The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office. President McKinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no President not even Lincoln himself--was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people--to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. He had just been reelected to the Presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. They felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him. They felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to represent them. And this was the man at whom the assassin struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people generally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime. The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days, while the President yet hovered between life and death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of faltering trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation We mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent. The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be accepted as due to protest against "inequalities in the social order," save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of "social discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating. The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded, for ages by the gloomy night of despotism. For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The cause of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social conditions," save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact than an unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a cause. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable. I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should ensure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching. provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress. The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or by law is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the crime. A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. No man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as to his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became great, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines. The American people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame. During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If the hand of the Lord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences of our own folly. The men who are idle or credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand but by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only to themselves but to others. If the business world loses its head, it loses what legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolution, and intelligence. Nothing can take the place of this individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent administration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good effect. The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure. An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international Commercial competition. Business concerns which have the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation. Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national life --the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions; and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very year which is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social- betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institutions. The first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. In the interest of the public, the Government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration. The first requisite is knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which may be made public to the world. Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals. The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should, without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent results. When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I believe that a law can be framed which will enable the National Government to exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations and our merchant marine. The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as between man and man in this Republic. With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective. The National Government should demand the highest quality of service from its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. If possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the Interstate Commerce Law, which will render effective the efforts of different States to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of Government work, provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States Government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. The Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors. The Government should forbid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime. For the District of Columbia a good factory law should be passed; and, as a powerful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of which is a reproach to our Capital city, into minor streets, where the inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals. American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." The chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker, farmer, and capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power of acting in combination or association with others. Very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves. Finally, there must also in many cases be action by the Government in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our Constitution there is much more scope for such action by the State and the municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those touched on above the National Government can act. When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he is indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the helping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common interest to all. Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially necessary. The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an American living and enough money to insure a decent start under American conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations have their greatest possibility of growth. Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law. There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material well-being. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our present economic policy. It was specially provided for in the present tariff law. Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run, directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us something in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit to us. It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own interests. The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor. The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us as a Nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. To remedy this state of things would not .merely serve to build up our shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for American products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy. Ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry American goods in American-built ships. At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. Our Government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the ocean. The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our Government bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evidently desirable to maintain. In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary expenditures of the Government, thanks mainly to the reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but, after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs. In his report to the Congress the Secretary of the Treasury considers all these questions at length, and I ask your attention to the report and recommendations. I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures. The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the point required to meet our needs that are genuine. In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways, commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be accorded equal treatment. A commission was created and endowed with what were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions of this act. That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. Those who complain of the management of the railways allege that established rates are not maintained; that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted to; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper; that they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that while many rates are too low, many others are excessive; and that gross preferences are made, affecting both localities and commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to establish and maintain non-discriminating rates. The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great importance and calls for the earnest attention of the Congress. The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished results of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our country and with two of the island groups that have lately come under our jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a livelihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and vegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the several States and Territories where they may add materially to our resources. By scientific attention to soil survey and possible new crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental shipments, to animal industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid has been given our farming and stock-growing interests. The products of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during the year that has just closed. Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural growth. The great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before. Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is not an end of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. The preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our well being. The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining, grazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the West for their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in the future than in the past. Additions should be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness should be increased by a thoroughly business-like management. At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and description of their timber with the United States Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry in the United States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective co-operation between the Government and the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the Department of Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The western half of the United States would sustain a population greater than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States. Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the wild forest creatures. All of the reserves should be better protected from fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer, elk, and other animals in the Yellowstone Park shows what may be expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and properly guarded. Some of these areas have been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including grouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been exterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing capacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains. In cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years, vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to find rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few. The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters otherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation is therefore an essential condition of water conservation. The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is properly a national function, at least in some of its features. It is as right for the National Government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control, under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams. The Government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it does other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of streams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow. The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach. The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain, however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be built by the National Government. The lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of the water, the division of the streams among irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with State laws and without interference with those laws or with vested fights. The policy of the National Government should be to aid irrigation in the several States and Territories in such manner as will enable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations governing irrigation. The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial production, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually prevent Western competition with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation. The necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of the policy just described. It would be unwise to begin by doing too much, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can and what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must of necessity be partly experimental in character. At the very beginning the Government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. No reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or local interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained experts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the greatest usefulness to the community as a whole. There should be no extravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit their cause by seeing to it that it is free from the least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys. Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this development. Over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended in the construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent to ownership. Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid regions, should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper application in a dry country. In the arid States the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have already recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual State ownership of water. The benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past justify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and important work yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting homes as those which control the water supply will only be effective when they have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people most concerned. The larger development which national aid insures should, however, awaken in every arid State the determination to make its irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any country in the civilized world. Nothing could be more unwise than for isolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally, instead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere. We are dealing with a new and momentous question, in the pregnant years while institutions are forming, and what we do will affect not only the present but future generations. Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of its problems. A careful study should be made, both by the Nation and the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad. Ultimately it will probably be necessary for the Nation to co-operate with the several arid States in proportion as these States by their legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it. In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Territory on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves till the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to Puerto Rico than as to any State or Territory within our continental limits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of Puerto Rico. In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired. that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well-being. In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical islands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the islands honorable to our Nation by making it of the highest benefit to the Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained in the Philippines than ever before in their history. It is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities without which the institutions of free government are but an empty mockery. Our people are now successfully governing themselves, because for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting themselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. What has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect to have another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large portions of that race start very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty generations ago. In dealing with the Philippine people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance and steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of the really free nations. History may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of war to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown in the Philippines. To leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity. The character of Governor Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if such be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as they show themselves fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any reference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else Save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service. In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the Philippines, may be that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local self-government. It is on this side that our error, if any, has been committed. No competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives, can assert that we have not gone far enough. We have gone to the very verge of safety in hastening the process. To have taken a single step farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and might well have been crime. We are extremely anxious that the natives shall show the power of governing themselves. We are anxious, first for their sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. There need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all the liberty for which they are fit. The only fear is test in our overanxiety we give them a degree of independence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and disaster. As fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given district the people can govern themselves, self-government has been given in that district. There is not a locality fitted for self-government which has not received it. But it may well be that in certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred. In other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in the opposite direction. There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement, direct or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as encouragement to hostile Indians in the days when we still had Indian wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures with the Filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone. The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty. The Macabebes have been conspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag. I recommend that the Secretary of War be empowered to take some systematic action in the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service and the families of those who are killed. The time has come when there should be additional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to industrial development. The connection between idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. Of course no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his interest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress should pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developed; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the incoming of business men of every kind. Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philippines. The franchises must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation. But the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown. It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the use and ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free play to industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which will surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them. I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations. Either the Congress should immediately provide for the construction of a Government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like advantages to those accruing from a Government cable may be secured to the Government by contract with a private cable company. No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. Its importance to the Nation is by no means limited merely to its material effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic States, it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of success, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation's material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive ability. I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which guarantees to this Nation every right that it has ever asked in connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is abrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the Senate, and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal. The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting peace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an entirely different category, being merely a most regrettable but necessary international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace possible. The peace conference at The Hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment. This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe Doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference. The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United States. Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in his Annual Message announced that "The American continents are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any non-American power at the expense of any American power on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one New World power at the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere. During the past century other influences have established the permanence and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through the Monroe Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and secure like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations. This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the commercial independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other American state. We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power. Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. We have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and political stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way. The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our nation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have international duties no less than international rights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it. Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the fact that the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming one of the matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is imperative that our Navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and should be made to answer to our growing needs. So far from being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay. Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially, and to guarantee the safety of the American people. Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere. The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakling. It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships must be built and the men trained long in advance. Some auxiliary vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed with the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the skill of their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the Navy when pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively in the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency. In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from two to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty. Our present Navy was begun in 1882. At that period our Navy consisted of a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as out of place against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alcibiades and Hamilcar--certainly as the ships of Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time did we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the wise legislation of the Congress and the successful administration of a succession of patriotic Secretaries of the Navy, belonging to both political parties, the work of upbuilding the Navy went on, and ships equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and what was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best possible service out of them. The result was seen in the short war with Spain, which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater preparedness of our Navy than of the Spanish Navy. While awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and manned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the Philippines and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck. The Congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the Department officials and the business men and wage-workers who furnished what the Congress had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who asked for and expended the appropriations; and finally the officers who, in fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight--all are entitled to a full share in the glory of Manila and Santiago, and the respect accorded by every true American to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country. It was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show forethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster will befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to prepare in advance. There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas. It is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional Battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there is something we need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. To provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the Nation. To send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and one thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes at Annapolis. There is one small matter which should be mentioned in connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the title of "midshipman," full of historic association, should be restored. Even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned. The big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely battle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. The torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the emergencies of actual warfare. Every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so performed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea service. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is important to have our Navy of adequate size, but it is even more important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in the world. This is possible only with highly drilled crews and officers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron tactics, and general discipline. Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor. The resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle ship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by the results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be not expert. We now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual service. The remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer--the command of men. The leading graduates of the Naval Academy should be assigned to the combatant branches, the line and marines. Many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the General Board, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General Board, by fostering the creation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the general recognition of our altered conditions as a Nation and of the true meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best men, and, second, the best ships. The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, and are trained for coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line of defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the General Government. But in addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve, organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes imminent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the Naval Academy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crews of coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as lifesaving stations and light-houses. The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial, matters. It has been well said that there is no surer way of courting national disaster than to be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed." It is not necessary to increase our Army beyond its present size at this time. But it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency. The individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this Army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as efficient as those of any other army in the entire world. It is our duty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest possible expression of power to these units when acting in combination. The conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for men to act together with effect. At present the fighting must be done in extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and at the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the special skill which is only found as the result of special training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider. The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased. The American cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for general purposes now to be found in the world. The ideal cavalryman of the present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best infantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback. A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply departments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men so detailed returning after a while to their line duties. It is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade. Justice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the Army would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy. The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be judged purely on his own merits. Pressure for the promotion of civil officials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse where applied on behalf of officers of the Army or Navy. Every promotion and every detail under the War Department must be made solely with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the man himself. No pressure, political, social, or personal, of any kind, will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of promotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it will be held to militate against him. In our Army we cannot afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform them. Every effort should be made to bring the Army to a constantly increasing state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper work in the Army, as in the Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and commissary departments. Our Army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to give the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the enlisted men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a comparatively large scale. In time of need no amount of individual excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow inability to work as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring leadership. The Congress should provide means whereby it will be possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars, and if possible also a division of national guardsmen, once a year. These exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on the Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Sea- board, or in the region of the Great Lakes, the army corps when assembled could be marched from some inland point to some point on the water, there embarked, disembarked after a couple of days' journey at some other point, and again marched inland. Only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while they are marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and smoothly. A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the Army and Navy. They should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the Nation and the honor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is probably on the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other army. Every consideration should be shown him, and in return the highest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. It is well worth while for the Congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond with the increased value of the veteran soldier. Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed early in the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of literally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year details from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum limit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the improvement in the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms are making, and have in part already effected. The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially accomplished. The improved conditions in the Philippines have enabled the War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law. There is, however, need of supplementary legislation. Thorough military education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars the advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the National Guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves for possible military duty. The officers should be given the chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this art. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn out men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should not be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to establish the right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical American officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; but he must be able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and fertility of resource in every emergency. Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and armament of the National Guard of the several States, which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress, should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be carefully defined, and a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not been made long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in the first volunteer organizations called out the training of those citizens who have already had experience under arms, and especially for the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war. That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization. No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for nothing. But for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment in popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. Moreover, they not only left us a united Nation, but they left us also as a heritage the memory of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept united. We are now indeed one Nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are united in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national greatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons of the North and the sons of the South in the times that tried men's souls. The men who in the last three years have done so well in the East and the West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this remembrance is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War will give to Americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle. The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and American as the common school system itself. It simply means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor, each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical test. Written competitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where laborers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely extended. There are, of course, places where the written competitive examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting satisfactory results. Wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit system in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the Government has been immense. The navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably better than any other branches of the Government, the great gain in economy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this principle. I recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified service to the District of Columbia, or will at least enable the President thus to extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for the temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision that they be selected under the Civil Service Law. It is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an office should be filled in the Philippines or Puerto Rico with any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard to the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at his command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save the man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service. The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the Army and Navy. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or Puerto Rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which he makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be content with less. The merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient administration of the Government; and in the long run the sole justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both honest and efficient. The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law passed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions. The interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your attention. Several bills providing for a new consular service have in recent years been submitted to the Congress. They are based upon the just principle that appointments to the service should be made only after a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions should be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the performance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected by partisan considerations. The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign commerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that our consuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is true that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject are enacted into law. In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop should be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease their allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should be made the same as those of the whites. In the schools the education should be elementary and largely industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very, very limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It must continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. The Indian should be treated as an individual--like the white man. During the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the change. There should be a continuous reduction in the number of agencies. In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about. I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest instance of expansion in our history. It definitely decided that we were to become a great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the Western Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our history--the great turning points in our development. It is eminently fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri, of all the adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in this Exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint, and that they will participate in securing its success. The National Government should be represented by a full and complete set of exhibits. The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are carrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition to the good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement that can be given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition have requested the Cabinet officers to place thereat the Government exhibits which have been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. I have taken the responsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel that it is due to Charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. In my opinion the management should not be required to pay all these expenses. I earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate at once the small sum necessary for this purpose. The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the industrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a high degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the United States. The terrible tragedy of the President's assassination interfered materially with its being a financial success. The Exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public policy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity. Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire American public. The advancement of the highest interests of national science and learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results of scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its declared purpose--for the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among men" --the Congress has from time to time given it other important functions. Such trusts have been executed by the Institution with notable fidelity. There should be no halt in the work of the Institution, in accordance with the plans which its Secretary has presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great North American animals in the National Zoological Park. The urgent needs of the National Museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of the Congress. Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty years is that which has created the modern public library and developed it into broad and active service. There are now over five thousand public libraries in the United States, the product of this period. In addition to accumulating material, they are also striving by organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its administration. In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal library, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled, is the one national library of the United States. Already the largest single collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain to increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange, and the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique opportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to American scholarship--service of the highest importance. It is housed in a building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for library uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop the collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available, and enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of learning. For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement of science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a permanent Government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of statistic, economic, and social science. The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to $3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its extension is general and urgent. It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation is 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are 6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service. The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the Government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of this burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information, were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law, and has secured admission only through an evasion of its require. merits or through lax construction. The proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The Post-Office Department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be sustained in its effort. Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the Pacific, whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national concern to us. The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the antiforeign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated in a joint note addressed to China by the representatives of the injured powers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese Government. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the measures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of the United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task. The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to better future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has been made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank, recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak. Official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence against them. Provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign representatives in Peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea; and by allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this line. An edict has been issued by the Emperor of China prohibiting for two years the importation of arms and ammunition into China. China has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and individuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of the military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and restore order. Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the foreign powers may decide to be needed. The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the work of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tientsin, the centers of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an international conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the Shanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad valorem duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain free of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement. During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment which tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in safe-guarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the national interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these paths, doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair intercourse between China and the nations, on a footing of equal rights and advantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with all that it implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by the waterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored. Only by bringing the people of China into peaceful and friendly community of trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment, under the conventions, throughout the Empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all other powers. We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation of Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the United States are under the most liberal instructions to cooperate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family of American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world at large. My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and La Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the Congress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State on these awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion of the money received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by this Government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was rendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico an amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants. The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep and heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full expression. When President McKinley died, our Nation in turn received from every quarter of the British Empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people; and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we received, at' the time of the President's death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual respect and good will.
The Congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth of September, President McKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, and died in that city on the fourteenth of that month. Of the last seven elected Presidents, he is the third who has been murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal American citizens. Moreover, the circumstances of this, the third assassination of an American President, have a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war, and President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed office-seeker. President McKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. It is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's death he was the most widely loved man in all the United States; while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life. His political opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close associates. To a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender affections and home virtues which are all-important in the make-up of national character. A gallant soldier in the great war for the Union, he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations. There could be no personal hatred of him, for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others. No one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life. The defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends, inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power. But for this assassination even this base apology cannot be urged. President McKinley was a man of moderate means, a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil, who had himself belonged among the wage-workers, who had entered the Army as a private soldier. Wealth was not struck at when the President was assassinated, but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor, largely in the service of the public. Still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of any one individual. The blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth. It was aimed at one of the strongest champions the wage-worker has ever had; at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office. President McKinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote, and no President not even Lincoln himself--was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well thought-out wishes of the people; his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people--to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought, after having endeavored to guide that thought aright. He had just been reelected to the Presidency because the majority of our citizens, the majority of our farmers and wage-workers, believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years. They felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him. They felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to represent them. And this was the man at whom the assassin struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Judas-like infamy of his act, he took advantage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people generally; and advancing as if to take the hand out-stretched to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship, he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow. There is no baser deed in all the annals of crime. The shock, the grief of the country, are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days, while the President yet hovered between life and death. At last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer, of love for his friends, and of faltering trust in the will of the Most High. Such a death, crowning the glory of such a life, leaves us with infinite sorrow, but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal character, that we feel the blow not as struck at him, but as struck at the Nation We mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death. When we turn from the man to the Nation, the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This criminal was a professed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who, on the stump and in the public press, appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines, and they cannot escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped. This applies alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploiter of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary who, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent. The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents; at every symbol of government. President McKinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the law-abiding purpose and practice of the people of the town. On no conceivable theory could the murder of the President be accepted as due to protest against "inequalities in the social order," save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy is no more an expression of "social discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating. The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the United States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion, or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact. The anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and intelligent son of toil, then the door of hope is forever closed against him. The anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress, but the deadly foe of liberty. If ever anarchy is triumphant, its triumph will last for but one red moment, to be succeeded, for ages by the gloomy night of despotism. For the anarchist himself, whether he preaches or practices his doctrines, we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer. He is not the victim of social or political injustice. There are no wrongs to remedy in his case. The because of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on, not in any failure by others or by the State to do justice to him or his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. He is in no sense, in no shape or way, a "product of social conditions," save as a highwayman is "produced" by the fact than an unarmed man happens to have a purse. It is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a because. No man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual. Anarchistic speeches, writings, and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable. I earnestly recommend to the Congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority. Such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of King Humbert of Italy perpetrate a crime, and the law should ensure their rigorous punishment. They and those like them should be kept out of this country; and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came; and far-reaching. provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay. No matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the Congress. The Federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the President or any man who by the Constitution or by law is in line of succession for the Presidency, while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions. Anarchy is a crime against the whole human race; and all mankind should band against the anarchist. His crime should be made an offense against the law of nations, like piracy and that form of man-stealing known as the slave trade; for it is of far blacker infamy than either. It should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers. Such treaties would give to the Federal Government the power of dealing with the crime. A grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the President. The people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his behalf. So far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against the Government, the Government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands of the people. Moreover, his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds, no matter how great it might grow, would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order. No man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as to his personal safety. If the risk to the President's life became great, it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder. This great country will not fall into anarchy, and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its institutions, they would not merely be stamped out, but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines. The American people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame. During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity. Such prosperity can never be created by law alone, although it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws. If the hand of the Lord is heavy upon any country, if flood or drought comes, human wisdom is powerless to avert the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences of our own folly. The men who are idle or credulous, the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand but by gambling in any form, are always a source of menace not only to themselves but to others. If the business world loses its head, it loses what legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of each citizen, and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation, must rest upon individual thrift and energy, resolution, and intelligence. Nothing can take the place of this individual capacity; but wise legislation and honest and intelligent administration can give it the fullest scope, the largest opportunity to work to good effect. The tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at the beginning of the twentieth, with very serious social problems. The old laws, and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer sufficient. The growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large individual, and especially of very large corporate, fortunes. The creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which is wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the whole done great good to our people. Without them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure. An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of to-day. The same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international Commercial competition. Business concerns which have the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential. Under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our Nation. Moreover, it cannot too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all. The fundamental rule in our national life --the rule which underlies all others--is that, on the whole, and in the long run, we shall go up or down together. There are exceptions; and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversity, some will suffer far more, than others; but speaking generally, a period of good times means that all share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree. It surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement; the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 is still vivid, and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very year which is now closing. Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top. It spreads throughout, and while it is bad for everybody, it is worst for those farthest down. The capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries; but the wage-worker may be deprived of even bare necessities. The mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance. Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which are popularly, although with technical inaccuracy, known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. These are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective. In accordance with a well-known sociological law, the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. All this is true; and yet it is also true that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many baleful consequences; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils. There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demands that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. It is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from Government the privilege of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from individual responsibility, and enables them to call into their enterprises the capital of the public, they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested. Corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should be as much the aim of those who seek for social- betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence. Great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions; and it is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institutions. The first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts--publicity. In the interest of the public, the Government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process of law, and in the course of administration. The first requisite is knowledge, full and complete--knowledge which may be made public to the world. Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joint stock or other associations, depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision, and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals. The large corporations, commonly called trusts, though organized in one State, always do business in many States, often doing very little business in the State where they are incorporated. There is utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as no State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Therefore, in the interest of the whole people, the Nation should, without interfering with the power of the States in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it, and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce excellent results. When the Constitution was adopted, at the end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in industrial and political conditions, which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century. At that time it was accepted as a matter of course that the several States were the proper authorities to regulate, so far as was then necessary, the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly different action is called for. I believe that a law can be framed which will enable the National Government to exercise control along the lines above indicated; profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, the judgment of the Congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act, then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power. There should be created a Cabinet officer, to be known as Secretary of Commerce and Industries, as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the Congress. It should be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense; including among many other things whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations and our merchant marine. The course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of broadening our markets, securing our business interests on a safe basis, and making firm our new position in the international industrial world; while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of wage-worker and capitalist, of investor and private citizen, so as to secure equity as between man and man in this Republic. With the sole exception of the farming interest, no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the wage-workers. If the farmer and the wage-worker are well off, it is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too. It is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher to-day in the United States than ever before in our history, and far higher than in any other country. The standard of living is also higher than ever before. Every effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possible. Not only must our labor be protected by the tariff, but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract, or of those who, coming freely, yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level. I regard it as necessary, with this end in view, to re-enact immediately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective. The National Government should demand the highest quality of service from its employees; and in return it should be a good employer. If possible legislation should be passed, in connection with the Interstate Commerce Law, which will render effective the efforts of different States to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market. So far as practicable under the conditions of Government work, provision should be made to render the enforcement of the eight-hour law easy and certain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States Government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor, from night work, and from work under unsanitary conditions. The Government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under "fair" conditions, and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors. The Government should forbid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overtime. For the District of Columbia a good factory law should be passed; and, as a powerful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys, the existence of which is a reproach to our Capital city, into minor streets, where the inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals. American wage-workers work with their heads as well as their hands. Moreover, they take a keen pride in what they are doing; so that, independent of the reward, they wish to turn out a perfect job. This is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world, has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of far-reaching questions which we group together when we speak of "labor." The chief factor in the success of each man--wage-worker, farmer, and capitalist alike--must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and abilities. Second only to this comes the power of acting in combination or association with others. Very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of wage-workers, when managed with forethought, and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with law-abiding respect for the rights of others. The display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves. Finally, there must also in many cases be action by the Government in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all. Under our Constitution there is much more scope for such action by the State and the municipality than by the nation. But on points such as those touched on above the National Government can act. When all is said and done, the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for which we strive. Each man must work for himself, and unless he so works no outside help can avail him; but each man must remember also that he is indeed his brother's keeper, and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else, yet that each at times stumbles or halts, that each at times needs to have the helping hand outstretched to him. To be permanently effective, aid must always take the form of helping a man to help himself; and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common interest to all. Our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory. We need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen, every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings here a strong body, a stout heart, a good head, and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as law-abiding and God-fearing members of the community. But there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system. First, we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies, but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation. This means that we should require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of examination at our immigration ports, the former being especially necessary. The second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate American institutions and act sanely as American citizens. This would not keep out all anarchists, for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class. But it would do what is also in point, that is, tend to decrease the sum of ignorance, so potent in producing the envy, suspicion, malignant passion, and hatred of order, out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs. Finally, all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with American labor. There should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an American living and enough money to insure a decent start under American conditions. This would stop the influx of cheap labor, and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in American industrial life; and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities, where anarchistic organizations have their greatest possibility of growth. Both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social. A very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants, and they should be held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law. There is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this economic policy. Nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time. Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty are exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material well-being. Our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world. Yet it is not only possible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations. Such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our present economic policy. It was specially provided for in the present tariff law. Reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection. Our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained, and that reciprocity be sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries. Just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case, remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well-being of the wage-worker is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation. Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support. The phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations. Whatever is merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run, directly or indirectly, purchase those surplus products by giving us something in return. Their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor, or the use of which will be of marked benefit to us. It is most important that we should maintain the high level of our present prosperity. We have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets abroad. To secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection, or in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no longer necessary for revenue, as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask. The cordial relations with other nations which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own interests. The natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis, and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition. I ask the attention of the Senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor. The condition of the American merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the Congress. It is discreditable to us as a Nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business. We should not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships. To remedy this state of things would not .merely serve to build up our shipping interests, but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for American products, and would provide an auxiliary force for the Navy. Ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal points. Shipping lines, if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings, would be of political as well as commercial benefit. From every standpoint it is unwise for the United States to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods. It should be made advantageous to carry American goods in American-built ships. At present American shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries. Many of the fast foreign steamships, at a speed of fourteen knots or above, are subsidized; and all our ships, sailing vessels and steamers alike, cargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed, have to meet the fact that the original cost of building American ships is greater than is the case abroad; that the wages paid American officers and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries; and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals. Our Government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities. The American merchant marine should be restored to the ocean. The Act of March 14, 1900, intended unequivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us, has been shown to be timely and judicious. The price of our Government bonds in the world's market, when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations, is a flattering tribute to our public credit. This condition it is evidently desirable to maintain. In many respects the National Banking Law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function; but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics. Moreover, the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce. The collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary expenditures of the Government, thanks mainly to the reduced army expenditures. The utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit; but, after providing against any such contingency, means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs. In his report to the Congress the Secretary of the Treasury considers all these questions at length, and I ask your attention to the report and recommendations. I call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures. The fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our well-being, should make us doubly careful to husband our national resources, as each of us husbands his private resources, by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or reckless expenditure. Only by avoidance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the point required to meet our needs that are genuine. In 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways, commonly known as the Interstate Commerce Act. The cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers, localities, and commodities should be accorded equal treatment. A commission was created and endowed with what were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions of this act. That law was largely an experiment. Experience has shown the wisdom of its purposes, but has also shown, possibly that some of its requirements are wrong, certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective. Those who complain of the management of the railways allege that established rates are not maintained; that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted to; that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper; that they drive out of business the smaller competitor; that while many rates are too low, many others are excessive; and that gross preferences are made, affecting both localities and commodities. Upon the other hand, the railways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to establish and maintain non-discriminating rates. The act should be amended. The railway is a public servant. Its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike. The Government should see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and effective remedy to that end. At the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies. The subject is one of great importance and calls for the earnest attention of the Congress. The Department of Agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on economic lines, and has accomplished results of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade. It has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our country and with two of the island groups that have lately come under our jurisdiction, whose people must look to agriculture as a livelihood. It is searching the world for grains, grasses, fruits, and vegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the several States and Territories where they may add materially to our resources. By scientific attention to soil survey and possible new crops, to breeding of new varieties of plants, to experimental shipments, to animal industry and applied chemistry, very practical aid has been given our farming and stock-growing interests. The products of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during the year that has just closed. Public opinion throughout the United States has moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the value of forests, whether planted or of natural growth. The great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before. Wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources, whether of wood, water, or grass, from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people, but, on the contrary, gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use. Forest protection is not an end of itself; it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them. The preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity. We have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except to make way for agriculture, threatens our well being. The practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining, grazing, irrigation, and other interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the West for their protection and extension. The forest reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in the future than in the past. Additions should be made to them whenever practicable, and their usefulness should be increased by a thoroughly business-like management. At present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the General Land Office, the mapping and description of their timber with the United States Geological Survey, and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry in the United States. These various functions should be united in the Bureau of Forestry, to which they properly belong. The present diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint. It prevents that effective co-operation between the Government and the men who utilize the resources of the reserves, without which the interests of both must suffer. The scientific bureaus generally should be put under the Department of Agriculture. The President should have by law the power of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the Department of Agriculture. He already has such power in the case of lands needed by the Departments of War and the Navy. The wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on wood and grass. The water supply itself depends upon the forest. In the arid region it is water, not land, which measures production. The western half of the United States would sustain a population greater than that of our whole country to-day if the waters that now run to waste were saved and used for irrigation. The forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the United States. Certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the wild forest creatures. All of the reserves should be better protected from fires. Many of them need special protection because of the great injury done by live stock, above all by sheep. The increase in deer, elk, and other animals in the Yellowstone Park shows what may be expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and properly guarded. Some of these areas have been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds, including grouse and quail, and many mammals, including deer, have been exterminated or driven away. At the same time the water-storing capacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed, thus promoting floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains. In cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years, vegetation has again carpeted the ground, birds and deer are coming back, and hundreds of persons, especially from the immediate neighborhood, come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping. Some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the native fauna and flora, safe havens of refuge to our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds, and free camping grounds for the ever-increasing numbers of men and women who have learned to find rest, health, and recreation in the splendid forests and flower-clad meadows of our mountains. The forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few. The forests are natural reservoirs. By restraining the streams in flood and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters otherwise wasted. They prevent the soil from washing, and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling up with silt. Forest conservation is therefore an essential condition of water conservation. The forests alone cannot, however, fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region. Great storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters. Their construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort. Nor can it be best accomplished by the individual States acting alone. Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; and the resources of single States would often be inadequate. It is properly a national function, at least in some of its features. It is as right for the National Government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind. The storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control, under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams. The Government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it does other public works. Where their purpose is to regulate the flow of streams, the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow. The reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different problem. Here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The object of the Government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon it. To accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach. The pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings. Such opportunities are practically gone. There remain, however, vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement, but only by reservoirs and main-line canals impracticable for private enterprise. These irrigation works should be built by the National Government. The lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the Government for actual settlers, and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed. The distribution of the water, the division of the streams among irrigators, should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with State laws and without interference with those laws or with vested fights. The policy of the National Government should be to aid irrigation in the several States and Territories in such manner as will enable the people in the local communities to help themselves, and as will stimulate needed reforms in the State laws and regulations governing irrigation. The reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every portion of our country, just as the settlement of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the Atlantic States. The increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial production, while wider home markets and the trade of Asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually prevent Western competition with Eastern agriculture. Indeed, the products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other industries, which would otherwise not come into existence at all. Our people as a whole will profit, for successful home-making is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation. The necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of the policy just described. It would be unwise to begin by doing too much, for a great deal will doubtless be learned, both as to what can and what cannot be safely attempted, by the early efforts, which must of necessity be partly experimental in character. At the very beginning the Government should make clear, beyond shadow of doubt, its intention to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest. No reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or local interests; but only in accordance with the advice of trained experts, after long investigation has shown the locality where all the conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the greatest usefulness to the community as a whole. There should be no extravagance, and the believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit their because by seeing to it that it is free from the least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys. Whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should harmonize with, and tend to improve, the condition of those now living on irrigated land. We are not at the starting point of this development. Over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended in the construction of irrigation works, and many million acres of arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself; but as much cannot be said in reference to the laws relating thereto. The security and value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water; but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With a few creditable exceptions, the arid States have failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities, and many streams have already passed into private ownership, or a control equivalent to ownership. Whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders productive, and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from land cannot prevail without causing enduring wrong. The recognition of such ownership, which has been permitted to grow up in the arid regions, should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water supplies. Laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions, where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it, have no proper application in a dry country. In the arid States the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use. In irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom. Granting perpetual water rights to others than users, without compensation to the public, is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities. A few of the Western States have already recognized this, and have incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual State ownership of water. The benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past justify the nation's aid and co-operation in the more difficult and important work yet to be accomplished. Laws so vitally affecting homes as those which control the water supply will only be effective when they have the sanction of the irrigators; reforms can only be final and satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people most concerned. The larger development which national aid insures should, however, awaken in every arid State the determination to make its irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any country in the civilized world. Nothing could be more unwise than for isolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally, instead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere. We are dealing with a new and momentous question, in the pregnant years while institutions are forming, and what we do will affect not only the present but future generations. Our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and provide homes for the largest number of people, but to create for this new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions; and this requires that we not only understand the existing situation, but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of its problems. A careful study should be made, both by the Nation and the States, of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad. Ultimately it will probably be necessary for the Nation to co-operate with the several arid States in proportion as these States by their legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it. In Hawaii our aim must be to develop the Territory on the traditional American lines. We do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor; we wish a healthy American community of men who themselves till the farms they own. All our legislation for the islands should be shaped with this end in view; the well-being of the average home-maker must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands. The land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system. It is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to Puerto Rico than as to any State or Territory within our continental limits. The island is thriving as never before, and it is being administered efficiently and honestly. Its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the United States, and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves. Their material welfare must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of our country. We have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the United States. I ask the attention of the Congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of Puerto Rico. In Cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the Congress closes this will be an accomplished fact. Cuba will then start as her own mistress; and to the beautiful Queen of the Antilles, as she unfolds this new page of her destiny, we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes. Elsewhere I have discussed the question of reciprocity. In the case of Cuba, however, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the United States. Cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired. that she should stand, in international matters, in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power; and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material well-being. In the Philippines our problem is larger. They are very rich tropical islands, inhabited by many varying tribes, representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization. Our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to self-government. We hope to make our administration of the islands honorable to our Nation by making it of the highest benefit to the Filipinos themselves; and as an earnest of what we intend to do, we point to what we have done. Already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained in the Philippines than ever before in their history. It is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities without which the institutions of free government are but an empty mockery. Our people are now successfully governing themselves, because for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting themselves, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, toward this end. What has taken us thirty generations to achieve, we cannot expect to have another race accomplish out of hand, especially when large portions of that race start very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty generations ago. In dealing with the Philippine people we must show both patience and strength, forbearance and steadfast resolution. Our aim is high. We do not desire to do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments. We hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics--to make them fit for self-government after the fashion of the really free nations. History may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a masterful race such as ours, having been forced by the exigencies of war to take possession of an alien land, has behaved to its inhabitants with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown in the Philippines. To leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy. Such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity. The character of Governor Taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof, if such be needed, of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a constantly increasing measure of self-government, exactly as fast as they show themselves fit to exercise it. Since the civil government was established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any reference to considerations of political influence, or to aught else Save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service. In our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the Philippines, may be that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local self-government. It is on this side that our error, if any, has been committed. No competent observer, sincerely desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives, can assert that we have not gone far enough. We have gone to the very verge of safety in hastening the process. To have taken a single step farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness, and might well have been crime. We are extremely anxious that the natives shall show the power of governing themselves. We are anxious, first for their sakes, and next, because it relieves us of a great burden. There need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all the liberty for which they are fit. The only fear is test in our overanxiety we give them a degree of independence for which they are unfit, thereby inviting reaction and disaster. As fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given district the people can govern themselves, self-government has been given in that district. There is not a locality fitted for self-government which has not received it. But it may well be that in certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show themselves unfit to exercise it; such instances have already occurred. In other words, there is not the slightest chance of our failing to show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit. The danger comes in the opposite direction. There are still troubles ahead in the islands. The insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders, who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of portions of the Old World. Encouragement, direct or indirect, to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as encouragement to hostile Indians in the days when we still had Indian wars. Exactly as our aim is to give to the Indian who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consideration, but to have it understood that we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath, so we must make it evident, unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of civilization and humanity, that while we will do everything in our power for the Filipino who is peaceful, we will take the sternest measures with the Filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone. The heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty. The Macabebes have been conspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag. I recommend that the Secretary of War be empowered to take some systematic action in the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service and the families of those who are killed. The time has come when there should be additional legislation for the Philippines. Nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce industrial enterprises. Nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to industrial development. The connection between idleness and mischief is proverbial, and the opportunity to do remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war. Of course no business man will go into the Philippines unless it is to his interest to do so; and it is immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in. It is therefore necessary that the Congress should pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developed; so that franchises (for limited terms of years) can be granted to companies doing business in them, and every encouragement be given to the incoming of business men of every kind. Not to permit this is to do a wrong to the Philippines. The franchises must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation. But the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed, and the capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity. The field must be thrown open to individual enterprise, which has been the real factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown. It is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general transportation, mining, banking, currency, homesteads, and the use and ownership of the lands and timber. These laws will give free play to industrial enterprise; and the commercial development which will surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them. I call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to Hawaii and the Philippines, to be continued from the Philippines to points in Asia. We should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable. It is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations. Either the Congress should immediately provide for the construction of a Government cable, or else an arrangement should be made by which like advantages to those accruing from a Government cable may be secured to the Government by contract with a private cable company. No single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the American people as the building of a canal across the Isthmus connecting North and South America. Its importance to the Nation is by no means limited merely to its material effects upon our business prosperity; and yet with view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to begin it. While its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the Pacific Coast and the Gulf and South Atlantic States, it would also greatly benefit other sections. It is emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible; it is one of those great works which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of success, and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation's material interests, but standing monuments to its constructive ability. I am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with Great Britain, conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect, have resulted in my being able to lay before the Senate a treaty which if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an Isthmian canal at any time, and which guarantees to this Nation every right that it has ever asked in connection with the canal. In this treaty, the old Clayton-Bulwer treaty, so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily American ship canal, is abrogated. It specifically provides that the United States alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation from any quarter. The signed treaty will at once be laid before the Senate, and if approved the Congress can then proceed to give effect to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal. The true end of every great and free people should be self-respecting peace; and this Nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all others. Over the entire world, of recent years, wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent. Wars with barbarous or semi-barbarous peoples come in an entirely different category, being merely a most regrettable but necessary international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the welfare of mankind. Peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it; but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the end, as we hope and believe, make world-wide peace possible. The peace conference at The Hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment. This same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the Monroe Doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference. The Monroe Doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two Americas, as it is of the United States. Just seventy-eight years have passed since President Monroe in his Annual Message announced that "The American continents are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power." In other words, the Monroe Doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any non-American power at the expense of any American power on American soil. It is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the Old World. Still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one New World power at the expense of any other. It is simply a step, and a long step, toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere. During the past century other influences have established the permanence and independence of the smaller states of Europe. Through the Monroe Doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and secure like permanence for the lesser among the New World nations. This doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any American power, save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires. In other words, it is really a guaranty of the commercial independence of the Americas. We do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other American state. We do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself, provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any non-American power. Our attitude in Cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith. We have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors. We wish to work with them hand in hand, so that all of us may be uplifted together, and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them, we gladly hail their material prosperity and political stability, and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into industrial or political chaos. We do not wish to see any Old World military power grow up on this continent, or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves. The peoples of the Americas can prosper best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way. The work of upbuilding the Navy must be steadily continued. No one point of our policy, foreign or domestic, is more important than this to the honor and material welfare, and above all to the peace, of our nation in the future. Whether we desire it or not, we must henceforth recognize that we have international duties no less than international rights. Even if our flag were hauled down in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, even if we decided not to build the Isthmian Canal, we should need a thoroughly trained Navy of adequate size, or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships. Unless our commerce is always to be carried in foreign bottoms, we must have war craft to protect it. Inasmuch, however, as the American people have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered, and especially in view of the fact that the building of the Isthmian Canal is fast becoming one of the matters which the whole people are united in demanding, it is imperative that our Navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency, and should be made to answer to our growing needs. So far from being in any way a provocation to war, an adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaranty against war, the cheapest and most effective peace insurance. The cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay. Probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as we are. There is not a single civilized power which has anything whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part. All we want is peace; and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their rights in return, to insure fair treatment to us commercially, and to guarantee the safety of the American people. Our people intend to abide by the Monroe Doctrine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of securing the peace of the Western Hemisphere. The Navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the Monroe Doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it. We desire the peace which comes as of right to the just man armed; not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakling. It is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out. The ships must be built and the men trained long in advance. Some auxiliary vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any better for the minor work, and a proportion of raw men can be mixed with the highly trained, their shortcomings being made good by the skill of their fellows; but the efficient fighting force of the Navy when pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively in the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency. In the late war with Spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at Manila and Santiago had been launched from two to fourteen years, and they were able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers, the gun turrets, and the engine-rooms had through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty. Our present Navy was begun in 1882. At that period our Navy consisted of a collection of antiquated wooden ships, already almost as out of place against modern war vessels as the galleys of Alcibiades and Hamilcar--certainly as the ships of Tromp and Blake. Nor at that time did we have men fit to handle a modern man-of-war. Under the wise legislation of the Congress and the successful administration of a succession of patriotic Secretaries of the Navy, belonging to both political parties, the work of upbuilding the Navy went on, and ships equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added; and what was even more important, these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best possible service out of them. The result was seen in the short war with Spain, which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater preparedness of our Navy than of the Spanish Navy. While awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and manned the ships which destroyed the Spanish sea forces in the Philippines and in Cuba, we must not forget that an equal meed of praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck. The Congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay down the ships, to build the guns, to buy the armor-plate; the Department officials and the business men and wage-workers who furnished what the Congress had authorized; the Secretaries of the Navy who asked for and expended the appropriations; and finally the officers who, in fair weather and foul, on actual sea service, trained and disciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight--all are entitled to a full share in the glory of Manila and Santiago, and the respect accorded by every true American to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country. It was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898. If we fail to show forethought and preparation now, there may come a time when disaster will befall us instead of triumph; and should this time come, the fault will rest primarily, not upon those whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment, but upon those who have failed to prepare in advance. There should be no cessation in the work of completing our Navy. So far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas. It is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional Battle ships and heavy armored cruisers, with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion; for the exact numbers and character I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy. But there is something we need even more than additional ships, and this is additional officers and men. To provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up, with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war, would be worse than folly; it would be a crime against the Nation. To send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service, including incessant gunnery practice, would be to invite not merely disaster, but the bitterest shame and humiliation. Four thousand additional seamen and one thousand additional marines should be provided; and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes at Annapolis. There is one small matter which should be mentioned in connection with Annapolis. The pretentious and unmeaning title of "naval cadet" should be abolished; the title of "midshipman," full of historic association, should be restored. Even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out, for only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency. The officers and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water, for it is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned. The big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely battle ships, but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts. The torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the emergencies of actual warfare. Every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so performed, the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea service. Above all, gunnery practice should be unceasing. It is important to have our Navy of adequate size, but it is even more important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in the world. This is possible only with highly drilled crews and officers, and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive instruction in target practice, ship handling, squadron tactics, and general discipline. Our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor. The resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured; a battle ship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by the results, while, on the other hand, no matter in how excellent condition, it is useless if the crew be not expert. We now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for, of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual service. The remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years, but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them. It is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they are commissioned. Good ships and good guns are simply good weapons, and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them. The men must be trained and drilled under a thorough and well-planned system of progressive instruction, while the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor. Every effort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer--the command of men. The leading graduates of the Naval Academy should be assigned to the combatant branches, the line and marines. Many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the General Board, which, as the central office of a growing staff, is moving steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the whole Navy, under the Secretary. This General Board, by fostering the creation of a general staff, is providing for the official and then the general recognition of our altered conditions as a Nation and of the true meaning of a great war fleet, which meaning is, first, the best men, and, second, the best ships. The Naval Militia forces are State organizations, and are trained for coast service, and in event of war they will constitute the inner line of defense. They should receive hearty encouragement from the General Government. But in addition we should at once provide for a National Naval Reserve, organized and trained under the direction of the Navy Department, and subject to the call of the Chief Executive whenever war becomes imminent. It should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment, and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war. It should be composed of graduates of the Naval Academy, graduates of the Naval Militia, officers and crews of coast-line steamers, longshore schooners, fishing vessels, and steam yachts, together with the coast population about such centers as lifesaving stations and light-houses. The American people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in international affairs, not merely in political, but in commercial, matters. It has been well said that there is no surer way of courting national disaster than to be "opulent, aggressive, and unarmed." It is not necessary to increase our Army beyond its present size at this time. But it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency. The individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this Army, are, we have good reason to believe, at least as efficient as those of any other army in the entire world. It is our duty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest possible expression of power to these units when acting in combination. The conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of the officer and the enlisted man, and to make it far more difficult for men to act together with effect. At present the fighting must be done in extended order, which means that each man must act for himself and at the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no longer in the old-fashioned elbow-to-elbow touch. Under such conditions a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the special skill which is only found as the result of special training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale. But nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider. The proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased. The American cavalryman, trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility on foot and on horseback, is the best type of soldier for general purposes now to be found in the world. The ideal cavalryman of the present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best infantryman, and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback. A general staff should be created. As for the present staff and supply departments, they should be filled by details from the line, the men so detailed returning after a while to their line duties. It is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the Army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority. A system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade. Justice to the veterans of the Civil War who are still in the Army would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the Navy. The process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political or social pressure on behalf of any candidate, so that each man may be judged purely on his own merits. Pressure for the promotion of civil officials for political reasons is bad enough, but it is tenfold worse where applied on behalf of officers of the Army or Navy. Every promotion and every detail under the War Department must be made solely with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the man himself. No pressure, political, social, or personal, of any kind, will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of promotion or detail; and if there is reason to believe that such pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned, it will be held to militate against him. In our Army we cannot afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them, and that those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform them. Every effort should be made to bring the Army to a constantly increasing state of efficiency. When on actual service no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required. The paper work in the Army, as in the Navy, should be greatly reduced. What is needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field. Constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and commissary departments. Our Army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to give the higher officers (as well as the lower officers and the enlisted men) a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a comparatively large scale. In time of need no amount of individual excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow inability to work as a coherent whole, under skillful and daring leadership. The Congress should provide means whereby it will be possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars, and if possible also a division of national guardsmen, once a year. These exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres; or, if on the Gulf Coast or the Pacific or Atlantic Sea- board, or in the region of the Great Lakes, the army corps when assembled could be marched from some inland point to some point on the water, there embarked, disembarked after a couple of days' journey at some other point, and again marched inland. Only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while they are marching, camping, embarking, and disembarking, will it be possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and smoothly. A great debt is owing from the public to the men of the Army and Navy. They should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point of efficiency, so that they may be able to respond instantly to any demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the Nation and the honor of the flag. The individual American enlisted man is probably on the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other army. Every consideration should be shown him, and in return the highest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him. It is well worth while for the Congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond with the increased value of the veteran soldier. Much good has already come from the act reorganizing the Army, passed early in the present year. The three prime reforms, all of them of literally inestimable value, are, first, the substitution of four-year details from the line for permanent appointments in the so-called staff divisions; second, the establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief at the head; third, the establishment of a maximum and minimum limit for the Army. It would be difficult to overestimate the improvement in the efficiency of our Army which these three reforms are making, and have in part already effected. The reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially accomplished. The improved conditions in the Philippines have enabled the War Department materially to reduce the military charge upon our revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law. There is, however, need of supplementary legislation. Thorough military education must be provided, and in addition to the regulars the advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the National Guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves for possible military duty. The officers should be given the chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this art. At West Point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn out men who are good in actual field service; too much stress should not be laid on mathematics, nor should proficiency therein be held to establish the right of entry to a corps d'elite. The typical American officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician; but he must be able to master himself, to control others, and to show boldness and fertility of resource in every emergency. Action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces. Our militia law is obsolete and worthless. The organization and armament of the National Guard of the several States, which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the Congress, should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces. The obligations and duties of the Guard in time of war should be carefully defined, and a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance. It is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not been made long beforehand. Provision should be made for utilizing in the first volunteer organizations called out the training of those citizens who have already had experience under arms, and especially for the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised; for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war. That the Army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico it has proved itself a great constructive force, a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization. No other citizens deserve so well of the Republic as the veterans, the survivors of those who saved the Union. They did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for nothing. But for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our history, all our annals would be meaningless, and our great experiment in popular freedom and self-government a gloomy failure. Moreover, they not only left us a united Nation, but they left us also as a heritage the memory of the mighty deeds by which the Nation was kept united. We are now indeed one Nation, one in fact as well as in name; we are united in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national greatness and unity; and the very completeness of our union enables us all, in every part of the country, to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons of the North and the sons of the South in the times that tried men's souls. The men who in the last three years have done so well in the East and the West Indies and on the mainland of Asia have shown that this remembrance is not lost. In any serious crisis the United States must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent profession of the military career; and whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the Civil War will give to Americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle. The merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and American as the common school system itself. It simply means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely non-political, all applicants should have a fair field and no favor, each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical test. Written competitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system. In other cases, as where laborers are employed, a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely extended. There are, of course, places where the written competitive examination cannot be applied, and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution, but where under existing political conditions it is, though an imperfect means, yet the best present means of getting satisfactory results. Wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit system in its fullest and widest sense, the gain to the Government has been immense. The navy-yards and postal service illustrate, probably better than any other branches of the Government, the great gain in economy, efficiency, and honesty due to the enforcement of this principle. I recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified service to the District of Columbia, or will at least enable the President thus to extend it. In my judgment all laws providing for the temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision that they be selected under the Civil Service Law. It is important to have this system obtain at home, but it is even more important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions. Not an office should be filled in the Philippines or Puerto Rico with any regard to the man's partisan affiliations or services, with any regard to the political, social, or personal influence which he may have at his command; in short, heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save the man's own character and capacity and the needs of the service. The administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the Army and Navy. All that we ask from the public servant in the Philippines or Puerto Rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which he makes that country's rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under it. This is all that we should ask, and we cannot afford to be content with less. The merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient administration of the Government; and in the long run the sole justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both honest and efficient. The consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law passed in 1856, which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions. The interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your attention. Several bills providing for a new consular service have in recent years been submitted to the Congress. They are based upon the just principle that appointments to the service should be made only after a practical test of the applicant's fitness, that promotions should be governed by trustworthiness, adaptability, and zeal in the performance of duty, and that the tenure of office should be unaffected by partisan considerations. The guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign commerce, the protection of American citizens resorting to foreign countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs, and the maintenance of the dignity of the nation abroad, combine to make it essential that our consuls should be men of character, knowledge and enterprise. It is true that the service is now, in the main, efficient, but a standard of excellence cannot be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the Congress on this subject are enacted into law. In my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the Indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe. The General Allotment Act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass. It acts directly upon the family and the individual. Under its provisions some sixty thousand Indians have already become citizens of the United States. We should now break up the tribal funds, doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands; that is, they should be divided into individual holdings. There will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be held in trust. This is the case also with the lands. A stop should be put upon the indiscriminate permission to Indians to lease their allotments. The effort should be steadily to make the Indian work like any other man on his own ground. The marriage laws of the Indians should be made the same as those of the whites. In the schools the education should be elementary and largely industrial. The need of higher education among the Indians is very, very limited. On the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the teaching to the needs of the particular Indian. There is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle raising, where the Indian should be made a stock grower. The ration system, which is merely the corral and the reservation system, is highly detrimental to the Indians. It promotes beggary, perpetuates pauperism, and stifles industry. It is an effectual barrier to progress. It must continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common. The Indian should be treated as an individual--like the white man. During the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur; every effort should be made to minimize these hardships; but we should not because of them hesitate to make the change. There should be a continuous reduction in the number of agencies. In dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic. We are doing all we can to save our own Indian tribes from this evil. Wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control, every effort should be made to bring it about. I bespeak the most cordial support from the Congress and the people for the St. Louis Exposition to commemorate the One Hundredth Anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase. This purchase was the greatest instance of expansion in our history. It definitely decided that we were to become a great continental republic, by far the foremost power in the Western Hemisphere. It is one of three or four great landmarks in our history--the great turning points in our development. It is eminently fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in commemorating it, and the citizens of St. Louis, of Missouri, of all the adjacent region, are entitled to every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy event in our annals. We earnestly hope that foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in this Exposition, and our view of its importance from every standpoint, and that they will participate in securing its success. The National Government should be represented by a full and complete set of exhibits. The people of Charleston, with great energy and civic spirit, are carrying on an Exposition which will continue throughout most of the present session of the Congress. I heartily commend this Exposition to the good will of the people. It deserves all the encouragement that can be given it. The managers of the Charleston Exposition have requested the Cabinet officers to place thereat the Government exhibits which have been at Buffalo, promising to pay the necessary expenses. I have taken the responsibility of directing that this be done, for I feel that it is due to Charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort. In my opinion the management should not be required to pay all these expenses. I earnestly recommend that the Congress appropriate at once the small sum necessary for this purpose. The Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo has just closed. Both from the industrial and the artistic standpoint this Exposition has been in a high degree creditable and useful, not merely to Buffalo but to the United States. The terrible tragedy of the President's assassination interfered materially with its being a financial success. The Exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public policy, because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all the peoples of the Western Hemisphere, and give them an increasing sense of unity. Such an effort was a genuine service to the entire American public. The advancement of the highest interests of national science and learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results of scientific expeditions conducted by the United States have been committed to the Smithsonian Institution. In furtherance of its declared purpose--for the "increase and diffusion of knowledge among men" --the Congress has from time to time given it other important functions. Such trusts have been executed by the Institution with notable fidelity. There should be no halt in the work of the Institution, in accordance with the plans which its Secretary has presented, for the preservation of the vanishing races of great North American animals in the National Zoological Park. The urgent needs of the National Museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of the Congress. Perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty years is that which has created the modern public library and developed it into broad and active service. There are now over five thousand public libraries in the United States, the product of this period. In addition to accumulating material, they are also striving by organization, by improvement in method, and by co-operation, to give greater efficiency to the material they hold, to make it more widely useful, and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its administration. In these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the Federal library, which, though still the Library of Congress, and so entitled, is the one national library of the United States. Already the largest single collection of books on the Western Hemisphere, and certain to increase more rapidly than any other through purchase, exchange, and the operation of the copyright law, this library has a unique opportunity to render to the libraries of this country--to American scholarship--service of the highest importance. It is housed in a building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for library uses. Resources are now being provided which will develop the collection properly, equip it with the apparatus and service necessary to its effective use, render its bibliographic work widely available, and enable it to become, not merely a center of research, but the chief factor in great co-operative efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of learning. For the sake of good administration, sound economy, and the advancement of science, the Census Office as now constituted should be made a permanent Government bureau. This would insure better, cheaper, and more satisfactory work, in the interest not only of our business but of statistic, economic, and social science. The remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve years. Its progressive development compels constantly increasing outlay, but in this period of business energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from $11,411,779 in 1897 to $3,923,727 in 1901. Among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked, and actual experience has made its benefits so plain, that the demand for its extension is general and urgent. It is just that the great agricultural population should share in the improvement of the service. The number of rural routes now in operation is 6,009, practically all established within three years, and there are 6,000 applications awaiting action. It is expected that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach 8,600. The mail will then be daily carried to the doors of 5,700,000 of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices, and one-third of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service. The full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the Government through the intrenched and well-understood abuses which have grown up in connection with second-class mail matter. The extent of this burden appears when it is stated that while the second-class matter makes nearly three-fifths of the weight of all the mail, it paid for the last fiscal year only $4,294,445 of the aggregate postal revenue of $111,631,193. If the pound rate of postage, which produces the large loss thus entailed, and which was fixed by the Congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information, were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law, no just exception could be taken. That expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end. But much of the matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law, and has secured admission only through an evasion of its require. merits or through lax construction. The proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be one-half of the whole volume of second-class mail. If it be only one-third or one-quarter, the magnitude of the burden is apparent. The Post-Office Department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter application of the law; and it should be sustained in its effort. Owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the Pacific, whatever happens in China must be of the keenest national concern to us. The general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the antiforeign uprisings in China of 1900, having been formulated in a joint note addressed to China by the representatives of the injured powers in December last, were promptly accepted by the Chinese Government. After protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the Chinese plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last September, setting forth the measures taken by China in compliance with the demands of the joint note, and expressing their satisfaction therewith. It will be laid before the Congress, with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of the United States, Mr. William Woodville Rockhill, to whom high praise is due for the tact, good judgment, and energy he has displayed in performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task. The agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers of the various grounds of complaint, and will contribute materially to better future relations between China and the powers. Reparation has been made by China for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and punishment has been inflicted on the officials, however high in rank, recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak. Official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated, and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence against them. Provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign representatives in Peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards; by dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea; and by allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this line. An edict has been issued by the Emperor of China prohibiting for two years the importation of arms and ammunition into China. China has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states, societies, and individuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of the military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and restore order. Under the provisions of the joint note of December, 1900, China has agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the foreign powers may decide to be needed. The Chinese Government has agreed to participate financially in the work of bettering the water approaches to Shanghai and to Tientsin, the centers of foreign trade in central and northern China, and an international conservancy board, in which the Chinese Government is largely represented, has been provided for the improvement of the Shanghai River and the control of its navigation. In the same line of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad valorem duties, and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the United States to assist in this work. A list of articles to remain free of duty, including flour, cereals, and rice, gold and silver coin and bullion, has also been agreed upon in the settlement. During these troubles our Government has unswervingly advocated moderation, and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment which tends to enhance the welfare of China and to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the Empire and the modern world; while in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in safe-guarding life and property, restoring order, and vindicating the national interest and honor. It behooves us to continue in these paths, doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will, and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair intercourse between China and the nations, on a footing of equal rights and advantages to all. We advocate the "open door" with all that it implies; not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts, but access to the interior by the waterways with which China has been so extraordinarily favored. Only by bringing the people of China into peaceful and friendly community of trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun be carried to fruition. In the attainment of this purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment, under the conventions, throughout the Empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all other powers. We view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the proceedings of the Pan-American Congress, convoked at the invitation of Mexico, and now sitting at the Mexican capital. The delegates of the United States are under the most liberal instructions to cooperate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family of American commonwealths, as well in their relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world at large. My predecessor communicated to the Congress the fact that the Weil and La Abra awards against Mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the part of the claimants, and that in accordance with the acts of the Congress the money remaining in the hands of the Secretary of State on these awards has been returned to Mexico. A considerable portion of the money received from Mexico on these awards had been paid by this Government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was rendered. My judgment is that the Congress should return to Mexico an amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants. The death of Queen Victoria caused the people of the United States deep and heartfelt sorrow, to which the Government gave full expression. When President McKinley died, our Nation in turn received from every quarter of the British Empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere. The death of the Empress Dowager Frederick of Germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the American people; and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by Germany when the President was assassinated. Indeed, from every quarter of the civilized world we received, at' the time of the President's death, assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people. In the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the Almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind; and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual respect and good will.
the congress assembles this year under the shadow of a great calamity on the sixth of september president mckinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the exposition at buffalo and died in that city on the fourteenth of that month of the last seven elected presidents he is the third who has been murdered and the bare recital of this fact is sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal american citizens moreover the circumstances of this the third assassination of an american president have a peculiarly sinister significance both president lincoln and president garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history president lincoln falling a victim to the terrible passions aroused by four years of civil war and president garfield to the revengeful vanity of a disappointed president mckinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments good and bad alike who are against any form of popular liberty if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws and who are as hostile to the upright exponent of a free people sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot it is not too much to say that at the time of president mckinley death he was the most widely loved man in all the united states while we have never had any public man of his position who has been so wholly free from the bitter animosities incident to public life his political opponents were the first to bear the heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad kindliness of nature the sweetness and gentleness of character which so endeared him to his close associates to a standard of lofty integrity in public life he united the tender affections and home virtues which are in the of national character a gallant soldier in the great war for the union he also shone as an example to all our people because of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate of home relations there could be no personal hatred of him for he never acted with aught but consideration for the welfare of others no one could fail to respect him who knew him in public or private life the defenders of those murderous criminals who seek to excuse their criminality by asserting that it is exercised for political ends inveigh against wealth and irresponsible power but for this assassination even this base apology can not be urged president mckinley was a man of moderate means a man whose stock sprang from the sturdy tillers of the soil who had himself belonged among the who had entered the army as a private soldier wealth was not struck at when the president was assassinated but the honest toil which is content with moderate gains after a lifetime of unremitting labor largely in the service of the public still less was power struck at in the sense that power is irresponsible or centered in the hands of any one individual the blow was not aimed at tyranny or wealth it was aimed at one of the strongest champions the has ever had at one of the most faithful representatives of the system of public rights and representative government who has ever risen to public office president mckinley filled that political office for which the entire people vote and no president not even lincoln himself was ever more earnestly anxious to represent the well wishes of the people his one anxiety in every crisis was to keep in closest touch with the people to find out what they thought and to endeavor to give expression to their thought after having endeavored to guide that thought aright he had just been reelected to the presidency because the majority of our citizens the majority of our farmers and believed that he had faithfully upheld their interests for four years they felt themselves in close and intimate touch with him they felt that he represented so well and so honorably all their ideals and aspirations that they wished him to continue for another four years to represent them and this was the man at whom the assassin struck that there might be nothing lacking to complete the infamy of his act he took advantage of an occasion when the president was meeting the people generally and advancing as if to take the hand to him in kindly and brotherly fellowship he turned the noble and generous confidence of the victim into an opportunity to strike the fatal blow there is no baser deed in all the annals of crime the shock the grief of the country are bitter in the minds of all who saw the dark days while the president yet hovered between life and death at last the light was stilled in the kindly eyes and the breath went from the lips that even in mortal agony uttered no words save of forgiveness to his murderer of love for his friends and of faltering trust in the will of the most high such a death crowning the glory of such a life leaves us with infinite sorrow but with such pride in what he had accomplished and in his own personal character that we feel the blow not as struck at him but as struck at the nation we mourn a good and great president who is dead but while we mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and the grand heroism with which he met his death when we turn from the man to the nation the harm done is so great as to excite our gravest apprehensions and to demand our wisest and most resolute action this criminal was a professed anarchist inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists and probably also by the reckless utterances of those who on the stump and in the public press appeal to the dark and evil spirits of malice and greed envy and sullen hatred the wind is sowed by the men who preach such doctrines and they can not escape their share of responsibility for the whirlwind that is reaped this applies alike to the deliberate demagogue to the exploiter of sensationalism and to the crude and foolish visionary who for whatever reason apologizes for crime or excites aimless discontent the blow was aimed not at this president but at all presidents at every symbol of government president mckinley was as emphatically the embodiment of the popular will of the nation expressed through the forms of law as a new england town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment of the purpose and practice of the people of the town on no conceivable theory could the murder of the president be accepted as due to protest against inequalities in the social order save as the murder of all the freemen engaged in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail anarchy is no more an expression of social discontent than picking pockets or the anarchist and especially the anarchist in the united states is merely one type of criminal more dangerous than any other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree the man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly in any shape or fashion or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds makes himself morally accessory to murder before the fact the anarchist is a criminal whose perverted instincts lead him to prefer confusion and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order his protest of concern for workingmen is outrageous in its impudent falsity for if the political institutions of this country do not afford opportunity to every honest and intelligent son of toil then the door of hope is forever closed against him the anarchist is everywhere not merely the enemy of system and of progress but the deadly foe of liberty if ever anarchy is triumphant its triumph will last for but one red moment to be succeeded for ages by the gloomy night of despotism for the anarchist himself whether he preaches or practices his doctrines we need not have one particle more concern than for any ordinary murderer he is not the victim of social or political injustice there are no wrongs to remedy in his case the because of his criminality is to be found in his own evil passions and in the evil conduct of those who urge him on not in any failure by others or by the state to do justice to him or his he is a malefactor and nothing else he is in no sense in no shape or way a product of social conditions save as a highwayman is produced by the fact than an unarmed man happens to have a purse it is a travesty upon the great and holy names of liberty and freedom to permit them to be invoked in such a because no man or body of men preaching anarchistic doctrines should be allowed at large any more than if preaching the murder of some specified private individual anarchistic speeches writings and meetings are essentially seditious and treasonable i earnestly recommend to the congress that in the exercise of its wise discretion it should take into consideration the coming to this country of anarchists or persons professing principles hostile to all government and justifying the murder of those placed in authority such individuals as those who not long ago gathered in open meeting to glorify the murder of king humbert of italy perpetrate a crime and the law should ensure their rigorous punishment they and those like them should be kept out of this country and if found here they should be promptly deported to the country whence they came and provision should be made for the punishment of those who stay no matter calls more urgently for the wisest thought of the congress the federal courts should be given jurisdiction over any man who kills or attempts to kill the president or any man who by the constitution or by law is in line of succession for the presidency while the punishment for an unsuccessful attempt should be proportioned to the enormity of the offense against our institutions anarchy is a crime against the whole human race and all mankind should band against the anarchist his crime should be made an offense against the law of nations like piracy and that form of known as the slave trade for it is of far blacker infamy than either it should be so declared by treaties among all civilized powers such treaties would give to the federal government the power of dealing with the crime a grim commentary upon the folly of the anarchist position was afforded by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had just taken the life of the president the people would have torn him limb from limb if it had not been that the law he defied was at once invoked in his behalf so far from his deed being committed on behalf of the people against the government the government was obliged at once to exert its full police power to save him from instant death at the hands of the people moreover his deed worked not the slightest dislocation in our governmental system and the danger of a recurrence of such deeds no matter how great it might grow would work only in the direction of strengthening and giving harshness to the forces of order no man will ever be restrained from becoming president by any fear as to his personal safety if the risk to the president life became great it would mean that the office would more and more come to be filled by men of a spirit which would make them resolute and merciless in dealing with every friend of disorder this great country will not fall into anarchy and if anarchists should ever become a serious menace to its institutions they would not merely be stamped out but would involve in their own ruin every active or passive sympathizer with their doctrines the american people are slow to wrath but when their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming flame during the last five years business confidence has been restored and the nation is to be congratulated because of its present abounding prosperity such prosperity can never be created by law alone although it is easy enough to destroy it by mischievous laws if the hand of the lord is heavy upon any country if flood or drought comes human wisdom is powerless to avert the calamity moreover no law can guard us against the consequences of our own folly the men who are idle or credulous the men who seek gains not by genuine work with head or hand but by gambling in any form are always a source of menace not only to themselves but to others if the business world loses its head it loses what legislation can not supply fundamentally the welfare of each citizen and therefore the welfare of the aggregate of citizens which makes the nation must rest upon individual thrift and energy resolution and intelligence nothing can take the place of this individual capacity but wise legislation and honest and intelligent administration can give it the fullest scope the largest opportunity to work to good effect the tremendous and highly complex industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during the latter half of the nineteenth century brings us face to face at the beginning of the twentieth with very serious social problems the old laws and the old customs which had almost the binding force of law were once quite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind they are no longer sufficient the growth of cities has gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers has meant a startling increase not merely in the aggregate of wealth but in the number of very large individual and especially of very large corporate fortunes the creation of these great corporate fortunes has not been due to the tariff nor to any other governmental action but to natural causes in the business world operating in other countries as they operate in our own the process has aroused much antagonism a great part of which is wholly without warrant it is not true that as the rich have grown richer the poor have grown poorer on the contrary never before has the average man the the farmer the small trader been so well off as in this country and at the present time there have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only on condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others successful enterprise of the type which benefits all mankind can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success the captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent who have built up our commerce who have developed our manufactures have on the whole done great good to our people without them the material development of which we are so justly proud could never have taken place moreover we should recognize the immense importance of this material development of leaving as unhampered as is compatible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon whom the success of business operations inevitably rests the slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation is the most important factor in a business operation that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern big or little is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure an additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to be found in the international commercial conditions of the same business conditions which have produced the great aggregations of corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international commercial competition business concerns which have the largest means at their disposal and are managed by the ablest men are naturally those which take the lead in the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world america has only just begun to assume that commanding position in the international business world which we believe will more and more be hers it is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill business energy and mechanical aptitude of our people make foreign markets essential under such conditions it would be most unwise to cramp or to fetter the youthful strength of our nation moreover it can not too often be pointed out that to strike with ignorant violence at the interests of one set of men almost inevitably endangers the interests of all the fundamental rule in our national life the rule which underlies all others is that on the whole and in the long run we shall go up or down together there are exceptions and in times of prosperity some will prosper far more and in times of adversity some will suffer far more than others but speaking generally a period of good times means that all share more or less in them and in a period of hard times all feel the stress to a greater or less degree it surely ought not to be necessary to enter into any proof of this statement the memory of the lean years which began in 1893 is still vivid and we can contrast them with the conditions in this very year which is now closing disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects limited to the men at the top it spreads throughout and while it is bad for everybody it is worst for those farthest down the capitalist may be shorn of his luxuries but the may be deprived of even bare necessities the mechanism of modern business is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashness or ignorance many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which are popularly although with technical inaccuracy known as trusts appeal especially to hatred and fear these are precisely the two emotions particularly when combined with ignorance which unfit men for the exercise of cool and steady judgment in facing new industrial conditions the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober much of the legislation directed at the trusts would have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective in accordance with a sociological law the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing in dealing with business interests for the government to undertake by crude and legislation to do what may turn out to be bad would be to incur the risk of such national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all the men who demand the impossible or the undesirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are and to what extent and in what manner it is practicable to apply remedies all this is true and yet it is also true that there are real and grave evils one of the chief being because of its many baleful consequences and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct these evils there is a widespread conviction in the minds of the american people that the great corporations known as trusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general welfare this springs from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements that have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy it does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital in the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world progress demands that great things be done it is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be not prohibited but supervised and within reasonable limits controlled and in my judgment this conviction is right it is no limitation upon property rights or freedom of contract to require that when men receive from government the privilege of doing business under corporate form which frees them from individual responsibility and enables them to call into their enterprises the capital of the public they shall do so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the property in which the capital is to be invested corporations engaged in interstate commerce should be regulated if they are found to exercise a license working to the public injury it should be as much the aim of those who seek for betterment to rid the business world of crimes of cunning as to rid the entire body politic of crimes of violence great corporations exist only because they are created and safeguarded by our institutions and it is therefore our right and our duty to see that they work in harmony with these institutions the first essential in determining how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts publicity in the interest of the public the government should have the right to inspect and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business publicity is the only sure remedy which we can now invoke what further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation or taxation can only be determined after publicity has been obtained by process of law and in the course of administration the first requisite is knowledge full and complete knowledge which may be made public to the world artificial bodies such as corporations and joint stock or other associations depending upon any statutory law for their existence or privileges should be subject to proper governmental supervision and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals the large corporations commonly called trusts though organized in one state always do business in many states often doing very little business in the state where they are incorporated there is utter lack of uniformity in the state laws about them and as no state has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through state action therefore in the interest of the whole people the nation should without interfering with the power of the states in the matter itself also assume power of supervision and regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business this is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of its wealth from the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in its business there would be no hardship in such supervision banks are subject to it and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course indeed it is probable that supervision of corporations by the national government need not go so far as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a state as massachusetts in order to produce excellent results when the constitution was adopted at the end of the eighteenth century no human wisdom could foretell the sweeping changes alike in industrial and political conditions which were to take place by the beginning of the twentieth century at that time it was accepted as a matter of course that the several states were the proper authorities to regulate so far as was then necessary the comparatively insignificant and strictly localized corporate bodies of the day the conditions are now wholly different and wholly different action is called for i believe that a law can be framed which will enable the national government to exercise control along the lines above indicated profiting by the experience gained through the passage and administration of the act if however the judgment of the congress is that it lacks the constitutional power to pass such an act then a constitutional amendment should be submitted to confer the power there should be created a cabinet officer to be known as secretary of commerce and industries as provided in the bill introduced at the last session of the congress it should be his province to deal with commerce in its broadest sense including among many other things whatever concerns labor and all matters affecting the great business corporations and our merchant marine the course proposed is one phase of what should be a comprehensive and scheme of constructive statesmanship for the purpose of broadening our markets securing our business interests on a safe basis and making firm our new position in the international industrial world while scrupulously safeguarding the rights of and capitalist of investor and private citizen so as to secure equity as between man and man in this republic with the sole exception of the farming interest no one matter is of such vital moment to our whole people as the welfare of the if the farmer and the are well off it is absolutely certain that all others will be well off too it is therefore a matter for hearty congratulation that on the whole wages are higher in the united states than ever before in our history and far higher than in any other country the standard of living is also higher than ever before every effort of legislator and administrator should be bent to secure the permanency of this condition of things and its improvement wherever possible not only must our labor be protected by the tariff but it should also be protected so far as it is possible from the presence in this country of any laborers brought over by contract or of those who coming freely yet represent a standard of living so depressed that they can undersell our men in the labor market and drag them to a lower level i regard it as necessary with this end in view to immediately the law excluding chinese laborers and to strengthen it wherever necessary in order to make its enforcement entirely effective the national government should demand the highest quality of service from its employees and in return it should be a good employer if possible legislation should be passed in connection with the interstate commerce law which will render effective the efforts of different states to do away with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor market so far as practicable under the conditions of government work provision should be made to render the enforcement of the law easy and certain in all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the united states government women and children should be protected from excessive hours of labor from night work and from work under unsanitary conditions the government should provide in its contracts that all work should be done under fair conditions and in addition to setting a high standard should uphold it by proper inspection extending if necessary to the subcontractors the government should forbid all night work for women and children as well as excessive overtime for the district of columbia a good factory law should be passed and as a powerful indirect aid to such laws provision should be made to turn the inhabited alleys the existence of which is a reproach to our capital city into minor streets where the inhabitants can live under conditions favorable to health and morals american work with their heads as well as their hands moreover they take a keen pride in what they are doing so that independent of the reward they wish to turn out a perfect job this is the great secret of our success in competition with the labor of foreign countries the most vital problem with which this country and for that matter the whole civilized world has to deal is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions moral and physical in large cities and for another side the effort to deal with that tangle of questions which we group together when we speak of labor the chief factor in the success of each man farmer and capitalist alike must ever be the sum total of his own individual qualities and abilities second only to this comes the power of acting in combination or association with others very great good has been and will be accomplished by associations or unions of when managed with forethought and when they combine insistence upon their own rights with respect for the rights of others the display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the nation no less than to the associations themselves finally there must also in many cases be action by the government in order to safeguard the rights and interests of all under our constitution there is much more scope for such action by the state and the municipality than by the nation but on points such as those touched on above the national government can act when all is said and done the rule of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in the kind of national life for which we strive each man must work for himself and unless he so works no outside help can avail him but each man must remember also that he is indeed his brother keeper and that while no man who refuses to walk can be carried with advantage to himself or anyone else yet that each at times stumbles or halts that each at times needs to have the helping hand outstretched to him to be permanently effective aid must always take the form of helping a man to help himself and we can all best help ourselves by joining together in the work that is of common interest to all our present immigration laws are unsatisfactory we need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted to become an american citizen every immigrant who comes here to stay who brings here a strong body a stout heart a good head and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way and to bring up his children as and members of the community but there should be a comprehensive law enacted with the object of working a threefold improvement over our present system first we should aim to exclude absolutely not only all persons who are known to be believers in anarchistic principles or members of anarchistic societies but also all persons who are of a low moral tendency or of unsavory reputation this means that we should require a more thorough system of inspection abroad and a more rigid system of examination at our immigration ports the former being especially necessary the second object of a proper immigration law ought to be to secure by a careful and not merely perfunctory educational test some intelligent capacity to appreciate american institutions and act sanely as american citizens this would not keep out all anarchists for many of them belong to the intelligent criminal class but it would do what is also in point that is tend to decrease the sum of ignorance so potent in producing the envy suspicion malignant passion and hatred of order out of which anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs finally all persons should be excluded who are below a certain standard of economic fitness to enter our industrial field as competitors with american labor there should be proper proof of personal capacity to earn an american living and enough money to insure a decent start under american conditions this would stop the influx of cheap labor and the resulting competition which gives rise to so much of bitterness in american industrial life and it would dry up the springs of the pestilential social conditions in our great cities where anarchistic organizations have their greatest possibility of growth both the educational and economic tests in a wise immigration law should be designed to protect and elevate the general body politic and social a very close supervision should be exercised over the steamship companies which mainly bring over the immigrants and they should be held to a strict accountability for any infraction of the law there is general acquiescence in our present tariff system as a national policy the first requisite to our prosperity is the continuity and stability of this economic policy nothing could be more unwise than to disturb the business interests of the country by any general tariff change at this time doubt apprehension uncertainty are exactly what we most wish to avoid in the interest of our commercial and material our experience in the past has shown that sweeping revisions of the tariff are apt to produce conditions closely approaching panic in the business world yet it is not only possible but eminently desirable to combine with the stability of our economic system a supplementary system of reciprocal benefit and obligation with other nations such reciprocity is an incident and result of the firm establishment and preservation of our present economic policy it was specially provided for in the present tariff law reciprocity must be treated as the handmaiden of protection our first duty is to see that the protection granted by the tariff in every case where it is needed is maintained and that reciprocity be sought for so far as it can safely be done without injury to our home industries just how far this is must be determined according to the individual case remembering always that every application of our tariff policy to meet our shifting national needs must be conditioned upon the cardinal fact that the duties must never be reduced below the point that will cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad the of the is a prime consideration of our entire policy of economic legislation subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial at home the principle of reciprocity must command our hearty support the phenomenal growth of our export trade emphasizes the urgency of the need for wider markets and for a liberal policy in dealing with foreign nations whatever is merely petty and vexatious in the way of trade restrictions should be avoided the customers to whom we dispose of our surplus products in the long run directly or indirectly purchase those surplus products by giving us something in return their ability to purchase our products should as far as possible be secured by so arranging our tariff as to enable us to take from them those products which we can use without harm to our own industries and labor or the use of which will be of marked benefit to us it is most important that we should maintain the high level of our present prosperity we have now reached the point in the development of our interests where we are not only able to supply our own markets but to produce a constantly growing surplus for which we must find markets abroad to secure these markets we can utilize existing duties in any case where they are no longer needed for the purpose of protection or in any case where the article is not produced here and the duty is no longer necessary for revenue as giving us something to offer in exchange for what we ask the cordial relations with other nations which are so desirable will naturally be promoted by the course thus required by our own interests the natural line of development for a policy of reciprocity will be in connection with those of our productions which no longer require all of the support once needed to establish them upon a sound basis and with those others where either because of natural or of economic causes we are beyond the reach of successful competition i ask the attention of the senate to the reciprocity treaties laid before it by my predecessor the condition of the american merchant marine is such as to call for immediate remedial action by the congress it is discreditable to us as a nation that our merchant marine should be utterly insignificant in comparison to that of other nations which we overtop in other forms of business we should not longer submit to conditions under which only a trifling portion of our great commerce is carried in our own ships to remedy this state of things would not serve to build up our shipping interests but it would also result in benefit to all who are interested in the permanent establishment of a wider market for american products and would provide an auxiliary force for the navy ships work for their own countries just as railroads work for their terminal points shipping lines if established to the principal countries with which we have dealings would be of political as well as commercial benefit from every standpoint it is unwise for the united states to continue to rely upon the ships of competing nations for the distribution of our goods it should be made advantageous to carry american goods in ships at present american shipping is under certain great disadvantages when put in competition with the shipping of foreign countries many of the fast foreign steamships at a speed of fourteen knots or above are subsidized and all our ships sailing vessels and steamers alike cargo carriers of slow speed and mail carriers of high speed have to meet the fact that the original cost of building american ships is greater than is the case abroad that the wages paid american officers and seamen are very much higher than those paid the officers and seamen of foreign competing countries and that the standard of living on our ships is far superior to the standard of living on the ships of our commercial rivals our government should take such action as will remedy these inequalities the american merchant marine should be restored to the ocean the act of march 14 1900 intended unequivocally to establish gold as the standard money and to maintain at a parity therewith all forms of money medium in use with us has been shown to be timely and judicious the price of our government bonds in the world market when compared with the price of similar obligations issued by other nations is a flattering tribute to our public credit this condition it is evidently desirable to maintain in many respects the national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty for the proper exercise of the banking function but there seems to be need of better safeguards against the deranging influence of commercial crises and financial panics moreover the currency of the country should be made responsive to the demands of our domestic trade and commerce the collections from duties on imports and internal taxes continue to exceed the ordinary expenditures of the government thanks mainly to the reduced army expenditures the utmost care should be taken not to reduce the revenues so that there will be any possibility of a deficit but after providing against any such contingency means should be adopted which will bring the revenues more nearly within the limit of our actual needs in his report to the congress the secretary of the treasury considers all these questions at length and i ask your attention to the report and recommendations i call special attention to the need of strict economy in expenditures the fact that our national needs forbid us to be niggardly in providing whatever is actually necessary to our should make us doubly careful to husband our national resources as each of us husbands his private resources by scrupulous avoidance of anything like wasteful or reckless expenditure only by avoidance of spending money on what is needless or unjustifiable can we legitimately keep our income to the point required to meet our needs that are genuine in 1887 a measure was enacted for the regulation of interstate railways commonly known as the interstate commerce act the cardinal provisions of that act were that railway rates should be just and reasonable and that all shippers localities and commodities should be accorded equal treatment a commission was created and endowed with what were supposed to be the necessary powers to execute the provisions of this act that law was largely an experiment experience has shown the wisdom of its purposes but has also shown possibly that some of its requirements are wrong certainly that the means devised for the enforcement of its provisions are defective those who complain of the management of the railways allege that established rates are not maintained that rebates and similar devices are habitually resorted to that these preferences are usually in favor of the large shipper that they drive out of business the smaller competitor that while many rates are too low many others are excessive and that gross preferences are made affecting both localities and commodities upon the other hand the railways assert that the law by its very terms tends to produce many of these illegal practices by depriving carriers of that right of concerted action which they claim is necessary to establish and maintain rates the act should be amended the railway is a public servant its rates should be just to and open to all shippers alike the government should see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so and should provide a speedy inexpensive and effective remedy to that end at the same time it must not be forgotten that our railways are the arteries through which the commercial lifeblood of this nation flows nothing could be more foolish than the enactment of legislation which would unnecessarily interfere with the development and operation of these commercial agencies the subject is one of great importance and calls for the earnest attention of the congress the department of agriculture during the past fifteen years has steadily broadened its work on economic lines and has accomplished results of real value in upbuilding domestic and foreign trade it has gone into new fields until it is now in touch with all sections of our country and with two of the island groups that have lately come under our jurisdiction whose people must look to agriculture as a livelihood it is searching the world for grains grasses fruits and vegetables specially fitted for introduction into localities in the several states and territories where they may add materially to our resources by scientific attention to soil survey and possible new crops to breeding of new varieties of plants to experimental shipments to animal industry and applied chemistry very practical aid has been given our farming and interests the products of the farm have taken an unprecedented place in our export trade during the year that has just closed public opinion throughout the united states has moved steadily toward a just appreciation of the value of forests whether planted or of natural growth the great part played by them in the creation and maintenance of the national wealth is now more fully realized than ever before wise forest protection does not mean the withdrawal of forest resources whether of wood water or grass from contributing their full share to the welfare of the people but on the contrary gives the assurance of larger and more certain supplies the fundamental idea of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use forest protection is not an end of itself it is a means to increase and sustain the resources of our country and the industries which depend upon them the preservation of our forests is an imperative business necessity we have come to see clearly that whatever destroys the forest except to make way for agriculture threatens our well being the practical usefulness of the national forest reserves to the mining grazing irrigation and other interests of the regions in which the reserves lie has led to a widespread demand by the people of the west for their protection and extension the forest reserves will inevitably be of still greater use in the future than in the past additions should be made to them whenever practicable and their usefulness should be increased by a thoroughly management at present the protection of the forest reserves rests with the general land office the mapping and description of their timber with the united states geological survey and the preparation of plans for their conservative use with the bureau of forestry which is also charged with the general advancement of practical forestry in the united states these various functions should be united in the bureau of forestry to which they properly belong the present diffusion of responsibility is bad from every standpoint it prevents that effective between the government and the men who utilize the resources of the reserves without which the interests of both must suffer the scientific bureaus generally should be put under the department of agriculture the president should have by law the power of transferring lands for use as forest reserves to the department of agriculture he already has such power in the case of lands needed by the departments of war and the navy the wise administration of the forest reserves will be not less helpful to the interests which depend on water than to those which depend on wood and grass the water supply itself depends upon the forest in the arid region it is water not land which measures production the western half of the united states would sustain a population greater than that of our whole country if the waters that now run to waste were saved and used for irrigation the forest and water problems are perhaps the most vital internal questions of the united states certain of the forest reserves should also be made preserves for the wild forest creatures all of the reserves should be better protected from fires many of them need special protection because of the great injury done by live stock above all by sheep the increase in deer elk and other animals in the yellowstone park shows what may be expected when other mountain forests are properly protected by law and properly guarded some of these areas have been so denuded of surface vegetation by overgrazing that the ground breeding birds including grouse and quail and many mammals including deer have been exterminated or driven away at the same time the capacity of the surface has been decreased or destroyed thus promoting floods in times of rain and diminishing the flow of streams between rains in cases where natural conditions have been restored for a few years vegetation has again carpeted the ground birds and deer are coming back and hundreds of persons especially from the immediate neighborhood come each summer to enjoy the privilege of camping some at least of the forest reserves should afford perpetual protection to the native fauna and flora safe havens of refuge to our rapidly diminishing wild animals of the larger kinds and free camping grounds for the numbers of men and women who have learned to find rest health and recreation in the splendid forests and meadows of our mountains the forest reserves should be set apart forever for the use and benefit of our people as a whole and not sacrificed to the shortsighted greed of a few the forests are natural reservoirs by restraining the streams in flood and replenishing them in drought they make possible the use of waters otherwise wasted they prevent the soil from washing and so protect the storage reservoirs from filling up with silt forest conservation is therefore an essential condition of water conservation the forests alone can not however fully regulate and conserve the waters of the arid region great storage works are necessary to equalize the flow of streams and to save the flood waters their construction has been conclusively shown to be an undertaking too vast for private effort nor can it be best accomplished by the individual states acting alone interstate problems are involved and the resources of single states would often be inadequate it is properly a national function at least in some of its features it is as right for the national government to make the streams and rivers of the arid region useful by engineering works for water storage as to make useful the rivers and harbors of the humid region by engineering works of another kind the storing of the floods in reservoirs at the headwaters of our rivers is but an enlargement of our present policy of river control under which levees are built on the lower reaches of the same streams the government should construct and maintain these reservoirs as it does other public works where their purpose is to regulate the flow of streams the water should be turned freely into the channels in the dry season to take the same course under the same laws as the natural flow the reclamation of the unsettled arid public lands presents a different problem here it is not enough to regulate the flow of streams the object of the government is to dispose of the land to settlers who will build homes upon it to accomplish this object water must be brought within their reach the pioneer settlers on the arid public domain chose their homes along streams from which they could themselves divert the water to reclaim their holdings such opportunities are practically gone there remain however vast areas of public land which can be made available for homestead settlement but only by reservoirs and canals impracticable for private enterprise these irrigation works should be built by the national government the lands reclaimed by them should be reserved by the government for actual settlers and the cost of construction should so far as possible be repaid by the land reclaimed the distribution of the water the division of the streams among irrigators should be left to the settlers themselves in conformity with state laws and without interference with those laws or with vested fights the policy of the national government should be to aid irrigation in the several states and territories in such manner as will enable the people in the local communities to help themselves and as will stimulate needed reforms in the state laws and regulations governing irrigation the reclamation and settlement of the arid lands will enrich every portion of our country just as the settlement of the ohio and mississippi valleys brought prosperity to the atlantic states the increased demand for manufactured articles will stimulate industrial production while wider home markets and the trade of asia will consume the larger food supplies and effectually prevent western competition with eastern agriculture indeed the products of irrigation will be consumed chiefly in upbuilding local centers of mining and other industries which would otherwise not come into existence at all our people as a whole will profit for successful is but another name for the upbuilding of the nation the necessary foundation has already been laid for the inauguration of the policy just described it would be unwise to begin by doing too much for a great deal will doubtless be learned both as to what can and what can not be safely attempted by the early efforts which must of necessity be partly experimental in character at the very beginning the government should make clear beyond shadow of doubt its intention to pursue this policy on lines of the broadest public interest no reservoir or canal should ever be built to satisfy selfish personal or local interests but only in accordance with the advice of trained experts after long investigation has shown the locality where all the conditions combine to make the work most needed and fraught with the greatest usefulness to the community as a whole there should be no extravagance and the believers in the need of irrigation will most benefit their because by seeing to it that it is free from the least taint of excessive or reckless expenditure of the public moneys whatever the nation does for the extension of irrigation should harmonize with and tend to improve the condition of those now living on irrigated land we are not at the starting point of this development over two hundred millions of private capital has already been expended in the construction of irrigation works and many million acres of arid land reclaimed a high degree of enterprise and ability has been shown in the work itself but as much can not be said in reference to the laws relating thereto the security and value of the homes created depend largely on the stability of titles to water but the majority of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law with a few creditable exceptions the arid states have failed to provide for the certain and just division of streams in times of scarcity lax and uncertain laws have made it possible to establish rights to water in excess of actual uses or necessities and many streams have already passed into private ownership or a control equivalent to ownership whoever controls a stream practically controls the land it renders productive and the doctrine of private ownership of water apart from land can not prevail without causing enduring wrong the recognition of such ownership which has been permitted to grow up in the arid regions should give way to a more enlightened and larger recognition of the rights of the public in the control and disposal of the public water supplies laws founded upon conditions obtaining in humid regions where water is too abundant to justify hoarding it have no proper application in a dry country in the arid states the only right to water which should be recognized is that of use in irrigation this right should attach to the land reclaimed and be inseparable therefrom granting perpetual water rights to others than users without compensation to the public is open to all the objections which apply to giving away perpetual franchises to the public utilities of cities a few of the western states have already recognized this and have incorporated in their constitutions the doctrine of perpetual state ownership of water the benefits which have followed the unaided development of the past justify the nation aid and in the more difficult and important work yet to be accomplished laws so vitally affecting homes as those which control the water supply will only be effective when they have the sanction of the irrigators reforms can only be final and satisfactory when they come through the enlightenment of the people most concerned the larger development which national aid insures should however awaken in every arid state the determination to make its irrigation system equal in justice and effectiveness that of any country in the civilized world nothing could be more unwise than for isolated communities to continue to learn everything experimentally instead of profiting by what is already known elsewhere we are dealing with a new and momentous question in the pregnant years while institutions are forming and what we do will affect not only the present but future generations our aim should be not simply to reclaim the largest area of land and provide homes for the largest number of people but to create for this new industry the best possible social and industrial conditions and this requires that we not only understand the existing situation but avail ourselves of the best experience of the time in the solution of its problems a careful study should be made both by the nation and the states of the irrigation laws and conditions here and abroad ultimately it will probably be necessary for the nation to with the several arid states in proportion as these states by their legislation and administration show themselves fit to receive it in hawaii our aim must be to develop the territory on the traditional american lines we do not wish a region of large estates tilled by cheap labor we wish a healthy american community of men who themselves till the farms they own all our legislation for the islands should be shaped with this end in view the of the average must afford the true test of the healthy development of the islands the land policy should as nearly as possible be modeled on our homestead system it is a pleasure to say that it is hardly more necessary to report as to puerto rico than as to any state or territory within our continental limits the island is thriving as never before and it is being administered efficiently and honestly its people are now enjoying liberty and order under the protection of the united states and upon this fact we congratulate them and ourselves their material welfare must be as carefully and jealously considered as the welfare of any other portion of our country we have given them the great gift of free access for their products to the markets of the united states i ask the attention of the congress to the need of legislation concerning the public lands of puerto rico in cuba such progress has been made toward putting the independent government of the island upon a firm footing that before the present session of the congress closes this will be an accomplished fact cuba will then start as her own mistress and to the beautiful queen of the antilles as she unfolds this new page of her destiny we extend our heartiest greetings and good wishes elsewhere i have discussed the question of reciprocity in the case of cuba however there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy should be held to have a peculiar application and i most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom indeed to the vital need of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on cuban imports into the united states cuba has in her constitution affirmed what we desired that she should stand in international matters in closer and more friendly relations with us than with any other power and we are bound by every consideration of honor and expediency to pass commercial measures in the interest of her material in the philippines our problem is larger they are very rich tropical islands inhabited by many varying tribes representing widely different stages of progress toward civilization our earnest effort is to help these people upward along the stony and difficult path that leads to we hope to make our administration of the islands honorable to our nation by making it of the highest benefit to the filipinos themselves and as an earnest of what we intend to do we point to what we have done already a greater measure of material prosperity and of governmental honesty and efficiency has been attained in the philippines than ever before in their history it is no light task for a nation to achieve the temperamental qualities without which the institutions of free government are but an empty mockery our people are now successfully governing themselves because for more than a thousand years they have been slowly fitting themselves sometimes consciously sometimes unconsciously toward this end what has taken us thirty generations to achieve we can not expect to have another race accomplish out of hand especially when large portions of that race start very far behind the point which our ancestors had reached even thirty generations ago in dealing with the philippine people we must show both patience and strength forbearance and steadfast resolution our aim is high we do not desire to do for the islanders merely what has elsewhere been done for tropic peoples by even the best foreign governments we hope to do for them what has never before been done for any people of the tropics to make them fit for after the fashion of the really free nations history may safely be challenged to show a single instance in which a masterful race such as ours having been forced by the exigencies of war to take possession of an alien land has behaved to its inhabitants with the disinterested zeal for their progress that our people have shown in the philippines to leave the islands at this time would mean that they would fall into a welter of murderous anarchy such desertion of duty on our part would be a crime against humanity the character of governor taft and of his associates and subordinates is a proof if such be needed of the sincerity of our effort to give the islanders a constantly increasing measure of exactly as fast as they show themselves fit to exercise it since the civil government was established not an appointment has been made in the islands with any reference to considerations of political influence or to aught else save the fitness of the man and the needs of the service in our anxiety for the welfare and progress of the philippines may be that here and there we have gone too rapidly in giving them local it is on this side that our error if any has been committed no competent observer sincerely desirous of finding out the facts and influenced only by a desire for the welfare of the natives can assert that we have not gone far enough we have gone to the very verge of safety in hastening the process to have taken a single step farther or faster in advance would have been folly and weakness and might well have been crime we are extremely anxious that the natives shall show the power of governing themselves we are anxious first for their sakes and next because it relieves us of a great burden there need not be the slightest fear of our not continuing to give them all the liberty for which they are fit the only fear is test in our overanxiety we give them a degree of independence for which they are unfit thereby inviting reaction and disaster as fast as there is any reasonable hope that in a given district the people can govern themselves has been given in that district there is not a locality fitted for which has not received it but it may well be that in certain cases it will have to be withdrawn because the inhabitants show themselves unfit to exercise it such instances have already occurred in other words there is not the slightest chance of our failing to show a sufficiently humanitarian spirit the danger comes in the opposite direction there are still troubles ahead in the islands the insurrection has become an affair of local banditti and marauders who deserve no higher regard than the brigands of portions of the old world encouragement direct or indirect to these insurrectors stands on the same footing as encouragement to hostile indians in the days when we still had indian wars exactly as our aim is to give to the indian who remains peaceful the fullest and amplest consideration but to have it understood that we will show no weakness if he goes on the warpath so we must make it evident unless we are false to our own traditions and to the demands of civilization and humanity that while we will do everything in our power for the filipino who is peaceful we will take the sternest measures with the filipino who follows the path of the insurrecto and the ladrone the heartiest praise is due to large numbers of the natives of the islands for their steadfast loyalty the macabebes have been conspicuous for their courage and devotion to the flag i recommend that the secretary of war be empowered to take some systematic action in the way of aiding those of these men who are crippled in the service and the families of those who are killed the time has come when there should be additional legislation for the philippines nothing better can be done for the islands than to introduce industrial enterprises nothing would benefit them so much as throwing them open to industrial development the connection between idleness and mischief is proverbial and the opportunity to do remunerative work is one of the surest preventatives of war of course no business man will go into the philippines unless it is to his interest to do so and it is immensely to the interest of the islands that he should go in it is therefore necessary that the congress should pass laws by which the resources of the islands can be developed so that franchises for limited terms of years can be granted to companies doing business in them and every encouragement be given to the incoming of business men of every kind not to permit this is to do a wrong to the philippines the franchises must be granted and the business permitted only under regulations which will guarantee the islands against any kind of improper exploitation but the vast natural wealth of the islands must be developed and the capital willing to develop it must be given the opportunity the field must be thrown open to individual enterprise which has been the real factor in the development of every region over which our flag has flown it is urgently necessary to enact suitable laws dealing with general transportation mining banking currency homesteads and the use and ownership of the lands and timber these laws will give free play to industrial enterprise and the commercial development which will surely follow will accord to the people of the islands the best proofs of the sincerity of our desire to aid them i call your attention most earnestly to the crying need of a cable to hawaii and the philippines to be continued from the philippines to points in asia we should not defer a day longer than necessary the construction of such a cable it is demanded not merely for commercial but for political and military considerations either the congress should immediately provide for the construction of a government cable or else an arrangement should be made by which like advantages to those accruing from a government cable may be secured to the government by contract with a private cable company no single great material work which remains to be undertaken on this continent is of such consequence to the american people as the building of a canal across the isthmus connecting north and south america its importance to the nation is by no means limited merely to its material effects upon our business prosperity and yet with view to these effects alone it would be to the last degree important for us immediately to begin it while its beneficial effects would perhaps be most marked upon the pacific coast and the gulf and south atlantic states it would also greatly benefit other sections it is emphatically a work which it is for the interest of the entire country to begin and complete as soon as possible it is one of those great works which only a great nation can undertake with prospects of success and which when done are not only permanent assets in the nation material interests but standing monuments to its constructive ability i am glad to be able to announce to you that our negotiations on this subject with great britain conducted on both sides in a spirit of friendliness and mutual good will and respect have resulted in my being able to lay before the senate a treaty which if ratified will enable us to begin preparations for an isthmian canal at any time and which guarantees to this nation every right that it has ever asked in connection with the canal in this treaty the old treaty so long recognized as inadequate to supply the base for the construction and maintenance of a necessarily american ship canal is abrogated it specifically provides that the united states alone shall do the work of building and assume the responsibility of safeguarding the canal and shall regulate its neutral use by all nations on terms of equality without the guaranty or interference of any outside nation from any quarter the signed treaty will at once be laid before the senate and if approved the congress can then proceed to give effect to the advantages it secures us by providing for the building of the canal the true end of every great and free people should be peace and this nation most earnestly desires sincere and cordial friendship with all others over the entire world of recent years wars between the great civilized powers have become less and less frequent wars with barbarous or peoples come in an entirely different category being merely a most regrettable but necessary international police duty which must be performed for the sake of the welfare of mankind peace can only be kept with certainty where both sides wish to keep it but more and more the civilized peoples are realizing the wicked folly of war and are attaining that condition of just and intelligent regard for the rights of others which will in the end as we hope and believe make peace possible the peace conference at the hague gave definite expression to this hope and belief and marked a stride toward their attainment this same peace conference acquiesced in our statement of the monroe doctrine as compatible with the purposes and aims of the conference the monroe doctrine should be the cardinal feature of the foreign policy of all the nations of the two americas as it is of the united states just years have passed since president monroe in his annual message announced that the american continents are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any european power in other words the monroe doctrine is a declaration that there must be no territorial aggrandizement by any power at the expense of any american power on american soil it is in no wise intended as hostile to any nation in the old world still less is it intended to give cover to any aggression by one new world power at the expense of any other it is simply a step and a long step toward assuring the universal peace of the world by securing the possibility of permanent peace on this hemisphere during the past century other influences have established the permanence and independence of the smaller states of europe through the monroe doctrine we hope to be able to safeguard like independence and secure like permanence for the lesser among the new world nations this doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial relations of any american power save that it in truth allows each of them to form such as it desires in other words it is really a guaranty of the commercial independence of the americas we do not ask under this doctrine for any exclusive commercial dealings with any other american state we do not guarantee any state against punishment if it misconducts itself provided that punishment does not take the form of the acquisition of territory by any power our attitude in cuba is a sufficient guaranty of our own good faith we have not the slightest desire to secure any territory at the expense of any of our neighbors we wish to work with them hand in hand so that all of us may be uplifted together and we rejoice over the good fortune of any of them we gladly hail their material prosperity and political stability and are concerned and alarmed if any of them fall into industrial or political chaos we do not wish to see any old world military power grow up on this continent or to be compelled to become a military power ourselves the peoples of the americas can prosper best if left to work out their own salvation in their own way the work of upbuilding the navy must be steadily continued no one point of our policy foreign or domestic is more important than this to the honor and material welfare and above all to the peace of our nation in the future whether we desire it or not we must henceforth recognize that we have international duties no less than international rights even if our flag were hauled down in the philippines and puerto rico even if we decided not to build the isthmian canal we should need a thoroughly trained navy of adequate size or else be prepared definitely and for all time to abandon the idea that our nation is among those whose sons go down to the sea in ships unless our commerce is always to be carried in foreign bottoms we must have war craft to protect it inasmuch however as the american people have no thought of abandoning the path upon which they have entered and especially in view of the fact that the building of the isthmian canal is fast becoming one of the matters which the whole people are united in demanding it is imperative that our navy should be put and kept in the highest state of efficiency and should be made to answer to our growing needs so far from being in any way a provocation to war an adequate and highly trained navy is the best guaranty against war the cheapest and most effective peace insurance the cost of building and maintaining such a navy represents the very lightest premium for insuring peace which this nation can possibly pay probably no other great nation in the world is so anxious for peace as we are there is not a single civilized power which has anything whatever to fear from aggressiveness on our part all we want is peace and toward this end we wish to be able to secure the same respect for our rights from others which we are eager and anxious to extend to their rights in return to insure fair treatment to us commercially and to guarantee the safety of the american people our people intend to abide by the monroe doctrine and to insist upon it as the one sure means of securing the peace of the western hemisphere the navy offers us the only means of making our insistence upon the monroe doctrine anything but a subject of derision to whatever nation chooses to disregard it we desire the peace which comes as of right to the just man armed not the peace granted on terms of ignominy to the craven and the weakling it is not possible to improvise a navy after war breaks out the ships must be built and the men trained long in advance some auxiliary vessels can be turned into makeshifts which will do in default of any better for the minor work and a proportion of raw men can be mixed with the highly trained their shortcomings being made good by the skill of their fellows but the efficient fighting force of the navy when pitted against an equal opponent will be found almost exclusively in the war ships that have been regularly built and in the officers and men who through years of faithful performance of sea duty have been trained to handle their formidable but complex and delicate weapons with the highest efficiency in the late war with spain the ships that dealt the decisive blows at manila and santiago had been launched from two to fourteen years and they were able to do as they did because the men in the conning towers the gun turrets and the had through long years of practice at sea learned how to do their duty our present navy was begun in 1882 at that period our navy consisted of a collection of antiquated wooden ships already almost as out of place against modern war vessels as the galleys of alcibiades and hamilcar certainly as the ships of tromp and blake nor at that time did we have men fit to handle a modern under the wise legislation of the congress and the successful administration of a succession of patriotic secretaries of the navy belonging to both political parties the work of upbuilding the navy went on and ships equal to any in the world of their kind were continually added and what was even more important these ships were exercised at sea singly and in squadrons until the men aboard them were able to get the best possible service out of them the result was seen in the short war with spain which was decided with such rapidity because of the infinitely greater preparedness of our navy than of the spanish navy while awarding the fullest honor to the men who actually commanded and manned the ships which destroyed the spanish sea forces in the philippines and in cuba we must not forget that an equal meed of praise belongs to those without whom neither blow could have been struck the congressmen who voted years in advance the money to lay down the ships to build the guns to buy the the department officials and the business men and who furnished what the congress had authorized the secretaries of the navy who asked for and expended the appropriations and finally the officers who in fair weather and foul on actual sea service trained and disciplined the crews of the ships when there was no war in sight all are entitled to a full share in the glory of manila and santiago and the respect accorded by every true american to those who wrought such signal triumph for our country it was forethought and preparation which secured us the overwhelming triumph of 1898 if we fail to show forethought and preparation now there may come a time when disaster will befall us instead of triumph and should this time come the fault will rest primarily not upon those whom the accident of events puts in supreme command at the moment but upon those who have failed to prepare in advance there should be no cessation in the work of completing our navy so far ingenuity has been wholly unable to devise a substitute for the great war craft whose hammering guns beat out the mastery of the high seas it is unsafe and unwise not to provide this year for several additional battle ships and heavy armored cruisers with auxiliary and lighter craft in proportion for the exact numbers and character i refer you to the report of the secretary of the navy but there is something we need even more than additional ships and this is additional officers and men to provide battle ships and cruisers and then lay them up with the expectation of leaving them unmanned until they are needed in actual war would be worse than folly it would be a crime against the nation to send any war ship against a competent enemy unless those aboard it have been trained by years of actual sea service including incessant gunnery practice would be to invite not merely disaster but the bitterest shame and humiliation four thousand additional seamen and one thousand additional marines should be provided and an increase in the officers should be provided by making a large addition to the classes at annapolis there is one small matter which should be mentioned in connection with annapolis the pretentious and unmeaning title of naval cadet should be abolished the title of midshipman full of historic association should be restored even in time of peace a war ship should be used until it wears out for only so can it be kept fit to respond to any emergency the officers and men alike should be kept as much as possible on blue water for it is there only they can learn their duties as they should be learned the big vessels should be manoeuvred in squadrons containing not merely battle ships but the necessary proportion of cruisers and scouts the torpedo boats should be handled by the younger officers in such manner as will best fit the latter to take responsibility and meet the emergencies of actual warfare every detail ashore which can be performed by a civilian should be so performed the officer being kept for his special duty in the sea service above all gunnery practice should be unceasing it is important to have our navy of adequate size but it is even more important that ship for ship it should equal in efficiency any navy in the world this is possible only with highly drilled crews and officers and this in turn imperatively demands continuous and progressive instruction in target practice ship handling squadron tactics and general discipline our ships must be assembled in squadrons actively cruising away from harbors and never long at anchor the resulting wear upon engines and hulls must be endured a battle ship worn out in long training of officers and men is well paid for by the results while on the other hand no matter in how excellent condition it is useless if the crew be not expert we now have seventeen battle ships appropriated for of which nine are completed and have been commissioned for actual service the remaining eight will be ready in from two to four years but it will take at least that time to recruit and train the men to fight them it is of vast concern that we have trained crews ready for the vessels by the time they are commissioned good ships and good guns are simply good weapons and the best weapons are useless save in the hands of men who know how to fight with them the men must be trained and drilled under a thorough and system of progressive instruction while the recruiting must be carried on with still greater vigor every effort must be made to exalt the main function of the officer the command of men the leading graduates of the naval academy should be assigned to the combatant branches the line and marines many of the essentials of success are already recognized by the general board which as the central office of a growing staff is moving steadily toward a proper war efficiency and a proper efficiency of the whole navy under the secretary this general board by fostering the creation of a general staff is providing for the official and then the general recognition of our altered conditions as a nation and of the true meaning of a great war fleet which meaning is first the best men and second the best ships the naval militia forces are state organizations and are trained for coast service and in event of war they will constitute the inner line of defense they should receive hearty encouragement from the general government but in addition we should at once provide for a national naval reserve organized and trained under the direction of the navy department and subject to the call of the chief executive whenever war becomes imminent it should be a real auxiliary to the naval seagoing peace establishment and offer material to be drawn on at once for manning our ships in time of war it should be composed of graduates of the naval academy graduates of the naval militia officers and crews of steamers longshore schooners fishing vessels and steam yachts together with the coast population about such centers as lifesaving stations and the american people must either build and maintain an adequate navy or else make up their minds definitely to accept a secondary position in international affairs not merely in political but in commercial matters it has been well said that there is no surer way of courting national disaster than to be opulent aggressive and unarmed it is not necessary to increase our army beyond its present size at this time but it is necessary to keep it at the highest point of efficiency the individual units who as officers and enlisted men compose this army are we have good reason to believe at least as efficient as those of any other army in the entire world it is our duty to see that their training is of a kind to insure the highest possible expression of power to these units when acting in combination the conditions of modern war are such as to make an infinitely heavier demand than ever before upon the individual character and capacity of the officer and the enlisted man and to make it far more difficult for men to act together with effect at present the fighting must be done in extended order which means that each man must act for himself and at the same time act in combination with others with whom he is no longer in the touch under such conditions a few men of the highest excellence are worth more than many men without the special skill which is only found as the result of special training applied to men of exceptional physique and morale but nowadays the most valuable fighting man and the most difficult to perfect is the rifleman who is also a skillful and daring rider the proportion of our cavalry regiments has wisely been increased the american cavalryman trained to manoeuvre and fight with equal facility on foot and on horseback is the best type of soldier for general purposes now to be found in the world the ideal cavalryman of the present day is a man who can fight on foot as effectively as the best infantryman and who is in addition unsurpassed in the care and management of his horse and in his ability to fight on horseback a general staff should be created as for the present staff and supply departments they should be filled by details from the line the men so detailed returning after a while to their line duties it is very undesirable to have the senior grades of the army composed of men who have come to fill the positions by the mere fact of seniority a system should be adopted by which there shall be an elimination grade by grade of those who seem unfit to render the best service in the next grade justice to the veterans of the civil war who are still in the army would seem to require that in the matter of retirements they be given by law the same privileges accorded to their comrades in the navy the process of elimination of the least fit should be conducted in a manner that would render it practically impossible to apply political or social pressure on behalf of any candidate so that each man may be judged purely on his own merits pressure for the promotion of civil officials for political reasons is bad enough but it is tenfold worse where applied on behalf of officers of the army or navy every promotion and every detail under the war department must be made solely with regard to the good of the service and to the capacity and merit of the man himself no pressure political social or personal of any kind will be permitted to exercise the least effect in any question of promotion or detail and if there is reason to believe that such pressure is exercised at the instigation of the officer concerned it will be held to militate against him in our army we can not afford to have rewards or duties distributed save on the simple ground that those who by their own merits are entitled to the rewards get them and that those who are peculiarly fit to do the duties are chosen to perform them every effort should be made to bring the army to a constantly increasing state of efficiency when on actual service no work save that directly in the line of such service should be required the paper work in the army as in the navy should be greatly reduced what is needed is proved power of command and capacity to work well in the field constant care is necessary to prevent dry rot in the transportation and commissary departments our army is so small and so much scattered that it is very difficult to give the higher officers as well as the lower officers and the enlisted men a chance to practice manoeuvres in mass and on a comparatively large scale in time of need no amount of individual excellence would avail against the paralysis which would follow inability to work as a coherent whole under skillful and daring leadership the congress should provide means whereby it will be possible to have field exercises by at least a division of regulars and if possible also a division of national guardsmen once a year these exercises might take the form of field manoeuvres or if on the gulf coast or the pacific or atlantic board or in the region of the great lakes the army corps when assembled could be marched from some inland point to some point on the water there embarked disembarked after a couple of days journey at some other point and again marched inland only by actual handling and providing for men in masses while they are marching camping embarking and disembarking will it be possible to train the higher officers to perform their duties well and smoothly a great debt is owing from the public to the men of the army and navy they should be so treated as to enable them to reach the highest point of efficiency so that they may be able to respond instantly to any demand made upon them to sustain the interests of the nation and the honor of the flag the individual american enlisted man is probably on the whole a more formidable fighting man than the regular of any other army every consideration should be shown him and in return the highest standard of usefulness should be exacted from him it is well worth while for the congress to consider whether the pay of enlisted men upon second and subsequent enlistments should not be increased to correspond with the increased value of the veteran soldier much good has already come from the act reorganizing the army passed early in the present year the three prime reforms all of them of literally inestimable value are first the substitution of details from the line for permanent appointments in the staff divisions second the establishment of a corps of artillery with a chief at the head third the establishment of a maximum and minimum limit for the army it would be difficult to overestimate the improvement in the efficiency of our army which these three reforms are making and have in part already effected the reorganization provided for by the act has been substantially accomplished the improved conditions in the philippines have enabled the war department materially to reduce the military charge upon our revenue and to arrange the number of soldiers so as to bring this number much nearer to the minimum than to the maximum limit established by law there is however need of supplementary legislation thorough military education must be provided and in addition to the regulars the advantages of this education should be given to the officers of the national guard and others in civil life who desire intelligently to fit themselves for possible military duty the officers should be given the chance to perfect themselves by study in the higher branches of this art at west point the education should be of the kind most apt to turn out men who are good in actual field service too much stress should not be laid on mathematics nor should proficiency therein be held to establish the right of entry to a corps the typical american officer of the best kind need not be a good mathematician but he must be able to master himself to control others and to show boldness and fertility of resource in every emergency action should be taken in reference to the militia and to the raising of volunteer forces our militia law is obsolete and worthless the organization and armament of the national guard of the several states which are treated as militia in the appropriations by the congress should be made identical with those provided for the regular forces the obligations and duties of the guard in time of war should be carefully defined and a system established by law under which the method of procedure of raising volunteer forces should be prescribed in advance it is utterly impossible in the excitement and haste of impending war to do this satisfactorily if the arrangements have not been made long beforehand provision should be made for utilizing in the first volunteer organizations called out the training of those citizens who have already had experience under arms and especially for the selection in advance of the officers of any force which may be raised for careful selection of the kind necessary is impossible after the outbreak of war that the army is not at all a mere instrument of destruction has been shown during the last three years in the philippines cuba and puerto rico it has proved itself a great constructive force a most potent implement for the upbuilding of a peaceful civilization no other citizens deserve so well of the republic as the veterans the survivors of those who saved the union they did the one deed which if left undone would have meant that all else in our history went for nothing but for their steadfast prowess in the greatest crisis of our history all our annals would be meaningless and our great experiment in popular freedom and a gloomy failure moreover they not only left us a united nation but they left us also as a heritage the memory of the mighty deeds by which the nation was kept united we are now indeed one nation one in fact as well as in name we are united in our devotion to the flag which is the symbol of national greatness and unity and the very completeness of our union enables us all in every part of the country to glory in the valor shown alike by the sons of the north and the sons of the south in the times that tried men souls the men who in the last three years have done so well in the east and the west indies and on the mainland of asia have shown that this remembrance is not lost in any serious crisis the united states must rely for the great mass of its fighting men upon the volunteer soldiery who do not make a permanent profession of the military career and whenever such a crisis arises the deathless memories of the civil war will give to americans the lift of lofty purpose which comes to those whose fathers have stood valiantly in the forefront of the battle the merit system of making appointments is in its essence as democratic and american as the common school system itself it simply means that in clerical and other positions where the duties are entirely all applicants should have a fair field and no favor each standing on his merits as he is able to show them by practical test written competitive examinations offer the only available means in many cases for applying this system in other cases as where laborers are employed a system of registration undoubtedly can be widely extended there are of course places where the written competitive examination can not be applied and others where it offers by no means an ideal solution but where under existing political conditions it is though an imperfect means yet the best present means of getting satisfactory results wherever the conditions have permitted the application of the merit system in its fullest and widest sense the gain to the government has been immense the and postal service illustrate probably better than any other branches of the government the great gain in economy efficiency and honesty due to the enforcement of this principle i recommend the passage of a law which will extend the classified service to the district of columbia or will at least enable the president thus to extend it in my judgment all laws providing for the temporary employment of clerks should hereafter contain a provision that they be selected under the civil service law it is important to have this system obtain at home but it is even more important to have it applied rigidly in our insular possessions not an office should be filled in the philippines or puerto rico with any regard to the man partisan affiliations or services with any regard to the political social or personal influence which he may have at his command in short heed should be paid to absolutely nothing save the man own character and capacity and the needs of the service the administration of these islands should be as wholly free from the suspicion of partisan politics as the administration of the army and navy all that we ask from the public servant in the philippines or puerto rico is that he reflect honor on his country by the way in which he makes that country rule a benefit to the peoples who have come under it this is all that we should ask and we can not afford to be content with less the merit system is simply one method of securing honest and efficient administration of the government and in the long run the sole justification of any type of government lies in its proving itself both honest and efficient the consular service is now organized under the provisions of a law passed in 1856 which is entirely inadequate to existing conditions the interest shown by so many commercial bodies throughout the country in the reorganization of the service is heartily commended to your attention several bills providing for a new consular service have in recent years been submitted to the congress they are based upon the just principle that appointments to the service should be made only after a practical test of the applicant fitness that promotions should be governed by trustworthiness adaptability and zeal in the performance of duty and that the tenure of office should be unaffected by partisan considerations the guardianship and fostering of our rapidly expanding foreign commerce the protection of american citizens resorting to foreign countries in lawful pursuit of their affairs and the maintenance of the dignity of the nation abroad combine to make it essential that our consuls should be men of character knowledge and enterprise it is true that the service is now in the main efficient but a standard of excellence can not be permanently maintained until the principles set forth in the bills heretofore submitted to the congress on this subject are enacted into law in my judgment the time has arrived when we should definitely make up our minds to recognize the indian as an individual and not as a member of a tribe the general allotment act is a mighty pulverizing engine to break up the tribal mass it acts directly upon the family and the individual under its provisions some sixty thousand indians have already become citizens of the united states we should now break up the tribal funds doing for them what allotment does for the tribal lands that is they should be divided into individual holdings there will be a transition period during which the funds will in many cases have to be held in trust this is the case also with the lands a stop should be put upon the indiscriminate permission to indians to lease their allotments the effort should be steadily to make the indian work like any other man on his own ground the marriage laws of the indians should be made the same as those of the whites in the schools the education should be elementary and largely industrial the need of higher education among the indians is very very limited on the reservations care should be taken to try to suit the teaching to the needs of the particular indian there is no use in attempting to induce agriculture in a country suited only for cattle raising where the indian should be made a stock grower the ration system which is merely the corral and the reservation system is highly detrimental to the indians it promotes beggary perpetuates pauperism and stifles industry it is an effectual barrier to progress it must continue to a greater or less degree as long as tribes are herded on reservations and have everything in common the indian should be treated as an individual like the white man during the change of treatment inevitable hardships will occur every effort should be made to minimize these hardships but we should not because of them hesitate to make the change there should be a continuous reduction in the number of agencies in dealing with the aboriginal races few things are more important than to preserve them from the terrible physical and moral degradation resulting from the liquor traffic we are doing all we can to save our own indian tribes from this evil wherever by international agreement this same end can be attained as regards races where we do not possess exclusive control every effort should be made to bring it about i bespeak the most cordial support from the congress and the people for the louis exposition to commemorate the one hundredth anniversary of the louisiana purchase this purchase was the greatest instance of expansion in our history it definitely decided that we were to become a great continental republic by far the foremost power in the western hemisphere it is one of three or four great landmarks in our history the great turning points in our development it is eminently fitting that all our people should join with heartiest good will in commemorating it and the citizens of louis of missouri of all the adjacent region are entitled to every aid in making the celebration a noteworthy event in our annals we earnestly hope that foreign nations will appreciate the deep interest our country takes in this exposition and our view of its importance from every standpoint and that they will participate in securing its success the national government should be represented by a full and complete set of exhibits the people of charleston with great energy and civic spirit are carrying on an exposition which will continue throughout most of the present session of the congress i heartily commend this exposition to the good will of the people it deserves all the encouragement that can be given it the managers of the charleston exposition have requested the cabinet officers to place thereat the government exhibits which have been at buffalo promising to pay the necessary expenses i have taken the responsibility of directing that this be done for i feel that it is due to charleston to help her in her praiseworthy effort in my opinion the management should not be required to pay all these expenses i earnestly recommend that the congress appropriate at once the small sum necessary for this purpose the exposition at buffalo has just closed both from the industrial and the artistic standpoint this exposition has been in a high degree creditable and useful not merely to buffalo but to the united states the terrible tragedy of the president assassination interfered materially with its being a financial success the exposition was peculiarly in harmony with the trend of our public policy because it represented an effort to bring into closer touch all the peoples of the western hemisphere and give them an increasing sense of unity such an effort was a genuine service to the entire american public the advancement of the highest interests of national science and learning and the custody of objects of art and of the valuable results of scientific expeditions conducted by the united states have been committed to the smithsonian institution in furtherance of its declared purpose for the increase and diffusion of knowledge among men the congress has from time to time given it other important functions such trusts have been executed by the institution with notable fidelity there should be no halt in the work of the institution in accordance with the plans which its secretary has presented for the preservation of the vanishing races of great north american animals in the national zoological park the urgent needs of the national museum are recommended to the favorable consideration of the congress perhaps the most characteristic educational movement of the past fifty years is that which has created the modern public library and developed it into broad and active service there are now over five thousand public libraries in the united states the product of this period in addition to accumulating material they are also striving by organization by improvement in method and by to give greater efficiency to the material they hold to make it more widely useful and by avoidance of unnecessary duplication in process to reduce the cost of its administration in these efforts they naturally look for assistance to the federal library which though still the library of congress and so entitled is the one national library of the united states already the largest single collection of books on the western hemisphere and certain to increase more rapidly than any other through purchase exchange and the operation of the copyright law this library has a unique opportunity to render to the libraries of this country to american scholarship service of the highest importance it is housed in a building which is the largest and most magnificent yet erected for library uses resources are now being provided which will develop the collection properly equip it with the apparatus and service necessary to its effective use render its bibliographic work widely available and enable it to become not merely a center of research but the chief factor in great efforts for the diffusion of knowledge and the advancement of learning for the sake of good administration sound economy and the advancement of science the census office as now constituted should be made a permanent government bureau this would insure better cheaper and more satisfactory work in the interest not only of our business but of statistic economic and social science the remarkable growth of the postal service is shown in the fact that its revenues have doubled and its expenditures have nearly doubled within twelve years its progressive development compels constantly increasing outlay but in this period of business energy and prosperity its receipts grow so much faster than its expenses that the annual deficit has been steadily reduced from in 1897 to in 1901 among recent postal advances the success of rural free delivery wherever established has been so marked and actual experience has made its benefits so plain that the demand for its extension is general and urgent it is just that the great agricultural population should share in the improvement of the service the number of rural routes now in operation is practically all established within three years and there are applications awaiting action it is expected that the number in operation at the close of the current fiscal year will reach the mail will then be daily carried to the doors of of our people who have heretofore been dependent upon distant offices and of all that portion of the country which is adapted to it will be covered by this kind of service the full measure of postal progress which might be realized has long been hampered and obstructed by the heavy burden imposed on the government through the intrenched and abuses which have grown up in connection with mail matter the extent of this burden appears when it is stated that while the matter makes nearly of the weight of all the mail it paid for the last fiscal year only of the aggregate postal revenue of if the pound rate of postage which produces the large loss thus entailed and which was fixed by the congress with the purpose of encouraging the dissemination of public information were limited to the legitimate newspapers and periodicals actually contemplated by the law no just exception could be taken that expense would be the recognized and accepted cost of a liberal public policy deliberately adopted for a justifiable end but much of the matter which enjoys the privileged rate is wholly outside of the intent of the law and has secured admission only through an evasion of its require merits or through lax construction the proportion of such wrongly included matter is estimated by postal experts to be of the whole volume of mail if it be only or the magnitude of the burden is apparent the department has now undertaken to remove the abuses so far as is possible by a stricter application of the law and it should be sustained in its effort owing to the rapid growth of our power and our interests on the pacific whatever happens in china must be of the keenest national concern to us the general terms of the settlement of the questions growing out of the antiforeign uprisings in china of 1900 having been formulated in a joint note addressed to china by the representatives of the injured powers in december last were promptly accepted by the chinese government after protracted conferences the plenipotentiaries of the several powers were able to sign a final protocol with the chinese plenipotentiaries on the 7th of last september setting forth the measures taken by china in compliance with the demands of the joint note and expressing their satisfaction therewith it will be laid before the congress with a report of the plenipotentiary on behalf of the united states william woodville rockhill to whom high praise is due for the tact good judgment and energy he has displayed in performing an exceptionally difficult and delicate task the agreement reached disposes in a manner satisfactory to the powers of the various grounds of complaint and will contribute materially to better future relations between china and the powers reparation has been made by china for the murder of foreigners during the uprising and punishment has been inflicted on the officials however high in rank recognized as responsible for or having participated in the outbreak official examinations have been forbidden for a period of five years in all cities in which foreigners have been murdered or cruelly treated and edicts have been issued making all officials directly responsible for the future safety of foreigners and for the suppression of violence against them provisions have been made for insuring the future safety of the foreign representatives in peking by setting aside for their exclusive use a quarter of the city which the powers can make defensible and in which they can if necessary maintain permanent military guards by dismantling the military works between the capital and the sea and by allowing the temporary maintenance of foreign military posts along this line an edict has been issued by the emperor of china prohibiting for two years the importation of arms and ammunition into china china has agreed to pay adequate indemnities to the states societies and individuals for the losses sustained by them and for the expenses of the military expeditions sent by the various powers to protect life and restore order under the provisions of the joint note of december 1900 china has agreed to revise the treaties of commerce and navigation and to take such other steps for the purpose of facilitating foreign trade as the foreign powers may decide to be needed the chinese government has agreed to participate financially in the work of bettering the water approaches to shanghai and to tientsin the centers of foreign trade in central and northern china and an international conservancy board in which the chinese government is largely represented has been provided for the improvement of the shanghai river and the control of its navigation in the same line of commercial advantages a revision of the present tariff on imports has been assented to for the purpose of substituting specific for ad valorem duties and an expert has been sent abroad on the part of the united states to assist in this work a list of articles to remain free of duty including flour cereals and rice gold and silver coin and bullion has also been agreed upon in the settlement during these troubles our government has unswervingly advocated moderation and has materially aided in bringing about an adjustment which tends to enhance the welfare of china and to lead to a more beneficial intercourse between the empire and the modern world while in the critical period of revolt and massacre we did our full share in life and property restoring order and vindicating the national interest and honor it behooves us to continue in these paths doing what lies in our power to foster feelings of good will and leaving no effort untried to work out the great policy of full and fair intercourse between china and the nations on a footing of equal rights and advantages to all we advocate the open door with all that it implies not merely the procurement of enlarged commercial opportunities on the coasts but access to the interior by the waterways with which china has been so extraordinarily favored only by bringing the people of china into peaceful and friendly community of trade with all the peoples of the earth can the work now auspiciously begun be carried to fruition in the attainment of this purpose we necessarily claim parity of treatment under the conventions throughout the empire for our trade and our citizens with those of all other powers we view with lively interest and keen hopes of beneficial results the proceedings of the congress convoked at the invitation of mexico and now sitting at the mexican capital the delegates of the united states are under the most liberal instructions to cooperate with their colleagues in all matters promising advantage to the great family of american commonwealths as well in their relations among themselves as in their domestic advancement and in their intercourse with the world at large my predecessor communicated to the congress the fact that the weil and la abra awards against mexico have been adjudged by the highest courts of our country to have been obtained through fraud and perjury on the part of the claimants and that in accordance with the acts of the congress the money remaining in the hands of the secretary of state on these awards has been returned to mexico a considerable portion of the money received from mexico on these awards had been paid by this government to the claimants before the decision of the courts was rendered my judgment is that the congress should return to mexico an amount equal to the sums thus already paid to the claimants the death of queen victoria caused the people of the united states deep and heartfelt sorrow to which the government gave full expression when president mckinley died our nation in turn received from every quarter of the british empire expressions of grief and sympathy no less sincere the death of the empress dowager frederick of germany also aroused the genuine sympathy of the american people and this sympathy was cordially reciprocated by germany when the president was assassinated indeed from every quarter of the civilized world we received at the time of the president death assurances of such grief and regard as to touch the hearts of our people in the midst of our affliction we reverently thank the almighty that we are at peace with the nations of mankind and we firmly intend that our policy shall be such as to continue unbroken these international relations of mutual respect and good will
congress assembles year shadow great calamity sixth september president mckinley shot anarchist attending exposition buffalo died city fourteenth month last seven elected presidents third murdered bare recital fact sufficient justify grave alarm among loyal american citizens moreover circumstances third assassination american president peculiarly sinister significance president lincoln president garfield killed assassins types unfortunately uncommon history president lincoln falling victim terrible passions aroused four years civil war president garfield revengeful vanity disappointed president mckinley killed utterly depraved criminal belonging body criminals object governments good bad alike form popular liberty guaranteed even liberal laws hostile upright exponent free people sober tyrannical irresponsible despot much say time president mckinley death widely loved man united states never public man position wholly free bitter animosities incident public life political opponents first bear heartiest generous tribute broad kindliness nature sweetness gentleness character endeared close associates standard lofty integrity public life united tender affections home virtues national character gallant soldier great war union also shone example people conduct sacred intimate home relations could personal hatred never acted aught consideration welfare others one could fail respect knew public private life defenders murderous criminals seek excuse criminality asserting exercised political ends inveigh wealth irresponsible power assassination even base apology urged president mckinley man moderate means man whose stock sprang sturdy tillers soil belonged among entered army private soldier wealth struck president assassinated honest toil content moderate gains lifetime unremitting labor largely service public still less power struck sense power irresponsible centered hands one individual blow aimed tyranny wealth aimed one strongest champions ever one faithful representatives system public rights representative government ever risen public office president mckinley filled political office entire people vote president even lincoln ever earnestly anxious represent well wishes people one anxiety every crisis keep closest touch people find thought endeavor give expression thought endeavored guide thought aright reelected presidency majority citizens majority farmers believed faithfully upheld interests four years felt close intimate touch felt represented well honorably ideals aspirations wished continue another four years represent man assassin struck might nothing lacking complete infamy act took advantage occasion president meeting people generally advancing take hand kindly brotherly fellowship turned noble generous confidence victim opportunity strike fatal blow baser deed annals crime shock grief country bitter minds saw dark days president yet hovered life death last light stilled kindly eyes breath went lips even mortal agony uttered words save forgiveness murderer love friends faltering trust high death crowning glory life leaves us infinite sorrow pride accomplished personal character feel blow struck struck nation mourn good great president dead mourn lifted splendid achievements life grand heroism met death turn man nation harm done great excite gravest apprehensions demand wisest resolute action criminal professed anarchist inflamed teachings professed anarchists probably also reckless utterances stump public press appeal dark evil spirits malice greed envy sullen hatred wind sowed men preach doctrines escape share responsibility whirlwind reaped applies alike deliberate demagogue exploiter sensationalism crude foolish visionary whatever reason apologizes crime excites aimless discontent blow aimed president presidents every symbol government president mckinley emphatically embodiment popular nation expressed forms law new england town meeting similar fashion embodiment purpose practice people town conceivable theory could murder president accepted due protest inequalities social order save murder freemen engaged town meeting could accepted protest social inequality puts malefactor jail anarchy expression social discontent picking pockets anarchist especially anarchist united states merely one type criminal dangerous represents depravity greater degree man advocates anarchy directly indirectly shape fashion man apologizes anarchists deeds makes morally accessory murder fact anarchist criminal whose perverted instincts lead prefer confusion chaos beneficent form social order protest concern workingmen outrageous impudent falsity political institutions country afford opportunity every honest intelligent son toil door hope forever closed anarchist everywhere merely enemy system progress deadly foe liberty ever anarchy triumphant triumph last one red moment succeeded ages gloomy night despotism anarchist whether preaches practices doctrines need one particle concern ordinary murderer victim social political injustice wrongs remedy case criminality found evil passions evil conduct urge failure others state justice malefactor nothing else sense shape way product social conditions save highwayman produced fact unarmed man happens purse travesty upon great holy names liberty freedom permit invoked man body men preaching anarchistic doctrines allowed large preaching murder specified private individual anarchistic speeches writings meetings essentially seditious treasonable earnestly recommend congress exercise wise discretion take consideration coming country anarchists persons professing principles hostile government justifying murder placed authority individuals long ago gathered open meeting glorify murder king humbert italy perpetrate crime law ensure rigorous punishment like kept country found promptly deported country whence came provision made punishment stay matter calls urgently wisest thought congress federal courts given jurisdiction man kills attempts kill president man constitution law line succession presidency punishment unsuccessful attempt proportioned enormity offense institutions anarchy crime whole human race mankind band anarchist crime made offense law nations like piracy form known slave trade far blacker infamy either declared treaties among civilized powers treaties would give federal government power dealing crime grim commentary upon folly anarchist position afforded attitude law toward criminal taken life president people would torn limb limb law defied invoked behalf far deed committed behalf people government government obliged exert full police power save instant death hands people moreover deed worked slightest dislocation governmental system danger recurrence deeds matter great might grow would work direction strengthening giving harshness forces order man ever restrained becoming president fear personal safety risk president life became great would mean office would come filled men spirit would make resolute merciless dealing every friend disorder great country fall anarchy anarchists ever become serious menace institutions would merely stamped would involve ruin every active passive sympathizer doctrines american people slow wrath wrath kindled burns like consuming flame last five years business confidence restored nation congratulated present abounding prosperity prosperity never created law alone although easy enough destroy mischievous laws hand lord heavy upon country flood drought comes human wisdom powerless avert calamity moreover law guard us consequences folly men idle credulous men seek gains genuine work head hand gambling form always source menace others business world loses head loses legislation supply fundamentally welfare citizen therefore welfare aggregate citizens makes nation must rest upon individual thrift energy resolution intelligence nothing take place individual capacity wise legislation honest intelligent administration give fullest scope largest opportunity work good effect tremendous highly complex industrial development went ever accelerated rapidity latter half nineteenth century brings us face face beginning twentieth serious social problems old laws old customs almost binding force law quite sufficient regulate accumulation distribution wealth since industrial changes enormously increased productive power mankind longer sufficient growth cities gone beyond comparison faster growth country upbuilding great industrial centers meant startling increase merely aggregate wealth number large individual especially large corporate fortunes creation great corporate fortunes due tariff governmental action natural causes business world operating countries operate process aroused much antagonism great part wholly without warrant true rich grown richer poor grown poorer contrary never average man farmer small trader well country present time abuses connected accumulation wealth yet remains true fortune accumulated legitimate business accumulated person specially benefited condition conferring immense incidental benefits upon others successful enterprise type benefits mankind exist conditions offer great prizes rewards success captains industry driven railway systems across continent built commerce developed manufactures whole done great good people without material development justly proud could never taken place moreover recognize immense importance material development leaving unhampered compatible public good strong forceful men upon success business operations inevitably rests slightest study business conditions satisfy anyone capable forming judgment personal equation important factor business operation business ability man head business concern big little usually factor fixes gulf striking success hopeless failure additional reason caution dealing corporations found international commercial conditions business conditions produced great aggregations corporate individual wealth made potent factors international commercial competition business concerns largest means disposal managed ablest men naturally take lead strife commercial supremacy among nations world america begun assume commanding position international business world believe utmost importance position jeoparded especially time overflowing abundance natural resources skill business energy mechanical aptitude people make foreign markets essential conditions would unwise cramp fetter youthful strength nation moreover often pointed strike ignorant violence interests one set men almost inevitably endangers interests fundamental rule national life rule underlies others whole long run shall go together exceptions times prosperity prosper far times adversity suffer far others speaking generally period good times means share less period hard times feel stress greater less degree surely ought necessary enter proof statement memory lean years began 1893 still vivid contrast conditions year closing disaster great business enterprises never effects limited men top spreads throughout bad everybody worst farthest capitalist may shorn luxuries may deprived even bare necessities mechanism modern business delicate extreme care must taken interfere spirit rashness ignorance many made vocation denounce great industrial combinations popularly although technical inaccuracy known trusts appeal especially hatred fear precisely two emotions particularly combined ignorance unfit men exercise cool steady judgment facing new industrial conditions whole history world shows legislation generally unwise ineffective unless undertaken calm inquiry sober much legislation directed trusts would exceedingly mischievous also entirely ineffective accordance sociological law ignorant reckless agitator really effective friend evils nominally opposing dealing business interests government undertake crude legislation may turn bad would incur risk national disaster would preferable undertake nothing men demand impossible undesirable serve allies forces nominally war hamper would endeavor find rational fashion wrongs really extent manner practicable apply remedies true yet also true real grave evils one chief many baleful consequences resolute practical effort must made correct evils widespread conviction minds american people great corporations known trusts certain features tendencies hurtful general welfare springs spirit envy uncharitableness lack pride great industrial achievements placed country head nations struggling commercial supremacy rest upon lack intelligent appreciation necessity meeting changing changed conditions trade new methods upon ignorance fact combination capital effort accomplish great things necessary world progress demands great things done based upon sincere conviction combination concentration prohibited supervised within reasonable limits controlled judgment conviction right limitation upon property rights freedom contract require men receive government privilege business corporate form frees individual responsibility enables call enterprises capital public shall upon absolutely truthful representations value property capital invested corporations engaged interstate commerce regulated found exercise license working public injury much aim seek betterment rid business world crimes cunning rid entire body politic crimes violence great corporations exist created safeguarded institutions therefore right duty see work harmony institutions first essential determining deal great industrial combinations knowledge facts publicity interest public government right inspect examine workings great corporations engaged interstate business publicity sure remedy invoke remedies needed way governmental regulation taxation determined publicity obtained process law course administration first requisite knowledge full complete knowledge may made public world artificial bodies corporations joint stock associations depending upon statutory law existence privileges subject proper governmental supervision full accurate information operations made public regularly reasonable intervals large corporations commonly called trusts though organized one state always business many states often little business state incorporated utter lack uniformity state laws state exclusive interest power acts practice proved impossible get adequate regulation state action therefore interest whole people nation without interfering power states matter also assume power supervision regulation corporations interstate business especially true corporation derives portion wealth existence monopolistic element tendency business would hardship supervision banks subject case accepted simple matter course indeed probable supervision corporations national government need go far case supervision exercised conservative state massachusetts order produce excellent results constitution adopted end eighteenth century human wisdom could foretell sweeping changes alike industrial political conditions take place beginning twentieth century time accepted matter course several states proper authorities regulate far necessary comparatively insignificant strictly localized corporate bodies day conditions wholly different wholly different action called believe law framed enable national government exercise control along lines indicated profiting experience gained passage administration act however judgment congress lacks constitutional power pass act constitutional amendment submitted confer power created cabinet officer known secretary commerce industries provided bill introduced last session congress province deal commerce broadest sense including among many things whatever concerns labor matters affecting great business corporations merchant marine course proposed one phase comprehensive scheme constructive statesmanship purpose broadening markets securing business interests safe basis making firm new position international industrial world scrupulously safeguarding rights capitalist investor private citizen secure equity man man republic sole exception farming interest one matter vital moment whole people welfare farmer well absolutely certain others well therefore matter hearty congratulation whole wages higher united states ever history far higher country standard living also higher ever every effort legislator administrator bent secure permanency condition things improvement wherever possible must labor protected tariff also protected far possible presence country laborers brought contract coming freely yet represent standard living depressed undersell men labor market drag lower level regard necessary end view immediately law excluding chinese laborers strengthen wherever necessary order make enforcement entirely effective national government demand highest quality service employees return good employer possible legislation passed connection interstate commerce law render effective efforts different states away competition convict contract labor open labor market far practicable conditions government work provision made render enforcement law easy certain industries carried directly indirectly united states government women children protected excessive hours labor night work work unsanitary conditions government provide contracts work done fair conditions addition setting high standard uphold proper inspection extending necessary subcontractors government forbid night work women children well excessive overtime district columbia good factory law passed powerful indirect aid laws provision made turn inhabited alleys existence reproach capital city minor streets inhabitants live conditions favorable health morals american work heads well hands moreover take keen pride independent reward wish turn perfect job great secret success competition labor foreign countries vital problem country matter whole civilized world deal problem one side betterment social conditions moral physical large cities another side effort deal tangle questions group together speak labor chief factor success man farmer capitalist alike must ever sum total individual qualities abilities second comes power acting combination association others great good accomplished associations unions managed forethought combine insistence upon rights respect rights others display qualities bodies duty nation less associations finally must also many cases action government order safeguard rights interests constitution much scope action state municipality nation points touched national government act said done rule brotherhood remains indispensable prerequisite success kind national life strive man must work unless works outside help avail man must remember also indeed brother keeper man refuses walk carried advantage anyone else yet times stumbles halts times needs helping hand outstretched permanently effective aid must always take form helping man help best help joining together work common interest present immigration laws unsatisfactory need every honest efficient immigrant fitted become american citizen every immigrant comes stay brings strong body stout heart good head resolute purpose duty well every way bring children members community comprehensive law enacted object working threefold improvement present system first aim exclude absolutely persons known believers anarchistic principles members anarchistic societies also persons low moral tendency unsavory reputation means require thorough system inspection abroad rigid system examination immigration ports former especially necessary second object proper immigration law ought secure careful merely perfunctory educational test intelligent capacity appreciate american institutions act sanely american citizens would keep anarchists many belong intelligent criminal class would also point tend decrease sum ignorance potent producing envy suspicion malignant passion hatred order anarchistic sentiment inevitably springs finally persons excluded certain standard economic fitness enter industrial field competitors american labor proper proof personal capacity earn american living enough money insure decent start american conditions would stop influx cheap labor resulting competition gives rise much bitterness american industrial life would dry springs pestilential social conditions great cities anarchistic organizations greatest possibility growth educational economic tests wise immigration law designed protect elevate general body politic social close supervision exercised steamship companies mainly bring immigrants held strict accountability infraction law general acquiescence present tariff system national policy first requisite prosperity continuity stability economic policy nothing could unwise disturb business interests country general tariff change time doubt apprehension uncertainty exactly wish avoid interest commercial material experience past shown sweeping revisions tariff apt produce conditions closely approaching panic business world yet possible eminently desirable combine stability economic system supplementary system reciprocal benefit obligation nations reciprocity incident result firm establishment preservation present economic policy specially provided present tariff law reciprocity must treated handmaiden protection first duty see protection granted tariff every case needed maintained reciprocity sought far safely done without injury home industries far must determined according individual case remembering always every application tariff policy meet shifting national needs must conditioned upon cardinal fact duties must never reduced point cover difference labor cost abroad prime consideration entire policy economic legislation subject proviso proper protection necessary industrial home principle reciprocity must command hearty support phenomenal growth export trade emphasizes urgency need wider markets liberal policy dealing foreign nations whatever merely petty vexatious way trade restrictions avoided customers dispose surplus products long run directly indirectly purchase surplus products giving us something return ability purchase products far possible secured arranging tariff enable us take products use without harm industries labor use marked benefit us important maintain high level present prosperity reached point development interests able supply markets produce constantly growing surplus must find markets abroad secure markets utilize existing duties case longer needed purpose protection case article produced duty longer necessary revenue giving us something offer exchange ask cordial relations nations desirable naturally promoted course thus required interests natural line development policy reciprocity connection productions longer require support needed establish upon sound basis others either natural economic causes beyond reach successful competition ask attention senate reciprocity treaties laid predecessor condition american merchant marine call immediate remedial action congress discreditable us nation merchant marine utterly insignificant comparison nations overtop forms business longer submit conditions trifling portion great commerce carried ships remedy state things would serve build shipping interests would also result benefit interested permanent establishment wider market american products would provide auxiliary force navy ships work countries railroads work terminal points shipping lines established principal countries dealings would political well commercial benefit every standpoint unwise united states continue rely upon ships competing nations distribution goods made advantageous carry american goods ships present american shipping certain great disadvantages put competition shipping foreign countries many fast foreign steamships speed fourteen knots subsidized ships sailing vessels steamers alike cargo carriers slow speed mail carriers high speed meet fact original cost building american ships greater case abroad wages paid american officers seamen much higher paid officers seamen foreign competing countries standard living ships far superior standard living ships commercial rivals government take action remedy inequalities american merchant marine restored ocean act march 14 1900 intended unequivocally establish gold standard money maintain parity therewith forms money medium use us shown timely judicious price government bonds world market compared price similar obligations issued nations flattering tribute public credit condition evidently desirable maintain many respects national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty proper exercise banking function seems need better safeguards deranging influence commercial crises financial panics moreover currency country made responsive demands domestic trade commerce collections duties imports internal taxes continue exceed ordinary expenditures government thanks mainly reduced army expenditures utmost care taken reduce revenues possibility deficit providing contingency means adopted bring revenues nearly within limit actual needs report congress secretary treasury considers questions length ask attention report recommendations call special attention need strict economy expenditures fact national needs forbid us niggardly providing whatever actually necessary make us doubly careful husband national resources us husbands private resources scrupulous avoidance anything like wasteful reckless expenditure avoidance spending money needless unjustifiable legitimately keep income point required meet needs genuine 1887 measure enacted regulation interstate railways commonly known interstate commerce act cardinal provisions act railway rates reasonable shippers localities commodities accorded equal treatment commission created endowed supposed necessary powers execute provisions act law largely experiment experience shown wisdom purposes also shown possibly requirements wrong certainly means devised enforcement provisions defective complain management railways allege established rates maintained rebates similar devices habitually resorted preferences usually favor large shipper drive business smaller competitor many rates low many others excessive gross preferences made affecting localities commodities upon hand railways assert law terms tends produce many illegal practices depriving carriers right concerted action claim necessary establish maintain rates act amended railway public servant rates open shippers alike government see within jurisdiction provide speedy inexpensive effective remedy end time must forgotten railways arteries commercial lifeblood nation flows nothing could foolish enactment legislation would unnecessarily interfere development operation commercial agencies subject one great importance calls earnest attention congress department agriculture past fifteen years steadily broadened work economic lines accomplished results real value upbuilding domestic foreign trade gone new fields touch sections country two island groups lately come jurisdiction whose people must look agriculture livelihood searching world grains grasses fruits vegetables specially fitted introduction localities several states territories may add materially resources scientific attention soil survey possible new crops breeding new varieties plants experimental shipments animal industry applied chemistry practical aid given farming interests products farm taken unprecedented place export trade year closed public opinion throughout united states moved steadily toward appreciation value forests whether planted natural growth great part played creation maintenance national wealth fully realized ever wise forest protection mean withdrawal forest resources whether wood water grass contributing full share welfare people contrary gives assurance larger certain supplies fundamental idea forestry perpetuation forests use forest protection end means increase sustain resources country industries depend upon preservation forests imperative business necessity come see clearly whatever destroys forest except make way agriculture threatens well practical usefulness national forest reserves mining grazing irrigation interests regions reserves lie led widespread demand people west protection extension forest reserves inevitably still greater use future past additions made whenever practicable usefulness increased thoroughly management present protection forest reserves rests general land office mapping description timber united states geological survey preparation plans conservative use bureau forestry also charged general advancement practical forestry united states various functions united bureau forestry properly belong present diffusion responsibility bad every standpoint prevents effective government men utilize resources reserves without interests must suffer scientific bureaus generally put department agriculture president law power transferring lands use forest reserves department agriculture already power case lands needed departments war navy wise administration forest reserves less helpful interests depend water depend wood grass water supply depends upon forest arid region water land measures production western half united states would sustain population greater whole country waters run waste saved used irrigation forest water problems perhaps vital internal questions united states certain forest reserves also made preserves wild forest creatures reserves better protected fires many need special protection great injury done live stock sheep increase deer elk animals yellowstone park shows may expected mountain forests properly protected law properly guarded areas denuded surface vegetation overgrazing ground breeding birds including grouse quail many mammals including deer exterminated driven away time capacity surface decreased destroyed thus promoting floods times rain diminishing flow streams rains cases natural conditions restored years vegetation carpeted ground birds deer coming back hundreds persons especially immediate neighborhood come summer enjoy privilege camping least forest reserves afford perpetual protection native fauna flora safe havens refuge rapidly diminishing wild animals larger kinds free camping grounds numbers men women learned find rest health recreation splendid forests meadows mountains forest reserves set apart forever use benefit people whole sacrificed shortsighted greed forests natural reservoirs restraining streams flood replenishing drought make possible use waters otherwise wasted prevent soil washing protect storage reservoirs filling silt forest conservation therefore essential condition water conservation forests alone however fully regulate conserve waters arid region great storage works necessary equalize flow streams save flood waters construction conclusively shown undertaking vast private effort best accomplished individual states acting alone interstate problems involved resources single states would often inadequate properly national function least features right national government make streams rivers arid region useful engineering works water storage make useful rivers harbors humid region engineering works another kind storing floods reservoirs headwaters rivers enlargement present policy river control levees built lower reaches streams government construct maintain reservoirs public works purpose regulate flow streams water turned freely channels dry season take course laws natural flow reclamation unsettled arid public lands presents different problem enough regulate flow streams object government dispose land settlers build homes upon accomplish object water must brought within reach pioneer settlers arid public domain chose homes along streams could divert water reclaim holdings opportunities practically gone remain however vast areas public land made available homestead settlement reservoirs canals impracticable private enterprise irrigation works built national government lands reclaimed reserved government actual settlers cost construction far possible repaid land reclaimed distribution water division streams among irrigators left settlers conformity state laws without interference laws vested fights policy national government aid irrigation several states territories manner enable people local communities help stimulate needed reforms state laws regulations governing irrigation reclamation settlement arid lands enrich every portion country settlement ohio mississippi valleys brought prosperity atlantic states increased demand manufactured articles stimulate industrial production wider home markets trade asia consume larger food supplies effectually prevent western competition eastern agriculture indeed products irrigation consumed chiefly upbuilding local centers mining industries would otherwise come existence people whole profit successful another name upbuilding nation necessary foundation already laid inauguration policy described would unwise begin much great deal doubtless learned safely attempted early efforts must necessity partly experimental character beginning government make clear beyond shadow doubt intention pursue policy lines broadest public interest reservoir canal ever built satisfy selfish personal local interests accordance advice trained experts long investigation shown locality conditions combine make work needed fraught greatest usefulness community whole extravagance believers need irrigation benefit seeing free least taint excessive reckless expenditure public moneys whatever nation extension irrigation harmonize tend improve condition living irrigated land starting point development two hundred millions private capital already expended construction irrigation works many million acres arid land reclaimed high degree enterprise ability shown work much said reference laws relating thereto security value homes created depend largely stability titles water majority rest uncertain foundation court decisions rendered ordinary suits law creditable exceptions arid states failed provide certain division streams times scarcity lax uncertain laws made possible establish rights water excess actual uses necessities many streams already passed private ownership control equivalent ownership whoever controls stream practically controls land renders productive doctrine private ownership water apart land prevail without causing enduring wrong recognition ownership permitted grow arid regions give way enlightened larger recognition rights public control disposal public water supplies laws founded upon conditions obtaining humid regions water abundant justify hoarding proper application dry country arid states right water recognized use irrigation right attach land reclaimed inseparable therefrom granting perpetual water rights others users without compensation public open objections apply giving away perpetual franchises public utilities cities western states already recognized incorporated constitutions doctrine perpetual state ownership water benefits followed unaided development past justify nation aid difficult important work yet accomplished laws vitally affecting homes control water supply effective sanction irrigators reforms final satisfactory come enlightenment people concerned larger development national aid insures however awaken every arid state determination make irrigation system equal justice effectiveness country civilized world nothing could unwise isolated communities continue learn everything experimentally instead profiting already known elsewhere dealing new momentous question pregnant years institutions forming affect present future generations aim simply reclaim largest area land provide homes largest number people create new industry best possible social industrial conditions requires understand existing situation avail best experience time solution problems careful study made nation states irrigation laws conditions abroad ultimately probably necessary nation several arid states proportion states legislation administration show fit receive hawaii aim must develop territory traditional american lines wish region large estates tilled cheap labor wish healthy american community men till farms legislation islands shaped end view average must afford true test healthy development islands land policy nearly possible modeled homestead system pleasure say hardly necessary report puerto rico state territory within continental limits island thriving never administered efficiently honestly people enjoying liberty order protection united states upon fact congratulate material welfare must carefully jealously considered welfare portion country given great gift free access products markets united states ask attention congress need legislation concerning public lands puerto rico cuba progress made toward putting independent government island upon firm footing present session congress closes accomplished fact cuba start mistress beautiful queen antilles unfolds new page destiny extend heartiest greetings good wishes elsewhere discussed question reciprocity case cuba however weighty reasons morality national interest policy held peculiar application earnestly ask attention wisdom indeed vital need providing substantial reduction tariff duties cuban imports united states cuba constitution affirmed desired stand international matters closer friendly relations us power bound every consideration honor expediency pass commercial measures interest material philippines problem larger rich tropical islands inhabited many varying tribes representing widely different stages progress toward civilization earnest effort help people upward along stony difficult path leads hope make administration islands honorable nation making highest benefit filipinos earnest intend point done already greater measure material prosperity governmental honesty efficiency attained philippines ever history light task nation achieve temperamental qualities without institutions free government empty mockery people successfully governing thousand years slowly fitting sometimes consciously sometimes unconsciously toward end taken us thirty generations achieve expect another race accomplish hand especially large portions race start far behind point ancestors reached even thirty generations ago dealing philippine people must show patience strength forbearance steadfast resolution aim high desire islanders merely elsewhere done tropic peoples even best foreign governments hope never done people tropics make fit fashion really free nations history may safely challenged show single instance masterful race forced exigencies war take possession alien land behaved inhabitants disinterested zeal progress people shown philippines leave islands time would mean would fall welter murderous anarchy desertion duty part would crime humanity character governor taft associates subordinates proof needed sincerity effort give islanders constantly increasing measure exactly fast show fit exercise since civil government established appointment made islands reference considerations political influence aught else save fitness man needs service anxiety welfare progress philippines may gone rapidly giving local side error committed competent observer sincerely desirous finding facts influenced desire welfare natives assert gone far enough gone verge safety hastening process taken single step farther faster advance would folly weakness might well crime extremely anxious natives shall show power governing anxious first sakes next relieves us great burden need slightest fear continuing give liberty fit fear test overanxiety give degree independence unfit thereby inviting reaction disaster fast reasonable hope given district people govern given district locality fitted received may well certain cases withdrawn inhabitants show unfit exercise instances already occurred words slightest chance failing show sufficiently humanitarian spirit danger comes opposite direction still troubles ahead islands insurrection become affair local banditti marauders deserve higher regard brigands portions old world encouragement direct indirect insurrectors stands footing encouragement hostile indians days still indian wars exactly aim give indian remains peaceful fullest amplest consideration understood show weakness goes warpath must make evident unless false traditions demands civilization humanity everything power filipino peaceful take sternest measures filipino follows path insurrecto ladrone heartiest praise due large numbers natives islands steadfast loyalty macabebes conspicuous courage devotion flag recommend secretary war empowered take systematic action way aiding men crippled service families killed time come additional legislation philippines nothing better done islands introduce industrial enterprises nothing would benefit much throwing open industrial development connection idleness mischief proverbial opportunity remunerative work one surest preventatives war course business man go philippines unless interest immensely interest islands go therefore necessary congress pass laws resources islands developed franchises limited terms years granted companies business every encouragement given incoming business men every kind permit wrong philippines franchises must granted business permitted regulations guarantee islands kind improper exploitation vast natural wealth islands must developed capital willing develop must given opportunity field must thrown open individual enterprise real factor development every region flag flown urgently necessary enact suitable laws dealing general transportation mining banking currency homesteads use ownership lands timber laws give free play industrial enterprise commercial development surely follow accord people islands best proofs sincerity desire aid call attention earnestly crying need cable hawaii philippines continued philippines points asia defer day longer necessary construction cable demanded merely commercial political military considerations either congress immediately provide construction government cable else arrangement made like advantages accruing government cable may secured government contract private cable company single great material work remains undertaken continent consequence american people building canal across isthmus connecting north south america importance nation means limited merely material effects upon business prosperity yet view effects alone would last degree important us immediately begin beneficial effects would perhaps marked upon pacific coast gulf south atlantic states would also greatly benefit sections emphatically work interest entire country begin complete soon possible one great works great nation undertake prospects success done permanent assets nation material interests standing monuments constructive ability glad able announce negotiations subject great britain conducted sides spirit friendliness mutual good respect resulted able lay senate treaty ratified enable us begin preparations isthmian canal time guarantees nation every right ever asked connection canal treaty old treaty long recognized inadequate supply base construction maintenance necessarily american ship canal abrogated specifically provides united states alone shall work building assume responsibility safeguarding canal shall regulate neutral use nations terms equality without guaranty interference outside nation quarter signed treaty laid senate approved congress proceed give effect advantages secures us providing building canal true end every great free people peace nation earnestly desires sincere cordial friendship others entire world recent years wars great civilized powers become less less frequent wars barbarous peoples come entirely different category merely regrettable necessary international police duty must performed sake welfare mankind peace kept certainty sides wish keep civilized peoples realizing wicked folly war attaining condition intelligent regard rights others end hope believe make peace possible peace conference hague gave definite expression hope belief marked stride toward attainment peace conference acquiesced statement monroe doctrine compatible purposes aims conference monroe doctrine cardinal feature foreign policy nations two americas united states years passed since president monroe annual message announced american continents henceforth considered subjects future colonization european power words monroe doctrine declaration must territorial aggrandizement power expense american power american soil wise intended hostile nation old world still less intended give cover aggression one new world power expense simply step long step toward assuring universal peace world securing possibility permanent peace hemisphere past century influences established permanence independence smaller states europe monroe doctrine hope able safeguard like independence secure like permanence lesser among new world nations doctrine nothing commercial relations american power save truth allows form desires words really guaranty commercial independence americas ask doctrine exclusive commercial dealings american state guarantee state punishment misconducts provided punishment take form acquisition territory power attitude cuba sufficient guaranty good faith slightest desire secure territory expense neighbors wish work hand hand us may uplifted together rejoice good fortune gladly hail material prosperity political stability concerned alarmed fall industrial political chaos wish see old world military power grow continent compelled become military power peoples americas prosper best left work salvation way work upbuilding navy must steadily continued one point policy foreign domestic important honor material welfare peace nation future whether desire must henceforth recognize international duties less international rights even flag hauled philippines puerto rico even decided build isthmian canal need thoroughly trained navy adequate size else prepared definitely time abandon idea nation among whose sons go sea ships unless commerce always carried foreign bottoms must war craft protect inasmuch however american people thought abandoning path upon entered especially view fact building isthmian canal fast becoming one matters whole people united demanding imperative navy put kept highest state efficiency made answer growing needs far way provocation war adequate highly trained navy best guaranty war cheapest effective peace insurance cost building maintaining navy represents lightest premium insuring peace nation possibly pay probably great nation world anxious peace single civilized power anything whatever fear aggressiveness part want peace toward end wish able secure respect rights others eager anxious extend rights return insure fair treatment us commercially guarantee safety american people people intend abide monroe doctrine insist upon one sure means securing peace western hemisphere navy offers us means making insistence upon monroe doctrine anything subject derision whatever nation chooses disregard desire peace comes right man armed peace granted terms ignominy craven weakling possible improvise navy war breaks ships must built men trained long advance auxiliary vessels turned makeshifts default better minor work proportion raw men mixed highly trained shortcomings made good skill fellows efficient fighting force navy pitted equal opponent found almost exclusively war ships regularly built officers men years faithful performance sea duty trained handle formidable complex delicate weapons highest efficiency late war spain ships dealt decisive blows manila santiago launched two fourteen years able men conning towers gun turrets long years practice sea learned duty present navy begun 1882 period navy consisted collection antiquated wooden ships already almost place modern war vessels galleys alcibiades hamilcar certainly ships tromp blake time men fit handle modern wise legislation congress successful administration succession patriotic secretaries navy belonging political parties work upbuilding navy went ships equal world kind continually added even important ships exercised sea singly squadrons men aboard able get best possible service result seen short war spain decided rapidity infinitely greater preparedness navy spanish navy awarding fullest honor men actually commanded manned ships destroyed spanish sea forces philippines cuba must forget equal meed praise belongs without neither blow could struck congressmen voted years advance money lay ships build guns buy department officials business men furnished congress authorized secretaries navy asked expended appropriations finally officers fair weather foul actual sea service trained disciplined crews ships war sight entitled full share glory manila santiago respect accorded every true american wrought signal triumph country forethought preparation secured us overwhelming triumph 1898 fail show forethought preparation may come time disaster befall us instead triumph time come fault rest primarily upon accident events puts supreme command moment upon failed prepare advance cessation work completing navy far ingenuity wholly unable devise substitute great war craft whose hammering guns beat mastery high seas unsafe unwise provide year several additional battle ships heavy armored cruisers auxiliary lighter craft proportion exact numbers character refer report secretary navy something need even additional ships additional officers men provide battle ships cruisers lay expectation leaving unmanned needed actual war would worse folly would crime nation send war ship competent enemy unless aboard trained years actual sea service including incessant gunnery practice would invite merely disaster bitterest shame humiliation four thousand additional seamen one thousand additional marines provided increase officers provided making large addition classes annapolis one small matter mentioned connection annapolis pretentious unmeaning title naval cadet abolished title midshipman full historic association restored even time peace war ship used wears kept fit respond emergency officers men alike kept much possible blue water learn duties learned big vessels manoeuvred squadrons containing merely battle ships necessary proportion cruisers scouts torpedo boats handled younger officers manner best fit latter take responsibility meet emergencies actual warfare every detail ashore performed civilian performed officer kept special duty sea service gunnery practice unceasing important navy adequate size even important ship ship equal efficiency navy world possible highly drilled crews officers turn imperatively demands continuous progressive instruction target practice ship handling squadron tactics general discipline ships must assembled squadrons actively cruising away harbors never long anchor resulting wear upon engines hulls must endured battle ship worn long training officers men well paid results hand matter excellent condition useless crew expert seventeen battle ships appropriated nine completed commissioned actual service remaining eight ready two four years take least time recruit train men fight vast concern trained crews ready vessels time commissioned good ships good guns simply good weapons best weapons useless save hands men know fight men must trained drilled thorough system progressive instruction recruiting must carried still greater vigor every effort must made exalt main function officer command men leading graduates naval academy assigned combatant branches line marines many essentials success already recognized general board central office growing staff moving steadily toward proper war efficiency proper efficiency whole navy secretary general board fostering creation general staff providing official general recognition altered conditions nation true meaning great war fleet meaning first best men second best ships naval militia forces state organizations trained coast service event war constitute inner line defense receive hearty encouragement general government addition provide national naval reserve organized trained direction navy department subject call chief executive whenever war becomes imminent real auxiliary naval seagoing peace establishment offer material drawn manning ships time war composed graduates naval academy graduates naval militia officers crews steamers longshore schooners fishing vessels steam yachts together coast population centers lifesaving stations american people must either build maintain adequate navy else make minds definitely accept secondary position international affairs merely political commercial matters well said surer way courting national disaster opulent aggressive unarmed necessary increase army beyond present size time necessary keep highest point efficiency individual units officers enlisted men compose army good reason believe least efficient army entire world duty see training kind insure highest possible expression power units acting combination conditions modern war make infinitely heavier demand ever upon individual character capacity officer enlisted man make far difficult men act together effect present fighting must done extended order means man must act time act combination others longer touch conditions men highest excellence worth many men without special skill found result special training applied men exceptional physique morale nowadays valuable fighting man difficult perfect rifleman also skillful daring rider proportion cavalry regiments wisely increased american cavalryman trained manoeuvre fight equal facility foot horseback best type soldier general purposes found world ideal cavalryman present day man fight foot effectively best infantryman addition unsurpassed care management horse ability fight horseback general staff created present staff supply departments filled details line men detailed returning line duties undesirable senior grades army composed men come fill positions mere fact seniority system adopted shall elimination grade grade seem unfit render best service next grade justice veterans civil war still army would seem require matter retirements given law privileges accorded comrades navy process elimination least fit conducted manner would render practically impossible apply political social pressure behalf candidate man may judged purely merits pressure promotion civil officials political reasons bad enough tenfold worse applied behalf officers army navy every promotion every detail war department must made solely regard good service capacity merit man pressure political social personal kind permitted exercise least effect question promotion detail reason believe pressure exercised instigation officer concerned held militate army afford rewards duties distributed save simple ground merits entitled rewards get peculiarly fit duties chosen perform every effort made bring army constantly increasing state efficiency actual service work save directly line service required paper work army navy greatly reduced needed proved power command capacity work well field constant care necessary prevent dry rot transportation commissary departments army small much scattered difficult give higher officers well lower officers enlisted men chance practice manoeuvres mass comparatively large scale time need amount individual excellence would avail paralysis would follow inability work coherent whole skillful daring leadership congress provide means whereby possible field exercises least division regulars possible also division national guardsmen year exercises might take form field manoeuvres gulf coast pacific atlantic board region great lakes army corps assembled could marched inland point point water embarked disembarked couple days journey point marched inland actual handling providing men masses marching camping embarking disembarking possible train higher officers perform duties well smoothly great debt owing public men army navy treated enable reach highest point efficiency may able respond instantly demand made upon sustain interests nation honor flag individual american enlisted man probably whole formidable fighting man regular army every consideration shown return highest standard usefulness exacted well worth congress consider whether pay enlisted men upon second subsequent enlistments increased correspond increased value veteran soldier much good already come act reorganizing army passed early present year three prime reforms literally inestimable value first substitution details line permanent appointments staff divisions second establishment corps artillery chief head third establishment maximum minimum limit army would difficult overestimate improvement efficiency army three reforms making part already effected reorganization provided act substantially accomplished improved conditions philippines enabled war department materially reduce military charge upon revenue arrange number soldiers bring number much nearer minimum maximum limit established law however need supplementary legislation thorough military education must provided addition regulars advantages education given officers national guard others civil life desire intelligently fit possible military duty officers given chance perfect study higher branches art west point education kind apt turn men good actual field service much stress laid mathematics proficiency therein held establish right entry corps typical american officer best kind need good mathematician must able master control others show boldness fertility resource every emergency action taken reference militia raising volunteer forces militia law obsolete worthless organization armament national guard several states treated militia appropriations congress made identical provided regular forces obligations duties guard time war carefully defined system established law method procedure raising volunteer forces prescribed advance utterly impossible excitement haste impending war satisfactorily arrangements made long beforehand provision made utilizing first volunteer organizations called training citizens already experience arms especially selection advance officers force may raised careful selection kind necessary impossible outbreak war army mere instrument destruction shown last three years philippines cuba puerto rico proved great constructive force potent implement upbuilding peaceful civilization citizens deserve well republic veterans survivors saved union one deed left undone would meant else history went nothing steadfast prowess greatest crisis history annals would meaningless great experiment popular freedom gloomy failure moreover left us united nation left us also heritage memory mighty deeds nation kept united indeed one nation one fact well name united devotion flag symbol national greatness unity completeness union enables us every part country glory valor shown alike sons north sons south times tried men souls men last three years done well east west indies mainland asia shown remembrance lost serious crisis united states must rely great mass fighting men upon volunteer soldiery make permanent profession military career whenever crisis arises deathless memories civil war give americans lift lofty purpose comes whose fathers stood valiantly forefront battle merit system making appointments essence democratic american common school system simply means clerical positions duties entirely applicants fair field favor standing merits able show practical test written competitive examinations offer available means many cases applying system cases laborers employed system registration undoubtedly widely extended course places written competitive examination applied others offers means ideal solution existing political conditions though imperfect means yet best present means getting satisfactory results wherever conditions permitted application merit system fullest widest sense gain government immense postal service illustrate probably better branches government great gain economy efficiency honesty due enforcement principle recommend passage law extend classified service district columbia least enable president thus extend judgment laws providing temporary employment clerks hereafter contain provision selected civil service law important system obtain home even important applied rigidly insular possessions office filled philippines puerto rico regard man partisan affiliations services regard political social personal influence may command short heed paid absolutely nothing save man character capacity needs service administration islands wholly free suspicion partisan politics administration army navy ask public servant philippines puerto rico reflect honor country way makes country rule benefit peoples come ask afford content less merit system simply one method securing honest efficient administration government long run sole justification type government lies proving honest efficient consular service organized provisions law passed 1856 entirely inadequate existing conditions interest shown many commercial bodies throughout country reorganization service heartily commended attention several bills providing new consular service recent years submitted congress based upon principle appointments service made practical test applicant fitness promotions governed trustworthiness adaptability zeal performance duty tenure office unaffected partisan considerations guardianship fostering rapidly expanding foreign commerce protection american citizens resorting foreign countries lawful pursuit affairs maintenance dignity nation abroad combine make essential consuls men character knowledge enterprise true service main efficient standard excellence permanently maintained principles set forth bills heretofore submitted congress subject enacted law judgment time arrived definitely make minds recognize indian individual member tribe general allotment act mighty pulverizing engine break tribal mass acts directly upon family individual provisions sixty thousand indians already become citizens united states break tribal funds allotment tribal lands divided individual holdings transition period funds many cases held trust case also lands stop put upon indiscriminate permission indians lease allotments effort steadily make indian work like man ground marriage laws indians made whites schools education elementary largely industrial need higher education among indians limited reservations care taken try suit teaching needs particular indian use attempting induce agriculture country suited cattle raising indian made stock grower ration system merely corral reservation system highly detrimental indians promotes beggary perpetuates pauperism stifles industry effectual barrier progress must continue greater less degree long tribes herded reservations everything common indian treated individual like white man change treatment inevitable hardships occur every effort made minimize hardships hesitate make change continuous reduction number agencies dealing aboriginal races things important preserve terrible physical moral degradation resulting liquor traffic save indian tribes evil wherever international agreement end attained regards races possess exclusive control every effort made bring bespeak cordial support congress people louis exposition commemorate one hundredth anniversary louisiana purchase purchase greatest instance expansion history definitely decided become great continental republic far foremost power western hemisphere one three four great landmarks history great turning points development eminently fitting people join heartiest good commemorating citizens louis missouri adjacent region entitled every aid making celebration noteworthy event annals earnestly hope foreign nations appreciate deep interest country takes exposition view importance every standpoint participate securing success national government represented full complete set exhibits people charleston great energy civic spirit carrying exposition continue throughout present session congress heartily commend exposition good people deserves encouragement given managers charleston exposition requested cabinet officers place thereat government exhibits buffalo promising pay necessary expenses taken responsibility directing done feel due charleston help praiseworthy effort opinion management required pay expenses earnestly recommend congress appropriate small sum necessary purpose exposition buffalo closed industrial artistic standpoint exposition high degree creditable useful merely buffalo united states terrible tragedy president assassination interfered materially financial success exposition peculiarly harmony trend public policy represented effort bring closer touch peoples western hemisphere give increasing sense unity effort genuine service entire american public advancement highest interests national science learning custody objects art valuable results scientific expeditions conducted united states committed smithsonian institution furtherance declared purpose increase diffusion knowledge among men congress time time given important functions trusts executed institution notable fidelity halt work institution accordance plans secretary presented preservation vanishing races great north american animals national zoological park urgent needs national museum recommended favorable consideration congress perhaps characteristic educational movement past fifty years created modern public library developed broad active service five thousand public libraries united states product period addition accumulating material also striving organization improvement method give greater efficiency material hold make widely useful avoidance unnecessary duplication process reduce cost administration efforts naturally look assistance federal library though still library congress entitled one national library united states already largest single collection books western hemisphere certain increase rapidly purchase exchange operation copyright law library unique opportunity render libraries country american scholarship service highest importance housed building largest magnificent yet erected library uses resources provided develop collection properly equip apparatus service necessary effective use render bibliographic work widely available enable become merely center research chief factor great efforts diffusion knowledge advancement learning sake good administration sound economy advancement science census office constituted made permanent government bureau would insure better cheaper satisfactory work interest business statistic economic social science remarkable growth postal service shown fact revenues doubled expenditures nearly doubled within twelve years progressive development compels constantly increasing outlay period business energy prosperity receipts grow much faster expenses annual deficit steadily reduced 1897 1901 among recent postal advances success rural free delivery wherever established marked actual experience made benefits plain demand extension general urgent great agricultural population share improvement service number rural routes operation practically established within three years applications awaiting action expected number operation close current fiscal year reach mail daily carried doors people heretofore dependent upon distant offices portion country adapted covered kind service full measure postal progress might realized long hampered obstructed heavy burden imposed government intrenched abuses grown connection mail matter extent burden appears stated matter makes nearly weight mail paid last fiscal year aggregate postal revenue pound rate postage produces large loss thus entailed fixed congress purpose encouraging dissemination public information limited legitimate newspapers periodicals actually contemplated law exception could taken expense would recognized accepted cost liberal public policy deliberately adopted justifiable end much matter enjoys privileged rate wholly outside intent law secured admission evasion require merits lax construction proportion wrongly included matter estimated postal experts whole volume mail magnitude burden apparent department undertaken remove abuses far possible stricter application law sustained effort owing rapid growth power interests pacific whatever happens china must keenest national concern us general terms settlement questions growing antiforeign uprisings china 1900 formulated joint note addressed china representatives injured powers december last promptly accepted chinese government protracted conferences plenipotentiaries several powers able sign final protocol chinese plenipotentiaries 7th last september setting forth measures taken china compliance demands joint note expressing satisfaction therewith laid congress report plenipotentiary behalf united states william woodville rockhill high praise due tact good judgment energy displayed performing exceptionally difficult delicate task agreement reached disposes manner satisfactory powers various grounds complaint contribute materially better future relations china powers reparation made china murder foreigners uprising punishment inflicted officials however high rank recognized responsible participated outbreak official examinations forbidden period five years cities foreigners murdered cruelly treated edicts issued making officials directly responsible future safety foreigners suppression violence provisions made insuring future safety foreign representatives peking setting aside exclusive use quarter city powers make defensible necessary maintain permanent military guards dismantling military works capital sea allowing temporary maintenance foreign military posts along line edict issued emperor china prohibiting two years importation arms ammunition china china agreed pay adequate indemnities states societies individuals losses sustained expenses military expeditions sent various powers protect life restore order provisions joint note december 1900 china agreed revise treaties commerce navigation take steps purpose facilitating foreign trade foreign powers may decide needed chinese government agreed participate financially work bettering water approaches shanghai tientsin centers foreign trade central northern china international conservancy board chinese government largely represented provided improvement shanghai river control navigation line commercial advantages revision present tariff imports assented purpose substituting specific ad valorem duties expert sent abroad part united states assist work list articles remain free duty including flour cereals rice gold silver coin bullion also agreed upon settlement troubles government unswervingly advocated moderation materially aided bringing adjustment tends enhance welfare china lead beneficial intercourse empire modern world critical period revolt massacre full share life property restoring order vindicating national interest honor behooves us continue paths lies power foster feelings good leaving effort untried work great policy full fair intercourse china nations footing equal rights advantages advocate open door implies merely procurement enlarged commercial opportunities coasts access interior waterways china extraordinarily favored bringing people china peaceful friendly community trade peoples earth work auspiciously begun carried fruition attainment purpose necessarily claim parity treatment conventions throughout empire trade citizens powers view lively interest keen hopes beneficial results proceedings congress convoked invitation mexico sitting mexican capital delegates united states liberal instructions cooperate colleagues matters promising advantage great family american commonwealths well relations among domestic advancement intercourse world large predecessor communicated congress fact weil la abra awards mexico adjudged highest courts country obtained fraud perjury part claimants accordance acts congress money remaining hands secretary state awards returned mexico considerable portion money received mexico awards paid government claimants decision courts rendered judgment congress return mexico amount equal sums thus already paid claimants death queen victoria caused people united states deep heartfelt sorrow government gave full expression president mckinley died nation turn received every quarter british empire expressions grief sympathy less sincere death empress dowager frederick germany also aroused genuine sympathy american people sympathy cordially reciprocated germany president assassinated indeed every quarter civilized world received time president death assurances grief regard touch hearts people midst affliction reverently thank almighty peace nations mankind firmly intend policy shall continue unbroken international relations mutual respect good
congress assembles year shadow great calamity sixth september president mckinley shot anarchist attend exposition buffalo die city fourteenth month last seven elect president third murder bare recital fact sufficient justify grave alarm among loyal american citizen moreover circumstance third assassination american president peculiarly sinister significance president lincoln president garfield kill assassin type unfortunately uncommon history president lincoln fall victim terrible passion arouse four year civil war president garfield revengeful vanity disappoint president mckinley kill utterly deprave criminal belonging body criminal object government good bad alike form popular liberty guarantee even liberal law hostile upright exponent free people sober tyrannical irresponsible despot much say time president mckinley death widely love man united state never public man position wholly free bitter animosity incident public life political opponent first bear hearty generous tribute broad kindliness nature sweetness gentleness character endear close associate standard lofty integrity public life united tender affection home virtue national character gallant soldier great war union also shone example people conduct sacred intimate home relation could personal hatred never act aught consideration welfare others one could fail respect knew public private life defender murderous criminal seek excuse criminality assert exercised political end inveigh wealth irresponsible power assassination even base apology urge president mckinley man moderate mean man whose stock sprang sturdy tiller soil belong among entered army private soldier wealth strike president assassinate honest toil content moderate gain lifetime unremitting labor largely service public still less power strike sense power irresponsible center hand one individual blow aim tyranny wealth aim one strong champion ever one faithful representative system public right representative government ever rise public office president mckinley fill political office entire people vote president even lincoln ever earnestly anxious represent well wish people one anxiety every crisis keep close touch people find thought endeavor give expression think endeavor guide think aright reelect presidency majority citizen majority farmer believe faithfully upheld interest four year felt close intimate touch felt represent well honorably ideal aspiration wish continue another four year represent man assassin strike might nothing lack complete infamy act take advantage occasion president meeting people generally advance take hand kindly brotherly fellowship turn noble generous confidence victim opportunity strike fatal blow baser deed annals crime shock grief country bitter mind saw dark day president yet hover life death last light still kindly eyes breath go lip even mortal agony uttered word save forgiveness murderer love friend falter trust high death crown glory life leave u infinite sorrow pride accomplish personal character feel blow struck struck nation mourn good great president dead mourn lift splendid achievement life grand heroism meet death turn man nation harm do great excite grave apprehension demand wise resolute action criminal profess anarchist inflamed teaching profess anarchist probably also reckless utterance stump public press appeal dark evil spirit malice greed envy sullen hatred wind sow men preach doctrine escape share responsibility whirlwind reaped applies alike deliberate demagogue exploiter sensationalism crude foolish visionary whatever reason apologize crime excite aimless discontent blow aim president president every symbol government president mckinley emphatically embodiment popular nation express form law new england town meeting similar fashion embodiment purpose practice people town conceivable theory could murder president accept due protest inequality social order save murder freeman engage town meeting could accept protest social inequality put malefactor jail anarchy expression social discontent pick pocket anarchist especially anarchist united state merely one type criminal dangerous represent depravity great degree man advocate anarchy directly indirectly shape fashion man apologize anarchists deed make morally accessory murder fact anarchist criminal whose perverted instinct lead prefer confusion chaos beneficent form social order protest concern workingman outrageous impudent falsity political institution country afford opportunity every honest intelligent son toil door hope forever close anarchist everywhere merely enemy system progress deadly foe liberty ever anarchy triumphant triumph last one red moment succeed age gloomy night despotism anarchist whether preaches practice doctrine need one particle concern ordinary murderer victim social political injustice wrong remedy case criminality find evil passion evil conduct urge failure others state justice malefactor nothing else sense shape way product social condition save highwayman produce fact unarmed man happen purse travesty upon great holy name liberty freedom permit invoke man body men preach anarchistic doctrine allow large preach murder specify private individual anarchistic speech writing meeting essentially seditious treasonable earnestly recommend congress exercise wise discretion take consideration come country anarchist person profess principle hostile government justify murder place authority individual long ago gather open meeting glorify murder king humbert italy perpetrate crime law ensure rigorous punishment like kept country find promptly deport country whence come provision make punishment stay matter call urgently wise thought congress federal court give jurisdiction man kill attempt kill president man constitution law line succession presidency punishment unsuccessful attempt proportion enormity offense institution anarchy crime whole human race mankind band anarchist crime make offense law nation like piracy form know slave trade far blacker infamy either declared treaty among civilized power treaty would give federal government power deal crime grim commentary upon folly anarchist position afford attitude law toward criminal take life president people would tear limb limb law defy invoked behalf far deed commit behalf people government government oblige exert full police power save instant death hand people moreover deed work slight dislocation governmental system danger recurrence deed matter great might grow would work direction strengthen give harshness force order man ever restrain become president fear personal safety risk president life become great would mean office would come fill men spirit would make resolute merciless deal every friend disorder great country fall anarchy anarchists ever become serious menace institution would merely stamp would involve ruin every active passive sympathizer doctrine american people slow wrath wrath kindle burn like consume flame last five year business confidence restore nation congratulate present abound prosperity prosperity never create law alone although easy enough destroy mischievous law hand lord heavy upon country flood drought come human wisdom powerless avert calamity moreover law guard u consequences folly men idle credulous men seek gain genuine work head hand gamble form always source menace others business world lose head lose legislation supply fundamentally welfare citizen therefore welfare aggregate citizen make nation must rest upon individual thrift energy resolution intelligence nothing take place individual capacity wise legislation honest intelligent administration give full scope large opportunity work good effect tremendous highly complex industrial development go ever accelerate rapidity latter half nineteenth century bring u face face begin twentieth serious social problem old law old custom almost bind force law quite sufficient regulate accumulation distribution wealth since industrial change enormously increase productive power mankind longer sufficient growth city go beyond comparison faster growth country upbuilding great industrial center mean startle increase merely aggregate wealth number large individual especially large corporate fortune creation great corporate fortune due tariff governmental action natural cause business world operate country operate process arouse much antagonism great part wholly without warrant true rich grown richer poor grown poorer contrary never average man farmer small trader well country present time abuse connect accumulation wealth yet remain true fortune accumulate legitimate business accumulate person specially benefit condition confer immense incidental benefit upon others successful enterprise type benefit mankind exist condition offer great prize reward success captain industry drive railway system across continent build commerce develop manufacture whole do great good people without material development justly proud could never take place moreover recognize immense importance material development leave unhampered compatible public good strong forceful men upon success business operation inevitably rest slight study business condition satisfy anyone capable forming judgment personal equation important factor business operation business ability man head business concern big little usually factor fix gulf strike success hopeless failure additional reason caution deal corporation find international commercial condition business condition produce great aggregation corporate individual wealth make potent factor international commercial competition business concern large mean disposal manage able men naturally take lead strife commercial supremacy among nation world america begin assume command position international business world believe utmost importance position jeoparded especially time overflow abundance natural resource skill business energy mechanical aptitude people make foreign market essential condition would unwise cramp fetter youthful strength nation moreover often point strike ignorant violence interest one set men almost inevitably endangers interest fundamental rule national life rule underlies others whole long run shall go together exception time prosperity prosper far time adversity suffer far others speak generally period good time mean share less period hard time feel stress great less degree surely ought necessary enter proof statement memory lean year begin 1893 still vivid contrast condition year closing disaster great business enterprise never effect limit men top spread throughout bad everybody bad farthest capitalist may shorn luxury may deprive even bare necessity mechanism modern business delicate extreme care must take interfere spirit rashness ignorance many make vocation denounce great industrial combination popularly although technical inaccuracy know trust appeal especially hatred fear precisely two emotion particularly combine ignorance unfit men exercise cool steady judgment face new industrial condition whole history world show legislation generally unwise ineffective unless undertaken calm inquiry sober much legislation direct trust would exceedingly mischievous also entirely ineffective accordance sociological law ignorant reckless agitator really effective friend evils nominally oppose deal business interest government undertake crude legislation may turn bad would incur risk national disaster would preferable undertake nothing men demand impossible undesirable serve ally force nominally war hamper would endeavor find rational fashion wrong really extent manner practicable apply remedy true yet also true real grave evils one chief many baleful consequence resolute practical effort must make correct evil widespread conviction mind american people great corporation know trust certain feature tendency hurtful general welfare spring spirit envy uncharitableness lack pride great industrial achievement place country head nation struggle commercial supremacy rest upon lack intelligent appreciation necessity meeting change change condition trade new method upon ignorance fact combination capital effort accomplish great thing necessary world progress demand great thing do base upon sincere conviction combination concentration prohibit supervised within reasonable limit control judgment conviction right limitation upon property right freedom contract require men receive government privilege business corporate form free individual responsibility enable call enterprise capital public shall upon absolutely truthful representation value property capital invest corporation engage interstate commerce regulate found exercise license work public injury much aim seek betterment rid business world crime cunning rid entire body politic crime violence great corporation exist create safeguard institution therefore right duty see work harmony institution first essential determine deal great industrial combination knowledge fact publicity interest public government right inspect examine working great corporation engage interstate business publicity sure remedy invoke remedy need way governmental regulation taxation determine publicity obtain process law course administration first requisite knowledge full complete knowledge may make public world artificial body corporation joint stock association depend upon statutory law existence privilege subject proper governmental supervision full accurate information operation make public regularly reasonable interval large corporation commonly call trust though organize one state always business many state often little business state incorporate utter lack uniformity state law state exclusive interest power act practice prove impossible get adequate regulation state action therefore interest whole people nation without interfere power state matter also assume power supervision regulation corporation interstate business especially true corporation derive portion wealth existence monopolistic element tendency business would hardship supervision bank subject case accept simple matter course indeed probable supervision corporation national government need go far case supervision exercise conservative state massachusetts order produce excellent result constitution adopt end eighteenth century human wisdom could foretell sweeping change alike industrial political condition take place begin twentieth century time accepted matter course several state proper authority regulate far necessary comparatively insignificant strictly localize corporate body day condition wholly different wholly different action call believe law frame enable national government exercise control along line indicate profit experience gain passage administration act however judgment congress lack constitutional power pas act constitutional amendment submit confer power create cabinet officer know secretary commerce industry provide bill introduce last session congress province deal commerce broad sense include among many thing whatever concern labor matter affect great business corporation merchant marine course propose one phase comprehensive scheme constructive statesmanship purpose broaden market secure business interest safe basis make firm new position international industrial world scrupulously safeguard right capitalist investor private citizen secure equity man man republic sole exception farm interest one matter vital moment whole people welfare farmer well absolutely certain others well therefore matter hearty congratulation whole wage higher united state ever history far high country standard live also high ever every effort legislator administrator bent secure permanency condition thing improvement wherever possible must labor protect tariff also protect far possible presence country laborer bring contract come freely yet represent standard living depress undersell men labor market drag low level regard necessary end view immediately law exclude chinese laborer strengthen wherever necessary order make enforcement entirely effective national government demand high quality service employee return good employer possible legislation pass connection interstate commerce law render effective effort different state away competition convict contract labor open labor market far practicable condition government work provision make render enforcement law easy certain industry carry directly indirectly united state government woman child protect excessive hour labor night work work unsanitary condition government provide contract work do fair condition addition set high standard uphold proper inspection extend necessary subcontractor government forbid night work woman child well excessive overtime district columbia good factory law pass powerful indirect aid law provision make turn inhabited alley existence reproach capital city minor street inhabitant live condition favorable health moral american work head well hand moreover take keen pride independent reward wish turn perfect job great secret success competition labor foreign country vital problem country matter whole civilized world deal problem one side betterment social condition moral physical large city another side effort deal tangle question group together speak labor chief factor success man farmer capitalist alike must ever sum total individual quality abilities second come power act combination association others great good accomplish association union manage forethought combine insistence upon right respect right others display quality body duty nation less association finally must also many case action government order safeguard right interest constitution much scope action state municipality nation point touch national government act say do rule brotherhood remain indispensable prerequisite success kind national life strive man must work unless work outside help avail man must remember also indeed brother keeper man refuse walk carry advantage anyone else yet time stumble halt time need help hand outstretched permanently effective aid must always take form help man help best help join together work common interest present immigration law unsatisfactory need every honest efficient immigrant fit become american citizen every immigrant come stay brings strong body stout heart good head resolute purpose duty well every way bring child member community comprehensive law enact object work threefold improvement present system first aim exclude absolutely person know believer anarchistic principle member anarchistic society also person low moral tendency unsavory reputation mean require thorough system inspection abroad rigid system examination immigration port former especially necessary second object proper immigration law ought secure careful merely perfunctory educational test intelligent capacity appreciate american institution act sanely american citizen would keep anarchist many belong intelligent criminal class would also point tend decrease sum ignorance potent produce envy suspicion malignant passion hatred order anarchistic sentiment inevitably spring finally person exclude certain standard economic fitness enter industrial field competitor american labor proper proof personal capacity earn american living enough money insure decent start american condition would stop influx cheap labor result competition give rise much bitterness american industrial life would dry spring pestilential social condition great city anarchistic organization great possibility growth educational economic test wise immigration law design protect elevate general body politic social close supervision exercise steamship company mainly bring immigrant hold strict accountability infraction law general acquiescence present tariff system national policy first requisite prosperity continuity stability economic policy nothing could unwise disturb business interest country general tariff change time doubt apprehension uncertainty exactly wish avoid interest commercial material experience past show sweeping revision tariff apt produce condition closely approach panic business world yet possible eminently desirable combine stability economic system supplementary system reciprocal benefit obligation nation reciprocity incident result firm establishment preservation present economic policy specially provide present tariff law reciprocity must treat handmaiden protection first duty see protection grant tariff every case need maintain reciprocity seek far safely do without injury home industry far must determine accord individual case remember always every application tariff policy meet shift national need must condition upon cardinal fact duty must never reduce point cover difference labor cost abroad prime consideration entire policy economic legislation subject proviso proper protection necessary industrial home principle reciprocity must command hearty support phenomenal growth export trade emphasize urgency need wider market liberal policy deal foreign nation whatever merely petty vexatious way trade restriction avoid customer dispose surplus product long run directly indirectly purchase surplus product give u something return ability purchase product far possible secure arrange tariff enable u take product use without harm industry labor use marked benefit u important maintain high level present prosperity reach point development interest able supply market produce constantly grow surplus must find market abroad secure market utilize exist duty case longer need purpose protection case article produce duty longer necessary revenue give u something offer exchange ask cordial relation nation desirable naturally promote course thus required interest natural line development policy reciprocity connection production longer require support need establish upon sound basis others either natural economic cause beyond reach successful competition ask attention senate reciprocity treaty lay predecessor condition american merchant marine call immediate remedial action congress discreditable u nation merchant marine utterly insignificant comparison nation overtop form business longer submit condition trifle portion great commerce carry ships remedy state thing would serve build shipping interest would also result benefit interested permanent establishment wider market american product would provide auxiliary force navy ship work country railroad work terminal point ship line establish principal country dealing would political well commercial benefit every standpoint unwise united state continue rely upon ship compete nation distribution good make advantageous carry american good ship present american shipping certain great disadvantage put competition ship foreign country many fast foreign steamship speed fourteen knot subsidize ship sail vessel steamer alike cargo carrier slow speed mail carrier high speed meet fact original cost building american ship great case abroad wage pay american officer seaman much high pay officer seaman foreign compete country standard living ship far superior standard living ship commercial rival government take action remedy inequality american merchant marine restore ocean act march 14 1900 intend unequivocally establish gold standard money maintain parity therewith form money medium use u show timely judicious price government bond world market compare price similar obligation issue nation flatter tribute public credit condition evidently desirable maintain many respect national banking law furnishes sufficient liberty proper exercise banking function seem need good safeguard derange influence commercial crisis financial panic moreover currency country make responsive demand domestic trade commerce collection duty import internal tax continue exceed ordinary expenditure government thanks mainly reduce army expenditures utmost care take reduce revenue possibility deficit provide contingency mean adopt bring revenue nearly within limit actual need report congress secretary treasury considers question length ask attention report recommendation call special attention need strict economy expenditure fact national need forbid u niggardly provide whatever actually necessary make u doubly careful husband national resource u husband private resource scrupulous avoidance anything like wasteful reckless expenditure avoidance spending money needless unjustifiable legitimately keep income point require meet need genuine 1887 measure enact regulation interstate railway commonly know interstate commerce act cardinal provision act railway rate reasonable shipper locality commodity accord equal treatment commission create endow suppose necessary power execute provision act law largely experiment experience show wisdom purpose also show possibly requirement wrong certainly mean devised enforcement provision defective complain management railway allege establish rate maintain rebate similar device habitually resort preference usually favor large shipper drive business small competitor many rate low many others excessive gross preference make affect locality commodity upon hand railway assert law term tend produce many illegal practice deprive carrier right concert action claim necessary establish maintain rate act amend railway public servant rate open shipper alike government see within jurisdiction provide speedy inexpensive effective remedy end time must forget railways artery commercial lifeblood nation flow nothing could foolish enactment legislation would unnecessarily interfere development operation commercial agency subject one great importance call earnest attention congress department agriculture past fifteen year steadily broaden work economic line accomplish result real value upbuilding domestic foreign trade go new field touch section country two island group lately come jurisdiction whose people must look agriculture livelihood search world grain grass fruit vegetable specially fit introduction localities several state territory may add materially resource scientific attention soil survey possible new crop breed new variety plant experimental shipment animal industry apply chemistry practical aid give farm interest product farm take unprecedented place export trade year close public opinion throughout united state move steadily toward appreciation value forest whether planted natural growth great part play creation maintenance national wealth fully realize ever wise forest protection mean withdrawal forest resource whether wood water grass contribute full share welfare people contrary give assurance large certain supply fundamental idea forestry perpetuation forest use forest protection end mean increase sustain resource country industry depend upon preservation forest imperative business necessity come see clearly whatever destroy forest except make way agriculture threaten well practical usefulness national forest reserve mine graze irrigation interest regions reserve lie lead widespread demand people west protection extension forest reserve inevitably still great use future past addition make whenever practicable usefulness increase thoroughly management present protection forest reserve rest general land office mapping description timber united state geological survey preparation plan conservative use bureau forestry also charge general advancement practical forestry united state various function unite bureau forestry properly belong present diffusion responsibility bad every standpoint prevents effective government men utilize resource reserve without interest must suffer scientific bureau generally put department agriculture president law power transfer land use forest reserve department agriculture already power case land needed department war navy wise administration forest reserve less helpful interest depend water depend wood grass water supply depend upon forest arid region water land measure production western half united state would sustain population great whole country water run waste save used irrigation forest water problem perhaps vital internal question united state certain forest reserve also make preserve wild forest creature reserve well protect fire many need special protection great injury do live stock sheep increase deer elk animal yellowstone park show may expect mountain forest properly protect law properly guard area denude surface vegetation overgrazing ground breeding bird include grouse quail many mammal include deer exterminate driven away time capacity surface decrease destroyed thus promote flood time rain diminish flow stream rain case natural condition restore year vegetation carpet ground bird deer come back hundred person especially immediate neighborhood come summer enjoy privilege camp least forest reserve afford perpetual protection native fauna flora safe havens refuge rapidly diminish wild animal large kind free camp grounds number men woman learn find rest health recreation splendid forest meadows mountain forest reserve set apart forever use benefit people whole sacrifice shortsighted greed forest natural reservoir restrain stream flood replenish drought make possible use water otherwise waste prevent soil wash protect storage reservoir fill silt forest conservation therefore essential condition water conservation forest alone however fully regulate conserve water arid region great storage work necessary equalize flow stream save flood water construction conclusively show undertaking vast private effort best accomplish individual state act alone interstate problem involve resource single state would often inadequate properly national function least feature right national government make stream river arid region useful engineering work water storage make useful river harbor humid region engineering work another kind store flood reservoirs headwater river enlargement present policy river control levees build low reach streams government construct maintain reservoirs public work purpose regulate flow stream water turn freely channels dry season take course law natural flow reclamation unsettle arid public land present different problem enough regulate flow stream object government dispose land settler build home upon accomplish object water must bring within reach pioneer settler arid public domain chose home along stream could divert water reclaim holding opportunity practically go remain however vast area public land make available homestead settlement reservoir canal impracticable private enterprise irrigation work build national government land reclaim reserved government actual settler cost construction far possible repaid land reclaim distribution water division stream among irrigators leave settler conformity state law without interference law vested fight policy national government aid irrigation several state territory manner enable people local community help stimulate need reform state law regulation govern irrigation reclamation settlement arid land enrich every portion country settlement ohio mississippi valley bring prosperity atlantic state increase demand manufacture article stimulate industrial production wider home market trade asia consume large food supply effectually prevent western competition eastern agriculture indeed product irrigation consume chiefly upbuilding local center mine industry would otherwise come existence people whole profit successful another name upbuilding nation necessary foundation already lay inauguration policy describe would unwise begin much great deal doubtless learn safely attempt early effort must necessity partly experimental character begin government make clear beyond shadow doubt intention pursue policy line broad public interest reservoir canal ever build satisfy selfish personal local interest accordance advice train expert long investigation show locality condition combine make work need fraught great usefulness community whole extravagance believer need irrigation benefit see free least taint excessive reckless expenditure public money whatever nation extension irrigation harmonize tend improve condition living irrigated land start point development two hundred million private capital already expend construction irrigation work many million acre arid land reclaim high degree enterprise ability show work much say reference law relate thereto security value home create depend largely stability title water majority rest uncertain foundation court decision render ordinary suit law creditable exception arid state fail provide certain division stream time scarcity lax uncertain law make possible establish right water excess actual us necessity many stream already pass private ownership control equivalent ownership whoever control stream practically control land render productive doctrine private ownership water apart land prevail without cause endure wrong recognition ownership permit grow arid region give way enlighten large recognition right public control disposal public water supply law found upon condition obtain humid region water abundant justify hoard proper application dry country arid state right water recognize use irrigation right attach land reclaim inseparable therefrom grant perpetual water right others user without compensation public open objection apply give away perpetual franchise public utility city western state already recognize incorporated constitution doctrine perpetual state ownership water benefit follow unaided development past justify nation aid difficult important work yet accomplish law vitally affect home control water supply effective sanction irrigators reform final satisfactory come enlightenment people concerned large development national aid insure however awaken every arid state determination make irrigation system equal justice effectiveness country civilize world nothing could unwise isolated community continue learn everything experimentally instead profit already know elsewhere deal new momentous question pregnant year institution form affect present future generation aim simply reclaim large area land provide home large number people create new industry best possible social industrial condition require understand exist situation avail best experience time solution problem careful study make nation state irrigation law condition abroad ultimately probably necessary nation several arid state proportion state legislation administration show fit receive hawaii aim must develop territory traditional american line wish region large estate till cheap labor wish healthy american community men till farm legislation islands shaped end view average must afford true test healthy development island land policy nearly possible model homestead system pleasure say hardly necessary report puerto rico state territory within continental limit island thrive never administer efficiently honestly people enjoy liberty order protection unite state upon fact congratulate material welfare must carefully jealously consider welfare portion country give great gift free access product market united state ask attention congress need legislation concern public land puerto rico cuba progress make toward put independent government island upon firm foot present session congress close accomplish fact cuba start mistress beautiful queen antilles unfold new page destiny extend hearty greeting good wish elsewhere discuss question reciprocity case cuba however weighty reason morality national interest policy hold peculiar application earnestly ask attention wisdom indeed vital need provide substantial reduction tariff duty cuban import united state cuba constitution affirm desired stand international matter closer friendly relation u power bound every consideration honor expediency pass commercial measure interest material philippine problem large rich tropical island inhabit many vary tribe represent widely different stage progress toward civilization earnest effort help people upward along stony difficult path lead hope make administration island honorable nation make high benefit filipinos earnest intend point do already great measure material prosperity governmental honesty efficiency attain philippine ever history light task nation achieve temperamental quality without institution free government empty mockery people successfully govern thousand year slowly fit sometimes consciously sometimes unconsciously toward end take u thirty generation achieve expect another race accomplish hand especially large portion race start far behind point ancestor reach even thirty generation ago deal philippine people must show patience strength forbearance steadfast resolution aim high desire islander merely elsewhere do tropic people even best foreign government hope never do people tropic make fit fashion really free nation history may safely challenge show single instance masterful race forced exigency war take possession alien land behave inhabitant disinterested zeal progress people show philippine leave island time would mean would fall welter murderous anarchy desertion duty part would crime humanity character governor taft associate subordinate proof need sincerity effort give islander constantly increase measure exactly fast show fit exercise since civil government establish appointment make island reference consideration political influence aught else save fitness man need service anxiety welfare progress philippine may go rapidly give local side error commit competent observer sincerely desirous find fact influence desire welfare natives assert go far enough go verge safety hasten process take single step far faster advance would folly weakness might well crime extremely anxious native shall show power govern anxious first sake next relief u great burden need slight fear continue give liberty fit fear test overanxiety give degree independence unfit thereby invite reaction disaster fast reasonable hope give district people govern give district locality fit receive may well certain case withdraw inhabitant show unfit exercise instance already occur word slight chance fail show sufficiently humanitarian spirit danger come opposite direction still trouble ahead islands insurrection become affair local bandit marauder deserve high regard brigands portion old world encouragement direct indirect insurrectors stand footing encouragement hostile indian day still indian war exactly aim give indian remain peaceful fullest ample consideration understood show weakness go warpath must make evident unless false tradition demand civilization humanity everything power filipino peaceful take stern measure filipino follow path insurrecto ladrone hearty praise due large number native island steadfast loyalty macabebes conspicuous courage devotion flag recommend secretary war empower take systematic action way aid men cripple service family kill time come additional legislation philippine nothing well do islands introduce industrial enterprise nothing would benefit much throw open industrial development connection idleness mischief proverbial opportunity remunerative work one sure preventatives war course business man go philippines unless interest immensely interest island go therefore necessary congress pas law resource island develop franchise limited term year grant company business every encouragement give incoming business men every kind permit wrong philippine franchise must grant business permit regulation guarantee island kind improper exploitation vast natural wealth island must develop capital willing develop must give opportunity field must throw open individual enterprise real factor development every region flag fly urgently necessary enact suitable law deal general transportation mining banking currency homestead use ownership land timber law give free play industrial enterprise commercial development surely follow accord people islands best proof sincerity desire aid call attention earnestly cry need cable hawaii philippine continue philippines point asia defer day longer necessary construction cable demand merely commercial political military consideration either congress immediately provide construction government cable else arrangement make like advantage accrue government cable may secure government contract private cable company single great material work remain undertaken continent consequence american people build canal across isthmus connect north south america importance nation mean limited merely material effect upon business prosperity yet view effect alone would last degree important u immediately begin beneficial effect would perhaps mark upon pacific coast gulf south atlantic state would also greatly benefit section emphatically work interest entire country begin complete soon possible one great work great nation undertake prospect success do permanent asset nation material interest stand monument constructive ability glad able announce negotiation subject great britain conduct side spirit friendliness mutual good respect result able lay senate treaty ratify enable u begin preparation isthmian canal time guarantee nation every right ever ask connection canal treaty old treaty long recognize inadequate supply base construction maintenance necessarily american ship canal abrogate specifically provide united state alone shall work building assume responsibility safeguard canal shall regulate neutral use nation term equality without guaranty interference outside nation quarter sign treaty laid senate approve congress proceed give effect advantage secures u provide build canal true end every great free people peace nation earnestly desire sincere cordial friendship others entire world recent year war great civilized power become less less frequent war barbarous people come entirely different category merely regrettable necessary international police duty must perform sake welfare mankind peace keep certainty side wish keep civilized people realize wicked folly war attain condition intelligent regard right others end hope believe make peace possible peace conference hague give definite expression hope belief mark stride toward attainment peace conference acquiesce statement monroe doctrine compatible purpose aim conference monroe doctrine cardinal feature foreign policy nation two america united state year pass since president monroe annual message announce american continent henceforth consider subject future colonization european power word monroe doctrine declaration must territorial aggrandizement power expense american power american soil wise intend hostile nation old world still less intended give cover aggression one new world power expense simply step long step toward assure universal peace world secure possibility permanent peace hemisphere past century influence establish permanence independence small state europe monroe doctrine hope able safeguard like independence secure like permanence lesser among new world nation doctrine nothing commercial relation american power save truth allows form desire word really guaranty commercial independence americas ask doctrine exclusive commercial dealing american state guarantee state punishment misconduct provide punishment take form acquisition territory power attitude cuba sufficient guaranty good faith slight desire secure territory expense neighbor wish work hand hand u may uplift together rejoice good fortune gladly hail material prosperity political stability concern alarmed fall industrial political chaos wish see old world military power grow continent compel become military power people americas prosper best left work salvation way work upbuilding navy must steadily continue one point policy foreign domestic important honor material welfare peace nation future whether desire must henceforth recognize international duty less international right even flag haul philippine puerto rico even decided build isthmian canal need thoroughly train navy adequate size else prepare definitely time abandon idea nation among whose son go sea ship unless commerce always carry foreign bottom must war craft protect inasmuch however american people think abandon path upon enter especially view fact build isthmian canal fast become one matter whole people united demand imperative navy put keep high state efficiency make answer grow need far way provocation war adequate highly trained navy best guaranty war cheapest effective peace insurance cost building maintain navy represent light premium insure peace nation possibly pay probably great nation world anxious peace single civilized power anything whatever fear aggressiveness part want peace toward end wish able secure respect right others eager anxious extend right return insure fair treatment u commercially guarantee safety american people people intend abide monroe doctrine insist upon one sure mean secure peace western hemisphere navy offer u mean make insistence upon monroe doctrine anything subject derision whatever nation choose disregard desire peace come right man arm peace grant term ignominy craven weakling possible improvise navy war break ship must build men train long advance auxiliary vessel turn makeshift default well minor work proportion raw men mixed highly trained shortcoming make good skill fellows efficient fight force navy pit equal opponent find almost exclusively war ship regularly build officer men year faithful performance sea duty train handle formidable complex delicate weapon high efficiency late war spain ship deal decisive blow manila santiago launch two fourteen year able men con tower gun turret long year practice sea learn duty present navy begin 1882 period navy consisted collection antiquate wooden ship already almost place modern war vessel galleys alcibiades hamilcar certainly ship tromp blake time men fit handle modern wise legislation congress successful administration succession patriotic secretary navy belong political party work upbuilding navy go ship equal world kind continually add even important ship exercise sea singly squadron men aboard able get best possible service result see short war spain decide rapidity infinitely great preparedness navy spanish navy award full honor men actually command manned ship destroy spanish sea force philippines cuba must forget equal meed praise belongs without neither blow could strike congressman vote year advance money lay ship build gun buy department official business men furnish congress authorize secretary navy ask expended appropriation finally officer fair weather foul actual sea service train disciplined crew ship war sight entitle full share glory manila santiago respect accord every true american wrought signal triumph country forethought preparation secure u overwhelm triumph 1898 fail show forethought preparation may come time disaster befall u instead triumph time come fault rest primarily upon accident event put supreme command moment upon fail prepare advance cessation work complete navy far ingenuity wholly unable devise substitute great war craft whose hammering gun beat mastery high sea unsafe unwise provide year several additional battle ship heavy armor cruiser auxiliary light craft proportion exact number character refer report secretary navy something need even additional ship additional officer men provide battle ships cruiser lay expectation leave unmanned need actual war would worse folly would crime nation send war ship competent enemy unless aboard train year actual sea service include incessant gunnery practice would invite merely disaster bitter shame humiliation four thousand additional seaman one thousand additional marine provide increase officer provide make large addition class annapolis one small matter mention connection annapolis pretentious unmeaning title naval cadet abolish title midshipman full historic association restore even time peace war ship use wear keep fit respond emergency officer men alike keep much possible blue water learn duty learn big vessel manoeuvre squadron contain merely battle ship necessary proportion cruiser scout torpedo boat handle young officer manner best fit latter take responsibility meet emergency actual warfare every detail ashore perform civilian performed officer keep special duty sea service gunnery practice unceasing important navy adequate size even important ship ship equal efficiency navy world possible highly drill crew officer turn imperatively demand continuous progressive instruction target practice ship handle squadron tactic general discipline ship must assemble squadron actively cruise away harbor never long anchor result wear upon engine hull must endure battle ship worn long training officer men well pay result hand matter excellent condition useless crew expert seventeen battle ship appropriate nine complete commission actual service remain eight ready two four year take least time recruit train men fight vast concern train crew ready vessel time commission good ship good gun simply good weapon best weapon useless save hand men know fight men must train drill thorough system progressive instruction recruiting must carry still great vigor every effort must make exalt main function officer command men lead graduate naval academy assign combatant branch line marine many essential success already recognize general board central office grow staff move steadily toward proper war efficiency proper efficiency whole navy secretary general board foster creation general staff provide official general recognition alter condition nation true meaning great war fleet meaning first best men second best ship naval militia force state organization train coast service event war constitute inner line defense receive hearty encouragement general government addition provide national naval reserve organize trained direction navy department subject call chief executive whenever war become imminent real auxiliary naval seagoing peace establishment offer material drawn man ships time war compose graduate naval academy graduate naval militia officer crew steamer longshore schooner fish vessel steam yacht together coast population center lifesaving station american people must either build maintain adequate navy else make mind definitely accept secondary position international affair merely political commercial matter well say sure way court national disaster opulent aggressive unarmed necessary increase army beyond present size time necessary keep high point efficiency individual unit officer enlist men compose army good reason believe least efficient army entire world duty see train kind insure high possible expression power unit act combination condition modern war make infinitely heavier demand ever upon individual character capacity officer enlist man make far difficult men act together effect present fighting must do extended order mean man must act time act combination others longer touch condition men high excellence worth many men without special skill find result special training apply men exceptional physique morale nowadays valuable fight man difficult perfect rifleman also skillful dare rider proportion cavalry regiment wisely increase american cavalryman train manoeuvre fight equal facility foot horseback best type soldier general purpose find world ideal cavalryman present day man fight foot effectively best infantryman addition unsurpassed care management horse ability fight horseback general staff create present staff supply department fill detail line men detail return line duty undesirable senior grade army compose men come fill position mere fact seniority system adopt shall elimination grade grade seem unfit render best service next grade justice veteran civil war still army would seem require matter retirement give law privilege accord comrade navy process elimination least fit conducted manner would render practically impossible apply political social pressure behalf candidate man may judge purely merits pressure promotion civil official political reason bad enough tenfold bad apply behalf officer army navy every promotion every detail war department must make solely regard good service capacity merit man pressure political social personal kind permit exercise least effect question promotion detail reason believe pressure exercise instigation officer concern held militate army afford reward duty distribute save simple ground merit entitle reward get peculiarly fit duty choose perform every effort make bring army constantly increase state efficiency actual service work save directly line service require paper work army navy greatly reduce need proved power command capacity work well field constant care necessary prevent dry rot transportation commissary department army small much scatter difficult give high officer well low officer enlist men chance practice manoeuvre mass comparatively large scale time need amount individual excellence would avail paralysis would follow inability work coherent whole skillful dare leadership congress provide mean whereby possible field exercise least division regular possible also division national guardsman year exercise might take form field manoeuvre gulf coast pacific atlantic board region great lake army corp assemble could march inland point point water embark disembarked couple day journey point march inland actual handle provide men mass march camp embark disembark possible train high officer perform duty well smoothly great debt owe public men army navy treat enable reach high point efficiency may able respond instantly demand make upon sustain interest nation honor flag individual american enlist man probably whole formidable fight man regular army every consideration show return high standard usefulness exact well worth congress consider whether pay enlist men upon second subsequent enlistment increase correspond increase value veteran soldier much good already come act reorganize army pass early present year three prime reform literally inestimable value first substitution detail line permanent appointment staff division second establishment corp artillery chief head third establishment maximum minimum limit army would difficult overestimate improvement efficiency army three reform make part already effect reorganization provide act substantially accomplish improved condition philippine enable war department materially reduce military charge upon revenue arrange number soldier bring number much near minimum maximum limit establish law however need supplementary legislation thorough military education must provide addition regular advantage education give officer national guard others civil life desire intelligently fit possible military duty officer give chance perfect study high branch art west point education kind apt turn men good actual field service much stress lay mathematics proficiency therein hold establish right entry corps typical american officer best kind need good mathematician must able master control others show boldness fertility resource every emergency action take reference militia raise volunteer force militia law obsolete worthless organization armament national guard several state treat militia appropriation congress make identical provide regular force obligation duty guard time war carefully define system establish law method procedure raise volunteer force prescribe advance utterly impossible excitement haste impend war satisfactorily arrangement make long beforehand provision make utilizing first volunteer organization call training citizen already experience arm especially selection advance officer force may raise careful selection kind necessary impossible outbreak war army mere instrument destruction show last three year philippines cuba puerto rico prove great constructive force potent implement upbuilding peaceful civilization citizen deserve well republic veteran survivor save union one deed leave undone would mean else history go nothing steadfast prowess great crisis history annals would meaningless great experiment popular freedom gloomy failure moreover leave u united nation leave u also heritage memory mighty deeds nation keep united indeed one nation one fact well name united devotion flag symbol national greatness unity completeness union enable u every part country glory valor show alike son north son south time try men souls men last three year do well east west indie mainland asia show remembrance lose serious crisis united state must rely great mass fight men upon volunteer soldiery make permanent profession military career whenever crisis arise deathless memory civil war give american lift lofty purpose come whose father stand valiantly forefront battle merit system make appointment essence democratic american common school system simply mean clerical position duty entirely applicant fair field favor stand merit able show practical test write competitive examination offer available mean many case apply system case laborer employ system registration undoubtedly widely extended course place write competitive examination apply others offer mean ideal solution exist political condition though imperfect mean yet best present mean get satisfactory result wherever condition permit application merit system full wide sense gain government immense postal service illustrate probably well branches government great gain economy efficiency honesty due enforcement principle recommend passage law extend classify service district columbia least enable president thus extend judgment law provide temporary employment clerk hereafter contain provision select civil service law important system obtain home even important apply rigidly insular possession office fill philippine puerto rico regard man partisan affiliation service regard political social personal influence may command short heed pay absolutely nothing save man character capacity need service administration islands wholly free suspicion partisan politics administration army navy ask public servant philippine puerto rico reflect honor country way make country rule benefit people come ask afford content less merit system simply one method secure honest efficient administration government long run sole justification type government lie prove honest efficient consular service organize provision law pass 1856 entirely inadequate exist condition interest show many commercial body throughout country reorganization service heartily commend attention several bill provide new consular service recent year submit congress base upon principle appointment service make practical test applicant fitness promotion govern trustworthiness adaptability zeal performance duty tenure office unaffected partisan consideration guardianship foster rapidly expand foreign commerce protection american citizen resort foreign country lawful pursuit affair maintenance dignity nation abroad combine make essential consul men character knowledge enterprise true service main efficient standard excellence permanently maintain principle set forth bill heretofore submit congress subject enact law judgment time arrive definitely make mind recognize indian individual member tribe general allotment act mighty pulverize engine break tribal mass act directly upon family individual provision sixty thousand indian already become citizen united state break tribal fund allotment tribal land divide individual holding transition period fund many case hold trust case also land stop put upon indiscriminate permission indian lease allotment effort steadily make indian work like man ground marriage law indian make white school education elementary largely industrial need high education among indian limited reservation care take try suit teach need particular indian use attempt induce agriculture country suit cattle raise indian make stock grower ration system merely corral reservation system highly detrimental indian promote beggary perpetuates pauperism stifle industry effectual barrier progress must continue great less degree long tribes herd reservation everything common indian treat individual like white man change treatment inevitable hardship occur every effort make minimize hardship hesitate make change continuous reduction number agency deal aboriginal race thing important preserve terrible physical moral degradation result liquor traffic save indian tribe evil wherever international agreement end attain regard race possess exclusive control every effort make bring bespeak cordial support congress people louis exposition commemorate one hundredth anniversary louisiana purchase purchase great instance expansion history definitely decide become great continental republic far foremost power western hemisphere one three four great landmark history great turn point development eminently fit people join heartiest good commemorating citizen louis missouri adjacent region entitle every aid make celebration noteworthy event annals earnestly hope foreign nation appreciate deep interest country take exposition view importance every standpoint participate secure success national government represent full complete set exhibit people charleston great energy civic spirit carry exposition continue throughout present session congress heartily commend exposition good people deserve encouragement give manager charleston exposition request cabinet officer place thereat government exhibit buffalo promising pay necessary expense take responsibility direct do feel due charleston help praiseworthy effort opinion management required pay expense earnestly recommend congress appropriate small sum necessary purpose exposition buffalo close industrial artistic standpoint exposition high degree creditable useful merely buffalo united state terrible tragedy president assassination interfere materially financial success exposition peculiarly harmony trend public policy represent effort bring close touch people western hemisphere give increase sense unity effort genuine service entire american public advancement high interest national science learn custody object art valuable result scientific expedition conduct united state commit smithsonian institution furtherance declare purpose increase diffusion knowledge among men congress time time give important function trust execute institution notable fidelity halt work institution accordance plan secretary present preservation vanish race great north american animal national zoological park urgent need national museum recommend favorable consideration congress perhaps characteristic educational movement past fifty year create modern public library develop broad active service five thousand public library unite state product period addition accumulate material also strive organization improvement method give great efficiency material hold make widely useful avoidance unnecessary duplication process reduce cost administration effort naturally look assistance federal library though still library congress entitle one national library united state already large single collection book western hemisphere certain increase rapidly purchase exchange operation copyright law library unique opportunity render library country american scholarship service high importance house building large magnificent yet erect library us resource provide develop collection properly equip apparatus service necessary effective use render bibliographic work widely available enable become merely center research chief factor great effort diffusion knowledge advancement learn sake good administration sound economy advancement science census office constitute make permanent government bureau would insure good cheap satisfactory work interest business statistic economic social science remarkable growth postal service show fact revenue double expenditure nearly double within twelve year progressive development compels constantly increase outlay period business energy prosperity receipt grow much fast expense annual deficit steadily reduce 1897 1901 among recent postal advance success rural free delivery wherever establish mark actual experience make benefit plain demand extension general urgent great agricultural population share improvement service number rural route operation practically establish within three year application await action expect number operation close current fiscal year reach mail daily carry door people heretofore dependent upon distant office portion country adapt covered kind service full measure postal progress might realize long hamper obstruct heavy burden imposed government intrench abuse grown connection mail matter extent burden appear stated matter make nearly weight mail pay last fiscal year aggregate postal revenue pound rate postage produce large loss thus entail fixed congress purpose encouraging dissemination public information limit legitimate newspaper periodical actually contemplate law exception could take expense would recognize accept cost liberal public policy deliberately adopt justifiable end much matter enjoy privileged rate wholly outside intent law secure admission evasion require merit lax construction proportion wrongly include matter estimate postal expert whole volume mail magnitude burden apparent department undertake remove abuse far possible stricter application law sustain effort owe rapid growth power interest pacific whatever happen china must keenest national concern u general term settlement question grow antiforeign uprising china 1900 formulate joint note address china representative injured power december last promptly accept chinese government protract conference plenipotentiary several power able sign final protocol chinese plenipotentiary 7th last september set forth measure take china compliance demand joint note express satisfaction therewith lay congress report plenipotentiary behalf united state william woodville rockhill high praise due tact good judgment energy display perform exceptionally difficult delicate task agreement reach disposes manner satisfactory power various ground complaint contribute materially good future relation china power reparation make china murder foreigner uprising punishment inflict official however high rank recognize responsible participate outbreak official examination forbidden period five year city foreigner murder cruelly treat edict issue make official directly responsible future safety foreigner suppression violence provision make insure future safety foreign representative peking set aside exclusive use quarter city power make defensible necessary maintain permanent military guard dismantle military work capital sea allow temporary maintenance foreign military post along line edict issue emperor china prohibit two year importation arm ammunition china china agree pay adequate indemnity state society individual loss sustain expense military expedition send various power protect life restore order provision joint note december 1900 china agree revise treaty commerce navigation take step purpose facilitate foreign trade foreign power may decide need chinese government agree participate financially work better water approach shanghai tientsin center foreign trade central northern china international conservancy board chinese government largely represent provided improvement shanghai river control navigation line commercial advantage revision present tariff import assent purpose substitute specific ad valorem duty expert send abroad part united state assist work list article remain free duty include flour cereal rice gold silver coin bullion also agree upon settlement trouble government unswervingly advocate moderation materially aid bring adjustment tend enhance welfare china lead beneficial intercourse empire modern world critical period revolt massacre full share life property restore order vindicate national interest honor behoove u continue paths lie power foster feeling good leave effort untried work great policy full fair intercourse china nation foot equal right advantage advocate open door implies merely procurement enlarged commercial opportunity coast access interior waterway china extraordinarily favor bringing people china peaceful friendly community trade people earth work auspiciously begin carry fruition attainment purpose necessarily claim parity treatment convention throughout empire trade citizen power view lively interest keen hop beneficial result proceeding congress convoke invitation mexico sit mexican capital delegate united state liberal instruction cooperate colleague matter promising advantage great family american commonwealth well relation among domestic advancement intercourse world large predecessor communicate congress fact weil la abra award mexico adjudge high court country obtain fraud perjury part claimant accordance act congress money remain hand secretary state award return mexico considerable portion money receive mexico award pay government claimant decision court render judgment congress return mexico amount equal sum thus already pay claimant death queen victoria cause people united state deep heartfelt sorrow government give full expression president mckinley die nation turn receive every quarter british empire expression grief sympathy less sincere death empress dowager frederick germany also arouse genuine sympathy american people sympathy cordially reciprocate germany president assassinate indeed every quarter civilize world receive time president death assurance grief regard touch heart people midst affliction reverently thank almighty peace nation mankind firmly intend policy shall continue unbroken international relation mutual respect good