal principles embodied in the convention and which form the of the objections to it were perfectly satisfactory to the belgian representative and were supposed to be not only within the powers granted but expressly conformable to the instructions given to him an offer not yet accepted has been made by belgium to renew negotiations for a treaty less liberal in its provisions on questions of general maritime law our newly established relations with the sublime porte promise to be useful to our commerce and satisfactory in every respect to this government our intercourse with the barbary powers continues without important change except that the present political state of algiers has induced me to terminate the residence there of a salaried consul and to substitute an ordinary consulate to remain so long as the place continues in the possession of france our first treaty with one of these powers the emperor of morocco was formed in 1786 and was limited to fifty years that period has almost expired i shall take measures to renew it with the greater satisfaction as its stipulations are just and liberal and have been with mutual fidelity and reciprocal advantage scrupulously fulfilled intestine dissensions have too frequently occurred to mar the prosperity interrupt the commerce and distract the governments of most of the nations of this hemisphere which have separated themselves from spain when a firm and permanent understanding with the parent country shall have produced a formal acknowledgment of their independence and the idea of danger from that quarter can be no longer entertained the friends of freedom expect that those countries so favored by nature will be distinguished for their love of justice and their devotion to those peaceful arts the assiduous cultivation of which confers honor upon nations and gives value to human life in the mean time i confidently hope that the apprehensions entertained that some of the people of these luxuriant regions may be tempted in a moment of unworthy distrust of their own capacity for the enjoyment of liberty to commit the too common error of purchasing present repose by bestowing on some favorite leaders the fatal gift of irresponsible power will not be realized with all these governments and with that of brazil no unexpected changes in our relations have occurred during the present year frequent causes of just complaint have arisen upon the part of the citizens of the united states some times from the irregular action of the constituted subordinate authorities of the maritime regions and some times from the leaders or partisans of those in arms against the established governments in all cases representations have been or will be made and as soon as their political affairs are in a settled position it is expected that our friendly remonstrances will be followed by adequate redress the government of mexico made known in 1833 december last the appointment of commissioners and a surveyor on its part to run in conjunction with ours the boundary line between its territories and the united states and excused the delay for the reasons anticipated the prevalence of civil war the commissioners and surveyors not having met within the time stipulated by the treaty a new arrangement became necessary and our chargé was instructed in 1833 january to negotiate in mexico an article additional to the treaty this instruction was acknowledged and no difficulty was apprehended in the accomplishment of that object by information just received that additional article to the treaty will be obtained and transmitted to this country as soon as it can receive the ratification of the mexican congress the reunion of the three states of new grenada venezuela and equador forming the republic of colombia seems every day to become more improbable the commissioners of the two first are understood to be now negotiating a just division of the obligations contracted by them when united under one government the civil war in equador it is believed has prevented even the appointment of a commissioner on its part i propose at an early day to submit in the proper form the appointment of a diplomatic agent to venezuela the importance of the commerce of that country to the united states and the large claims of our citizens upon the government arising before and since the division of colombia rendering it in my judgment improper longer to delay this step our representatives to central america peru and brazil are either at or on their way to their respective posts from the argentine republic from which a minister was expected to this government nothing further has been heard occasion has been taken on the departure of a new consul to buenos ayres to remind that government that its long delayed minister whose appointment had been made known to us had not arrived it becomes my unpleasant duty to inform you that this pacific and highly gratifying picture of our foreign relations does not include those with france at this time it is not possible that any government and people could be more sincerely desirous of conciliating a just and friendly intercourse with another nation than are those of the united states with their ancient ally and friend this disposition is founded as well on the most grateful and honorable recollections associated with our struggle for independence as upon a well grounded conviction that it is consonant with the true policy of both the people of the united states could not therefore see without the deepest regret even a temporary interruption of the friendly relations between the two countries a regret which would i am sure be greatly aggravated if there should turn out to be any reasonable ground for attributing such a result to any act of omission or commission on our part i derive therefore the highest satisfaction from being able to assure you that the whole course of this government has been characterized by a spirit so conciliatory and forbearing as to make it impossible that our justice and moderation should be questioned what ever may be the consequences of a longer perseverance on the part of the french government in her omission to satisfy the conceded claims of our citizens the history of the accumulated and unprovoked aggressions upon our commerce committed by authority of the existing governments of france between the years 1800 and 1817 has been rendered too painfully familiar to americans to make its repetition either necessary or desirable it will be sufficient here to remark that there has for many years been scarcely a single administration of the french government by whom the justice and legality of the claims of our citizens to indemnity were not to a very considerable extent admitted and yet near a quarter of a century has been wasted in ineffectual negotiations to secure it deeply sensible of the injurious effects resulting from this state of things upon the interests and character of both nations i regarded it as among my first duties to because one more effort to be made to satisfy france that a just and liberal settlement of our claims was as well due to her own honor as to their incontestable validity the negotiation for this purpose was commenced with the late government of france and was prosecuted with such success as to leave no reasonable ground to doubt that a settlement of a character quite as liberal as that which was subsequently made would have been effected had not the revolution by which the negotiation was cut off taken place the discussions were resumed with the present government and the result showed that we were not wrong in supposing that an event by which the two governments were made to approach each other so much nearer in their political principles and by which the motives for the most liberal and friendly intercourse were so greatly multiplied could exercise no other than a salutary influence upon the negotiation after the most deliberate and thorough examination of the whole subject a treaty between the two governments was concluded and signed at paris on by which it was stipulated that and it was also stipulated on the part of the french government that this francs should be paid at paris in six annual installments of francs and 66 centimes each into the hands of such person or persons the first installment to be paid it was also stipulated on the part of the united states for the purpose of being completely liberated from all the reclamations presented by france on behalf of its citizens that the sum of francs should be paid to the government of france in six annual installments to be deducted out of the annual sums which france had agreed to pay interest thereupon being in like manner computed from the day of the exchange of the ratifications in addition to this stipulation important advantages were secured to france by the following article viz the wines of france from and after the exchange of the ratifications of the present conventions shall be admitted to consumption in the states of the union at duties which shall not exceed the following rates by the gallon such as it is used at present for wines in the us to wit 6 cents for red wines in casks 10 cents for white wines in casks and 22 cents for wines of all sorts in bottles the proportions existing between the duties on french wines thus reduced and the general rates of the tariff which went into operation shall be maintained in case the government of the united states should think proper to diminish those general rates in a new tariff in consideration of this stipulation which shall be binding on the united states for 10 years the french government abandons the reclamations which it had formed in relation to the 8th article of the treaty of cession of louisiana it engages moreover to establish on the cottons of the united states which after the exchange of the ratifications of the present convention shall be brought directly thence to france by the vessels of the us or by french vessels the same duties as on cotton this treaty was duly ratified in the manner prescribed by the constitutions of both countries and the ratification was exchanged at the city of washington on on account of its commercial stipulations it was in five days thereafter laid before the congress of the united states which proceeded to enact such laws favorable to the commerce of france as were necessary to carry it into full execution and france has from that period to the present been in the unrestricted enjoyment of the valuable privileges that were thus secured to her the faith of the french nation having been thus solemnly pledged through its constitutional organ for the liquidation and ultimate payment of the long deferred claims of our citizens as also for the adjustment of other points of great and reciprocal benefits to both countries and the united states having with a fidelity and promptitude by which their conduct will i trust be always characterized done every thing that was necessary to carry the treaty into full and fair effect on their part counted with the most perfect confidence on equal fidelity and promptitude on the part of the french government in this reasonable expectation we have been i regret to inform you wholly disappointed no legislative provision has been made by france for the execution of the treaty either as it respects the indemnity to be paid or the commercial benefits to be secured to the united states and the relations between the united states and that power in consequence thereof are placed in a situation threatening to interrupt the good understanding which has so long and so happily existed between the two nations not only has the french government been thus wanting in the performance of the stipulations it has so solemnly entered into with the united states but its omissions have been marked by circumstances which would seem to leave us without satisfactory evidences that such performance will certainly take place at a future period advice of the exchange of ratifications reached paris prior to the french chambers were then sitting and continued in session until and although one installment of the indemnity was payable on one year after the exchange of ratifications no application was made to the chambers for the required appropriation and in consequence of no appropriation having then been made the draft of the united states government for that installment was dishonored by the minister of finance and the united states thereby involved in much controversy the next session of the chambers commenced on and continued until not withstanding the omission to pay the first installment had been made the subject of earnest remonstrance on our part the treaty with the united states and a bill making the necessary appropriations to execute it were not laid before the chamber of deputies until nearly five months after its meeting and only nineteen days before the close of the session the bill was read and referred to a committee but there was no further action upon it the next session of the chambers commenced on and continued until a new bill was introduced on but nothing important was done in relation to it during the session in 1834 april nearly three years after the signature of the treaty the final action of the french chambers upon the bill to carry the treaty into effect was obtained and resulted in a refusal of the necessary appropriations the avowed grounds upon which the bill was rejected are to be found in the published debates of that body and no observations of mine can be necessary to satisfy congress of their utter insufficiency although the gross amount of the claims of our citizens is probably greater than will be ultimately allowed by the commissioners sufficient is never the less shown to render it absolutely certain that the indemnity falls far short of the actual amount of our just claims independently of the question of damages and interest for the detention that the settlement involved a sacrifice in this respect was well known at the time a sacrifice which was cheerfully acquiesced in by the different branches of the federal government whose action upon the treaty was required from a sincere desire to avoid further collision upon this old and disturbing subject and in the confident expectation that the general relations between the two countries would be improved thereby the refusal to vote the appropriation the news of which was received from our minister in paris about might have been considered the final determination of the french government not to execute the stipulations of the treaty and would have justified an immediate communication of the facts to congress with a recommendation of such ultimate measures as the interest and honor of the united states might seem to require but with the news of the refusal of the chambers to make the appropriation were conveyed the regrets of the king and a declaration that a national vessel should be forthwith sent out with instructions to the french minister to give the most ample explanations of the past and the strongest assurances for the future after a long passage the promised dispatch vessel arrived the pledges given by the french minister upon receipt of his instructions were that as soon after the election of the new members as the charter would permit the legislative chambers of france should be called together and the proposition for an appropriation laid before them that all the constitutional powers of the king and his cabinet should be exerted to accomplish the object and that the result should be made known early enough to be communicated to congress at the commencement of the present session relying upon these pledges and not doubting that the acknowledged justice of our claims the promised exertions of the king and his cabinet and above all that sacred regard for the national faith and honor for which the french character has been so distinguished would secure an early execution of the treaty in all its parts i did not deem it necessary to call the attention of congress to the subject at the last session i regret to say that the pledges made through the minister of france have not been redeemed the new chambers met on and although the subject of fulfilling treaties was alluded to in the speech from the throne no attempt was made by the king or his cabinet to procure an appropriation to carry it into execution the reasons given for this omission although they might be considered sufficient in an ordinary case are not consistent with the expectations founded upon the assurances given here for there is no constitutional obstacle to entering into legislative business at the first meeting of the chambers this point however might have been had not the chambers instead of being called to meet at so early a day that the result of their deliberations might be communicated to me before the meeting of congress been prorogued to a period so late that their decision can scarcely be made known to the present congress prior to its dissolution to avoid this delay our minister in paris in virtue of the assurance given by the french minister in the united states strongly urged the convocation of the chambers at an earlier day but without success it is proper to remark however that this refusal has been accompanied with the most positive assurances on the part of the executive government of france of their intention to press the appropriation at the ensuing session of the chambers the executive branch of this government has as matters stand exhausted all the authority upon the subject with which it is invested and which it had any reason to believe could be beneficially employed the idea of acquiescing in the refusal to execute the treaty will not i am confident be for a moment entertained by any branch of this government and further negotiation upon the subject is equally out of the question if it shall be the pleasure of congress to await the further action of the french chambers no further consideration of the subject will at this session probably be required at your hands but if from the original delay in asking for an appropriation from the refusal of the chambers to grant it when asked from the omission to bring the subject before the chambers at their last session from the fact that including that session there have been five different occasions when the appropriation might have been made and from the delay in convoking the chambers until some weeks after the meeting of congress when it was well known that a communication of the whole subject to congress at the last session was prevented by assurances that it should be disposed of before its present meeting you should feel yourselves constrained to doubt whether it be the intention of the french government in all its branches to carry the treaty into effect and think that such measures as the occasion may be deemed to call for should be now adopted the important question arises what those measures shall be our institutions are essentially pacific peace and friendly intercourse with all nations are as much the desire of our government as they are the interest of our people but these objects are not to be permanently secured by surrendering the rights of our citizens or permitting solemn treaties for their indemnity in cases of flagrant wrong to be abrogated or set aside it is undoubtedly in the power of congress seriously to affect the agricultural and manufacturing interests of france by the passage of laws relating to her trade with the united states her products manufactures and tonnage may be subjected to heavy duties in our ports or all commercial intercourse with her may be suspended but there are powerful and to my mind conclusive objections to this mode of proceeding we can not embarrass or cut off the trade of france without at the same time in some degree embarrassing or cutting off our own trade the injury of such a warfare must fall though unequally upon our own citizens and could not but impair the means of the government and weaken that united sentiment in support of the rights and honor of the nation which must now pervade every bosom nor is it impossible that such a course of legislation would introduce once more into our national councils those disturbing questions in relation to the tariff of duties which have been so recently put to rest besides by every measure adopted by the government of the united sstates with the view of injuring france the clear perception of right which will induce our own people and the rulers and people of all other nations even of france herself to pronounce our quarrel just will be obscured and the support rendered to us in a final resort to more decisive measures will be more limited and equivocal there is but one point of controversy and upon that the whole civilized world must pronounce france to be in the wrong we insist that she shall pay us a sum of money which she has acknowledged to be due and of the justice of this demand there can be but one opinion among mankind true policy would seem to dictate that the question at issue should be kept thus disencumbered and that not the slightest pretense should be given to france to persist in her refusal to make payment by any act on our part affecting the interests of her people the question should be left as it is now in such an attitude that when france fulfills her treaty stipulations all controversy will be at an end it is my conviction that the united states ought to insist on a prompt execution of the treaty and in case it be refused or longer delayed take redress into their own hands after the delay on the part of france of a quarter of a century in acknowledging these claims by treaty it is not to be tolerated that another quarter of a century is to be wasted in negotiating about the payment the laws of nations provide a remedy for such occasions it is a principle of the international code that where one nation owes another a liquidated debt which it refuses or neglects to pay the aggrieved party may seize on the property belonging to the other its citizens or subjects sufficient to pay the debt without giving just because of war this remedy has been repeatedly resorted to and recently by france herself toward portugal under circumstances less unquestionable the time at which resort should be had to this or any other mode of redress is a point to be decided by congress if an appropriation shall not be made by the french chambers at their next session it may justly be concluded that the government of france has finally determined to disregard its own solemn undertaking and refuse to pay an acknowledged debt in that event every day delay on our part will be a stain upon our national honor as well as a denial of justice to our injured citizens prompt measures when the refusal of france shall be complete will not only be most honorable and just but will have the best effect upon our national character since france in violation of the pledges given through her minister here has delayed her final action so long that her decision will not probably be known in time to be communicated to this congress i recommend that a law be passed authorizing reprisals upon french property in case provision shall not be made for the payment of the debt at the approaching session of the french chambers her pride and power are too well known to expect any thing from her fears and preclude the necessity of a declaration that nothing partaking of the character of intimidation is intended by us she ought to look upon it as the evidence only of an inflexible determination on the part of the united states to insist on their rights that government by doing only what it has itself acknowledged to be just will be able to spare the united states the necessity of taking redress into their own hands and save the property of french citizens from that seizure and sequestration which american citizens so long endured without retaliation or redress if she should continue to refuse that act of acknowledged justice and in violation of the law of nations make reprisals on our part the occasion of hostilities against the united states she would but add violence to injustice and could not fail to expose herself to the just censure of civilized nations and to the retributive judgments of heaven collision with france is the more to be regretted on account of the position she occupies in europe in relation to liberal institutions but in maintaining our national rights and honor all governments are alike to us if by a collision with france in a case where she is clearly in the wrong the march of liberal principles shall be impeded the responsibility for that result as well as every other will rest on her own head having submitted these considerations it belongs to congress to decide whether after what has taken place it will still await the further action of the french chambers or now adopt such provisional measures as it may deem necessary and best adapted to protect the rights and maintain the honor of the country what ever that decision may be it will be faithfully enforced by the executive as far as he is authorized so to do according to the estimate of the treasury department the revenue accruing from all sources during the present year will amount to which with the balance remaining in the treasury on of produces an aggregate of the total expenditure during the year for all objects including the public debt is estimated at which will leave a balance in the treasury on of in this balance however will be included about of what was heretofore reported by the department as not effective of former appropriations it is estimated that there will remain unexpended at the close of the year and that of this sum there will not be required more than to accomplish the objects of all the current appropriations thus it appears that after satisfying all those appropriations and after discharging the last item of our public debt which will be done on there will remain unexpended in the treasury an effective balance of about that such should be the aspect of our finances is highly flattering to the industry and enterprise of our population and auspicious of the wealth and prosperity which await the future cultivation of their growing resources it is not deemed prudent however to recommend any change for the present in our impost rates the effect of the gradual reduction now in progress in many of them not being sufficiently tested to guide us in determining the precise amount of revenue which they will produce free from public debt at peace with all the world and with no complicated interests to consult in our intercourse with foreign powers the present may be hailed as the epoch in our history the most favorable for the settlement of those principles in our domestic policy which shall be best calculated to give stability to our republic and secure the blessings of freedom to our citizens among these principles from our past experience it can not be doubted that simplicity in the character of the federal government and a rigid economy in its administration should be regarded as fundamental and sacred all must be sensible that the existence of the public debt by rendering taxation necessary for its extinguishment has increased the difficulties which are inseparable from every exercise of the taxing power and that it was in this respect a remote agent in producing those disturbing questions which grew out of the discussions relating to the tariff if such has been the tendency of a debt incurred in the acquisition and maintenance of our national rights and liberties the obligations of which all portions of the union cheerfully acknowledged it must be obvious that what ever is calculated to increase the burdens of government without necessity must be fatal to all our hopes of preserving its true character while we are felicitating ourselves therefore upon the extinguishment of the national debt and the prosperous state of our finances let us not be tempted to depart from those sound maxims of public policy which enjoin a just adaptation of the revenue to the expenditures that are consistent with a rigid economy and an entire abstinence from all topics of legislation that are not clearly within the constitutional powers of the government and suggested by the wants of the country properly regarded under such a policy every diminution of the public burdens arising from taxation gives to individual enterprise increased power and furnishes to all the members of our happy confederacy new motives for patriotic affection and support but above all its most important effect will be found in its influence upon the character of the government by confining its action to those objects which will be sure to secure to it the attachment and support of our fellow citizens circumstances make it my duty to call the attention of congress to the bank of the united states created for the convenience of the government that institution has become the scourge of the people its interference to postpone the payment of a portion of the national debt that it might retain the public money appropriated for that purpose to strengthen it in a political contest the extraordinary extension and contraction of its accommodations to the community its corrupt and partisan loans its exclusion of the public directors from a knowledge of its most important proceedings the unlimited authority conferred on the president to expend its funds in hiring writers and procuring the execution of printing and the use made of that authority the retention of the pension money and books after the selection of new agents the groundless claim to heavy damages in consequence of the protest of the bill drawn on the french government have through various channels been laid before congress immediately after the close of the last session the bank through its president announced its ability and readiness to abandon the system of unparalleled curtailment and the interruption of domestic exchanges which it had practiced upon from to and to extend its accommodations to the community the grounds assumed in this annunciation amounted to an acknowledgment that the curtailment in the extent to which it had been carried was not necessary to the safety of the bank and had been persisted in merely to induce congress to grant the prayer of the bank in its memorial relative to the removal of the deposits and to give it a new charter they were substantially a confession that all the real distresses which individuals and the country had endured for the preceding 6 or 8 months had been needlessly produced by it with the view of affecting through the sufferings of the people the legislative action of congress it is subject of congratulation that congress and the country had the virtue and firmness to bear the infliction that the energies of our people soon found relief from this wanton tyranny in vast importations of th eprecious metals from almost every part of the world and that at the close of this tremendous effort to control our government the bank found itself powerless and no longer able to loan out its surplus means the community had learned to manage its affairs without its assistance and trade had already found new auxiliaries so that on the extraordinary spectacle was presented of a national more than half of whose capital was either lying unproductive in its vaults or in the hands of foreign bankers to the needless distresses brought on the country during the last session of congress has since been added the open seizure of the dividends on the public stock to the amount of under pretense of paying damages cost and interest upon the protested french bill this sum constituted a portion of the estimated revenues for the year 1834 upon which the appropriations made by congress were based it would as soon have been expected that our collectors would seize on the customs or the receivers of our land offices on the moneys arising from the sale of public lands under pretenses of claims against the united states as that the bank would have retained the dividends indeed if the principle be established that any one who chooses to set up a claim against the united states may without authority of law seize on the public property or money wherever he can find it to pay such claim there will remain no assurance that our revenue will reach the treasury or that it will be applied after the appropriation to the purposes designated in the law the pay masters of our army and the pursers of our navy may under like pretenses apply to their own use moneys appropriated to set in motion the public force and in time of war leave the country without defense this measure resorted to by the bank is disorganizing and revolutionary and if generally resorted to by private citizens in like cases would fill the land with anarchy and violence it is a constitutional provision the palpable object of this provision is to prevent the expenditure of the public money for any purpose what so ever which shall not have been 1st approved by the representatives of the people and the states in congress assembled it vests the power of declaring for what purposes the public money shall be expended in the legislative department of the government to the exclusion of the executive and judicial and it is not within the constitutional authority of either of those departments to pay it away without law or to sanction its payment according to this plain constitutional provision the claim of the bank can never be paid without an appropriation by act of congress but the bank has never asked for an appropriation it attempts to defeat the provision of the constitution and obtain payment without an act of congress instead of awaiting an appropriation passed by both houses and approved by the president it makes an appropriation for itself and invites an appeal to the judiciary to sanction it that the money had not technically been paid into the treasury does not affect the principle intended to be established by the constitution the executive and the judiciary have as little right to appropriate and expend the public money without authority of law before it is placed to the credit of the treasury as to take it from the treasury in the annual report of the secretary of the treasury and in his correspondence with the president of the bank and the opinions of the attorney general accompanying it you will find a further examination of the claims of the bank and the course it has pursued it seems due to the safety of the public funds remaining in that bank and to the honor of the american people that measures be taken to separate the government entirely from an institution so mischievous to the public prosperity and so regardless of the constitution and laws by transferring the public deposits by appointing other pension agents as far as it had the power by ordering the discontinuance of the receipt of bank checks in the payment of the public dues after the executive has exerted all its lawful authority to sever the connection between the government and this faithless corporation the career of this institution imposes upon the constitutional functionaries of this government duties of the gravest and most imperative character duties which they can not avoid and from which i trust there will be no inclination on the part of any of them to shrink my own sense of them is most clear as is also my readiness to discharge those which may rightfully fall on me to continue any business relations with the bank of the united states that may be avoided without a violation of the national faith after that institution has set at open defiance the conceded right of the government to examine its affairs after it has done all in its power to deride the public authority in other respects and to bring it into disrepute at home and abroad after it has attempted to defeat the clearly expressed will of the people by turning against them the immense power intrusted to its hands and by involving a country otherwise peaceful flourishing and happy in dissension embarrassment and distress would make the nation itself a party to the degradation so sedulously prepared for itss public agents and do much to destroy the confidence of in popular governments and to bring into contempt their authority and efficiency in guarding against an evil of such magnitude consideration of temprary convenience should be thrown out of the question and we should be influenced by such motives only as look to the honor and preservation of the republican system deeply and solemnly impressed with the justice of these views i feel it to be my duty to recommend to you that a law be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock that the provision of the charter requiring the receipt of notes of the bank in payment of public dues shall in accordance with the power reserved to congress in the 14th section of the charter be suspended until the bank pays to the treasury the dividends withheld and that all laws connecting the government or its officers with the bank directly or indirectly be repealed and that the institution be left hereafter to its own resources and means events have satisfied my mind and i think the minds of the american people that the mischiefs and dangers which flow from a national bank far all its advantages the bold effort the present bank has made to control the government the distresses it has wantonly produced the violence of which it has been the occasion in one of our cities famed for its observance of law and order are but premonitions of the fate which awaits the american people should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it it is fervently hoped that thus admonished those who have heretofore favored the establishment of a substitute for the present bank will be induced to abandon it as it is evidently better to incur any inconvenience that may be reasonably expected than to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the republic in any form what so ever or under any restrictions happily it is already illustrated that the agency of such an institution is not necessary to the fiscal operations of the government the state banks are found fully adequate to the performance of all services which were required of the bank of the united states quite as promptly and with the same cheapness they have maintained themselves and discharged all these duties while the bank of the united states was still powerful and in the field as an open enemy and it is not possible to conceive that they will find greater difficulties in their operations when that enemy shall cease to exist the attention of congress is earnestly invited to the regulation of the deposits in the state banks by law although the power now exercised by the executive department in this behalf is only such as was uniformly exerted through every administration from the origin of the government up to the establishment of the present bank yet it is one which is susceptible of regulation by law and therefore ought so to be regulated the power of congress to direct in what places the treasurer shall keep the moneys in the treasury and to impose restrictions upon the executive authority in relation to their custody and removal is unlimited and its exercise will rather be courted than discouraged by those public officers and agents on whom rests the responsibility for their safety it is desirable that as little power as possible should be left to the president or the secretary of the treasury over those institutions which being thus freed from executive influence and without a common head to direct their operations would have neither the temptation nor the ability to interfere in the political conflicts of the country not deriving their charters from the national authorities they would never have those inducements to meddle in general elections which have led the bank of the united states to agitate and convulse the country for upward of two years the progress of our gold coinage is creditable to the officers of the mint and promises in a short period to furnish the country with a sound and portable currency which will much diminish the inconvenience to travelers of the want of a general paper currency should the state banks be incapable of furnishing it those institutions have already shown themselves competent to purchase and furnish domestic exchange for the convenience of trade at reasonable rates and not a doubt is entertained that in a short period all the wants of the country in bank accommodations and exchange will be supplid as promptly and as cheaply as they have heretofore been by the bank of the united states if the several states shall be induced gradually to reform their banking systems and prohibit the issue of all small notes we shall in a few years have a currency as sound and as little liable to fluctuations as any other commercial country the report of the secretary of war together with the accompanying documents from the several bureaux of that department will exhibit the situation of the various objects committed to its administration no event has occurred since your last session rendering necessary any movements of the army with the exception of the expedition of the regiment of dragoons into the territory of the wandering and predatory tribes inhabiting the western frontier and living adjacent to the mexican boundary these tribes have been heretofore known to us principally by their attacks upon our own citizens and upon other indians entitled to the protection of the united states it became necessary for the peace of the frontiers to check these habitual inroads and i am happy to inform you that the object has been effected without the commission of any act of hostility colonel dodge and the troops under his command have acted with equal firmness and humanity and an arrangement has been made with those indians which it is hoped will assure their permanent pacific relations with the united states and the other tribes of indians upon that border it is to be regretted that the prevalence of sickness in that quarter has deprived the country of a number of valuable lives and particularly that general leavenworth an officer well known and esteemed for his gallant services in the late war and for his subsequent good conduct has fallen a victim to his zeal and exertions in the discharge of his duty the army is in a high state of discipline its moral condition so far as that is known here is good and the various branches of the public service are carefully attended to it is amply sufficient under its present organization for providing the necessary garrisons for the seaboard and for the defense of the internal frontier and also for preserving the elements of military knowledge and for keeping pace with those improvements which modern experience is continually making and these objects appear to me to embrace all the legitimate purposes for which a permanent military force should be maintained in our country the lessons of history teach us its danger and the tendency which exists to an increase this can be best met and averted by a just caution on the part of the public itself and of those who represent them in congress from the duties which devolve on teh engineer department and upon the topographical engineers a different organization seems to be demanded by the public interest and i recommend the subject to your consideration no important change has during this season taken place in the condition of the indians arrangements are in progress for the removal of the creeks and will soon be for the removal of the seminoles i regret that the cherokees east of the mississippi have not yet determined as a community to remove how long the personal causes which have heretofore retarded that ultimately inevitable measure will continue to operate i am unable to conjecture it is certain however that delay will bring with it accumulated evils which will render their condition more and more unpleasant the experience of every year adds to the conviction that emigration and that alone can preserve from destruction the remnant of the tribes yet living amongst us the facility with which the necessaries of life are procured and the treaty stipulations providing aid for the emigrant indians in their agricultural pursuits and in the important concern of education and their removal from those causes which have heretofore depressed all and destroyed many of the tribes can not fail to stimulate their exertions and to reward their industry the two laws passed at the last session of congress on the subject of indian affairs have been carried into effect and detailed instructions for their administration have been given it will be seen by the estimates for the present session that a great reduction will take place in the expenditures of the department in consequence of these laws and there is reason to believe that their operation will be salutary and that the colonization of the indians on the western frontier together with a judicious system of administration will still further reduce the expenses of this branch of the public service and at the same time promote its usefulness and efficiency circumstances have been recently developed showing the existence of extensive frauds under the various laws granting pensions and gratuities for revolutionary services it is impossible to estimate the amount which may have been thus fraudulently obtained from the national treasury i am satisfied however it has been such as to justify a of the system and the adoption of the necessary checks in its administration all will agree that the services and sufferings of the remnant of our revolutionary band should be fully compensated but while this is done every proper precaution should be taken to prevent the admission of fabricated and fraudulent claims in the present mode of proceeding the attestations and certificates of the judicial officers of the various states form a considerable portion of the checks which are interposed against the commission of frauds these however have been and may be fabricated and in such a way as to elude detection at the examining offices and independently of this practical difficulty it is ascertained that these documents are often loosely granted some times even blank certificates have been issued some times prepared papers have been signed without inquiry and in one instance at least the seal of the court has been within reach of a person most interested in its improper application it is obvious that under such circumstances no severity of administration can check the abuse of the law and information has from time to time been communicated to the pension office questioning or denying the right of persons placed upon the pension list to the bounty of the country such cautions are always attended to and examined but a far more general investigation is called for and i therefore recommend in conformity with the suggestion of the secretary of war that an actual inspection should be made in each state into the circumstances and claims of every person now drawing a pension the honest veteran has nothing to fear from such a scrutiny while the fraudulent claimant will be detected and the public treasury relieved to an amount i have reason to believe far greater than has heretofore been suspected the details of such a plan could be so regulated as to interpose the necessary checks without any burdensome operation upon the pensioners the object should be this measure will if adopted be productive i think of the desired results and i therefore recommend it to your consideration with the further suggestion that all payments should be suspended the necessary reports are received it will be seen by a tabular statement annexed to the documents transmitted to congress that the appropriations for objects connected with the war department made at the last session for the service of the year 1834 excluding the permanent appropriation for the payment of military gratuities under the act of the appropriation of for arming and equipping the militia and the appropriation of for the civilization of the indians which are not annually renewed amounted to the sum of and that the estimates of appropriations necessary for the same branches of service for the year 1835 amount to the sum of making a difference in the appropriations of the current year over the estimates of the appropriations for the next of the principal causes which have operated at this time to produce this great difference are shown in the reports and documents and in the detailed estimates some of these causes are accidental and temporary while others are permanent and aided by a just course of administration may continue to operate beneficially upon the public expenditures a just economy expending where the public service requires and withholding where it does not is among the indispensable duties of the government i refer you to the accompanying report of the secretary of the navy and to the documents with it for a full view of the operations of that important branch of our service during the present year it will be seen that the wisdom and liberality with which congress has provided for the gradual increase of our navy material have been seconded by a corresponding zeal and fidelity on the part of those to whom has been confided the execution of the laws on the subject and that but a short period would be now required to put in commission a force large enough for any exigency into which the country may be thrown when we reflect upon our position in relation to other nations it must be apparent that in the event of conflicts with them we must look chiefly to our navy for the protection of our national rights the wide seas which separate us from other governments must of necessity be the theater on which an enemy will aim to assail us and unless we are prepared to meet him on this element we can not be said to possess the power requisite to repel or prevent aggressions we can not therefore watch with too much attention this arm of our defense or cherish with too much care the means by which it can possess the necessary efficiency and extension to this end our policy has been heretofore wisely directed to the constant employment of a force sufficient to guard our commerce and to the rapid accumulation of the materials which are necessary to repair our vessels and construct with ease such new ones as may be required in a state of war in accordance with this policy i recommend to your consideration the erection of the additional dry dock described by the secretary of the navy and also the construction of the steam batteries to which he has referred for the purpose of testing their efficacy as auxiliaries to the system of defense now in use the report of the postmaster general herewith submitted exhibits the condition and prospects of that department from that document it appears that there was a deficit in the funds of the department at the commencement of the present year beyond its available means of which on the first of july last had been reduced to it appears also that the revenues for the coming year will exceed the expenditures about which with the excess of revenue which will result from the operations of the current half year may be expected independently of any increase in the gross amount of postages to supply the entire deficit before the end of 1835 but as this calculation is based on the gross amount of postages which had accrued within the period embraced by the times of striking the balances it is obvious that without a progressive increase in the amount of postages the existing retrenchments must be persevered in through the year 1836 that the department may accumulate a surplus fund sufficient to place it in a condition of perfect ease it will be observed that the revenues of the post office department though they have increased and their amount is above that of any former year have yet fallen short of the estimates more than this is attributed in a great degree to the increase of free letters growing out of the extension and abuse of the franking privilege there has been a gradual increase in the number of executive offices to which it has been granted and by an act passed in it was extended to members of congress throughout the whole year it is believed that a revision of the laws relative to the franking privilege with some enactments to enforce more rigidly the restrictions under which it is granted would operate beneficially to the country by enabling the department at an earlier period to restore the mail facilities that have been withdrawn and to extend them more widely as the growing settlements of the country may require to a measure so important to the government and so just to our constituents who ask no exclusive privileges for themselves and are not willing to concede them to others i earnestly recommend the serious attention of congress the importance of the post office department and the magnitude to which it has grown both in its revenues and in its operations seem to demand its reorganization by law the whole of its receipts and disbursements have hitherto been left entirely to executive control and individual discretion the principle is as sound in relation to this as to any other department of the government that as little discretion should be confided to the executive officer who controls it as is compatible with its efficiency it is therefore earnestly recommended that it be organized with an auditor and treasurer of its own appointed by the president and senate who shall be branches of the treasury department your attention is again respectfully invited to the defect which exists in the judicial system of the united states nothing can be more desirable than the uniform operation of the federal judiciary throughout the several states all of which standing on the same footing as members of the union have equal rights to the advantages and benefits resulting from its laws this object is not attained by the judicial acts now in force because they leave one quarter of the states without circuit courts it is undoubtedly the duty of congress to place all the states on the same footing in this respect either by the creation of an additional number of associate judges or by an enlargement of the circuits assigned to those already appointed so as to include the new states what ever may be the difficulty in a proper organization of the judicial system so as to secure its efficiency and uniformity in all parts of the union and at the same time to avoid such an increase of judges as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal it should not be allowed to weigh against the great injustice which the present operation of the system produces i trust that i may be also pardoned for renewing the recommendation i have so often submitted to your attention in regard to the mode of electing the president and vice president of the united states all the reflection i have been able to bestow upon the subject increases my conviction that the best interests of the country will be promoted by the adoption of some plan which will secure in all contingencies that important right of sovereignty to the direct control of the people could this be attained and the terms of those officers be limited to a single period of either four or six years i think our liberties would possess an additional safeguard at your last session i called the attention of congress to the destruction of the public building occupied by the treasury department as the public interest requires that another building should be erected with as little delay as possible it is hoped that the means will be seasonably provided and that they will be ample enough to authorize such an enlargement and improvement in the plan of the building as will more effectually accommodate the public officers and secure the public documents deposited in it from the casualties of fire i have not been able to satisfy myself that the bill entitled which was sent to me at the close of your last session ought to pass and i have therefore withheld from it my approval and now return it to the senate the body in which it originated there can be no question connected with the administration of public affairs more important or more difficult to be satisfactorily dealth with than that which relates to the rightful authority and proper action of the federal government upon the subject of internal improvements to inherent embarrassments have been added others resulting from the course of our legislation concerning it i have heretofore communicated freely with congress upon this subject and in adverting to it again i can not refrain from expressing my increased conviction of its extreme importance as well in regard to its bearing upon the maintenance of the constitution and the prudent management of the public revenue as on account of its disturbing effect upon the harmony of the union we are in no danger from violations of the constitution by which encroachments are made upon the personal rights of the citizen the sentence of condemnation long since pronounced by the american people upon acts of that character will i doubt not continue to prove as salutary in its effects as it is irreversible in its nature but against the dangers of unconstitutional acts which instead of menacing the vengeance of offended authority proffer local advantages and bring in their train the patronage of the government we are i fear not so safe to suppose that because our government has been instituted for the benefit of the people it must therefore have the power to do what ever may seem to conduce to the public good is an error into which even honest minds are too apt to fall in yielding themselves to this fallacy they overlook the great considerations in which the federal constitution was founded they forget that in consequence of the conceded diversities in the interest and condition of the different states it was foreseen at the period of its adoption that although a particular measure of the government might be beneficial and proper in 1 state it might be the reverse in another that it was for this reason the states would not consent to make a grant to the federal government of the general and usual powers of government but of such only as were specifically enumerated and the probable effects of which they could as they thought safely anticipate and they forget also the paramount obligation upon all to abide by the compact then so solemnly and as it was hoped so firmly established in addition to the dangers to the constitution springing from the sources i have stated there has been one which was perhaps greater than all i allude to the materials which this subject has afforded for sinister appeals to selfish feelings and the opinion heretofore so extensively entertained of its adaptation to the purposes of personal ambition with such stimulus it is not surprising that the acts and pretensions of the federal government in this behalf should some times have been carried to an alarming extent the questions which have arisen upon this subject have related the claims of power for the general government upon each of these points certainly present matter of the deepest interest the first is however of much the greatest importance in as much as in addition to the dangers of unequal and improvident expenditures of public moneys common to all there is to that the conflicting jurisdictions of the respective governments federal jurisdiction at least to the extent i have stated has been justly regarded by its advocates as necessarily appurtenant to the power in question if that exists by the constitution that the most injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise between the respective jurisdictions of the state and federal governments in the absence of a constitutional provision marking out their respective boundaries can not be doubted the local advantages to be obtained would induce the states to overlook in the beginning the dangers and difficulties to which they might ultimately be exposed the powers exercised by the federal government would soon be regarded with jealousy by the state authorities and originating as they must from implication or assumption it would be impossible to affix to them certain and safe limits opportunities and temptations to the assumption of power incompatible with state sovereignty would be increased and those barriers which resist the tendency of our system toward consolidation greatly weakened the officers and agents of the general government might not always have the discretion to abstain from intermeddling with state concerns and if they did they would not always escape the suspicion of having done so collisions and consequent irritations would spring up that harmony which should ever exist between the general government and each member of the confederacy would be frequently interrupted a spirit of contention would be engendered and the dangers of disunion greatly multiplied yet we know that not withstanding these grave objections this dangerous doctrine was at one time apparently proceeding to its final establishment with fearful rapidity the desier to embark the federal government in works of internal improvement prevailed in the highest degree during the first session of the first congress that i had the honor to meet in my present situation when the bill authorizing a subscription on the part of the united states for stock in the maysville and lexington turnpike company passed the two houses there had been reported by the committees of internal improvements bills containing appropriations for such objects inclusive of those for the cumberland road and for harbors and light houses to the amount of in this amount was included authority to the secretary of the treasury to subscribe for the stock of different companies to a great extent and the residue was principally for the direct construction of roads by this government in addition to these projects which had been presented to the two houses under the sanction and recommendation of their respective committees on internal improvements there were then still pending before the committees and in memorials to congress presented but not referred different projects for works of a similar character the expense of which can not be estimated with certainty but must have exceeded regarding the bill authorizing a subscription to the stock of the maysville and lexington turnpike company as the entering wedge of a system which however weak at first might soon become strong enough to rive the bands of the union asunder and believing that if its passage was acquiesced in by the executive and the people there would no longer be any limitation upon the authority of the general government in respect to the appropriation of money for such objects i deemed it an imperative duty to withhold from it the executive approval although from the obviously local character of that work i might well have contented myself with a refusal to approve the bill upon that ground yet sensible of the vital importance of the subject and anxious that my views and opinions in regard to the whole matter should be fully understood by congress and by my constituents i felt it my duty to go further i therefore embraced that early occasion to apprise congress that in my opinion the constitution did not confer upon it the power to authorize the construction of ordinary roads and canals within the limits of a state and to say respectfully that no bill admitting such a power could receive my official sanction i did so in the confident expectation that the speedy settlement of the public mind upon the whole subject would be greatly facilitated by the difference between the 2 houses and myself and that the harmonious action of the several departments of the federal government in regard to it would be ultimately secured so far at least as it regards this branch of the subject my best hopes have been realized nearly four years have elapsed and several sessions of congress have intervened and no attempt within my recollection has been made to induce congress to exercise this power the applications for the construction of roads and canals which were formerly multiplied upon your files are no longer presented and we have good reason to infer that the current public sentiment has become so decided against the pretension as effectually to discourage its reassertion so thinking i derive the greatest satisfaction from the conviction that thus much at least has been secured upon this important and embarrassing subject from attempts to appropriate the national funds to objects which are confessedly of a local character we can not i trust have anything further to apprehend my views in regard to the expediency of making appropriations for works which are claimed to be of a national character and prosecuted under state authority assuming that congress have the right to do so were stated in my annual message to congress in 1830 and also in that containing my objections to the maysville road bill so thoroughly convinced am i that no such appropriations ought to be made by congress until a suitable constitutional provision is made upon the subject and so essential do i regard the point to the highest interests of our country that i could not consider myself as discharging my duty to my constituents in giving the executive sanction to any bill containing such an appropriation if the people of the united states desire that the public treasury shall be resorted to for the means to prosecute such works they will concur in an amendment of the constitution prescribing a rule by which the national character of the works is to be tested and by which the greatest practicable equality of benefits may be secured to each member of the confederacy the effects of such a regulation would be most salutary in preventing unprofitable expenditures in securing our legislation from the pernicious consequences of a scramble for the favors of government and in repressing the spirit of discontent which must inevitably arise from an unequal distribution of treasures which belong alike to all there is another class of appropriations for what may be called without impropriety internal improvements which have always been regarded as standing upon different grounds from those to which i have referred i allude to such as have for their object the improvement of our harbors the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers for the facility and security of our foreign commerce the grounds upon which i distinguished appropriations of this character from others have already been stated to congress i will now only add that at the 1st session of congress under the new constitution it was provided by law that all expenses which should accrue from and after the 15th day of august 1789 in the necessary support and maintenance and repairs of all light houses beacons buoys and public piers erected placed or sunk before the passage of the act within any bay inlet harbor or port of the united states for rendering the navigation thereof easy and safe should be defrayed out of the treasury of the united states and further that it should be the duty of the secretary of the treasury to provide by contracts with the approbation of the president for rebuilding when necessary and keeping in good repair the light houses beacons buoys and public piers in the several states and for furnishing them with supplies appropriations for similar objects have been continued from that time to the present without interruption or dispute as a natural consequence of the increase and extension of our foreign commerce ports of entry and delivery have been multiplied and established not only upon our but in the interior of the country upon our lakes and navigable rivers the convenience and safety of this commerce have led to the gradual extension of these expenditures to the erection of light houses the placing planting and sinking of buoys beacons and piers and to the removal of partial and temporary obstructions in our navigable rivers and in the harbors upon our great lakes as well as on the although i have expressed to congress my apprehension that these expenditures have some times been extravagant and disproportionate to the advantages to be derived from them i have not gelt it to be my duty to refuse my assent to bills containing them and have contented myself to follow in this respect in the of all my predecessors sensible however from experience and observation of the great abuses to which the unrestricted exercise of this authority by congress was exposed i have prescribed a limitation for the government of my own conduct by which expenditures of this character are confined to places below the ports of entry or delivery established by law i am very sentible that this restriction is not as satisfactory as could be desired and that much embarrassment may be caused to the executive department in its execution by appropriations for remote and not objects but as neither my own reflections nor the lights which i may properly derive from other sources have supplied me with a better i shall continue to apply my best exertions to a faithful application of the rule upon which it is founded i sincerely regret that i could not give my assent to the bill entitled but i could not have done so without receding from the ground which i have upon the fullest consideration taken upon this subject and of which congress has been heretofore apprised and without throwing the subject again open to abuses which no good citizen entertaining my opinions could desire i rely upon the intelligence and candor of my fellow citizens in whose liberal indulgence i have already so largely participated for a correct appreciation on my motives in interposing as i have done on this and other occasions checks to a course of legislation which without in the slightest degree calling in question the motives of others i consider as sanctioning improper and unconstitutional expenditures of public treasure i am not hostile to internal improvements and wish to see them extended to every part of the country but i am fully persuaded if they are not commenced in a proper manner confined to proper objects and conducted under an authority generally conceded to be rightful that a successful prosecution of them can not be reasonably expected the attempt will meet with resistance where it might otherwise receive support and instead of strengthening the bonds of our confederacy it will only multiply and aggravate the causes of disunion
performing duty opening present session gives pleasure congratulate upon prosperous condition beloved country divine providence favored us general health rich rewards fields agriculture every branch labor peace cultivate extend various resources employ virtue enterprise citizens let us trust surveying scene flattering free institutions joint deliberations preserve may crowned success foreign relations continue exceptions maintain favorable aspect bore last annual message promise extend advantages principles regulate intercourse nations well calculated secure question north east boundary still pending great britain proposition made accordance resolution senate establishment line according treaty 1783 accepted government believing every disposition felt sides adjust perplexing question satisfaction parties interested hope yet indulged may effected basis proposition governments austria russia prussia holland sweden denmark best understanding exists commerce fostered protected reciprocal good sanction liberal conventional legal provisions midst internal difficulties queen spain ratified convention payment claims citizens arising since 1819 course execution part copy laid legislation may found necessary enable interested derive benefits yielding force circumstances wise counsels time experience power finally resolved longer occupy unnatural position stood new governments established hemisphere great satisfaction stating preparing way restoration harmony sprung ancestors allied common interests profess religion speak language united states actively instrumental efforts effect good work persevered deemed useful parties entire disinterestedness continues felt understood act congress countervail discriminating duties prejudice navigation levied cuba puerto rico transmitted minister united states madrid communicated government queen intelligence receipt yet reached department state present condition country permits government make careful enlarged examination true interests important portions dominions doubt entertained future intercourse united states placed upon liberal basis florida archives yet selected delivered recent orders sent agent united states havana return obtain may washington session supreme court used legal questions pending government party internal tranquillity happily restored portugal distracted state country rendered unavoidable postponement final payment claims citizens diplomatic relations soon resumed friendship power affords strongest guaranty balance due receive prompt attnetion first installment due convention indemnity king two sicilies duly received offer made extinguish whole prompt payment offer consider authorized accept indemnification provided exclusive property individual citizens united states original adjustment claims anxiety displayed fulfill stipulations made payment highly honorable government two sicilies recollected result injustice intrusive power temporarily dominant territory repugnance acknowledge pay would neither unnatural unexpected circumstances fail exalt character justice good faith eyes nations treaty amity commerce united states belgium brought notice last annual message sanctioned senate ratifications exchanged owing delay reception brussels subsequent absence belgian minister foreign affairs mature deliberation finally disavowed government inconsistent powers instructions given minister negotiated disavowal entirely unexpected liberal principles embodied convention form objections perfectly satisfactory belgian representative supposed within powers granted expressly conformable instructions given offer yet accepted made belgium renew negotiations treaty less liberal provisions questions general maritime law newly established relations sublime porte promise useful commerce satisfactory every respect government intercourse barbary powers continues without important change except present political state algiers induced terminate residence salaried consul substitute ordinary consulate remain long place continues possession france first treaty one powers emperor morocco formed 1786 limited fifty years period almost expired shall take measures renew greater satisfaction stipulations liberal mutual fidelity reciprocal advantage scrupulously fulfilled intestine dissensions frequently occurred mar prosperity interrupt commerce distract governments nations hemisphere separated spain firm permanent understanding parent country shall produced formal acknowledgment independence idea danger quarter longer entertained friends freedom expect countries favored nature distinguished love justice devotion peaceful arts assiduous cultivation confers honor upon nations gives value human life mean time confidently hope apprehensions entertained people luxuriant regions may tempted moment unworthy distrust capacity enjoyment liberty commit common error purchasing present repose bestowing favorite leaders fatal gift irresponsible power realized governments brazil unexpected changes relations occurred present year frequent causes complaint arisen upon part citizens united states times irregular action constituted subordinate authorities maritime regions times leaders partisans arms established governments cases representations made soon political affairs settled position expected friendly remonstrances followed adequate redress government mexico made known 1833 december last appointment commissioners surveyor part run conjunction boundary line territories united states excused delay reasons anticipated prevalence civil war commissioners surveyors met within time stipulated treaty new arrangement became necessary chargé instructed 1833 january negotiate mexico article additional treaty instruction acknowledged difficulty apprehended accomplishment object information received additional article treaty obtained transmitted country soon receive ratification mexican congress reunion three states new grenada venezuela equador forming republic colombia seems every day become improbable commissioners two first understood negotiating division obligations contracted united one government civil war equador believed prevented even appointment commissioner part propose early day submit proper form appointment diplomatic agent venezuela importance commerce country united states large claims citizens upon government arising since division colombia rendering judgment improper longer delay step representatives central america peru brazil either way respective posts argentine republic minister expected government nothing heard occasion taken departure new consul buenos ayres remind government long delayed minister whose appointment made known us arrived becomes unpleasant duty inform pacific highly gratifying picture foreign relations include france time possible government people could sincerely desirous conciliating friendly intercourse another nation united states ancient ally friend disposition founded well grateful honorable recollections associated struggle independence upon well grounded conviction consonant true policy people united states could therefore see without deepest regret even temporary interruption friendly relations two countries regret would sure greatly aggravated turn reasonable ground attributing result act omission commission part derive therefore highest satisfaction able assure whole course government characterized spirit conciliatory forbearing make impossible justice moderation questioned ever may consequences longer perseverance part french government omission satisfy conceded claims citizens history accumulated unprovoked aggressions upon commerce committed authority existing governments france years 1800 1817 rendered painfully familiar americans make repetition either necessary desirable sufficient remark many years scarcely single administration french government justice legality claims citizens indemnity considerable extent admitted yet near quarter century wasted ineffectual negotiations secure deeply sensible injurious effects resulting state things upon interests character nations regarded among first duties one effort made satisfy france liberal settlement claims well due honor incontestable validity negotiation purpose commenced late government france prosecuted success leave reasonable ground doubt settlement character quite liberal subsequently made would effected revolution negotiation cut taken place discussions resumed present government result showed wrong supposing event two governments made approach much nearer political principles motives liberal friendly intercourse greatly multiplied could exercise salutary influence upon negotiation deliberate thorough examination whole subject treaty two governments concluded signed paris stipulated also stipulated part french government francs paid paris six annual installments francs 66 centimes hands person persons first installment paid also stipulated part united states purpose completely liberated reclamations presented france behalf citizens sum francs paid government france six annual installments deducted annual sums france agreed pay interest thereupon like manner computed day exchange ratifications addition stipulation important advantages secured france following article viz wines france exchange ratifications present conventions shall admitted consumption states union duties shall exceed following rates gallon used present wines us wit 6 cents red wines casks 10 cents white wines casks 22 cents wines sorts bottles proportions existing duties french wines thus reduced general rates tariff went operation shall maintained case government united states think proper diminish general rates new tariff consideration stipulation shall binding united states 10 years french government abandons reclamations formed relation 8th article treaty cession louisiana engages moreover establish cottons united states exchange ratifications present convention shall brought directly thence france vessels us french vessels duties cotton treaty duly ratified manner prescribed constitutions countries ratification exchanged city washington account commercial stipulations five days thereafter laid congress united states proceeded enact laws favorable commerce france necessary carry full execution france period present unrestricted enjoyment valuable privileges thus secured faith french nation thus solemnly pledged constitutional organ liquidation ultimate payment long deferred claims citizens also adjustment points great reciprocal benefits countries united states fidelity promptitude conduct trust always characterized done every thing necessary carry treaty full fair effect part counted perfect confidence equal fidelity promptitude part french government reasonable expectation regret inform wholly disappointed legislative provision made france execution treaty either respects indemnity paid commercial benefits secured united states relations united states power consequence thereof placed situation threatening interrupt good understanding long happily existed two nations french government thus wanting performance stipulations solemnly entered united states omissions marked circumstances would seem leave us without satisfactory evidences performance certainly take place future period advice exchange ratifications reached paris prior french chambers sitting continued session although one installment indemnity payable one year exchange ratifications application made chambers required appropriation consequence appropriation made draft united states government installment dishonored minister finance united states thereby involved much controversy next session chambers commenced continued withstanding omission pay first installment made subject earnest remonstrance part treaty united states bill making necessary appropriations execute laid chamber deputies nearly five months meeting nineteen days close session bill read referred committee action upon next session chambers commenced continued new bill introduced nothing important done relation session 1834 april nearly three years signature treaty final action french chambers upon bill carry treaty effect obtained resulted refusal necessary appropriations avowed grounds upon bill rejected found published debates body observations mine necessary satisfy congress utter insufficiency although gross amount claims citizens probably greater ultimately allowed commissioners sufficient never less shown render absolutely certain indemnity falls far short actual amount claims independently question damages interest detention settlement involved sacrifice respect well known time sacrifice cheerfully acquiesced different branches federal government whose action upon treaty required sincere desire avoid collision upon old disturbing subject confident expectation general relations two countries would improved thereby refusal vote appropriation news received minister paris might considered final determination french government execute stipulations treaty would justified immediate communication facts congress recommendation ultimate measures interest honor united states might seem require news refusal chambers make appropriation conveyed regrets king declaration national vessel forthwith sent instructions french minister give ample explanations past strongest assurances future long passage promised dispatch vessel arrived pledges given french minister upon receipt instructions soon election new members charter would permit legislative chambers france called together proposition appropriation laid constitutional powers king cabinet exerted accomplish object result made known early enough communicated congress commencement present session relying upon pledges doubting acknowledged justice claims promised exertions king cabinet sacred regard national faith honor french character distinguished would secure early execution treaty parts deem necessary call attention congress subject last session regret say pledges made minister france redeemed new chambers met although subject fulfilling treaties alluded speech throne attempt made king cabinet procure appropriation carry execution reasons given omission although might considered sufficient ordinary case consistent expectations founded upon assurances given constitutional obstacle entering legislative business first meeting chambers point however might chambers instead called meet early day result deliberations might communicated meeting congress prorogued period late decision scarcely made known present congress prior dissolution avoid delay minister paris virtue assurance given french minister united states strongly urged convocation chambers earlier day without success proper remark however refusal accompanied positive assurances part executive government france intention press appropriation ensuing session chambers executive branch government matters stand exhausted authority upon subject invested reason believe could beneficially employed idea acquiescing refusal execute treaty confident moment entertained branch government negotiation upon subject equally question shall pleasure congress await action french chambers consideration subject session probably required hands original delay asking appropriation refusal chambers grant asked omission bring subject chambers last session fact including session five different occasions appropriation might made delay convoking chambers weeks meeting congress well known communication whole subject congress last session prevented assurances disposed present meeting feel constrained doubt whether intention french government branches carry treaty effect think measures occasion may deemed call adopted important question arises measures shall institutions essentially pacific peace friendly intercourse nations much desire government interest people objects permanently secured surrendering rights citizens permitting solemn treaties indemnity cases flagrant wrong abrogated set aside undoubtedly power congress seriously affect agricultural manufacturing interests france passage laws relating trade united states products manufactures tonnage may subjected heavy duties ports commercial intercourse may suspended powerful mind conclusive objections mode proceeding embarrass cut trade france without time degree embarrassing cutting trade injury warfare must fall though unequally upon citizens could impair means government weaken united sentiment support rights honor nation must pervade every bosom impossible course legislation would introduce national councils disturbing questions relation tariff duties recently put rest besides every measure adopted government united sstates view injuring france clear perception right induce people rulers people nations even france pronounce quarrel obscured support rendered us final resort decisive measures limited equivocal one point controversy upon whole civilized world must pronounce france wrong insist shall pay us sum money acknowledged due justice demand one opinion among mankind true policy would seem dictate question issue kept thus disencumbered slightest pretense given france persist refusal make payment act part affecting interests people question left attitude france fulfills treaty stipulations controversy end conviction united states ought insist prompt execution treaty case refused longer delayed take redress hands delay part france quarter century acknowledging claims treaty tolerated another quarter century wasted negotiating payment laws nations provide remedy occasions principle international code one nation owes another liquidated debt refuses neglects pay aggrieved party may seize property belonging citizens subjects sufficient pay debt without giving war remedy repeatedly resorted recently france toward portugal circumstances less unquestionable time resort mode redress point decided congress appropriation shall made french chambers next session may justly concluded government france finally determined disregard solemn undertaking refuse pay acknowledged debt event every day delay part stain upon national honor well denial justice injured citizens prompt measures refusal france shall complete honorable best effect upon national character since france violation pledges given minister delayed final action long decision probably known time communicated congress recommend law passed authorizing reprisals upon french property case provision shall made payment debt approaching session french chambers pride power well known expect thing fears preclude necessity declaration nothing partaking character intimidation intended us ought look upon evidence inflexible determination part united states insist rights government acknowledged able spare united states necessity taking redress hands save property french citizens seizure sequestration american citizens long endured without retaliation redress continue refuse act acknowledged justice violation law nations make reprisals part occasion hostilities united states would add violence injustice could fail expose censure civilized nations retributive judgments heaven collision france regretted account position occupies europe relation liberal institutions maintaining national rights honor governments alike us collision france case clearly wrong march liberal principles shall impeded responsibility result well every rest head submitted considerations belongs congress decide whether taken place still await action french chambers adopt provisional measures may deem necessary best adapted protect rights maintain honor country ever decision may faithfully enforced executive far authorized according estimate treasury department revenue accruing sources present year amount balance remaining treasury produces aggregate total expenditure year objects including public debt estimated leave balance treasury balance however included heretofore reported department effective former appropriations estimated remain unexpended close year sum required accomplish objects current appropriations thus appears satisfying appropriations discharging last item public debt done remain unexpended treasury effective balance aspect finances highly flattering industry enterprise population auspicious wealth prosperity await future cultivation growing resources deemed prudent however recommend change present impost rates effect gradual reduction progress many sufficiently tested guide us determining precise amount revenue produce free public debt peace world complicated interests consult intercourse foreign powers present may hailed epoch history favorable settlement principles domestic policy shall best calculated give stability republic secure blessings freedom citizens among principles past experience doubted simplicity character federal government rigid economy administration regarded fundamental sacred must sensible existence public debt rendering taxation necessary extinguishment increased difficulties inseparable every exercise taxing power respect remote agent producing disturbing questions grew discussions relating tariff tendency debt incurred acquisition maintenance national rights liberties obligations portions union cheerfully acknowledged must obvious ever calculated increase burdens government without necessity must fatal hopes preserving true character felicitating therefore upon extinguishment national debt prosperous state finances let us tempted depart sound maxims public policy enjoin adaptation revenue expenditures consistent rigid economy entire abstinence topics legislation clearly within constitutional powers government suggested wants country properly regarded policy every diminution public burdens arising taxation gives individual enterprise increased power furnishes members happy confederacy new motives patriotic affection support important effect found influence upon character government confining action objects sure secure attachment support fellow citizens circumstances make duty call attention congress bank united states created convenience government institution become scourge people interference postpone payment portion national debt might retain public money appropriated purpose strengthen political contest extraordinary extension contraction accommodations community corrupt partisan loans exclusion public directors knowledge important proceedings unlimited authority conferred president expend funds hiring writers procuring execution printing use made authority retention pension money books selection new agents groundless claim heavy damages consequence protest bill drawn french government various channels laid congress immediately close last session bank president announced ability readiness abandon system unparalleled curtailment interruption domestic exchanges practiced upon extend accommodations community grounds assumed annunciation amounted acknowledgment curtailment extent carried necessary safety bank persisted merely induce congress grant prayer bank memorial relative removal deposits give new charter substantially confession real distresses individuals country endured preceding 6 8 months needlessly produced view affecting sufferings people legislative action congress subject congratulation congress country virtue firmness bear infliction energies people soon found relief wanton tyranny vast importations th eprecious metals almost every part world close tremendous effort control government bank found powerless longer able loan surplus means community learned manage affairs without assistance trade already found new auxiliaries extraordinary spectacle presented national half whose capital either lying unproductive vaults hands foreign bankers needless distresses brought country last session congress since added open seizure dividends public stock amount pretense paying damages cost interest upon protested french bill sum constituted portion estimated revenues year 1834 upon appropriations made congress based would soon expected collectors would seize customs receivers land offices moneys arising sale public lands pretenses claims united states bank would retained dividends indeed principle established one chooses set claim united states may without authority law seize public property money wherever find pay claim remain assurance revenue reach treasury applied appropriation purposes designated law pay masters army pursers navy may like pretenses apply use moneys appropriated set motion public force time war leave country without defense measure resorted bank disorganizing revolutionary generally resorted private citizens like cases would fill land anarchy violence constitutional provision palpable object provision prevent expenditure public money purpose ever shall 1st approved representatives people states congress assembled vests power declaring purposes public money shall expended legislative department government exclusion executive judicial within constitutional authority either departments pay away without law sanction payment according plain constitutional provision claim bank never paid without appropriation act congress bank never asked appropriation attempts defeat provision constitution obtain payment without act congress instead awaiting appropriation passed houses approved president makes appropriation invites appeal judiciary sanction money technically paid treasury affect principle intended established constitution executive judiciary little right appropriate expend public money without authority law placed credit treasury take treasury annual report secretary treasury correspondence president bank opinions attorney general accompanying find examination claims bank course pursued seems due safety public funds remaining bank honor american people measures taken separate government entirely institution mischievous public prosperity regardless constitution laws transferring public deposits appointing pension agents far power ordering discontinuance receipt bank checks payment public dues executive exerted lawful authority sever connection government faithless corporation career institution imposes upon constitutional functionaries government duties gravest imperative character duties avoid trust inclination part shrink sense clear also readiness discharge may rightfully fall continue business relations bank united states may avoided without violation national faith institution set open defiance conceded right government examine affairs done power deride public authority respects bring disrepute home abroad attempted defeat clearly expressed people turning immense power intrusted hands involving country otherwise peaceful flourishing happy dissension embarrassment distress would make nation party degradation sedulously prepared itss public agents much destroy confidence popular governments bring contempt authority efficiency guarding evil magnitude consideration temprary convenience thrown question influenced motives look honor preservation republican system deeply solemnly impressed justice views feel duty recommend law passed authorizing sale public stock provision charter requiring receipt notes bank payment public dues shall accordance power reserved congress 14th section charter suspended bank pays treasury dividends withheld laws connecting government officers bank directly indirectly repealed institution left hereafter resources means events satisfied mind think minds american people mischiefs dangers flow national bank far advantages bold effort present bank made control government distresses wantonly produced violence occasion one cities famed observance law order premonitions fate awaits american people deluded perpetuation institution establishment another like fervently hoped thus admonished heretofore favored establishment substitute present bank induced abandon evidently better incur inconvenience may reasonably expected concentrate whole moneyed power republic form ever restrictions happily already illustrated agency institution necessary fiscal operations government state banks found fully adequate performance services required bank united states quite promptly cheapness maintained discharged duties bank united states still powerful field open enemy possible conceive find greater difficulties operations enemy shall cease exist attention congress earnestly invited regulation deposits state banks law although power exercised executive department behalf uniformly exerted every administration origin government establishment present bank yet one susceptible regulation law therefore ought regulated power congress direct places treasurer shall keep moneys treasury impose restrictions upon executive authority relation custody removal unlimited exercise rather courted discouraged public officers agents rests responsibility safety desirable little power possible left president secretary treasury institutions thus freed executive influence without common head direct operations would neither temptation ability interfere political conflicts country deriving charters national authorities would never inducements meddle general elections led bank united states agitate convulse country upward two years progress gold coinage creditable officers mint promises short period furnish country sound portable currency much diminish inconvenience travelers want general paper currency state banks incapable furnishing institutions already shown competent purchase furnish domestic exchange convenience trade reasonable rates doubt entertained short period wants country bank accommodations exchange supplid promptly cheaply heretofore bank united states several states shall induced gradually reform banking systems prohibit issue small notes shall years currency sound little liable fluctuations commercial country report secretary war together accompanying documents several bureaux department exhibit situation various objects committed administration event occurred since last session rendering necessary movements army exception expedition regiment dragoons territory wandering predatory tribes inhabiting western frontier living adjacent mexican boundary tribes heretofore known us principally attacks upon citizens upon indians entitled protection united states became necessary peace frontiers check habitual inroads happy inform object effected without commission act hostility colonel dodge troops command acted equal firmness humanity arrangement made indians hoped assure permanent pacific relations united states tribes indians upon border regretted prevalence sickness quarter deprived country number valuable lives particularly general leavenworth officer well known esteemed gallant services late war subsequent good conduct fallen victim zeal exertions discharge duty army high state discipline moral condition far known good various branches public service carefully attended amply sufficient present organization providing necessary garrisons seaboard defense internal frontier also preserving elements military knowledge keeping pace improvements modern experience continually making objects appear embrace legitimate purposes permanent military force maintained country lessons history teach us danger tendency exists increase best met averted caution part public represent congress duties devolve teh engineer department upon topographical engineers different organization seems demanded public interest recommend subject consideration important change season taken place condition indians arrangements progress removal creeks soon removal seminoles regret cherokees east mississippi yet determined community remove long personal causes heretofore retarded ultimately inevitable measure continue operate unable conjecture certain however delay bring accumulated evils render condition unpleasant experience every year adds conviction emigration alone preserve destruction remnant tribes yet living amongst us facility necessaries life procured treaty stipulations providing aid emigrant indians agricultural pursuits important concern education removal causes heretofore depressed destroyed many tribes fail stimulate exertions reward industry two laws passed last session congress subject indian affairs carried effect detailed instructions administration given seen estimates present session great reduction take place expenditures department consequence laws reason believe operation salutary colonization indians western frontier together judicious system administration still reduce expenses branch public service time promote usefulness efficiency circumstances recently developed showing existence extensive frauds various laws granting pensions gratuities revolutionary services impossible estimate amount may thus fraudulently obtained national treasury satisfied however justify system adoption necessary checks administration agree services sufferings remnant revolutionary band fully compensated done every proper precaution taken prevent admission fabricated fraudulent claims present mode proceeding attestations certificates judicial officers various states form considerable portion checks interposed commission frauds however may fabricated way elude detection examining offices independently practical difficulty ascertained documents often loosely granted times even blank certificates issued times prepared papers signed without inquiry one instance least seal court within reach person interested improper application obvious circumstances severity administration check abuse law information time time communicated pension office questioning denying right persons placed upon pension list bounty country cautions always attended examined far general investigation called therefore recommend conformity suggestion secretary war actual inspection made state circumstances claims every person drawing pension honest veteran nothing fear scrutiny fraudulent claimant detected public treasury relieved amount reason believe far greater heretofore suspected details plan could regulated interpose necessary checks without burdensome operation upon pensioners object measure adopted productive think desired results therefore recommend consideration suggestion payments suspended necessary reports received seen tabular statement annexed documents transmitted congress appropriations objects connected war department made last session service year 1834 excluding permanent appropriation payment military gratuities act appropriation arming equipping militia appropriation civilization indians annually renewed amounted sum estimates appropriations necessary branches service year 1835 amount sum making difference appropriations current year estimates appropriations next principal causes operated time produce great difference shown reports documents detailed estimates causes accidental temporary others permanent aided course administration may continue operate beneficially upon public expenditures economy expending public service requires withholding among indispensable duties government refer accompanying report secretary navy documents full view operations important branch service present year seen wisdom liberality congress provided gradual increase navy material seconded corresponding zeal fidelity part confided execution laws subject short period would required put commission force large enough exigency country may thrown reflect upon position relation nations must apparent event conflicts must look chiefly navy protection national rights wide seas separate us governments must necessity theater enemy aim assail us unless prepared meet element said possess power requisite repel prevent aggressions therefore watch much attention arm defense cherish much care means possess necessary efficiency extension end policy heretofore wisely directed constant employment force sufficient guard commerce rapid accumulation materials necessary repair vessels construct ease new ones may required state war accordance policy recommend consideration erection additional dry dock described secretary navy also construction steam batteries referred purpose testing efficacy auxiliaries system defense use report postmaster general herewith submitted exhibits condition prospects department document appears deficit funds department commencement present year beyond available means first july last reduced appears also revenues coming year exceed expenditures excess revenue result operations current half year may expected independently increase gross amount postages supply entire deficit end 1835 calculation based gross amount postages accrued within period embraced times striking balances obvious without progressive increase amount postages existing retrenchments must persevered year 1836 department may accumulate surplus fund sufficient place condition perfect ease observed revenues post office department though increased amount former year yet fallen short estimates attributed great degree increase free letters growing extension abuse franking privilege gradual increase number executive offices granted act passed extended members congress throughout whole year believed revision laws relative franking privilege enactments enforce rigidly restrictions granted would operate beneficially country enabling department earlier period restore mail facilities withdrawn extend widely growing settlements country may require measure important government constituents ask exclusive privileges willing concede others earnestly recommend serious attention congress importance post office department magnitude grown revenues operations seem demand reorganization law whole receipts disbursements hitherto left entirely executive control individual discretion principle sound relation department government little discretion confided executive officer controls compatible efficiency therefore earnestly recommended organized auditor treasurer appointed president senate shall branches treasury department attention respectfully invited defect exists judicial system united states nothing desirable uniform operation federal judiciary throughout several states standing footing members union equal rights advantages benefits resulting laws object attained judicial acts force leave one quarter states without circuit courts undoubtedly duty congress place states footing respect either creation additional number associate judges enlargement circuits assigned already appointed include new states ever may difficulty proper organization judicial system secure efficiency uniformity parts union time avoid increase judges would encumber supreme appellate tribunal allowed weigh great injustice present operation system produces trust may also pardoned renewing recommendation often submitted attention regard mode electing president vice president united states reflection able bestow upon subject increases conviction best interests country promoted adoption plan secure contingencies important right sovereignty direct control people could attained terms officers limited single period either four six years think liberties would possess additional safeguard last session called attention congress destruction public building occupied treasury department public interest requires another building erected little delay possible hoped means seasonably provided ample enough authorize enlargement improvement plan building effectually accommodate public officers secure public documents deposited casualties fire able satisfy bill entitled sent close last session ought pass therefore withheld approval return senate body originated question connected administration public affairs important difficult satisfactorily dealth relates rightful authority proper action federal government upon subject internal improvements inherent embarrassments added others resulting course legislation concerning heretofore communicated freely congress upon subject adverting refrain expressing increased conviction extreme importance well regard bearing upon maintenance constitution prudent management public revenue account disturbing effect upon harmony union danger violations constitution encroachments made upon personal rights citizen sentence condemnation long since pronounced american people upon acts character doubt continue prove salutary effects irreversible nature dangers unconstitutional acts instead menacing vengeance offended authority proffer local advantages bring train patronage government fear safe suppose government instituted benefit people must therefore power ever may seem conduce public good error even honest minds apt fall yielding fallacy overlook great considerations federal constitution founded forget consequence conceded diversities interest condition different states foreseen period adoption although particular measure government might beneficial proper 1 state might reverse another reason states would consent make grant federal government general usual powers government specifically enumerated probable effects could thought safely anticipate forget also paramount obligation upon abide compact solemnly hoped firmly established addition dangers constitution springing sources stated one perhaps greater allude materials subject afforded sinister appeals selfish feelings opinion heretofore extensively entertained adaptation purposes personal ambition stimulus surprising acts pretensions federal government behalf times carried alarming extent questions arisen upon subject related claims power general government upon points certainly present matter deepest interest first however much greatest importance much addition dangers unequal improvident expenditures public moneys common conflicting jurisdictions respective governments federal jurisdiction least extent stated justly regarded advocates necessarily appurtenant power question exists constitution injurious conflicts would unavoidably arise respective jurisdictions state federal governments absence constitutional provision marking respective boundaries doubted local advantages obtained would induce states overlook beginning dangers difficulties might ultimately exposed powers exercised federal government would soon regarded jealousy state authorities originating must implication assumption would impossible affix certain safe limits opportunities temptations assumption power incompatible state sovereignty would increased barriers resist tendency system toward consolidation greatly weakened officers agents general government might always discretion abstain intermeddling state concerns would always escape suspicion done collisions consequent irritations would spring harmony ever exist general government member confederacy would frequently interrupted spirit contention would engendered dangers disunion greatly multiplied yet know withstanding grave objections dangerous doctrine one time apparently proceeding final establishment fearful rapidity desier embark federal government works internal improvement prevailed highest degree first session first congress honor meet present situation bill authorizing subscription part united states stock maysville lexington turnpike company passed two houses reported committees internal improvements bills containing appropriations objects inclusive cumberland road harbors light houses amount amount included authority secretary treasury subscribe stock different companies great extent residue principally direct construction roads government addition projects presented two houses sanction recommendation respective committees internal improvements still pending committees memorials congress presented referred different projects works similar character expense estimated certainty must exceeded regarding bill authorizing subscription stock maysville lexington turnpike company entering wedge system however weak first might soon become strong enough rive bands union asunder believing passage acquiesced executive people would longer limitation upon authority general government respect appropriation money objects deemed imperative duty withhold executive approval although obviously local character work might well contented refusal approve bill upon ground yet sensible vital importance subject anxious views opinions regard whole matter fully understood congress constituents felt duty go therefore embraced early occasion apprise congress opinion constitution confer upon power authorize construction ordinary roads canals within limits state say respectfully bill admitting power could receive official sanction confident expectation speedy settlement public mind upon whole subject would greatly facilitated difference 2 houses harmonious action several departments federal government regard would ultimately secured far least regards branch subject best hopes realized nearly four years elapsed several sessions congress intervened attempt within recollection made induce congress exercise power applications construction roads canals formerly multiplied upon files longer presented good reason infer current public sentiment become decided pretension effectually discourage reassertion thinking derive greatest satisfaction conviction thus much least secured upon important embarrassing subject attempts appropriate national funds objects confessedly local character trust anything apprehend views regard expediency making appropriations works claimed national character prosecuted state authority assuming congress right stated annual message congress 1830 also containing objections maysville road bill thoroughly convinced appropriations ought made congress suitable constitutional provision made upon subject essential regard point highest interests country could consider discharging duty constituents giving executive sanction bill containing appropriation people united states desire public treasury shall resorted means prosecute works concur amendment constitution prescribing rule national character works tested greatest practicable equality benefits may secured member confederacy effects regulation would salutary preventing unprofitable expenditures securing legislation pernicious consequences scramble favors government repressing spirit discontent must inevitably arise unequal distribution treasures belong alike another class appropriations may called without impropriety internal improvements always regarded standing upon different grounds referred allude object improvement harbors removal partial temporary obstructions navigable rivers facility security foreign commerce grounds upon distinguished appropriations character others already stated congress add 1st session congress new constitution provided law expenses accrue 15th day august 1789 necessary support maintenance repairs light houses beacons buoys public piers erected placed sunk passage act within bay inlet harbor port united states rendering navigation thereof easy safe defrayed treasury united states duty secretary treasury provide contracts approbation president rebuilding necessary keeping good repair light houses beacons buoys public piers several states furnishing supplies appropriations similar objects continued time present without interruption dispute natural consequence increase extension foreign commerce ports entry delivery multiplied established upon interior country upon lakes navigable rivers convenience safety commerce led gradual extension expenditures erection light houses placing planting sinking buoys beacons piers removal partial temporary obstructions navigable rivers harbors upon great lakes well although expressed congress apprehension expenditures times extravagant disproportionate advantages derived gelt duty refuse assent bills containing contented follow respect predecessors sensible however experience observation great abuses unrestricted exercise authority congress exposed prescribed limitation government conduct expenditures character confined places ports entry delivery established law sentible restriction satisfactory could desired much embarrassment may caused executive department execution appropriations remote objects neither reflections lights may properly derive sources supplied better shall continue apply best exertions faithful application rule upon founded sincerely regret could give assent bill entitled could done without receding ground upon fullest consideration taken upon subject congress heretofore apprised without throwing subject open abuses good citizen entertaining opinions could desire rely upon intelligence candor fellow citizens whose liberal indulgence already largely participated correct appreciation motives interposing done occasions checks course legislation without slightest degree calling question motives others consider sanctioning improper unconstitutional expenditures public treasure hostile internal improvements wish see extended every part country fully persuaded commenced proper manner confined proper objects conducted authority generally conceded rightful successful prosecution reasonably expected attempt meet resistance might otherwise receive support instead strengthening bonds confederacy multiply aggravate causes disunion
perform duty open present session give pleasure congratulate upon prosperous condition beloved country divine providence favor u general health rich reward field agriculture every branch labor peace cultivate extend various resource employ virtue enterprise citizen let u trust survey scene flatter free institution joint deliberation preserve may crown success foreign relation continue exception maintain favorable aspect bore last annual message promise extend advantage principle regulate intercourse nation well calculated secure question north east boundary still pending great britain proposition make accordance resolution senate establishment line accord treaty 1783 accepted government believe every disposition felt side adjust perplex question satisfaction party interested hope yet indulge may effect basis proposition government austria russia prussia holland sweden denmark best understanding exists commerce foster protected reciprocal good sanction liberal conventional legal provision midst internal difficulty queen spain ratified convention payment claim citizens arise since 1819 course execution part copy lay legislation may find necessary enable interested derive benefit yield force circumstance wise counsels time experience power finally resolve longer occupy unnatural position stand new government establish hemisphere great satisfaction state prepare way restoration harmony sprung ancestor ally common interest profess religion speak language united state actively instrumental effort effect good work persevere deem useful party entire disinterestedness continue felt understood act congress countervail discriminate duty prejudice navigation levy cuba puerto rico transmit minister united state madrid communicated government queen intelligence receipt yet reach department state present condition country permit government make careful enlarged examination true interest important portion dominion doubt entertained future intercourse united state place upon liberal basis florida archive yet select delivered recent order send agent united state havana return obtain may washington session supreme court use legal question pending government party internal tranquillity happily restore portugal distracted state country render unavoidable postponement final payment claim citizens diplomatic relation soon resume friendship power affords strong guaranty balance due receive prompt attnetion first installment due convention indemnity king two sicily duly receive offer make extinguish whole prompt payment offer consider authorize accept indemnification provide exclusive property individual citizen united state original adjustment claim anxiety display fulfill stipulation make payment highly honorable government two sicily recollect result injustice intrusive power temporarily dominant territory repugnance acknowledge pay would neither unnatural unexpected circumstance fail exalt character justice good faith eye nation treaty amity commerce united state belgium bring notice last annual message sanction senate ratification exchange owe delay reception brussels subsequent absence belgian minister foreign affair mature deliberation finally disavowed government inconsistent power instruction give minister negotiate disavowal entirely unexpected liberal principle embody convention form objection perfectly satisfactory belgian representative suppose within power grant expressly conformable instruction give offer yet accept make belgium renew negotiation treaty less liberal provision question general maritime law newly establish relation sublime porte promise useful commerce satisfactory every respect government intercourse barbary power continue without important change except present political state algiers induce terminate residence salaried consul substitute ordinary consulate remain long place continue possession france first treaty one power emperor morocco form 1786 limited fifty year period almost expire shall take measure renew great satisfaction stipulation liberal mutual fidelity reciprocal advantage scrupulously fulfil intestine dissension frequently occur mar prosperity interrupt commerce distract government nation hemisphere separate spain firm permanent understand parent country shall produce formal acknowledgment independence idea danger quarter longer entertained friend freedom expect country favor nature distinguish love justice devotion peaceful art assiduous cultivation confers honor upon nation give value human life mean time confidently hope apprehension entertain people luxuriant region may tempt moment unworthy distrust capacity enjoyment liberty commit common error purchase present repose bestow favorite leader fatal gift irresponsible power realize government brazil unexpected change relation occur present year frequent cause complaint arise upon part citizen united state time irregular action constitute subordinate authority maritime region time leader partisan arm establish government case representation make soon political affair settle position expect friendly remonstrance follow adequate redress government mexico make known 1833 december last appointment commissioner surveyor part run conjunction boundary line territory unite state excuse delay reason anticipate prevalence civil war commissioner surveyor meet within time stipulate treaty new arrangement become necessary chargé instruct 1833 january negotiate mexico article additional treaty instruction acknowledge difficulty apprehend accomplishment object information receive additional article treaty obtain transmitted country soon receive ratification mexican congress reunion three state new grenada venezuela equador form republic colombia seem every day become improbable commissioner two first understood negotiate division obligation contract united one government civil war equador believe prevent even appointment commissioner part propose early day submit proper form appointment diplomatic agent venezuela importance commerce country unite state large claim citizen upon government arise since division colombia render judgment improper longer delay step representative central america peru brazil either way respective post argentine republic minister expect government nothing heard occasion take departure new consul buenos ayres remind government long delayed minister whose appointment make know u arrive becomes unpleasant duty inform pacific highly gratifying picture foreign relation include france time possible government people could sincerely desirous conciliate friendly intercourse another nation unite state ancient ally friend disposition found well grateful honorable recollection associate struggle independence upon well ground conviction consonant true policy people united state could therefore see without deep regret even temporary interruption friendly relation two country regret would sure greatly aggravated turn reasonable ground attribute result act omission commission part derive therefore high satisfaction able assure whole course government characterize spirit conciliatory forbear make impossible justice moderation question ever may consequences long perseverance part french government omission satisfy concede claim citizen history accumulate unprovoked aggression upon commerce commit authority exist government france year 1800 1817 render painfully familiar american make repetition either necessary desirable sufficient remark many year scarcely single administration french government justice legality claim citizen indemnity considerable extent admit yet near quarter century waste ineffectual negotiation secure deeply sensible injurious effect result state thing upon interest character nation regard among first duty one effort make satisfy france liberal settlement claim well due honor incontestable validity negotiation purpose commence late government france prosecute success leave reasonable ground doubt settlement character quite liberal subsequently make would effect revolution negotiation cut take place discussion resume present government result show wrong supposing event two government make approach much near political principle motives liberal friendly intercourse greatly multiply could exercise salutary influence upon negotiation deliberate thorough examination whole subject treaty two government conclude sign paris stipulate also stipulate part french government franc pay paris six annual installment franc 66 centime hand person person first installment pay also stipulated part united state purpose completely liberated reclamation present france behalf citizen sum franc pay government france six annual installment deduct annual sum france agreed pay interest thereupon like manner compute day exchange ratification addition stipulation important advantage secure france follow article viz wine france exchange ratification present convention shall admit consumption state union duty shall exceed follow rate gallon use present wine u wit 6 cent red wine cask 10 cent white wine cask 22 cent wine sort bottle proportion exist duty french wine thus reduce general rate tariff go operation shall maintain case government unite state think proper diminish general rate new tariff consideration stipulation shall bind united state 10 year french government abandon reclamation form relation 8th article treaty cession louisiana engage moreover establish cotton united state exchange ratification present convention shall bring directly thence france vessel u french vessel duty cotton treaty duly ratify manner prescribed constitution country ratification exchange city washington account commercial stipulation five day thereafter lay congress united state proceed enact law favorable commerce france necessary carry full execution france period present unrestricted enjoyment valuable privilege thus secure faith french nation thus solemnly pledge constitutional organ liquidation ultimate payment long defer claim citizen also adjustment point great reciprocal benefit country unite state fidelity promptitude conduct trust always characterize do every thing necessary carry treaty full fair effect part count perfect confidence equal fidelity promptitude part french government reasonable expectation regret inform wholly disappointed legislative provision make france execution treaty either respect indemnity pay commercial benefit secure united state relation unite state power consequence thereof place situation threaten interrupt good understanding long happily exist two nation french government thus want performance stipulation solemnly enter united state omission mark circumstance would seem leave u without satisfactory evidence performance certainly take place future period advice exchange ratification reach paris prior french chamber sit continued session although one installment indemnity payable one year exchange ratification application make chamber required appropriation consequence appropriation make draft united state government installment dishonor minister finance united state thereby involve much controversy next session chamber commence continued withstand omission pay first installment make subject earnest remonstrance part treaty united state bill make necessary appropriation execute laid chamber deputy nearly five month meet nineteen day close session bill read referred committee action upon next session chamber commence continued new bill introduce nothing important do relation session 1834 april nearly three year signature treaty final action french chamber upon bill carry treaty effect obtain result refusal necessary appropriation avow ground upon bill reject find publish debate body observation mine necessary satisfy congress utter insufficiency although gross amount claim citizens probably great ultimately allow commissioner sufficient never less show render absolutely certain indemnity fall far short actual amount claim independently question damage interest detention settlement involve sacrifice respect well known time sacrifice cheerfully acquiesce different branch federal government whose action upon treaty require sincere desire avoid collision upon old disturb subject confident expectation general relation two country would improve thereby refusal vote appropriation news receive minister paris might consider final determination french government execute stipulation treaty would justify immediate communication fact congress recommendation ultimate measure interest honor united state might seem require news refusal chamber make appropriation convey regret king declaration national vessel forthwith send instruction french minister give ample explanation past strong assurance future long passage promise dispatch vessel arrive pledge give french minister upon receipt instruction soon election new member charter would permit legislative chamber france call together proposition appropriation lay constitutional power king cabinet exert accomplish object result make know early enough communicated congress commencement present session rely upon pledge doubt acknowledge justice claim promise exertion king cabinet sacred regard national faith honor french character distinguish would secure early execution treaty part deem necessary call attention congress subject last session regret say pledge make minister france redeem new chamber meet although subject fulfil treaty allude speech throne attempt make king cabinet procure appropriation carry execution reason give omission although might consider sufficient ordinary case consistent expectation found upon assurance give constitutional obstacle enter legislative business first meet chamber point however might chamber instead call meet early day result deliberation might communicate meeting congress prorogue period late decision scarcely make know present congress prior dissolution avoid delay minister paris virtue assurance give french minister united state strongly urge convocation chamber earlier day without success proper remark however refusal accompany positive assurance part executive government france intention press appropriation ensue session chamber executive branch government matter stand exhaust authority upon subject invested reason believe could beneficially employ idea acquiesce refusal execute treaty confident moment entertain branch government negotiation upon subject equally question shall pleasure congress await action french chamber consideration subject session probably require hand original delay ask appropriation refusal chamber grant ask omission bring subject chamber last session fact include session five different occasion appropriation might make delay convoke chamber week meet congress well know communication whole subject congress last session prevent assurance dispose present meeting feel constrain doubt whether intention french government branch carry treaty effect think measure occasion may deem call adopt important question arises measure shall institution essentially pacific peace friendly intercourse nation much desire government interest people object permanently secure surrender right citizen permit solemn treaty indemnity case flagrant wrong abrogated set aside undoubtedly power congress seriously affect agricultural manufacturing interest france passage law relate trade united state product manufacture tonnage may subject heavy duty port commercial intercourse may suspend powerful mind conclusive objection mode proceed embarrass cut trade france without time degree embarrass cut trade injury warfare must fall though unequally upon citizen could impair means government weaken unite sentiment support right honor nation must pervade every bosom impossible course legislation would introduce national council disturb question relation tariff duty recently put rest besides every measure adopt government united sstates view injure france clear perception right induce people ruler people nation even france pronounce quarrel obscure support render u final resort decisive measure limit equivocal one point controversy upon whole civilized world must pronounce france wrong insist shall pay u sum money acknowledge due justice demand one opinion among mankind true policy would seem dictate question issue keep thus disencumber slight pretense give france persist refusal make payment act part affect interest people question left attitude france fulfills treaty stipulation controversy end conviction united state ought insist prompt execution treaty case refuse long delayed take redress hand delay part france quarter century acknowledge claim treaty tolerate another quarter century waste negotiating payment law nation provide remedy occasion principle international code one nation owe another liquidated debt refuse neglect pay aggrieve party may seize property belong citizen subject sufficient pay debt without give war remedy repeatedly resort recently france toward portugal circumstance less unquestionable time resort mode redress point decide congress appropriation shall make french chamber next session may justly concluded government france finally determine disregard solemn undertake refuse pay acknowledge debt event every day delay part stain upon national honor well denial justice injure citizen prompt measure refusal france shall complete honorable best effect upon national character since france violation pledge give minister delay final action long decision probably know time communicate congress recommend law pass authorize reprisal upon french property case provision shall make payment debt approach session french chamber pride power well know expect thing fear preclude necessity declaration nothing partake character intimidation intend u ought look upon evidence inflexible determination part united state insist right government acknowledge able spare united state necessity take redress hand save property french citizen seizure sequestration american citizen long endure without retaliation redress continue refuse act acknowledge justice violation law nation make reprisal part occasion hostility united state would add violence injustice could fail expose censure civilize nation retributive judgment heaven collision france regret account position occupies europe relation liberal institution maintain national right honor government alike u collision france case clearly wrong march liberal principle shall impede responsibility result well every rest head submit consideration belongs congress decide whether take place still await action french chamber adopt provisional measure may deem necessary best adapt protect right maintain honor country ever decision may faithfully enforce executive far authorize accord estimate treasury department revenue accrue source present year amount balance remain treasury produce aggregate total expenditure year object include public debt estimate leave balance treasury balance however include heretofore report department effective former appropriation estimate remain unexpended close year sum require accomplish object current appropriation thus appear satisfying appropriation discharge last item public debt do remain unexpended treasury effective balance aspect finance highly flatter industry enterprise population auspicious wealth prosperity await future cultivation grow resource deem prudent however recommend change present impost rate effect gradual reduction progress many sufficiently test guide u determine precise amount revenue produce free public debt peace world complicate interest consult intercourse foreign power present may hail epoch history favorable settlement principle domestic policy shall best calculated give stability republic secure blessing freedom citizen among principle past experience doubt simplicity character federal government rigid economy administration regard fundamental sacred must sensible existence public debt render taxation necessary extinguishment increase difficulty inseparable every exercise tax power respect remote agent produce disturb question grow discussion relate tariff tendency debt incur acquisition maintenance national right liberty obligation portion union cheerfully acknowledge must obvious ever calculate increase burden government without necessity must fatal hope preserve true character felicitate therefore upon extinguishment national debt prosperous state finance let u tempted depart sound maxims public policy enjoin adaptation revenue expenditures consistent rigid economy entire abstinence topic legislation clearly within constitutional power government suggest want country properly regard policy every diminution public burden arise taxation give individual enterprise increase power furnishes member happy confederacy new motif patriotic affection support important effect find influence upon character government confine action object sure secure attachment support fellow citizen circumstance make duty call attention congress bank united state create convenience government institution become scourge people interference postpone payment portion national debt might retain public money appropriate purpose strengthen political contest extraordinary extension contraction accommodation community corrupt partisan loan exclusion public director knowledge important proceeding unlimited authority confer president expend fund hire writer procure execution printing use make authority retention pension money book selection new agent groundless claim heavy damage consequence protest bill draw french government various channel lay congress immediately close last session bank president announce ability readiness abandon system unparalleled curtailment interruption domestic exchange practice upon extend accommodation community ground assume annunciation amount acknowledgment curtailment extent carry necessary safety bank persist merely induce congress grant prayer bank memorial relative removal deposit give new charter substantially confession real distress individual country endure precede 6 8 month needlessly produce view affect suffering people legislative action congress subject congratulation congress country virtue firmness bear infliction energy people soon find relief wanton tyranny vast importation th eprecious metal almost every part world close tremendous effort control government bank find powerless longer able loan surplus mean community learn manage affair without assistance trade already find new auxiliary extraordinary spectacle present national half whose capital either lie unproductive vault hand foreign banker needless distress bring country last session congress since add open seizure dividend public stock amount pretense pay damage cost interest upon protest french bill sum constitute portion estimate revenue year 1834 upon appropriation make congress base would soon expect collector would seize custom receiver land office money arise sale public land pretense claim united state bank would retain dividend indeed principle establish one choose set claim united state may without authority law seize public property money wherever find pay claim remain assurance revenue reach treasury apply appropriation purpose designate law pay master army purser navy may like pretense apply use money appropriate set motion public force time war leave country without defense measure resort bank disorganize revolutionary generally resort private citizen like case would fill land anarchy violence constitutional provision palpable object provision prevent expenditure public money purpose ever shall 1st approved representative people state congress assembled vest power declare purpose public money shall expend legislative department government exclusion executive judicial within constitutional authority either department pay away without law sanction payment accord plain constitutional provision claim bank never pay without appropriation act congress bank never ask appropriation attempt defeat provision constitution obtain payment without act congress instead await appropriation pass house approve president make appropriation invite appeal judiciary sanction money technically pay treasury affect principle intend establish constitution executive judiciary little right appropriate expend public money without authority law place credit treasury take treasury annual report secretary treasury correspondence president bank opinion attorney general accompanying find examination claim bank course pursue seem due safety public fund remain bank honor american people measure take separate government entirely institution mischievous public prosperity regardless constitution law transfer public deposit appoint pension agent far power order discontinuance receipt bank check payment public due executive exert lawful authority sever connection government faithless corporation career institution impose upon constitutional functionary government duty gravest imperative character duty avoid trust inclination part shrink sense clear also readiness discharge may rightfully fall continue business relation bank united state may avoid without violation national faith institution set open defiance concede right government examine affair do power deride public authority respect bring disrepute home abroad attempt defeat clearly express people turn immense power intrust hand involve country otherwise peaceful flourish happy dissension embarrassment distress would make nation party degradation sedulously prepared itss public agent much destroy confidence popular government bring contempt authority efficiency guard evil magnitude consideration temprary convenience thrown question influence motif look honor preservation republican system deeply solemnly impressed justice view feel duty recommend law pass authorize sale public stock provision charter require receipt note bank payment public dues shall accordance power reserve congress 14th section charter suspend bank pay treasury dividend withhold law connect government officer bank directly indirectly repeal institution leave hereafter resource mean event satisfy mind think mind american people mischiefs danger flow national bank far advantage bold effort present bank make control government distress wantonly produce violence occasion one city famed observance law order premonition fate awaits american people delude perpetuation institution establishment another like fervently hop thus admonish heretofore favor establishment substitute present bank induce abandon evidently well incur inconvenience may reasonably expect concentrate whole moneyed power republic form ever restriction happily already illustrate agency institution necessary fiscal operation government state bank find fully adequate performance service require bank united state quite promptly cheapness maintain discharged duty bank united state still powerful field open enemy possible conceive find great difficulty operation enemy shall cease exist attention congress earnestly invite regulation deposit state bank law although power exercise executive department behalf uniformly exert every administration origin government establishment present bank yet one susceptible regulation law therefore ought regulate power congress direct place treasurer shall keep money treasury impose restriction upon executive authority relation custody removal unlimited exercise rather court discouraged public officer agent rest responsibility safety desirable little power possible left president secretary treasury institution thus free executive influence without common head direct operation would neither temptation ability interfere political conflict country derive charter national authority would never inducements meddle general election lead bank united state agitate convulse country upward two year progress gold coinage creditable officer mint promise short period furnish country sound portable currency much diminish inconvenience traveler want general paper currency state bank incapable furnishing institution already show competent purchase furnish domestic exchange convenience trade reasonable rate doubt entertain short period want country bank accommodation exchange supplid promptly cheaply heretofore bank united state several state shall induce gradually reform banking system prohibit issue small note shall year currency sound little liable fluctuation commercial country report secretary war together accompany document several bureaux department exhibit situation various object commit administration event occur since last session render necessary movement army exception expedition regiment dragoon territory wander predatory tribe inhabit western frontier living adjacent mexican boundary tribe heretofore known u principally attack upon citizen upon indian entitle protection united state become necessary peace frontier check habitual inroad happy inform object effect without commission act hostility colonel dodge troop command act equal firmness humanity arrangement make indian hoped assure permanent pacific relation united state tribes indian upon border regret prevalence sickness quarter deprive country number valuable live particularly general leavenworth officer well know esteem gallant service late war subsequent good conduct fall victim zeal exertion discharge duty army high state discipline moral condition far know good various branch public service carefully attend amply sufficient present organization provide necessary garrison seaboard defense internal frontier also preserve element military knowledge keep pace improvement modern experience continually make object appear embrace legitimate purpose permanent military force maintain country lesson history teach u danger tendency exist increase best meet avert caution part public represent congress duty devolve teh engineer department upon topographical engineer different organization seem demand public interest recommend subject consideration important change season take place condition indians arrangement progress removal creek soon removal seminole regret cherokee east mississippi yet determine community remove long personal cause heretofore retard ultimately inevitable measure continue operate unable conjecture certain however delay bring accumulate evil render condition unpleasant experience every year add conviction emigration alone preserve destruction remnant tribe yet live amongst u facility necessary life procure treaty stipulation provide aid emigrant indians agricultural pursuit important concern education removal cause heretofore depressed destroy many tribe fail stimulate exertion reward industry two law pass last session congress subject indian affair carry effect detail instruction administration give see estimate present session great reduction take place expenditure department consequence law reason believe operation salutary colonization indian western frontier together judicious system administration still reduce expense branch public service time promote usefulness efficiency circumstance recently develop show existence extensive fraud various law grant pension gratuity revolutionary service impossible estimate amount may thus fraudulently obtain national treasury satisfy however justify system adoption necessary check administration agree service suffering remnant revolutionary band fully compensate do every proper precaution take prevent admission fabricate fraudulent claim present mode proceed attestation certificate judicial officer various state form considerable portion check interpose commission fraud however may fabricate way elude detection examine office independently practical difficulty ascertain document often loosely grant time even blank certificate issue time prepared paper sign without inquiry one instance least seal court within reach person interested improper application obvious circumstance severity administration check abuse law information time time communicate pension office question deny right person place upon pension list bounty country caution always attend examine far general investigation call therefore recommend conformity suggestion secretary war actual inspection make state circumstance claim every person draw pension honest veteran nothing fear scrutiny fraudulent claimant detect public treasury relieve amount reason believe far great heretofore suspect detail plan could regulate interpose necessary check without burdensome operation upon pensioner object measure adopt productive think desire result therefore recommend consideration suggestion payment suspend necessary report receive see tabular statement annex document transmitted congress appropriation object connect war department make last session service year 1834 exclude permanent appropriation payment military gratuity act appropriation arm equip militia appropriation civilization indians annually renew amount sum estimate appropriation necessary branch service year 1835 amount sum make difference appropriation current year estimate appropriation next principal cause operate time produce great difference show report document detailed estimate cause accidental temporary others permanent aided course administration may continue operate beneficially upon public expenditure economy expend public service require withhold among indispensable duty government refer accompany report secretary navy document full view operation important branch service present year see wisdom liberality congress provide gradual increase navy material second corresponding zeal fidelity part confide execution law subject short period would require put commission force large enough exigency country may throw reflect upon position relation nation must apparent event conflict must look chiefly navy protection national right wide seas separate u government must necessity theater enemy aim assail u unless prepared meet element say possess power requisite repel prevent aggression therefore watch much attention arm defense cherish much care mean possess necessary efficiency extension end policy heretofore wisely direct constant employment force sufficient guard commerce rapid accumulation material necessary repair vessel construct ease new one may require state war accordance policy recommend consideration erection additional dry dock describe secretary navy also construction steam battery refer purpose test efficacy auxiliary system defense use report postmaster general herewith submit exhibit condition prospect department document appear deficit fund department commencement present year beyond available mean first july last reduced appear also revenue come year exceed expenditures excess revenue result operation current half year may expect independently increase gross amount postage supply entire deficit end 1835 calculation base gross amount postage accrue within period embrace time striking balance obvious without progressive increase amount postage exist retrenchment must persevere year 1836 department may accumulate surplus fund sufficient place condition perfect ease observe revenue post office department though increased amount former year yet fall short estimate attribute great degree increase free letter grow extension abuse frank privilege gradual increase number executive office grant act pass extended member congress throughout whole year believe revision law relative frank privilege enactment enforce rigidly restriction grant would operate beneficially country enable department earlier period restore mail facility withdraw extend widely grow settlement country may require measure important government constituent ask exclusive privilege willing concede others earnestly recommend serious attention congress importance post office department magnitude grown revenue operation seem demand reorganization law whole receipt disbursement hitherto leave entirely executive control individual discretion principle sound relation department government little discretion confide executive officer control compatible efficiency therefore earnestly recommend organize auditor treasurer appoint president senate shall branch treasury department attention respectfully invited defect exist judicial system united state nothing desirable uniform operation federal judiciary throughout several state stand foot member union equal right advantage benefit result law object attain judicial act force leave one quarter state without circuit court undoubtedly duty congress place state foot respect either creation additional number associate judge enlargement circuit assign already appoint include new state ever may difficulty proper organization judicial system secure efficiency uniformity part union time avoid increase judge would encumber supreme appellate tribunal allow weigh great injustice present operation system produce trust may also pardon renew recommendation often submit attention regard mode elect president vice president united state reflection able bestow upon subject increase conviction best interest country promote adoption plan secure contingency important right sovereignty direct control people could attain term officer limit single period either four six year think liberty would possess additional safeguard last session call attention congress destruction public building occupy treasury department public interest require another building erect little delay possible hop mean seasonably provide ample enough authorize enlargement improvement plan build effectually accommodate public officer secure public document deposit casualty fire able satisfy bill entitle send close last session ought pass therefore withheld approval return senate body originated question connect administration public affair important difficult satisfactorily dealth relate rightful authority proper action federal government upon subject internal improvement inherent embarrassment add others result course legislation concern heretofore communicate freely congress upon subject advert refrain express increase conviction extreme importance well regard bear upon maintenance constitution prudent management public revenue account disturb effect upon harmony union danger violation constitution encroachment make upon personal right citizen sentence condemnation long since pronounce american people upon act character doubt continue prove salutary effect irreversible nature danger unconstitutional act instead menace vengeance offend authority proffer local advantage bring train patronage government fear safe suppose government institute benefit people must therefore power ever may seem conduce public good error even honest mind apt fall yield fallacy overlook great consideration federal constitution found forget consequence concede diversity interest condition different state foreseen period adoption although particular measure government might beneficial proper 1 state might reverse another reason state would consent make grant federal government general usual power government specifically enumerate probable effect could think safely anticipate forget also paramount obligation upon abide compact solemnly hop firmly establish addition danger constitution spring source state one perhaps great allude material subject afford sinister appeal selfish feeling opinion heretofore extensively entertained adaptation purpose personal ambition stimulus surprising act pretension federal government behalf time carry alarm extent question arise upon subject relate claim power general government upon point certainly present matter deep interest first however much great importance much addition danger unequal improvident expenditures public money common conflict jurisdiction respective government federal jurisdiction least extent state justly regard advocate necessarily appurtenant power question exist constitution injurious conflict would unavoidably arise respective jurisdiction state federal government absence constitutional provision mark respective boundary doubt local advantage obtain would induce state overlook begin danger difficulty might ultimately exposed power exercise federal government would soon regard jealousy state authority originate must implication assumption would impossible affix certain safe limit opportunity temptation assumption power incompatible state sovereignty would increase barrier resist tendency system toward consolidation greatly weaken officer agent general government might always discretion abstain intermeddling state concern would always escape suspicion do collision consequent irritation would spring harmony ever exist general government member confederacy would frequently interrupt spirit contention would engender danger disunion greatly multiply yet know withstand grave objection dangerous doctrine one time apparently proceed final establishment fearful rapidity desier embark federal government work internal improvement prevail high degree first session first congress honor meet present situation bill authorize subscription part united state stock maysville lexington turnpike company pass two house report committee internal improvement bill contain appropriation object inclusive cumberland road harbor light house amount amount include authority secretary treasury subscribe stock different company great extent residue principally direct construction roads government addition project present two house sanction recommendation respective committee internal improvement still pending committee memorial congress present refer different project work similar character expense estimate certainty must exceed regard bill authorize subscription stock maysville lexington turnpike company enter wedge system however weak first might soon become strong enough rive band union asunder believe passage acquiesce executive people would longer limitation upon authority general government respect appropriation money object deem imperative duty withhold executive approval although obviously local character work might well content refusal approve bill upon ground yet sensible vital importance subject anxious view opinion regard whole matter fully understood congress constituent felt duty go therefore embrace early occasion apprise congress opinion constitution confer upon power authorize construction ordinary road canal within limit state say respectfully bill admit power could receive official sanction confident expectation speedy settlement public mind upon whole subject would greatly facilitate difference 2 house harmonious action several department federal government regard would ultimately secure far least regard branch subject best hope realize nearly four year elapse several session congress intervene attempt within recollection make induce congress exercise power application construction roads canal formerly multiply upon file longer present good reason infer current public sentiment become decide pretension effectually discourage reassertion think derive great satisfaction conviction thus much least secured upon important embarrass subject attempt appropriate national fund object confessedly local character trust anything apprehend view regard expediency make appropriation work claim national character prosecute state authority assume congress right state annual message congress 1830 also contain objection maysville road bill thoroughly convinced appropriation ought make congress suitable constitutional provision make upon subject essential regard point high interest country could consider discharge duty constituent give executive sanction bill contain appropriation people united state desire public treasury shall resort mean prosecute work concur amendment constitution prescribe rule national character work test great practicable equality benefit may secure member confederacy effect regulation would salutary prevent unprofitable expenditure secure legislation pernicious consequence scramble favor government repress spirit discontent must inevitably arise unequal distribution treasure belong alike another class appropriation may call without impropriety internal improvement always regard stand upon different ground refer allude object improvement harbor removal partial temporary obstruction navigable river facility security foreign commerce ground upon distinguished appropriation character others already state congress add 1st session congress new constitution provide law expense accrue 15th day august 1789 necessary support maintenance repair light house beacon buoy public pier erect placed sunk passage act within bay inlet harbor port united state render navigation thereof easy safe defrayed treasury unite state duty secretary treasury provide contract approbation president rebuild necessary keep good repair light house beacon buoy public pier several state furnish supply appropriation similar object continue time present without interruption dispute natural consequence increase extension foreign commerce port entry delivery multiply establish upon interior country upon lake navigable river convenience safety commerce lead gradual extension expenditures erection light house place plant sink buoys beacon pier removal partial temporary obstruction navigable river harbor upon great lake well although express congress apprehension expenditures time extravagant disproportionate advantage derive gelt duty refuse assent bill contain content follow respect predecessor sensible however experience observation great abuse unrestricted exercise authority congress expose prescribe limitation government conduct expenditures character confine place port entry delivery establish law sentible restriction satisfactory could desire much embarrassment may cause executive department execution appropriation remote object neither reflection light may properly derive source supply well shall continue apply best exertion faithful application rule upon found sincerely regret could give assent bill entitle could do without recede ground upon full consideration take upon subject congress heretofore apprise without throw subject open abuse good citizen entertain opinion could desire rely upon intelligence candor fellow citizen whose liberal indulgence already largely participated correct appreciation motif interpose do occasion check course legislation without slight degree call question motif others consider sanction improper unconstitutional expenditure public treasure hostile internal improvement wish see extend every part country fully persuade commenced proper manner confine proper object conduct authority generally concede rightful successful prosecution reasonably expect attempt meet resistance might otherwise receive support instead strengthen bond confederacy multiply aggravate cause disunion