The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to your constitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Author of All Good has granted to us during the present year health, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress of our free institutions. With a population unparalleled in its increase, and possessing a character which combines the hardihood of enterprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy country a steady improvement in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extended Republic. The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in the various interests which enter into the composition of so extensive a whole than any want of attachment to the Union -- interests whose collisions serve only in the end to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism so essential to the preservation of that Union which I most devoutly hope is destined to prove imperishable. In the midst of these blessings we have recently witnessed changes in the conditions of other nations which may in their consequences call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people. The important modifications of their Government, effected with so much courage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage of their future course, and have naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause in which you have participated. In congratulating you, my fellow citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interests of man- kind I do no more than respond to the voice of my country, without transcending in the slightest degree that salutary maxim of the illustrious Washington which enjoins an abstinence from all interference with the internal affairs of other nations. From a people exercising in the most unlimited degree the right of self-government, and enjoying, as derived from this proud characteristic, under the favor of Heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a people who can point in triumph to their free institutions and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with the moderation, intelligence, and energy with which they are administered -- from such a people the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a struggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way worthy of the cause, and crowned by a heroic moderation which has disarmed revolution of its terrors. Not withstanding the strong assurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admire has given to the world of the high character of the present King of the French, and which if sustained to the end will secure to him the proud appellation of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne -- the paramount authority of the public will -- that the American people rejoice. I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs have been fully realized in several important particulars. An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain in relation to the trade between the United States and her West India and North American colonies which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has been the subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner which promises results highly favorable to the parties. The abstract right of Great Britain to monopolize the trade with her colonies or to exclude us from a participation therein has never been denied by the United States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if at any time Great Britain may desire the productions of this country as necessary to her colonies they must be received upon principles of just reciprocity, and, further, that it is making an invidious and unfriendly distinction to open her colonial ports to the vessels of other nations and close them against those of the United States. Antecedently to 1794 a portion of our productions was admitted into the colonial islands of Great Britain by particular concessions, limited to the term of one year, but renewed from year to year. In the transportation of these productions, however, our vessels were not allowed to engage, this being a privilege reserved to British shipping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands and theirs brought to us in return. From Newfoundland and her continental possessions all our productions, as well as our vessels, were excluded, with occasional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the former were admitted in British bottoms. By the treaty of 1794 she offered to concede to us for a limited time the right of carrying to her West India possessions in our vessels not exceeding 70 tons burthen, and upon the same terms as British vessels, any productions of the United States which British vessels might import therefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate; that is, that American vessels should land their return cargoes in the United States only, and, moreover, that they should during the continuance of the privilege be precluded from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton either from those islands or from the United States to any other part of the world. Great Britain readily consented to expunge this article from the treaty, and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of the trade either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislation have failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed according to the varying legislation of the parties. The following are the prominent points which have in later years separated the two Governments: Besides a restriction whereby all importations into her colonies in American vessels are confined to our own products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appear that we have ever objected, a leading object on the part of Great Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of British West India commodities to any other country than our own. On the part of the United States it has been contended, first, that the subject should be regulated by treaty stipulation in preference to separate legislation; second, that our productions, when imported into the colonies in question, should not be subject to higher duties than the productions of the mother country or of her other colonial possessions, and, 3rd, that our vessels should be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between the United States and different parts of the British dominions. The first point, after having been for a long time strenuously insisted upon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of [1825- 07], all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from thence with any articles which British vessels might export and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our part each of the above points had in succession been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which the result is now announced. This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by them, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood, and our commerce and navigation will enjoy in the colonial ports of Great Britain every privilege allowed to other nations. That the prosperity of the country so far as it depends on this trade will be greatly promoted by the new arrangement there can be no doubt. Independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequences of a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident to it would have been insupportably onerous had it not been in a great degree lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the transshipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only, and preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances. When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under which Mr. McLane has acted, together with the communications which had at that time passed between him and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Governments which requires secrecy, it was thought most proper in the then state of the negotiation to make that communication a confidential one. So soon, however, as the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is received the whole matter shall be laid before you, when it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to have suggested one of the provisions of the act passed at your last session, that the restoration of the trade in question might be connected with other subjects and was sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interest in other particulars, was wholly unfounded, and that the change which has taken place in the views of the British Government has been induced by considerations as honorable to both parties as I trust the result will prove beneficial. This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the act of Congress of the last session, by which our ports were upon the reception and annunciation by the President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britain forthwith opened to her vessels before the arrangement could be carried into effect on her part, pursuing in this act of prospective legislation a similar course to that adopted by Great Britain in abolishing, by her act of Parliament in 1825, a restriction then existing and permitting our vessels to clear from the colonies on their return voyages for any foreign country whatever before British vessels had been relieved from the restriction imposed by our law of returning directly from the United States to the colonies, a restriction which she required and expected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feeling, and the ultimate establishment of the trade upon fair principles. It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has been throughout characterized by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Britain, and concluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the United States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge. Although the result is itself the best commentary on the services rendered to his country by our minister at the Court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion. The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from the exclusion of our vessels from the Black Sea and the previous footing of mere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto been placed have for a long time been a source of much solicitude to this Government, and several endeavors have been made to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of the object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to acquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal powers of Europe. Commissioners were consequently appointed to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed, the account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in view was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Sea was understood to be opened to us. Under the supposition that this was the case, the additional facilities to be derived from the establishment of commercial regulations with the Porte were deemed of sufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as originally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resulted in a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate. By its provisions a free passage is secured, without limitations of time, to the vessels of the United States to and from the Black Sea, including the navigation thereof, and our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the most favored nation. The latter is an arrangement wholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople, and the former derives much value, not only from the increased security which under any circumstances it would give to the right in question, but from the fact, ascertained in the course of the negotiation, that by the construction put upon that treaty by Turkey the article relating to the passage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations having treaties with the Porte. The most friendly feelings appear to be entertained by the Sultan, and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements. This disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish. Our relations with Russia are of the most stable character. Respect for that Empire and confidence in its friendship toward the United States have been so long entertained on our part and so carefully cherished by the present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor as to have become incorporated with the public sentiment of the United States. No means will be left unemployed on my part to promote these salutary feelings and those improvements of which the commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible, and which have derived increased importance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte. I sincerely regret to inform you that our minister lately commissioned to that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled by extreme indisposition to exercise a privilege which, in consideration of the extent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service, was committed to his discretion -- of leaving temporarily his post for the advantage of a more genial climate. If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory assurances that in the mean time the public interest in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice by the intercourse which he will continue through the secretary of legation with the Russian cabinet. You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially announced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was in the month of March last concluded between the United States, and Denmark, by which $650K are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Senate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the board of commissioners to distribute the indemnity among the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance in this adjustment that the terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves, thus removing all pretense for a future agitation of the subject in any form. The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remain to be adjusted have been actively prosecuted during the recess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promise favorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a situation to invite aggression, and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfill our engagements with scrupulous fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any nation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest. Of the points referred to, the most prominent are our claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselves and that Republic, and, finally, the arbitrament of the question between the United States and Great Britain in regard to the north-eastern boundary. The negotiation with France has been conducted by our minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counter pretensions to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negotiation has been renewed with the present authorities, and, sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power yet to announce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation has yet been taken, and I do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice make an earnest prosecution of them by this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed, and what ever distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Government it is quite clear that such considerations can not now be interposed. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements, but the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satisfactory adjustment not only a firm and cordial friendship, but a progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed. I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous nation is alike warranted by the character of the French people and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the Monarch who now presides over their councils, and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government by our minister there with much force and propriety, and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favorable consideration. The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between Great Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision, but our minister at the Court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty. I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable, and, as I hope, lasting, change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring Republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion have been, I believe, entirely removed, and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequences is the establishment of friendship and mutual confidence. Such are the assurances I have received, and I see no cause to doubt their sincerity. I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Circumstances which are not explained, but which I am persuaded are not the result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, have produced the delay. There was reason to fear in the course of the last summer that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which had hitherto been under our jurisdiction. The cooperation of the representative of Mexico near this Government was asked on the occasion and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the governor of Arkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State by which it is hoped the quiet of that frontier will be preserved until a final settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy. The exchange of ratifications of the treaty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratification of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of Austria, and in the mean time the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts. Several alleged depredations have been recently committed on our commerce by the national vessels of Portugal. They have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet possessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of their character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session two bills -- the one entitled "An act for making appropriations for building light houses, light boats, beacons, and monuments, placing buoys, and for improving harbors and directing surveys", and the other "An act to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal Company" -- were submitted for my approval. It was not possible within the time allowed for me before the close of the session to give to these bills the consideration which was due to their character and importance, and I was compelled to retain them for that purpose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses in which they respectively originated with the reasons which, after mature deliberation, compel me to withhold my approval. The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the expenses incurred by the establishment and support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers within the bays, inlets, harbors, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued without interruption or dispute. As our foreign commerce increased and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers the sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding enlargement. Light houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law were authorized upon the same principle and the expense defrayed in the same manner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant and disproportionate is very probable. The circumstances under which they are incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that are neither necessary nor useful. The number of light house keepers is already very large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it 51 more of various descriptions. From representations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to respect I am induced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has in some instances been diminished by the multiplication of light houses and consequent change of lights upon the coast. It is in this as in other respects our duty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as every increase of patronage not called for by the public service. But in the discharge of that duty in this particular it must not be forgotten that in relation to our foreign commerce the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house. It is indisputable that whatever gives facility and security to navigation cheapens imports and all who consume them are alike interested in what ever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise they do not pay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign commerce and navigation that he does who resides in a maritime State. Local expenditures have not of themselves a corresponding operation. From a bill making *direct* appropriations for such objects I should not have withheld my assent. The one now returned does so in several particulars, but it also contains appropriations for surveys of local character, which I can not approve. It gives me satisfaction to find that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approval from this bill; nor will it, I trust, be cause of regret that an opportunity will be thereby afforded for Congress to review its provisions under circumstances better calculated for full investigation than those under which it was passed. In speaking of direct appropriations I mean not to include a practice which has obtained to some extent, and to which I have in one instance, in a different capacity, given my assent -- that of subscribing to the stock of private associations. Positive experience and a more thorough consideration of the subject have convinced me of the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investments. All improvements effected by the funds of the nation for general use should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals is inconsistent with the object of its institution and highly impolite. The successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but yet important, objects for which it was designed. A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government by consolidating into one the General and State Governments, which were intended to be kept for ever distinct. I can not perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution and beyond the supervision of our constituents; if superior, its officers and agents will be constantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice the public interest or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people may, therefore, in addition to the general dis-credit resulting to the Government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary stipulations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of consequences like these can not be great from a limited and small number of investments, because experience in other matters teaches us -- and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions -- that unless an entire stop be put to them it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation until they are spread over the whole country and made to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of individuals. The power which the General Government would acquire within the several States by becoming the principal stock-holder in corporations, controlling every canal and each 60 or 100 miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost inconceivable, and in my view dangerous to the liberties of the people. This mode of aiding such works is also in its nature deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropriations will be obtained with much greater facility and granted with less security to the public interest when the measure is thus disguised than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects. In a government like ours more especially should all public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation to animadversion of the people. The bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Portland Canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding additional appropriations for the same object when the first erroneous step has been taken by instituting a partnership between the Government and private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of the United States, when each preceding one was at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which Government was to render to that work; and the accompanying bill for light houses, etc., contains an appropriation for a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its improvement by removing the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if successful, would afford a free passage of the river and render the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the course of legislation subject in relation to internal improvements on local matters, even with the best intentions on the part of Congress. Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be already sufficiently stated, I am, never the less, induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character. In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the Maysville and Rockville road companies I expressed my views fully in regard to the power of Congress to construct roads and canals within a State of to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. I at the same time intimated me belief that the right to make appropriations for such as were of a national character had been so generally acted upon and so long acquiesced in by the Federal and State Governments and the constituents of each as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued and uninterrupted usage, but that it was, never the less, highly expedient that appropriations even of that character should, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid, and that in the mean while some general rule for the action of the Government in that respect ought to be established. These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me, and were, I readily admit, intended to awake the attention and draw forth the opinion and observations of our constituents upon a subject of the highest importance to their interests, and 1 destined to exert a powerful influence upon the future operations of our political system. I know of no tribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advantage or more propriety than the judgment of the people; and although I must necessarily in the discharge of my official duties be governed by the dictates of my own judgment, I have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform as far as I can to the views of those for whom I act. All irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity attended with some doubt as to their accuracy, but making full allowances on that account I can not, I think, deceive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to make in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of the Government, have been approved by the great body of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rule which prefers their more general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate is to be expected. But even such objections must from the nature of our population be but temporary in their duration, and if it were otherwise our course should be the same, for the time is yet, I hope, far distant when those intrusted with power to be exercised for the good of the whole will consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favors at the sacrifice of principle and general good. So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly satisfied that the best interests of our common country imperiously require that the course which I have recommended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other grounds than their constitutionality. That this right should not be exercised on slight occasions all will admit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle involved may be justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of the Constitution itself, that such a step can be expected to meet with the approbation of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiously believe the present to be. In the discharge of this delicate and highly responsible duty I am sustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors, and by the persuasion, too, that what ever liberal institutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executive power, which has been every where the cause of so much strife and bloody contention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a precedent by which that authority denies to itself the exercise of powers that bring in their train influence and patronage of great extent, and thus excludes the operation of personal interests, every where the bane of official trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection that if I have mistaken the interests and wishes of the people the Constitution affords the means of soon redressing the error by selecting for the place their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opinions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean time, the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice by a rigid application of that portion of the public funds which might otherwise be applied to different objects to that highest of all our obligations, the payment of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon. Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely as relates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I can not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good citizens who take a proper interest in the success and harmony of our admirable political institutions, and who are incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratification of personal ambition, will, laying aside minor considerations and discarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle which shall be calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent. The general grounds of my objection to local appropriations have been heretofore expressed, and I shall endeavor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urged -- the importance of sustaining the State sovereignties as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal Government, and of preserving the greatest attainable harmony between them. I will now only add an expression of my conviction -- a conviction which every day's experience serves to confirm -- that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability. That there are diversities in the interests of the different States which compose this extensive Confederacy must be admitted. Those diversities arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuits are doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jealousies and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboring communities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who are intrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable by making the beneficial operation of the Federal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution. It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts to see how far the past acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for internal improvements amount to upward of $5M, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amounts to more than $96M. That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may be more advantageously and beneficially made in some States than in others is doubtless true, but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several States is not to be conceded. The want of this equitable distribution can not fail to prove a prolific source of irritation among the States. We have it constantly before our eyes that professions of superior zeal in the cause of internal improvement and a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects of this character are daily and earnestly put forth by aspirants to power as constituting the highest claims to the confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of this description should find their motives in objects which may not accord with the public good? Those who have not had occasion to see and regret the indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past times have been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the course of public affairs. If to these evils be added the combinations and angry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise, with their baleful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching the leading and appropriate duties of the Federal Government, it was but doing justice to the character of our people to expect the severe condemnation of the past which the recent exhibitions of public sentiment has evinced. Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the Government upon the subject can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. If, as it would be natural to expect, the States which have been least favored in past appropriations should insist on being redressed in those here after to be made, at the expense of the States which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quarter to another. Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds, which may at any time remain in the Treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the number of their Representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement. Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. A brief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out of place. They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following grounds: first, an objection to the ration of distribution; second, an apprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce improvident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds for distribution; 3rd, that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are general and as would consequently be of a more useful character; and, last, that it would create a discreditable and injurious dependence on the part of the State governments upon the Federal power. Of those who object to the ration of representatives as the basis of distribution, some insist that the importations of the respective States would constitute one that would be more equitable; and others again, that the extent of their respective territories would furnish a standard which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable. The ration of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution proper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to 1 ground. It may, if in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it it be deemed politic and just to give it that character, have regard to several. In my first message I stated it to be my opinion that "it is not probably that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may be required for its current surplus". I have had no cause to change that opinion, but much to confirm it. Should these expectations be realized, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon, and if there be no such fund its adoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I can not assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishment of the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvident legislation of the character supposed. What ever the proper authority in the exercise of constitutional power shall at any time here after decide to be for the general good will in that as in other respects deserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country, and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard by agents of the people will receive a speedy and effectual corrective at their hands. The views which I take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow citizens in intelligence and in public and private virtue, leave me without much apprehension on that head. I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burthens, and as sensible of the great truth that the resources of the nation beyond those required for immediate and necessary purposes of Government can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people. It may some times happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvements within such States. But if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be reserved to Congress to direct to such improvements of a general character as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confining to each State the expenditure of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed as a safe general rule that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength as well as the true glory of the Confederacy is founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful active cooperation through the agency of the Federal Government. It is, more over, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public affairs that schemes of internal improvement have from time to time been proposed which, from their extent and seeming magnificence, were readily regarded as of national concernment, but which upon fuller consideration and further experience would now be rejected with great unanimity. That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty, and that the moneys set apart for these purposes would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction of the State legislatures, in which every part of each State is immediately represented, can not, I think, be doubted. In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small population is scattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress consequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the Federal Government would be more likely to be expended in the vicinity of those numbers through whose immediate agency they were obtained than if the funds were placed under the control of the legislature, in which every county of the State has its own representative. This supposition does not necessarily impugn the motives of such Congressional representatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last objection -- its probable effect upon the dignity and independence of State governments -- it appears to me only necessary to state the case as it is, and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which the objection supposes. In the one case the State would receive its quota of the national revenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle as a matter of right, and from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As matters now stand the States themselves, in their sovereign character, are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature for such allowances out of the National Treasury as it may comport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It can not require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the State governments. But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended with difficulty affords no reason why it should not be attempted. The effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the Constitution under which we have so long lived and under the benign influence of which our beloved country has so signally prospered. The framers of that sacred instrument had greater difficulties to overcome, and they did overcome them. The patriotism of the people, directed by a deep conviction of the importance of the Union, produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion to the general weal. Unless the American people have degenerated, the same result can be again effected when ever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours or any other operate with precise equality upon States situated like those which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice. Every State can not expect to shape the measures of the General Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and can not be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance becomes, therefore, a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I am confident, count upon a cheerful compliance with this high injunction on the part of our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices for the preservation of rights and privileges which other less favored portions of the world have in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire. Our course is a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will constitute a cement which would for ever preserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these render a most essential service to their country, while those who seek to weaken their influence are, how ever conscientious and praise worthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies. If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of laboring to foment sectional prejudices, to be made subservient to party warfare, were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent, by the improvement of our institutions and by facilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this task would prove 1 of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country and the dictates of an enlightened patriotism will in the end lead the public mind in that direction? After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly free from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that could exist, and every advance that can be made in its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate attention. It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who disapprove the past and dissent from what is proposed for the future will feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensible that unless some fixed rule for the action of the Federal Government in this respect is established the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject, which shall best serve to keep the movements of the Federal Government within the sphere intended by those who modeled and those who adopted it, which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period and impose the lightest burthens upon our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm support. Among the objects of great national concern I can not omit to press again upon your attention that part of the Constitution which regulates the election of President and Vice-President. The necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind by observation of its evils and by the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor of Congress and elsewhere that I should be wanting to my duty were I to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude on the subject. Our system fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first principles, differing in this respect from all that have preceded it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the decay and the commotions which have marked the progress of other governments. Our fellow citizens, too, who in proportion to their love of liberty keep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be reminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essential defects in so vital a part of their system. While they are sensible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarily indicative of a bad organization, but may proceed from temporary causes, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance, of evils which can be clearly traced to an organic defect will not, I trust, be over-looked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their ancestors. The Constitution was an experiment committed to the virtue and intelligence of the great mass of our country-men, in whose ranks the framers of it themselves were to perform the part of patriotic observation and scrutiny, and if they have passed from the stage of existence with an increased confidence in its general adaptation to our condition we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in it which time proves to be exposed rather than be deterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear or the dictates of misplaced reverence. A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their Chief Magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will, presented to my mind such an inconsistence with the general spirit of our institutions that I was indeed to suggest for your consideration the substitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The most mature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the best interests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated to effect this end. A contingency which some times places it in the power of a single member of the House of Representatives to decide an election of so high and solemn a character is unjust to the people, and becomes when it occurs a source of embarrassment to the individuals thus brought into power and a cause of distrust of the representative body. Liable as the Confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties founded upon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication of candidates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitutional reference to the House of Representatives is to devolve the election upon that body in almost every instance, and, what ever choice may then be made among the candidates thus presented to them, to swell the influence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the general good. The consequences of this feature of the Constitution appear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the Union than any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the Federal Government. It was a leading object with the framers of the Constitution to keep as separate as possible the action of the legislative and executive branches of the Government. To secure this object nothing is more essential than to preserve the former from all temptations of private interest, and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as not to permit such temptations to be offered. Experience abundantly demonstrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuable safe-guard of liberty, and 1 which my reflections upon the tendencies of our system incline me to think should be made still stronger. It was for this reason that, in connection with an amendment of the Constitution removing all intermediate agency in the choice of the President, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of that officer and upon the tenure of offices generally. The reason still exists, and I renew the recommendation with an increased confidence that its adoption will strengthen those checks by which the Constitution designed to secure the independence of each department of the Government and promote the healthful and equitable administration of all the trusts which it has created. The agent most likely to contravene this design of the Constitution is the Chief Magistrate. In order, particularly, that his appointment may as far as possible be placed beyond the reach of any improper influences; in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities of the highest office in the gift of a free people uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of constitutional duty, and that the securities for this independence may be rendered as strong as the nature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit, I can not too earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such an amendment of the Constitution as will render him ineligible after 1 term of service. It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policy of the Government, steadily pursued for nearly 30 years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements is approaching to a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted the provision made for their removal at the last session of Congress, and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes also to seek the same obvious advantages. The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United States, to individual States, and to the Indians themselves. The pecuniary advantages which it promises to the Government are the least of its recommendations. It puts an end to all possible danger of collision between the authorities of the General and State Governments on account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the north and Louisiana on the south to the settlement of the whites it will incalculably strengthen the SW frontier and render the adjacent States strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid. It will relieve the whole State of Mississippi and the western part of Alabama of Indian occupancy, and enable those States to advance rapidly in population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites; free them from the power of the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and under their own rude institutions; will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbers, and perhaps cause them gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting, civilized, and Christian community. These consequences, some of them so certain and the rest so probable, make the complete execution of the plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session an object of much solicitude. Toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendly feeling than myself, or would go further in attempting to reclaim them from their wandering habits and make them a happy, prosperous people. I have endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the General Government in relation to the State authorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the States within the scope of their reserved powers they are not responsible to this Government. As individuals we may entertain and express our opinions of their acts, but as a Government we have as little right to control them as we have to prescribe laws for other nations. With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and the Chickasaw tribes have with great unanimity determined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed to remove beyond the Mississippi River. Treaties have been made with them, which in due season will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties they were made to understand their true condition, and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the Western forests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now reside. These treaties, being probably the last which will ever be made with them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the Government. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been subject in Alabama and Mississippi. Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country, and Philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it, but its progress has never for a moment been arrested, and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race and to tread on the graves of extinct nations excite melancholy reflections. But true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monuments and fortifications of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the West, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was exterminated or has disappeared to make room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this which, upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent restored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers. What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms, embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than 12,000,000 happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion? The present policy of the Government is but a continuation of the same progressive change by a milder process. The tribes which occupied the countries now constituting the Eastern States were annihilated or have melted away to make room for the whites. The waves of population and civilization are rolling to the westward, and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the South and West by a fair exchange, and, at the expense of the United States, to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged and perhaps made perpetual. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are now doing? To better their condition in an unknown land our forefathers left all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousands yearly leave the land of their birth to seek new homes in distant regions. Does Humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their own expense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at their new homes from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this Government when, by events which it can not control, the Indian is made discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands, to give him a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the West on such conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy. And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to our brothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the General Government toward the red man is not only liberal, but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the States and mingle with their population. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utter annihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement. In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period, and steadily pursued by every Administration within the present century -- so just to the States and so generous to the Indians -- the Executive feels it has a right to expect the cooperation of Congress and of all good and disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to demand it. It was substantially a part of the compact which made them members of our Confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract; with the new States an implied one of equal obligation. Why, in authorizing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama to form constitutions and become separate States, did Congress include within their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the States was to be coextensive with their limits, and that with all convenient dispatch the General Government should extinguish the Indian title and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the State governments over the soil? Probably not one of those States would have accepted a separate existence -- certainly it would never have been granted by Congress -- had it been understood that they were to be confined for ever to those small portions of their nominal territory the Indian title to which had at the time been extinguished. It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new States to extinguish as soon as possible the Indian title to all lands which Congress themselves have included within their limits. When this is done the duties of the General Government in relation to the States and the Indians within their limits are at an end. The Indians may leave the State or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does not alter in the least their personal relations with the State government. No act of the General Government has ever been deemed necessary to give the States jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That they possess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits in as full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; nor can this Government add to or diminish it. May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none more zealously than those who think the Indians oppressed by subjection to the laws of the States, will unite in attempting to open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condition, and by a speedy removal to relieve them from all the evils, real or imaginary, present or prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened. Among the numerous causes of congratulation the condition of our impost revenue deserves special mention, in as much as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt sooner than was anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests. The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional, and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts. The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely incidental to that power that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General Government without limitation or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them, and consequently if it be not possessed by the General Government it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This sure can not be the case. This indispensable power thus surrendered by the States must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence of the States, and the general understanding of the people. The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwilling to improve any of its parts because they would destroy the whole; others fear to touch the objectionable parts lest those they approve should be jeoparded. I am persuaded that the advocates of these conflicting views do injustice to the American people and to their representatives. The general interest is the interest of each, and my confidence is entire that to insure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the general interest requires it is only necessary that that interest should be understood. It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess and effects they can not produce. The effects of the present tariff are doubtless over-rated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By one class of reasoners the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural products is ascribed wholly to its influence, and by another the reduced price of manufactured articles. The probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth, and that both are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to which I have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article, but provisions and lands. The cause must therefore be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the United States. It may in a measure be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply and an increase in the demand, while commerce has rapidly extended itself and population has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general medium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the effect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery. But on the whole it is questionable whether the reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value. While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this adjustment, however, it is the duty of the Government to be guided by the general good. Objects of national importance alone ought to be protected. Of these the productions of our soil, our mines, and our work shops, essential to national defense, occupy the first rank. What ever other species of domestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, may be expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor on equal terms merit the same attention in a subordinate degree. The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction, and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will be derived in some of these respects from the measures of your last session. The best as well as fairest mode of determining whether from any just considerations a particular interest ought to receive protection would be to submit the question singly for deliberation. If after due examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneous considerations -- such as a desire to sustain a general system or to purchase support for a different interest -- it should enlist in its favor a majority of the representatives of the people, there can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with reference to its protective effect. If this obviously just principle were honestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protection would be saved from the prejudice excited against them when that protection forms part of a system by which portions of the country feel or conceive themselves to be oppressed. What is incalculably more important, the vital principle of our system -- that principle which requires acquiescence in the will of the majority -- would be secure from the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of majorities founded not on identity of conviction, but on combinations of small minorities entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be carried. I am well aware that this is a subject of so much delicacy, on account of the extended interests in involves, as to require that it should be touched with the utmost caution, and that while an abandonment of the policy in which it originated -- a policy coeval with our Government, and pursued through successive Administrations -- is neither to be expected or desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, that it be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice. That our deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are incident to free institutions is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great question, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people and for the general interest. I can not, therefore, in taking leave of the subject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good warn you against the blighting consequences of such a course. According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts in the Treasury during the present year will amount to $24,161,018, which will exceed by about $300K the estimate presented in the last annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at $13,742,311, and the payment on account of public debt for the same period will have been $11,354,630, leaving a balance in the Treasury on [1831-01-01] of $4,819,781. In connection with the condition of our finances, it affords me pleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have been made by the Treasury Department for securing the pecuniary responsibility of the public officers and the more punctual payment of the public dues. The Revenue Cutter Service has been organized and placed on a good footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors at exposed points, and regulations adopted under the act of [1830-05], for the inspection and appraisement of merchandise, has produced much improvement in the execution of the laws and more security against the commission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances for fishing bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving in that branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to these improvements the system of expenditure for sick sea men belonging to the merchant service has been revised, and being rendered uniform and economical the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have been usefully extended. The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of public lands, as will appear from the report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office and the documents accompanying it, which are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to draw your attention to this report, and to the propriety of making early appropriations for the objects which it specifies. Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that portion of the public interests intrusted to the War Department. Some of them were referred to in my former message, and they are presented in detail in the report of the Secretary of War herewith submitted. I refer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs, all of which it will be perceived have been guarded with zealous attention and care. It is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments necessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier which are now or shortly will be completed should not be in readiness sooner than the customary appropriations will enable the Department to provide them. This precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recommended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war. I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a highly satisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that Department have been conducted during the present year. Our position in relation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defense with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those Governments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our commerce and harrassing in-roads upon our coast against which we have to guard. A naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce, always afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapid extension in case of need, furnishes the power by which all such aggressions may be prevented or repelled. The attention of the Government has therefore been recently directed more to preserving the public vessels already built and providing materials to be placed in depot for future use than to increasing their number. With the aid of Congress, in a few years the Government will be prepared in case of emergency to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships almost as soon as old ones could be repaired. The modifications in this part of the service suggested in my last annual message, which are noticed more in detail in the report of the Secretary of the Navy, are again recommended to your serious attention. The report of the PostMaster General in like manner exhibits a satisfactory view of the important branch of the Government under his charge. In addition to the benefits already secured by the operations of the Post Office Department, considerable improvements within the present year have been made by an increase in the accommodation afforded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of the mail between some of the most important points of the Union. Under the late contracts improvements have been provided for the southern section of the country, and at the same time an annual saving made of upward of $72K. Not with standing the excess of expenditure beyond the current receipts for a few years past, necessarily incurred in the fulfillment of existing contracts and in the additional expenses between the periods of contracting to meet the demands created by the rapid growth and extension of our flourishing country, yet the satisfactory assurance is given that the future revenue of the Department will be sufficient to meets its extensive engagements. The system recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursements to strict regulation has entirely fulfilled its designs. It gives full assurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security of the funds of the Department. The efficiency and industry of its officers and the ability and energy of contractors justify an increased confidence in its continued prosperity. The attention of Congress was called on a former occasion to the necessity of such a modification in the office of Attorney General of the United States as would render it more adequate to the wants of the public service. This resulted in the establishment of the office of Solicitor of the Treasury, and the earliest measures were taken to give effect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment of that officer and defined his duties. But it is not believed that this provision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede the necessity of extending the duties and powers of the Attorney General's Office. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest would be greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general superintendence of the various law agents of the Government, and of all law proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United States may be interested, allowing him at the same time such compensation as would enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public business. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and to the officer. Occasions of reference from the different Executive Departments to the Attorney General are of frequent occurrence, and the prompt decision of the questions so referred tends much to facilitate the dispatch of business in those Departments. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury hereto appended shows also a branch of the public service not specifically intrusted to any officer which might be advantageously committed to the Attorney General. But independently of those considerations this office is now one of daily duty. It was originally organized and its compensation fixed with a view to occasional service, leaving to the incumbent time for the exercise of his profession in private practice. The state of things which warranted such an organization no longer exists. The frequent claims upon the services of this officer would render his absence from the seat of Government in professional attendance upon the courts injurious to the public service, and the interests of the Government could not fail to be promoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all its legal concerns. Under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions, I recommend it to Congress to make the necessary provisions for giving effect to them, and to place the Attorney General in regard to compensation on the same footing with the heads of the several Executive Departments. To this officer might also be intrusted a cognizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors, especially if the views which I submitted on this subject last year should meet the approbation of Congress -- to which I again solicit your attention. Your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the District of Columbia. Placed by the Constitution under the exclusive jurisdiction and control of Congress, this District is certainly entitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has yet received. There is a want of uniformity in its laws, particularly in those of a penal character, which increases the expense of their administration and subjects the people to all the inconveniences which result from the operation of different codes in so small a territory. On different sides of the Potomac the same offense is punishable in unequal degrees, and the peculiarities of many of the early laws of MD and VA remain in force, not with standing their repugnance in some cases to the improvements which have superseded them in those States. Besides a remedy for these evils, which is loudly called for, it is respectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election of a delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this District on the floor of Congress is not due to them and to the character of our Government. No principles of freedom, and there is none more important than that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and the governed. Imperfect as this must be in this case, yet it is believed that it would be greatly improved by a representation in Congress with the same privileges that are allowed to the other Territories of the United States. The penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and only awaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation, as one object of which I beg leave to recall your attention to the propriety of providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with its inspection. The importance of the principles involved in the inquiry whether it will be proper to recharter the Bank of the United States requires that I should again call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our citizens apprehend from that institution as at present organized. In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes our country and its institutions it becomes us to inquire whether it be not possible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank through the agency of a Bank of the United States so modified in its principles and structures as to obviate constitutional and other objections. It is thought practicable to organize such a bank with the necessary officers as a branch of the Treasury Department, based on the public and individual deposits, without power to make loans or purchase property, which shall remit the funds of the Government, and the expense of which may be paid, if thought advisable, by allowing its officers to sell bills of exchange to private individuals at a moderate premium. Not being a corporate body, having no stock holders, debtors, or property, and but few officers, it would not be obnoxious to the constitutional objections which are urged against the present bank; and having no means to operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of large masses of the community, it would be shorn of the influence which makes that bank formidable. The States would be strengthened by having in their hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency through their own banks, while the Bank of the United States, though issuing no paper, would check the issues of the State banks by taking their notes in deposit and for exchange only so long as they continue to be redeemed with specie. In times of public emergency the capacities of such an institution might be enlarged by legislative provisions. These suggestions are made not so much as a recommendation as with a view of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modifications of a system which can not continue to exist in its present form without occasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetual apprehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the people. In conclusion, fellow citizens, allow me to invoke in behalf of your deliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which is the gift of patriotism. Under an over-ruling and merciful Providence the agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the prosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence be eternal.
The pleasure I have in congratulating you upon your return to your constitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires. The beneficent Author of All Good has granted to us during the present year health, peace, and plenty, and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress of our free institutions. With a population unparalleled in its increase, and possessing a character which combines the hardihood of enterprise with the considerateness of wisdom, we see in every section of our happy country a steady improvement in the means of social intercourse, and correspondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extended Republic. The apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in the various interests which enter into the composition of so extensive a whole than any want of attachment to the Union -- interests whose collisions serve only in the end to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism so essential to the preservation of that Union which I most devoutly hope is destined to prove imperishable. In the midst of these blessings we have recently witnessed changes in the conditions of other nations which may in their consequences call for the utmost vigilance, wisdom, and unanimity in our councils, and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people. The important modifications of their Government, effected with so much courage and wisdom by the people of France, afford a happy presage of their future course, and have naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause in which you have participated. In congratulating you, my fellow citizens, upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interests of man- kind I do no more than respond to the voice of my country, without transcending in the slightest degree that salutary maxim of the illustrious Washington which enjoins an abstinence from all interference with the internal affairs of other nations. From a people exercising in the most unlimited degree the right of self-government, and enjoying, as derived from this proud characteristic, under the favor of Heaven, much of the happiness with which they are blessed; a people who can point in triumph to their free institutions and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear, as well as with the moderation, intelligence, and energy with which they are administered -- from such a people the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a struggle for the sacred principles of liberty, conducted in a spirit every way worthy of the because, and crowned by a heroic moderation which has disarmed revolution of its terrors. Not withstanding the strong assurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admire has given to the world of the high character of the present King of the French, and which if sustained to the end will secure to him the proud appellation of Patriot King, it is not in his success, but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne -- the paramount authority of the public will -- that the American people rejoice. I am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs have been fully realized in several important particulars. An arrangement has been effected with Great Britain in relation to the trade between the United States and her West India and North American colonies which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion, and has been the subject of no less than six negotiations, in a manner which promises results highly favorable to the parties. The abstract right of Great Britain to monopolize the trade with her colonies or to exclude us from a participation therein has never been denied by the United States. But we have contended, and with reason, that if at any time Great Britain may desire the productions of this country as necessary to her colonies they must be received upon principles of just reciprocity, and, further, that it is making an invidious and unfriendly distinction to open her colonial ports to the vessels of other nations and close them against those of the United States. Antecedently to 1794 a portion of our productions was admitted into the colonial islands of Great Britain by particular concessions, limited to the term of one year, but renewed from year to year. In the transportation of these productions, however, our vessels were not allowed to engage, this being a privilege reserved to British shipping, by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands and theirs brought to us in return. From Newfoundland and her continental possessions all our productions, as well as our vessels, were excluded, with occasional relaxations, by which, in seasons of distress, the former were admitted in British bottoms. By the treaty of 1794 she offered to concede to us for a limited time the right of carrying to her West India possessions in our vessels not exceeding 70 tons burthen, and upon the same terms as British vessels, any productions of the United States which British vessels might import therefrom. But this privilege was coupled with conditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by the Senate; that is, that American vessels should land their return cargoes in the United States only, and, moreover, that they should during the continuance of the privilege be precluded from carrying molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton either from those islands or from the United States to any other part of the world. Great Britain readily consented to expunge this article from the treaty, and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of the trade either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislation have failed, it has been successively suspended and allowed according to the varying legislation of the parties. The following are the prominent points which have in later years separated the two Governments: Besides a restriction whereby all importations into her colonies in American vessels are confined to our own products carried hence, a restriction to which it does not appear that we have ever objected, a leading object on the part of Great Britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of British West India commodities to any other country than our own. On the part of the United States it has been contended, first, that the subject should be regulated by treaty stipulation in preference to separate legislation; second, that our productions, when imported into the colonies in question, should not be subject to higher duties than the productions of the mother country or of her other colonial possessions, and, 3rd, that our vessels should be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between the United States and different parts of the British dominions. The first point, after having been for a long time strenuously insisted upon by Great Britain, was given up by the act of Parliament of [1825- 07], all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from thence with any articles which British vessels might export and proceed to any part of the world, Great Britain and her dependencies alone excepted. On our part each of the above points had in succession been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which the result is now announced. This arrangement secures to the United States every advantage asked by them, and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon. The trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood, and our commerce and navigation will enjoy in the colonial ports of Great Britain every privilege allowed to other nations. That the prosperity of the country so far as it depends on this trade will be greatly promoted by the new arrangement there can be no doubt. Independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse, its establishment will be attended with other consequences of a higher value. That which has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident to it would have been insupportably onerous had it not been in a great degree lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the transshipments at what are called the neutral ports. These indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship, but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of direct, open, and honorable competition only, and preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances. When your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last session, a copy of the instructions under which Mr. McLane has acted, together with the communications which had at that time passed between him and the British Government, was laid before you. Although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two Governments which requires secrecy, it was thought most proper in the then state of the negotiation to make that communication a confidential one. So soon, however, as the evidence of execution on the part of Great Britain is received the whole matter shall be laid before you, when it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to have suggested one of the provisions of the act passed at your last session, that the restoration of the trade in question might be connected with other subjects and was sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interest in other particulars, was wholly unfounded, and that the change which has taken place in the views of the British Government has been induced by considerations as honorable to both parties as I trust the result will prove beneficial. This desirable result was, it will be seen, greatly promoted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the act of Congress of the last session, by which our ports were upon the reception and annunciation by the President of the required assurance on the part of Great Britain forthwith opened to her vessels before the arrangement could be carried into effect on her part, pursuing in this act of prospective legislation a similar course to that adopted by Great Britain in abolishing, by her act of Parliament in 1825, a restriction then existing and permitting our vessels to clear from the colonies on their return voyages for any foreign country whatever before British vessels had been relieved from the restriction imposed by our law of returning directly from the United States to the colonies, a restriction which she required and expected that we should abolish. Upon each occasion a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party, but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feeling, and the ultimate establishment of the trade upon fair principles. It gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has been throughout characterized by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Britain, and concluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the United States. To reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability is a duty which I shall deem it a privilege to discharge. Although the result is itself the best commentary on the services rendered to his country by our minister at the Court of St. James, it would be doing violence to my feelings were I to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense I entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion. The injury to the commerce of the United States resulting from the exclusion of our vessels from the Black Sea and the previous footing of mere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with Turkey has hitherto been placed have for a long time been a source of much solicitude to this Government, and several endeavors have been made to obtain a better state of things. Sensible of the importance of the object, I felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to acquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal powers of Europe. Commissioners were consequently appointed to open a negotiation with the Sublime Porte. Not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the United States had sailed, the account of the treaty of Adrianople, by which one of the objects in view was supposed to be secured, reached this country. The Black Sea was understood to be opened to us. Under the supposition that this was the case, the additional facilities to be derived from the establishment of commercial regulations with the Porte were deemed of sufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as originally contemplated. It was therefore persevered in, and resulted in a treaty, which will be forthwith laid before the Senate. By its provisions a free passage is secured, without limitations of time, to the vessels of the United States to and from the Black Sea, including the navigation thereof, and our trade with Turkey is placed on the footing of the most favored nation. The latter is an arrangement wholly independent of the treaty of Adrianople, and the former derives much value, not only from the increased security which under any circumstances it would give to the right in question, but from the fact, ascertained in the course of the negotiation, that by the construction put upon that treaty by Turkey the article relating to the passage of the Bosphorus is confined to nations having treaties with the Porte. The most friendly feelings appear to be entertained by the Sultan, and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements. This disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish. Our relations with Russia are of the most stable character. Respect for that Empire and confidence in its friendship toward the United States have been so long entertained on our part and so carefully cherished by the present Emperor and his illustrious predecessor as to have become incorporated with the public sentiment of the United States. No means will be left unemployed on my part to promote these salutary feelings and those improvements of which the commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible, and which have derived increased importance from our treaty with the Sublime Porte. I sincerely regret to inform you that our minister lately commissioned to that Court, on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs I place great reliance, has been compelled by extreme indisposition to exercise a privilege which, in consideration of the extent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service, was committed to his discretion -- of leaving temporarily his post for the advantage of a more genial climate. If, as it is to be hoped, the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so, he will repair to St. Petersburg and resume the discharge of his official duties. I have received the most satisfactory assurances that in the mean time the public interest in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice by the intercourse which he will continue through the secretary of legation with the Russian cabinet. You are apprised, although the fact has not yet been officially announced to the House of Representatives, that a treaty was in the month of March last concluded between the United States, and Denmark, by which $650K are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811. This treaty was sanctioned by the Senate at the close of its last session, and it now becomes the duty of Congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the board of commissioners to distribute the indemnity among the claimants. It is an agreeable circumstance in this adjustment that the terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves, thus removing all pretense for a future agitation of the subject in any form. The negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remain to be adjusted have been actively prosecuted during the recess. Material advances have been made, which are of a character to promise favorable results. Our country, by the blessing of God, is not in a situation to invite aggression, and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so. Sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all; ever ready to fulfill our engagements with scrupulous fidelity; limiting our demands upon others to mere justice; holding ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by, and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any nation, it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest. Of the points referred to, the most prominent are our claims upon France for spoliations upon our commerce; similar claims upon Spain, together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries which ought to be removed; the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and navigation with Mexico, which has been so long in suspense, as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselves and that Republic, and, finally, the arbitrament of the question between the United States and Great Britain in regard to the north-eastern boundary. The negotiation with France has been conducted by our minister with zeal and ability, and in all respects to my entire satisfaction. Although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counter pretensions to which the United States could not assent, he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with the late Government. The negotiation has been renewed with the present authorities, and, sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated France, I regret the more not to have it in my power yet to announce the result so confidently anticipated. No ground, however, inconsistent with this expectation has yet been taken, and I do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done us. The amount of the claims, the length of time they have remained unsatisfied, and their incontrovertible justice make an earnest prosecution of them by this Government an urgent duty. The illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed, and what ever distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing Government it is quite clear that such considerations can not now be interposed. The commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements, but the sense of this injury has had, and must continue to have, a very unfavorable influence upon them. From its satisfactory adjustment not only a firm and cordial friendship, but a progressive development of all their relations, may be expected. It is, therefore, my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed. I feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous nation is alike warranted by the character of the French people and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the Monarch who now presides over their councils, and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality. The subjects of difference with Spain have been brought to the view of that Government by our minister there with much force and propriety, and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favorable consideration. The steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between Great Britain and the United States fairly before the arbitrator have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced. Recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision, but our minister at the Court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty. I am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable, and, as I hope, lasting, change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring Republic of Mexico. The unfortunate and unfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion have been, I believe, entirely removed, and the Government of Mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country. The consequences is the establishment of friendship and mutual confidence. Such are the assurances I have received, and I see no because to doubt their sincerity. I had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with Mexico in season for communication on the present occasion. Circumstances which are not explained, but which I am persuaded are not the result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it, have produced the delay. There was reason to fear in the course of the last summer that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants, under Mexican grants, of territory which had hitherto been under our jurisdiction. The cooperation of the representative of Mexico near this Government was asked on the occasion and was readily afforded. Instructions and advice have been given to the governor of Arkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining Mexican State by which it is hoped the quiet of that frontier will be preserved until a final settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy. The exchange of ratifications of the treaty concluded last year with Austria has not yet taken place. The delay has been occasioned by the non-arrival of the ratification of that Government within the time prescribed by the treaty. Renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of Austria, and in the mean time the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts. Several alleged depredations have been recently committed on our commerce by the national vessels of Portugal. They have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation. I am not yet possessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of their character, but expect soon to receive it. No proper means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled. Almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session two bills -- the one entitled "An act for making appropriations for building light houses, light boats, beacons, and monuments, placing buoys, and for improving harbors and directing surveys", and the other "An act to authorize a subscription for stock in the Louisville and Portland Canal Company" -- were submitted for my approval. It was not possible within the time allowed for me before the close of the session to give to these bills the consideration which was due to their character and importance, and I was compelled to retain them for that purpose. I now avail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the Houses in which they respectively originated with the reasons which, after mature deliberation, compel me to withhold my approval. The practice of defraying out of the Treasury of the United States the expenses incurred by the establishment and support of light houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers within the bays, inlets, harbors, and ports of the United States, to render the navigation thereof safe and easy, is coeval with the adoption of the Constitution, and has been continued without interruption or dispute. As our foreign commerce increased and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers the sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding enlargement. Light houses, beacons, buoys, public piers, and the removal of sand bars, sawyers, and other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law were authorized upon the same principle and the expense defrayed in the same manner. That these expenses have at times been extravagant and disproportionate is very probable. The circumstances under which they are incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny. The local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently, it is to be feared, invite appropriations for objects of this character that are neither necessary nor useful. The number of light house keepers is already very large, and the bill before me proposes to add to it 51 more of various descriptions. From representations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to respect I am induced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the Government upon these objects, but that the security of navigation has in some instances been diminished by the multiplication of light houses and consequent change of lights upon the coast. It is in this as in other respects our duty to avoid all unnecessary expense, as well as every increase of patronage not called for by the public service. But in the discharge of that duty in this particular it must not be forgotten that in relation to our foreign commerce the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together, and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house. It is indisputable that whatever gives facility and security to navigation cheapens imports and all who consume them are alike interested in what ever produces this effect. If they consume, they ought, as they now do, to pay; otherwise they do not pay. The consumer in the most inland State derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign commerce and navigation that he does who resides in a maritime State. Local expenditures have not of themselves a corresponding operation. From a bill making *direct* appropriations for such objects I should not have withheld my assent. The one now returned does so in several particulars, but it also contains appropriations for surveys of local character, which I can not approve. It gives me satisfaction to find that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approval from this bill; nor will it, I trust, be because of regret that an opportunity will be thereby afforded for Congress to review its provisions under circumstances better calculated for full investigation than those under which it was passed. In speaking of direct appropriations I mean not to include a practice which has obtained to some extent, and to which I have in one instance, in a different capacity, given my assent -- that of subscribing to the stock of private associations. Positive experience and a more thorough consideration of the subject have convinced me of the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investments. All improvements effected by the funds of the nation for general use should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens, exempt from the payment of tolls or any imposition of that character. The practice of thus mingling the concerns of the Government with those of the States or of individuals is inconsistent with the object of its institution and highly impolite. The successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple, but yet important, objects for which it was designed. A different practice, if allowed to progress, would ultimately change the character of this Government by consolidating into one the General and State Governments, which were intended to be kept for ever distinct. I can not perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue, and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the Constitution. If the interest of the Government in private companies is subordinate to that of individuals, the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the Constitution and beyond the supervision of our constituents; if superior, its officers and agents will be constantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppression. Direct prejudice the public interest or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people may, therefore, in addition to the general dis-credit resulting to the Government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary stipulations, be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations. It is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of consequences like these can not be great from a limited and small number of investments, because experience in other matters teaches us -- and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions -- that unless an entire stop be put to them it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation until they are spread over the whole country and made to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of individuals. The power which the General Government would acquire within the several States by becoming the principal stock-holder in corporations, controlling every canal and each 60 or 100 miles of every important road, and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections, is almost inconceivable, and in my view dangerous to the liberties of the people. This mode of aiding such works is also in its nature deceptive, and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds. Appropriations will be obtained with much greater facility and granted with less security to the public interest when the measure is thus disguised than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for. The interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects. In a government like ours more especially should all public acts be, as far as practicable, simple, undisguised, and intelligible, that they may become fit subjects for the approbation to animadversion of the people. The bill authorizing a subscription to the Louisville and Portland Canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding additional appropriations for the same object when the first erroneous step has been taken by instituting a partnership between the Government and private companies. It proposes a third subscription on the part of the United States, when each preceding one was at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which Government was to render to that work; and the accompanying bill for light houses, etc., contains an appropriation for a survey of the bed of the river, with a view to its improvement by removing the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid. This improvement, if successful, would afford a free passage of the river and render the canal entirely useless. To such improvidence is the course of legislation subject in relation to internal improvements on local matters, even with the best intentions on the part of Congress. Although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be already sufficiently stated, I am, never the less, induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character. In my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the Maysville and Rockville road companies I expressed my views fully in regard to the power of Congress to construct roads and canals within a State of to appropriate money for improvements of a local character. I at the same time intimated me belief that the right to make appropriations for such as were of a national character had been so generally acted upon and so long acquiesced in by the Federal and State Governments and the constituents of each as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued and uninterrupted usage, but that it was, never the less, highly expedient that appropriations even of that character should, with the exception made at the time, be deferred until the national debt is paid, and that in the mean while some general rule for the action of the Government in that respect ought to be established. These suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me, and were, I readily admit, intended to awake the attention and draw forth the opinion and observations of our constituents upon a subject of the highest importance to their interests, and 1 destined to exert a powerful influence upon the future operations of our political system. I know of no tribunal to which a public man in this country, in a case of doubt and difficulty, can appeal with greater advantage or more propriety than the judgment of the people; and although I must necessarily in the discharge of my official duties be governed by the dictates of my own judgment, I have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform as far as I can to the views of those for whom I act. All irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity attended with some doubt as to their accuracy, but making full allowances on that account I can not, I think, deceive myself in believing that the acts referred to, as well as the suggestions which I allowed myself to make in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of the Government, have been approved by the great body of the people. That those whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rule which prefers their more general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate is to be expected. But even such objections must from the nature of our population be but temporary in their duration, and if it were otherwise our course should be the same, for the time is yet, I hope, far distant when those intrusted with power to be exercised for the good of the whole will consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favors at the sacrifice of principle and general good. So understanding public sentiment, and thoroughly satisfied that the best interests of our common country imperiously require that the course which I have recommended in this regard should be adopted, I have, upon the most mature consideration, determined to pursue it. It is due to candor, as well as to my own feelings, that I should express the reluctance and anxiety which I must at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right of the Executive to withhold his assent from bills on other grounds than their constitutionality. That this right should not be exercised on slight occasions all will admit. It is only in matters of deep interest, when the principle involved may be justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of the Constitution itself, that such a step can be expected to meet with the approbation of the people. Such an occasion do I conscientiously believe the present to be. In the discharge of this delicate and highly responsible duty I am sustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors, and by the persuasion, too, that what ever liberal institutions may have to fear from the encroachments of Executive power, which has been every where the because of so much strife and bloody contention, but little danger is to be apprehended from a precedent by which that authority denies to itself the exercise of powers that bring in their train influence and patronage of great extent, and thus excludes the operation of personal interests, every where the bane of official trust. I derive, too, no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection that if I have mistaken the interests and wishes of the people the Constitution affords the means of soon redressing the error by selecting for the place their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opinions may accord with their own. I trust, in the mean time, the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice by a rigid application of that portion of the public funds which might otherwise be applied to different objects to that highest of all our obligations, the payment of the public debt, and an opportunity be afforded for the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the Government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon. Profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject, not merely as relates to the general prosperity of the country, but to the safety of the federal system, I can not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good citizens who take a proper interest in the success and harmony of our admirable political institutions, and who are incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratification of personal ambition, will, laying aside minor considerations and discarding local prejudices, unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle which shall be calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal improvement, and afford the least ground for sectional discontent. The general grounds of my objection to local appropriations have been heretofore expressed, and I shall endeavor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urged -- the importance of sustaining the State sovereignties as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the Federal Government, and of preserving the greatest attainable harmony between them. I will now only add an expression of my conviction -- a conviction which every day's experience serves to confirm -- that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith, and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system, and to which we must alone look for its future stability. That there are diversities in the interests of the different States which compose this extensive Confederacy must be admitted. Those diversities arising from situation, climate, population, and pursuits are doubtless, as it is natural they should be, greatly exaggerated by jealousies and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboring communities. These circumstances make it the duty of those who are intrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable by making the beneficial operation of the Federal Government as equal and equitable among the several States as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution. It is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts to see how far the past acts of the Government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object. The expenditures heretofore made for internal improvements amount to upward of $5M, and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the States. The estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made, together with that of others projected and partially surveyed, amounts to more than $96M. That such improvements, on account of particular circumstances, may be more advantageously and beneficially made in some States than in others is doubtless true, but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several States is not to be conceded. The want of this equitable distribution can not fail to prove a prolific source of irritation among the States. We have it constantly before our eyes that professions of superior zeal in the because of internal improvement and a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects of this character are daily and earnestly put forth by aspirants to power as constituting the highest claims to the confidence of the people. Would it be strange, under such circumstances, and in times of great excitement, that grants of this description should find their motives in objects which may not accord with the public good? Those who have not had occasion to see and regret the indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past times have been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the course of public affairs. If to these evils be added the combinations and angry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise, with their baleful influences upon the legislation of Congress touching the leading and appropriate duties of the Federal Government, it was but doing justice to the character of our people to expect the severe condemnation of the past which the recent exhibitions of public sentiment has evinced. Nothing short of a radical change in the action of the Government upon the subject can, in my opinion, remedy the evil. If, as it would be natural to expect, the States which have been least favored in past appropriations should insist on being redressed in those here after to be made, at the expense of the States which have so largely and disproportionately participated, we have, as matters now stand, but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quarter to another. Thus viewing the subject, I have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds, which may at any time remain in the Treasury after the national debt shall have been paid, among the States, in proportion to the number of their Representatives, to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement. Although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the Union, it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration. A brief notice of these objections here will not, therefore, I trust, be regarded as out of place. They rest, as far as they have come to my knowledge, on the following grounds: first, an objection to the ration of distribution; second, an apprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce improvident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds for distribution; 3rd, that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of a local nature, to the exclusion of such as are general and as would consequently be of a more useful character; and, last, that it would create a discreditable and injurious dependence on the part of the State governments upon the Federal power. Of those who object to the ration of representatives as the basis of distribution, some insist that the importations of the respective States would constitute one that would be more equitable; and others again, that the extent of their respective territories would furnish a standard which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable. The ration of representation presented itself to my mind, and it still does, as one of obvious equity, because of its being the ratio of contribution, whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from direct taxation. It does not follow, however, that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed. There may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure, to some extent, from the rule of contribution proper. Nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to 1 ground. It may, if in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it it be deemed politic and just to give it that character, have regard to several. In my first message I stated it to be my opinion that "it is not probably that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may be required for its current surplus". I have had no because to change that opinion, but much to confirm it. Should these expectations be realized, a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon, and if there be no such fund its adoption will, in my opinion, work no injury to any interest; for I can not assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishment of the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvident legislation of the character supposed. What ever the proper authority in the exercise of constitutional power shall at any time here after decide to be for the general good will in that as in other respects deserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country, and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard by agents of the people will receive a speedy and effectual corrective at their hands. The views which I take of the future, founded on the obvious and increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow citizens in intelligence and in public and private virtue, leave me without much apprehension on that head. I do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burthens, and as sensible of the great truth that the resources of the nation beyond those required for immediate and necessary purposes of Government can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people. It may some times happen that the interests of particular States would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvements within such States. But if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it, a discretion might be reserved to Congress to direct to such improvements of a general character as the States concerned might not be disposed to unite in, the application of the quotas of those States, under the restriction of confining to each State the expenditure of its appropriate quota. It may, however, be assumed as a safe general rule that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective States in which they are made, by giving new facilities to trade, and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants, constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole. The strength as well as the true glory of the Confederacy is founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful active cooperation through the agency of the Federal Government. It is, more over, within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public affairs that schemes of internal improvement have from time to time been proposed which, from their extent and seeming magnificence, were readily regarded as of national concernment, but which upon fuller consideration and further experience would now be rejected with great unanimity. That the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty, and that the moneys set apart for these purposes would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction of the State legislatures, in which every part of each State is immediately represented, can not, I think, be doubted. In the new States particularly, where a comparatively small population is scattered over an extensive surface, and the representation in Congress consequently very limited, it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the Federal Government would be more likely to be expended in the vicinity of those numbers through whose immediate agency they were obtained than if the funds were placed under the control of the legislature, in which every county of the State has its own representative. This supposition does not necessarily impugn the motives of such Congressional representatives, nor is it so intended. We are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are, under such circumstances, liable. In respect to the last objection -- its probable effect upon the dignity and independence of State governments -- it appears to me only necessary to state the case as it is, and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted, to show that the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which the objection supposes. In the one case the State would receive its quota of the national revenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle as a matter of right, and from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion. Surely there could be nothing derogatory in that. As matters now stand the States themselves, in their sovereign character, are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the Federal Legislature for such allowances out of the National Treasury as it may comport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them. It can not require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the State governments. But all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration. That the desired adjustment would be attended with difficulty affords no reason why it should not be attempted. The effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the Constitution under which we have so long lived and under the benign influence of which our beloved country has so signally prospered. The framers of that sacred instrument had greater difficulties to overcome, and they did overcome them. The patriotism of the people, directed by a deep conviction of the importance of the Union, produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance. Strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise, and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion to the general weal. Unless the American people have degenerated, the same result can be again effected when ever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared. It is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours or any other operate with precise equality upon States situated like those which compose this Confederacy; nor is inequality always injustice. Every State can not expect to shape the measures of the General Government to suit its own particular interests. The causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things, and can not be entirely counteracted by human means. Mutual forbearance becomes, therefore, a duty obligatory upon all, and we may, I am confident, count upon a cheerful compliance with this high injunction on the part of our constituents. It is not to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices for the preservation of rights and privileges which other less favored portions of the world have in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire. Our course is a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to. Acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority, and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation, justice, and brotherly kindness, will constitute a cement which would for ever preserve our Union. Those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these render a most essential service to their country, while those who seek to weaken their influence are, how ever conscientious and praise worthy their intentions, in effect its worst enemies. If the intelligence and influence of the country, instead of laboring to foment sectional prejudices, to be made subservient to party warfare, were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent, by the improvement of our institutions and by facilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times, this task would prove 1 of less difficulty. May we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country and the dictates of an enlightened patriotism will in the end lead the public mind in that direction? After all, the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly free from objection. That which has for some time been in operation is, perhaps, the worst that could exist, and every advance that can be made in its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate attention. It is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view may yet be devised. If so, it is to be hoped that those who disapprove the past and dissent from what is proposed for the future will feel it their duty to direct their attention to it, as they must be sensible that unless some fixed rule for the action of the Federal Government in this respect is established the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to. Any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject, which shall best serve to keep the movements of the Federal Government within the sphere intended by those who modeled and those who adopted it, which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period and impose the lightest burthens upon our constituents, shall receive from me a cordial and firm support. Among the objects of great national concern I can not omit to press again upon your attention that part of the Constitution which regulates the election of President and Vice-President. The necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind by observation of its evils and by the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor of Congress and elsewhere that I should be wanting to my duty were I to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude on the subject. Our system fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first principles, differing in this respect from all that have preceded it, and securing it, I trust, equally against the decay and the commotions which have marked the progress of other governments. Our fellow citizens, too, who in proportion to their love of liberty keep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it, do not require to be reminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essential defects in so vital a part of their system. While they are sensible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarily indicative of a bad organization, but may proceed from temporary causes, yet the habitual presence, or even a single instance, of evils which can be clearly traced to an organic defect will not, I trust, be over-looked through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their ancestors. The Constitution was an experiment committed to the virtue and intelligence of the great mass of our country-men, in whose ranks the framers of it themselves were to perform the part of patriotic observation and scrutiny, and if they have passed from the stage of existence with an increased confidence in its general adaptation to our condition we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in it which time proves to be exposed rather than be deterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear or the dictates of misplaced reverence. A provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their Chief Magistrate, but has a tendency to defeat their will, presented to my mind such an inconsistence with the general spirit of our institutions that I was indeed to suggest for your consideration the substitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our constituents. The most mature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the best interests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated to effect this end. A contingency which some times places it in the power of a single member of the House of Representatives to decide an election of so high and solemn a character is unjust to the people, and becomes when it occurs a source of embarrassment to the individuals thus brought into power and a because of distrust of the representative body. Liable as the Confederacy is, from its great extent, to parties founded upon sectional interests, and to a corresponding multiplication of candidates for the Presidency, the tendency of the constitutional reference to the House of Representatives is to devolve the election upon that body in almost every instance, and, what ever choice may then be made among the candidates thus presented to them, to swell the influence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the general good. The consequences of this feature of the Constitution appear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the Union than any which I can conceive as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the Federal Government. It was a leading object with the framers of the Constitution to keep as separate as possible the action of the legislative and executive branches of the Government. To secure this object nothing is more essential than to preserve the former from all temptations of private interest, and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as not to permit such temptations to be offered. Experience abundantly demonstrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuable safe-guard of liberty, and 1 which my reflections upon the tendencies of our system incline me to think should be made still stronger. It was for this reason that, in connection with an amendment of the Constitution removing all intermediate agency in the choice of the President, I recommended some restrictions upon the re-eligibility of that officer and upon the tenure of offices generally. The reason still exists, and I renew the recommendation with an increased confidence that its adoption will strengthen those checks by which the Constitution designed to secure the independence of each department of the Government and promote the healthful and equitable administration of all the trusts which it has created. The agent most likely to contravene this design of the Constitution is the Chief Magistrate. In order, particularly, that his appointment may as far as possible be placed beyond the reach of any improper influences; in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities of the highest office in the gift of a free people uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of constitutional duty, and that the securities for this independence may be rendered as strong as the nature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit, I can not too earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such an amendment of the Constitution as will render him ineligible after 1 term of service. It gives me pleasure to announce to Congress that the benevolent policy of the Government, steadily pursued for nearly 30 years, in relation to the removal of the Indians beyond the white settlements is approaching to a happy consummation. Two important tribes have accepted the provision made for their removal at the last session of Congress, and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes also to seek the same obvious advantages. The consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the United States, to individual States, and to the Indians themselves. The pecuniary advantages which it promises to the Government are the least of its recommendations. It puts an end to all possible danger of collision between the authorities of the General and State Governments on account of the Indians. It will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters. By opening the whole territory between Tennessee on the north and Louisiana on the south to the settlement of the whites it will incalculably strengthen the SW frontier and render the adjacent States strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid. It will relieve the whole State of Mississippi and the western part of Alabama of Indian occupancy, and enable those States to advance rapidly in population, wealth, and power. It will separate the Indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites; free them from the power of the States; enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and under their own rude institutions; will retard the progress of decay, which is lessening their numbers, and perhaps because them gradually, under the protection of the Government and through the influence of good counsels, to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting, civilized, and Christian community. These consequences, some of them so certain and the rest so probable, make the complete execution of the plan sanctioned by Congress at their last session an object of much solicitude. Toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendly feeling than myself, or would go further in attempting to reclaim them from their wandering habits and make them a happy, prosperous people. I have endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the General Government in relation to the State authorities. For the justice of the laws passed by the States within the scope of their reserved powers they are not responsible to this Government. As individuals we may entertain and express our opinions of their acts, but as a Government we have as little right to control them as we have to prescribe laws for other nations. With a full understanding of the subject, the Choctaw and the Chickasaw tribes have with great unanimity determined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of Congress, and have agreed to remove beyond the Mississippi River. Treaties have been made with them, which in due season will be submitted for consideration. In negotiating these treaties they were made to understand their true condition, and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the Western forests to submitting to the laws of the States in which they now reside. These treaties, being probably the last which will ever be made with them, are characterized by great liberality on the part of the Government. They give the Indians a liberal sum in consideration of their removal, and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes. If it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence, they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been subject in Alabama and Mississippi. Humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country, and Philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it, but its progress has never for a moment been arrested, and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth. To follow to the tomb the last of his race and to tread on the graves of extinct nations excite melancholy reflections. But true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another. In the monuments and fortifications of an unknown people, spread over the extensive regions of the West, we behold the memorials of a once powerful race, which was exterminated or has disappeared to make room for the existing savage tribes. Nor is there any thing in this which, upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race, is to be regretted. Philanthropy could not wish to see this continent restored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers. What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms, embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute, occupied by more than 12,000,000 happy people, and filled with all the blessings of liberty, civilization, and religion? The present policy of the Government is but a continuation of the same progressive change by a milder process. The tribes which occupied the countries now constituting the Eastern States were annihilated or have melted away to make room for the whites. The waves of population and civilization are rolling to the westward, and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the South and West by a fair exchange, and, at the expense of the United States, to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged and perhaps made perpetual. Doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers; but what do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are now doing? To better their condition in an unknown land our forefathers left all that was dear in earthly objects. Our children by thousands yearly leave the land of their birth to seek new homes in distant regions. Does Humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing, animate and inanimate, with which the young heart has become entwined? Far from it. It is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind, developing the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection. These remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their own expense, purchase the lands they occupy, and support themselves at their new homes from the moment of their arrival. Can it be cruel in this Government when, by events which it can not control, the Indian is made discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands, to give him a new and extensive territory, to pay the expense of his removal, and support him a year in his new abode? How many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the West on such conditions! If the offers made to the Indians were extended to them, they would be hailed with gratitude and joy. And is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled, civilized Christian? Is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to our brothers and children? Rightly considered, the policy of the General Government toward the red man is not only liberal, but generous. He is unwilling to submit to the laws of the States and mingle with their population. To save him from this alternative, or perhaps utter annihilation, the General Government kindly offers him a new home, and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement. In the consummation of a policy originating at an early period, and steadily pursued by every Administration within the present century -- so just to the States and so generous to the Indians -- the Executive feels it has a right to expect the cooperation of Congress and of all good and disinterested men. The States, moreover, have a right to demand it. It was substantially a part of the compact which made them members of our Confederacy. With Georgia there is an express contract; with the new States an implied one of equal obligation. Why, in authorizing Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Mississippi, and Alabama to form constitutions and become separate States, did Congress include within their limits extensive tracts of Indian lands, and, in some instances, powerful Indian tribes? Was it not understood by both parties that the power of the States was to be coextensive with their limits, and that with all convenient dispatch the General Government should extinguish the Indian title and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the State governments over the soil? Probably not one of those States would have accepted a separate existence -- certainly it would never have been granted by Congress -- had it been understood that they were to be confined for ever to those small portions of their nominal territory the Indian title to which had at the time been extinguished. It is, therefore, a duty which this Government owes to the new States to extinguish as soon as possible the Indian title to all lands which Congress themselves have included within their limits. When this is done the duties of the General Government in relation to the States and the Indians within their limits are at an end. The Indians may leave the State or not, as they choose. The purchase of their lands does not alter in the least their personal relations with the State government. No act of the General Government has ever been deemed necessary to give the States jurisdiction over the persons of the Indians. That they possess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits in as full a manner before as after the purchase of the Indian lands; nor can this Government add to or diminish it. May we not hope, therefore, that all good citizens, and none more zealously than those who think the Indians oppressed by subjection to the laws of the States, will unite in attempting to open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condition, and by a speedy removal to relieve them from all the evils, real or imaginary, present or prospective, with which they may be supposed to be threatened. Among the numerous causes of congratulation the condition of our impost revenue deserves special mention, in as much as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt sooner than was anticipated, and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests. The object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional, and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts. The power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several States. The right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely incidental to that power that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other. The States have delegated their whole authority over imports to the General Government without limitation or restriction, saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws. This authority having thus entirely passed from the States, the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them, and consequently if it be not possessed by the General Government it must be extinct. Our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations. This sure can not be the case. This indispensable power thus surrendered by the States must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to Congress. In this conclusion I am confirmed as well by the opinions of Presidents Washington, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the Constitution, as by the uniform practice of Congress, the continued acquiescence of the States, and the general understanding of the people. The difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff, although great, are far from being insurmountable. Some are unwilling to improve any of its parts because they would destroy the whole; others fear to touch the objectionable parts lest those they approve should be jeoparded. I am persuaded that the advocates of these conflicting views do injustice to the American people and to their representatives. The general interest is the interest of each, and my confidence is entire that to insure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the general interest requires it is only necessary that that interest should be understood. It is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers, and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess and effects they can not produce. The effects of the present tariff are doubtless over-rated, both in its evils and in its advantages. By one class of reasoners the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural products is ascribed wholly to its influence, and by another the reduced price of manufactured articles. The probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth, and that both are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to which I have referred. The decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world, embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article, but provisions and lands. The because must therefore be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the United States. It may in a measure be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals, produced by a diminution of the supply and an increase in the demand, while commerce has rapidly extended itself and population has augmented. The supply of gold and silver, the general medium of exchange, has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn. A part of the effect, too, is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery. But on the whole it is questionable whether the reduction in the price of lands, produce, and manufactures has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value. While the chief object of duties should be revenue, they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures. In this adjustment, however, it is the duty of the Government to be guided by the general good. Objects of national importance alone ought to be protected. Of these the productions of our soil, our mines, and our work shops, essential to national defense, occupy the first rank. What ever other species of domestic industry, having the importance to which I have referred, may be expected, after temporary protection, to compete with foreign labor on equal terms merit the same attention in a subordinate degree. The present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high; it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction, and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe. Much relief will be derived in some of these respects from the measures of your last session. The best as well as fairest mode of determining whether from any just considerations a particular interest ought to receive protection would be to submit the question singly for deliberation. If after due examination of its merits, unconnected with extraneous considerations -- such as a desire to sustain a general system or to purchase support for a different interest -- it should enlist in its favor a majority of the representatives of the people, there can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with reference to its protective effect. If this obviously just principle were honestly adhered to, the branches of industry which deserve protection would be saved from the prejudice excited against them when that protection forms part of a system by which portions of the country feel or conceive themselves to be oppressed. What is incalculably more important, the vital principle of our system -- that principle which requires acquiescence in the will of the majority -- would be secure from the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of majorities founded not on identity of conviction, but on combinations of small minorities entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which, resting solely on their own merits, could never be carried. I am well aware that this is a subject of so much delicacy, on account of the extended interests in involves, as to require that it should be touched with the utmost caution, and that while an abandonment of the policy in which it originated -- a policy coeval with our Government, and pursued through successive Administrations -- is neither to be expected or desired, the people have a right to demand, and have demanded, that it be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice. That our deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are incident to free institutions is the fervent wish of my heart. To make this great question, which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind, subservient to the short-sighted views of faction, must destroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people and for the general interest. I can not, therefore, in taking leave of the subject, too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good warn you against the blighting consequences of such a course. According to the estimates at the Treasury Department, the receipts in the Treasury during the present year will amount to $24,161,018, which will exceed by about $300K the estimate presented in the last annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury. The total expenditure during the year, exclusive of public debt, is estimated at $13,742,311, and the payment on account of public debt for the same period will have been $11,354,630, leaving a balance in the Treasury on [1831-01-01] of $4,819,781. In connection with the condition of our finances, it affords me pleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have been made by the Treasury Department for securing the pecuniary responsibility of the public officers and the more punctual payment of the public dues. The Revenue Cutter Service has been organized and placed on a good footing, and aided by an increase of inspectors at exposed points, and regulations adopted under the act of [1830-05], for the inspection and appraisement of merchandise, has produced much improvement in the execution of the laws and more security against the commission of frauds upon the revenue. Abuses in the allowances for fishing bounties have also been corrected, and a material saving in that branch of the service thereby effected. In addition to these improvements the system of expenditure for sick sea men belonging to the merchant service has been revised, and being rendered uniform and economical the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have been usefully extended. The prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of public lands, as will appear from the report of the Commissioner of the General Land Office and the documents accompanying it, which are herewith transmitted. I beg leave to draw your attention to this report, and to the propriety of making early appropriations for the objects which it specifies. Your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that portion of the public interests intrusted to the War Department. Some of them were referred to in my former message, and they are presented in detail in the report of the Secretary of War herewith submitted. I refer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs, all of which it will be perceived have been guarded with zealous attention and care. It is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments necessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier which are now or shortly will be completed should not be in readiness sooner than the customary appropriations will enable the Department to provide them. This precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by Congress, and is recommended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war. I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Navy for a highly satisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that Department have been conducted during the present year. Our position in relation to the most powerful nations of the earth, and the present condition of Europe, admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defense with peculiar care. Separated by wide seas from all those Governments whose power we might have reason to dread, we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest. It is chiefly attacks upon our commerce and harrassing in-roads upon our coast against which we have to guard. A naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce, always afloat, with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapid extension in case of need, furnishes the power by which all such aggressions may be prevented or repelled. The attention of the Government has therefore been recently directed more to preserving the public vessels already built and providing materials to be placed in depot for future use than to increasing their number. With the aid of Congress, in a few years the Government will be prepared in case of emergency to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships almost as soon as old ones could be repaired. The modifications in this part of the service suggested in my last annual message, which are noticed more in detail in the report of the Secretary of the Navy, are again recommended to your serious attention. The report of the PostMaster General in like manner exhibits a satisfactory view of the important branch of the Government under his charge. In addition to the benefits already secured by the operations of the Post Office Department, considerable improvements within the present year have been made by an increase in the accommodation afforded by stage coaches, and in the frequency and celerity of the mail between some of the most important points of the Union. Under the late contracts improvements have been provided for the southern section of the country, and at the same time an annual saving made of upward of $72K. Not with standing the excess of expenditure beyond the current receipts for a few years past, necessarily incurred in the fulfillment of existing contracts and in the additional expenses between the periods of contracting to meet the demands created by the rapid growth and extension of our flourishing country, yet the satisfactory assurance is given that the future revenue of the Department will be sufficient to meets its extensive engagements. The system recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursements to strict regulation has entirely fulfilled its designs. It gives full assurance of the punctual transmission, as well as the security of the funds of the Department. The efficiency and industry of its officers and the ability and energy of contractors justify an increased confidence in its continued prosperity. The attention of Congress was called on a former occasion to the necessity of such a modification in the office of Attorney General of the United States as would render it more adequate to the wants of the public service. This resulted in the establishment of the office of Solicitor of the Treasury, and the earliest measures were taken to give effect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment of that officer and defined his duties. But it is not believed that this provision, however useful in itself, is calculated to supersede the necessity of extending the duties and powers of the Attorney General's Office. On the contrary, I am convinced that the public interest would be greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general superintendence of the various law agents of the Government, and of all law proceedings, whether civil or criminal, in which the United States may be interested, allowing him at the same time such compensation as would enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public business. I think such a provision is alike due to the public and to the officer. Occasions of reference from the different Executive Departments to the Attorney General are of frequent occurrence, and the prompt decision of the questions so referred tends much to facilitate the dispatch of business in those Departments. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury hereto appended shows also a branch of the public service not specifically intrusted to any officer which might be advantageously committed to the Attorney General. But independently of those considerations this office is now one of daily duty. It was originally organized and its compensation fixed with a view to occasional service, leaving to the incumbent time for the exercise of his profession in private practice. The state of things which warranted such an organization no longer exists. The frequent claims upon the services of this officer would render his absence from the seat of Government in professional attendance upon the courts injurious to the public service, and the interests of the Government could not fail to be promoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all its legal concerns. Under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions, I recommend it to Congress to make the necessary provisions for giving effect to them, and to place the Attorney General in regard to compensation on the same footing with the heads of the several Executive Departments. To this officer might also be intrusted a cognizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors, especially if the views which I submitted on this subject last year should meet the approbation of Congress -- to which I again solicit your attention. Your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the District of Columbia. Placed by the Constitution under the exclusive jurisdiction and control of Congress, this District is certainly entitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has yet received. There is a want of uniformity in its laws, particularly in those of a penal character, which increases the expense of their administration and subjects the people to all the inconveniences which result from the operation of different codes in so small a territory. On different sides of the Potomac the same offense is punishable in unequal degrees, and the peculiarities of many of the early laws of MD and VA remain in force, not with standing their repugnance in some cases to the improvements which have superseded them in those States. Besides a remedy for these evils, which is loudly called for, it is respectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election of a delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this District on the floor of Congress is not due to them and to the character of our Government. No principles of freedom, and there is none more important than that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and the governed. Imperfect as this must be in this case, yet it is believed that it would be greatly improved by a representation in Congress with the same privileges that are allowed to the other Territories of the United States. The penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts, and only awaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation, as one object of which I beg leave to recall your attention to the propriety of providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with its inspection. The importance of the principles involved in the inquiry whether it will be proper to recharter the Bank of the United States requires that I should again call the attention of Congress to the subject. Nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our citizens apprehend from that institution as at present organized. In the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes our country and its institutions it becomes us to inquire whether it be not possible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank through the agency of a Bank of the United States so modified in its principles and structures as to obviate constitutional and other objections. It is thought practicable to organize such a bank with the necessary officers as a branch of the Treasury Department, based on the public and individual deposits, without power to make loans or purchase property, which shall remit the funds of the Government, and the expense of which may be paid, if thought advisable, by allowing its officers to sell bills of exchange to private individuals at a moderate premium. Not being a corporate body, having no stock holders, debtors, or property, and but few officers, it would not be obnoxious to the constitutional objections which are urged against the present bank; and having no means to operate on the hopes, fears, or interests of large masses of the community, it would be shorn of the influence which makes that bank formidable. The States would be strengthened by having in their hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency through their own banks, while the Bank of the United States, though issuing no paper, would check the issues of the State banks by taking their notes in deposit and for exchange only so long as they continue to be redeemed with specie. In times of public emergency the capacities of such an institution might be enlarged by legislative provisions. These suggestions are made not so much as a recommendation as with a view of calling the attention of Congress to the possible modifications of a system which can not continue to exist in its present form without occasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetual apprehensions and discontent on the part of the States and the people. In conclusion, fellow citizens, allow me to invoke in behalf of your deliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which is the gift of patriotism. Under an over-ruling and merciful Providence the agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the prosperity and glory of our beloved country. May its influence be eternal.
the pleasure i have in congratulating you upon your return to your constitutional duties is much heightened by the satisfaction which the condition of our beloved country at this period justly inspires the beneficent author of all good has granted to us during the present year health peace and plenty and numerous causes for joy in the wonderful success which attends the progress of our free institutions with a population unparalleled in its increase and possessing a character which combines the hardihood of enterprise with the considerateness of wisdom we see in every section of our happy country a steady improvement in the means of social intercourse and correspondent effects upon the genius and laws of our extended republic the apparent exceptions to the harmony of the prospect are to be referred rather to inevitable diversities in the various interests which enter into the composition of so extensive a whole than any want of attachment to the union interests whose collisions serve only in the end to foster the spirit of conciliation and patriotism so essential to the preservation of that union which i most devoutly hope is destined to prove imperishable in the midst of these blessings we have recently witnessed changes in the conditions of other nations which may in their consequences call for the utmost vigilance wisdom and unanimity in our councils and the exercise of all the moderation and patriotism of our people the important modifications of their government effected with so much courage and wisdom by the people of france afford a happy presage of their future course and have naturally elicited from the kindred feelings of this nation that spontaneous and universal burst of applause in which you have participated in congratulating you my fellow citizens upon an event so auspicious to the dearest interests of kind i do no more than respond to the voice of my country without transcending in the slightest degree that salutary maxim of the illustrious washington which enjoins an abstinence from all interference with the internal affairs of other nations from a people exercising in the most unlimited degree the right of and enjoying as derived from this proud characteristic under the favor of heaven much of the happiness with which they are blessed a people who can point in triumph to their free institutions and challenge comparison with the fruits they bear as well as with the moderation intelligence and energy with which they are administered from such a people the deepest sympathy was to be expected in a struggle for the sacred principles of liberty conducted in a spirit every way worthy of the because and crowned by a heroic moderation which has disarmed revolution of its terrors not withstanding the strong assurances which the man whom we so sincerely love and justly admire has given to the world of the high character of the present king of the french and which if sustained to the end will secure to him the proud appellation of patriot king it is not in his success but in that of the great principle which has borne him to the throne the paramount authority of the public will that the american people rejoice i am happy to inform you that the anticipations which were indulged at the date of my last communication on the subject of our foreign affairs have been fully realized in several important particulars an arrangement has been effected with great britain in relation to the trade between the united states and her west india and north american colonies which has settled a question that has for years afforded matter for contention and almost uninterrupted discussion and has been the subject of no less than six negotiations in a manner which promises results highly favorable to the parties the abstract right of great britain to monopolize the trade with her colonies or to exclude us from a participation therein has never been denied by the united states but we have contended and with reason that if at any time great britain may desire the productions of this country as necessary to her colonies they must be received upon principles of just reciprocity and further that it is making an invidious and unfriendly distinction to open her colonial ports to the vessels of other nations and close them against those of the united states antecedently to 1794 a portion of our productions was admitted into the colonial islands of great britain by particular concessions limited to the term of one year but renewed from year to year in the transportation of these productions however our vessels were not allowed to engage this being a privilege reserved to british shipping by which alone our produce could be taken to the islands and theirs brought to us in return from newfoundland and her continental possessions all our productions as well as our vessels were excluded with occasional relaxations by which in seasons of distress the former were admitted in british bottoms by the treaty of 1794 she offered to concede to us for a limited time the right of carrying to her west india possessions in our vessels not exceeding 70 tons burthen and upon the same terms as british vessels any productions of the united states which british vessels might import therefrom but this privilege was coupled with conditions which are supposed to have led to its rejection by the senate that is that american vessels should land their return cargoes in the united states only and moreover that they should during the continuance of the privilege be precluded from carrying molasses sugar coffee cocoa or cotton either from those islands or from the united states to any other part of the world great britain readily consented to expunge this article from the treaty and subsequent attempts to arrange the terms of the trade either by treaty stipulations or concerted legislation have failed it has been successively suspended and allowed according to the varying legislation of the parties the following are the prominent points which have in later years separated the two governments besides a restriction whereby all importations into her colonies in american vessels are confined to our own products carried hence a restriction to which it does not appear that we have ever objected a leading object on the part of great britain has been to prevent us from becoming the carriers of british west india commodities to any other country than our own on the part of the united states it has been contended first that the subject should be regulated by treaty stipulation in preference to separate legislation second that our productions when imported into the colonies in question should not be subject to higher duties than the productions of the mother country or of her other colonial possessions and 3rd that our vessels should be allowed to participate in the circuitous trade between the united states and different parts of the british dominions the first point after having been for a long time strenuously insisted upon by great britain was given up by the act of parliament of 07 all vessels suffered to trade with the colonies being permitted to clear from thence with any articles which british vessels might export and proceed to any part of the world great britain and her dependencies alone excepted on our part each of the above points had in succession been explicitly abandoned in negotiations preceding that of which the result is now announced this arrangement secures to the united states every advantage asked by them and which the state of the negotiation allowed us to insist upon the trade will be placed upon a footing decidedly more favorable to this country than any on which it ever stood and our commerce and navigation will enjoy in the colonial ports of great britain every privilege allowed to other nations that the prosperity of the country so far as it depends on this trade will be greatly promoted by the new arrangement there can be no doubt independently of the more obvious advantages of an open and direct intercourse its establishment will be attended with other consequences of a higher value that which has been carried on since the mutual interdict under all the expense and inconvenience unavoidably incident to it would have been insupportably onerous had it not been in a great degree lightened by concerted evasions in the mode of making the transshipments at what are called the neutral ports these indirections are inconsistent with the dignity of nations that have so many motives not only to cherish feelings of mutual friendship but to maintain such relations as will stimulate their respective citizens and subjects to efforts of direct open and honorable competition only and preserve them from the influence of seductive and vitiating circumstances when your preliminary interposition was asked at the close of the last session a copy of the instructions under which mclane has acted together with the communications which had at that time passed between him and the british government was laid before you although there has not been any thing in the acts of the two governments which requires secrecy it was thought most proper in the then state of the negotiation to make that communication a confidential one so soon however as the evidence of execution on the part of great britain is received the whole matter shall be laid before you when it will be seen that the apprehension which appears to have suggested one of the provisions of the act passed at your last session that the restoration of the trade in question might be connected with other subjects and was sought to be obtained at the sacrifice of the public interest in other particulars was wholly unfounded and that the change which has taken place in the views of the british government has been induced by considerations as honorable to both parties as i trust the result will prove beneficial this desirable result was it will be seen greatly promoted by the liberal and confiding provisions of the act of congress of the last session by which our ports were upon the reception and annunciation by the president of the required assurance on the part of great britain forthwith opened to her vessels before the arrangement could be carried into effect on her part pursuing in this act of prospective legislation a similar course to that adopted by great britain in abolishing by her act of parliament in 1825 a restriction then existing and permitting our vessels to clear from the colonies on their return voyages for any foreign country whatever before british vessels had been relieved from the restriction imposed by our law of returning directly from the united states to the colonies a restriction which she required and expected that we should abolish upon each occasion a limited and temporary advantage has been given to the opposite party but an advantage of no importance in comparison with the restoration of mutual confidence and good feeling and the ultimate establishment of the trade upon fair principles it gives me unfeigned pleasure to assure you that this negotiation has been throughout characterized by the most frank and friendly spirit on the part of great britain and concluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to cultivate the best relations with the united states to reciprocate this disposition to the fullest extent of my ability is a duty which i shall deem it a privilege to discharge although the result is itself the best commentary on the services rendered to his country by our minister at the court of james it would be doing violence to my feelings were i to dismiss the subject without expressing the very high sense i entertain of the talent and exertion which have been displayed by him on the occasion the injury to the commerce of the united states resulting from the exclusion of our vessels from the black sea and the previous footing of mere sufferance upon which even the limited trade enjoyed by us with turkey has hitherto been placed have for a long time been a source of much solicitude to this government and several endeavors have been made to obtain a better state of things sensible of the importance of the object i felt it my duty to leave no proper means unemployed to acquire for our flag the same privileges that are enjoyed by the principal powers of europe commissioners were consequently appointed to open a negotiation with the sublime porte not long after the member of the commission who went directly from the united states had sailed the account of the treaty of adrianople by which one of the objects in view was supposed to be secured reached this country the black sea was understood to be opened to us under the supposition that this was the case the additional facilities to be derived from the establishment of commercial regulations with the porte were deemed of sufficient importance to require a prosecution of the negotiation as originally contemplated it was therefore persevered in and resulted in a treaty which will be forthwith laid before the senate by its provisions a free passage is secured without limitations of time to the vessels of the united states to and from the black sea including the navigation thereof and our trade with turkey is placed on the footing of the most favored nation the latter is an arrangement wholly independent of the treaty of adrianople and the former derives much value not only from the increased security which under any circumstances it would give to the right in question but from the fact ascertained in the course of the negotiation that by the construction put upon that treaty by turkey the article relating to the passage of the bosphorus is confined to nations having treaties with the porte the most friendly feelings appear to be entertained by the sultan and an enlightened disposition is evinced by him to foster the intercourse between the two countries by the most liberal arrangements this disposition it will be our duty and interest to cherish our relations with russia are of the most stable character respect for that empire and confidence in its friendship toward the united states have been so long entertained on our part and so carefully cherished by the present emperor and his illustrious predecessor as to have become incorporated with the public sentiment of the united states no means will be left unemployed on my part to promote these salutary feelings and those improvements of which the commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible and which have derived increased importance from our treaty with the sublime porte i sincerely regret to inform you that our minister lately commissioned to that court on whose distinguished talents and great experience in public affairs i place great reliance has been compelled by extreme indisposition to exercise a privilege which in consideration of the extent to which his constitution had been impaired in the public service was committed to his discretion of leaving temporarily his post for the advantage of a more genial climate if as it is to be hoped the improvement of his health should be such as to justify him in doing so he will repair to petersburg and resume the discharge of his official duties i have received the most satisfactory assurances that in the mean time the public interest in that quarter will be preserved from prejudice by the intercourse which he will continue through the secretary of legation with the russian cabinet you are apprised although the fact has not yet been officially announced to the house of representatives that a treaty was in the month of march last concluded between the united states and denmark by which 650k are secured to our citizens as an indemnity for spoliations upon their commerce in the years 1808 1809 1810 and 1811 this treaty was sanctioned by the senate at the close of its last session and it now becomes the duty of congress to pass the necessary laws for the organization of the board of commissioners to distribute the indemnity among the claimants it is an agreeable circumstance in this adjustment that the terms are in conformity with the previously ascertained views of the claimants themselves thus removing all pretense for a future agitation of the subject in any form the negotiations in regard to such points in our foreign relations as remain to be adjusted have been actively prosecuted during the recess material advances have been made which are of a character to promise favorable results our country by the blessing of god is not in a situation to invite aggression and it will be our fault if she ever becomes so sincerely desirous to cultivate the most liberal and friendly relations with all ever ready to fulfill our engagements with scrupulous fidelity limiting our demands upon others to mere justice holding ourselves ever ready to do unto them as we would wish to be done by and avoiding even the appearance of undue partiality to any nation it appears to me impossible that a simple and sincere application of our principles to our foreign relations can fail to place them ultimately upon the footing on which it is our wish they should rest of the points referred to the most prominent are our claims upon france for spoliations upon our commerce similar claims upon spain together with embarrassments in the commercial intercourse between the two countries which ought to be removed the conclusion of the treaty of commerce and navigation with mexico which has been so long in suspense as well as the final settlement of limits between ourselves and that republic and finally the arbitrament of the question between the united states and great britain in regard to the boundary the negotiation with france has been conducted by our minister with zeal and ability and in all respects to my entire satisfaction although the prospect of a favorable termination was occasionally dimmed by counter pretensions to which the united states could not assent he yet had strong hopes of being able to arrive at a satisfactory settlement with the late government the negotiation has been renewed with the present authorities and sensible of the general and lively confidence of our citizens in the justice and magnanimity of regenerated france i regret the more not to have it in my power yet to announce the result so confidently anticipated no ground however inconsistent with this expectation has yet been taken and i do not allow myself to doubt that justice will soon be done us the amount of the claims the length of time they have remained unsatisfied and their incontrovertible justice make an earnest prosecution of them by this government an urgent duty the illegality of the seizures and confiscations out of which they have arisen is not disputed and what ever distinctions may have heretofore been set up in regard to the liability of the existing government it is quite clear that such considerations can not now be interposed the commercial intercourse between the two countries is susceptible of highly advantageous improvements but the sense of this injury has had and must continue to have a very unfavorable influence upon them from its satisfactory adjustment not only a firm and cordial friendship but a progressive development of all their relations may be expected it is therefore my earnest hope that this old and vexatious subject of difference may be speedily removed i feel that my confidence in our appeal to the motives which should govern a just and magnanimous nation is alike warranted by the character of the french people and by the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure integrity of the monarch who now presides over their councils and nothing shall be wanting on my part to meet any manifestation of the spirit we anticipate in one of corresponding frankness and liberality the subjects of difference with spain have been brought to the view of that government by our minister there with much force and propriety and the strongest assurances have been received of their early and favorable consideration the steps which remained to place the matter in controversy between great britain and the united states fairly before the arbitrator have all been taken in the same liberal and friendly spirit which characterized those before announced recent events have doubtless served to delay the decision but our minister at the court of the distinguished arbitrator has been assured that it will be made within the time contemplated by the treaty i am particularly gratified in being able to state that a decidedly favorable and as i hope lasting change has been effected in our relations with the neighboring republic of mexico the unfortunate and unfounded suspicions in regard to our disposition which it became my painful duty to advert to on a former occasion have been i believe entirely removed and the government of mexico has been made to understand the real character of the wishes and views of this in regard to that country the consequences is the establishment of friendship and mutual confidence such are the assurances i have received and i see no because to doubt their sincerity i had reason to expect the conclusion of a commercial treaty with mexico in season for communication on the present occasion circumstances which are not explained but which i am persuaded are not the result of an indisposition on her part to enter into it have produced the delay there was reason to fear in the course of the last summer that the harmony of our relations might be disturbed by the acts of certain claimants under mexican grants of territory which had hitherto been under our jurisdiction the cooperation of the representative of mexico near this government was asked on the occasion and was readily afforded instructions and advice have been given to the governor of arkansas and the officers in command in the adjoining mexican state by which it is hoped the quiet of that frontier will be preserved until a final settlement of the dividing line shall have removed all ground of controversy the exchange of ratifications of the treaty concluded last year with austria has not yet taken place the delay has been occasioned by the of the ratification of that government within the time prescribed by the treaty renewed authority has been asked for by the representative of austria and in the mean time the rapidly increasing trade and navigation between the two countries have been placed upon the most liberal footing of our navigation acts several alleged depredations have been recently committed on our commerce by the national vessels of portugal they have been made the subject of immediate remonstrance and reclamation i am not yet possessed of sufficient information to express a definitive opinion of their character but expect soon to receive it no proper means shall be omitted to obtain for our citizens all the redress to which they may appear to be entitled almost at the moment of the adjournment of your last session two bills the one entitled an act for making appropriations for building light houses light boats beacons and monuments placing buoys and for improving harbors and directing surveys and the other an act to authorize a subscription for stock in the louisville and portland canal company were submitted for my approval it was not possible within the time allowed for me before the close of the session to give to these bills the consideration which was due to their character and importance and i was compelled to retain them for that purpose i now avail myself of this early opportunity to return them to the houses in which they respectively originated with the reasons which after mature deliberation compel me to withhold my approval the practice of defraying out of the treasury of the united states the expenses incurred by the establishment and support of light houses beacons buoys and public piers within the bays inlets harbors and ports of the united states to render the navigation thereof safe and easy is coeval with the adoption of the constitution and has been continued without interruption or dispute as our foreign commerce increased and was extended into the interior of the country by the establishment of ports of entry and delivery upon our navigable rivers the sphere of those expenditures received a corresponding enlargement light houses beacons buoys public piers and the removal of sand bars sawyers and other partial or temporary impediments in the navigable rivers and harbors which were embraced in the revenue districts from time to time established by law were authorized upon the same principle and the expense defrayed in the same manner that these expenses have at times been extravagant and disproportionate is very probable the circumstances under which they are incurred are well calculated to lead to such a result unless their application is subjected to the closest scrutiny the local advantages arising from the disbursement of public money too frequently it is to be feared invite appropriations for objects of this character that are neither necessary nor useful the number of light house keepers is already very large and the bill before me proposes to add to it 51 more of various descriptions from representations upon the subject which are understood to be entitled to respect i am induced to believe that there has not only been great improvidence in the past expenditures of the government upon these objects but that the security of navigation has in some instances been diminished by the multiplication of light houses and consequent change of lights upon the coast it is in this as in other respects our duty to avoid all unnecessary expense as well as every increase of patronage not called for by the public service but in the discharge of that duty in this particular it must not be forgotten that in relation to our foreign commerce the burden and benefit of protecting and accommodating it necessarily go together and must do so as long as the public revenue is drawn from the people through the custom house it is indisputable that whatever gives facility and security to navigation cheapens imports and all who consume them are alike interested in what ever produces this effect if they consume they ought as they now do to pay otherwise they do not pay the consumer in the most inland state derives the same advantage from every necessary and prudent expenditure for the facility and security of our foreign commerce and navigation that he does who resides in a maritime state local expenditures have not of themselves a corresponding operation from a bill making direct appropriations for such objects i should not have withheld my assent the one now returned does so in several particulars but it also contains appropriations for surveys of local character which i can not approve it gives me satisfaction to find that no serious inconvenience has arisen from withholding my approval from this bill nor will it i trust be because of regret that an opportunity will be thereby afforded for congress to review its provisions under circumstances better calculated for full investigation than those under which it was passed in speaking of direct appropriations i mean not to include a practice which has obtained to some extent and to which i have in one instance in a different capacity given my assent that of subscribing to the stock of private associations positive experience and a more thorough consideration of the subject have convinced me of the impropriety as well as inexpediency of such investments all improvements effected by the funds of the nation for general use should be open to the enjoyment of all our fellow citizens exempt from the payment of tolls or any imposition of that character the practice of thus mingling the concerns of the government with those of the states or of individuals is inconsistent with the object of its institution and highly impolite the successful operation of the federal system can only be preserved by confining it to the few and simple but yet important objects for which it was designed a different practice if allowed to progress would ultimately change the character of this government by consolidating into one the general and state governments which were intended to be kept for ever distinct i can not perceive how bills authorizing such subscriptions can be otherwise regarded than as bills for revenue and consequently subject to the rule in that respect prescribed by the constitution if the interest of the government in private companies is subordinate to that of individuals the management and control of a portion of the public funds is delegated to an authority unknown to the constitution and beyond the supervision of our constituents if superior its officers and agents will be constantly exposed to imputations of favoritism and oppression direct prejudice the public interest or an alienation of the affections and respect of portions of the people may therefore in addition to the general resulting to the government from embarking with its constituents in pecuniary stipulations be looked for as the probable fruit of such associations it is no answer to this objection to say that the extent of consequences like these can not be great from a limited and small number of investments because experience in other matters teaches us and we are not at liberty to disregard its admonitions that unless an entire stop be put to them it will soon be impossible to prevent their accumulation until they are spread over the whole country and made to embrace many of the private and appropriate concerns of individuals the power which the general government would acquire within the several states by becoming the principal in corporations controlling every canal and each 60 or 100 miles of every important road and giving a proportionate vote in all their elections is almost inconceivable and in my view dangerous to the liberties of the people this mode of aiding such works is also in its nature deceptive and in many cases conducive to improvidence in the administration of the national funds appropriations will be obtained with much greater facility and granted with less security to the public interest when the measure is thus disguised than when definite and direct expenditures of money are asked for the interests of the nation would doubtless be better served by avoiding all such indirect modes of aiding particular objects in a government like ours more especially should all public acts be as far as practicable simple undisguised and intelligible that they may become fit subjects for the approbation to animadversion of the people the bill authorizing a subscription to the louisville and portland canal affords a striking illustration of the difficulty of withholding additional appropriations for the same object when the first erroneous step has been taken by instituting a partnership between the government and private companies it proposes a third subscription on the part of the united states when each preceding one was at the time regarded as the extent of the aid which government was to render to that work and the accompanying bill for light houses contains an appropriation for a survey of the bed of the river with a view to its improvement by removing the obstruction which the canal is designed to avoid this improvement if successful would afford a free passage of the river and render the canal entirely useless to such improvidence is the course of legislation subject in relation to internal improvements on local matters even with the best intentions on the part of congress although the motives which have influenced me in this matter may be already sufficiently stated i am never the less induced by its importance to add a few observations of a general character in my objections to the bills authorizing subscriptions to the maysville and rockville road companies i expressed my views fully in regard to the power of congress to construct roads and canals within a state of to appropriate money for improvements of a local character i at the same time intimated me belief that the right to make appropriations for such as were of a national character had been so generally acted upon and so long acquiesced in by the federal and state governments and the constituents of each as to justify its exercise on the ground of continued and uninterrupted usage but that it was never the less highly expedient that appropriations even of that character should with the exception made at the time be deferred until the national debt is paid and that in the mean while some general rule for the action of the government in that respect ought to be established these suggestions were not necessary to the decision of the question then before me and were i readily admit intended to awake the attention and draw forth the opinion and observations of our constituents upon a subject of the highest importance to their interests and 1 destined to exert a powerful influence upon the future operations of our political system i know of no tribunal to which a public man in this country in a case of doubt and difficulty can appeal with greater advantage or more propriety than the judgment of the people and although i must necessarily in the discharge of my official duties be governed by the dictates of my own judgment i have no desire to conceal my anxious wish to conform as far as i can to the views of those for whom i act all irregular expressions of public opinion are of necessity attended with some doubt as to their accuracy but making full allowances on that account i can not i think deceive myself in believing that the acts referred to as well as the suggestions which i allowed myself to make in relation to their bearing upon the future operations of the government have been approved by the great body of the people that those whose immediate pecuniary interests are to be affected by proposed expenditures should shrink from the application of a rule which prefers their more general and remote interests to those which are personal and immediate is to be expected but even such objections must from the nature of our population be but temporary in their duration and if it were otherwise our course should be the same for the time is yet i hope far distant when those intrusted with power to be exercised for the good of the whole will consider it either honest or wise to purchase local favors at the sacrifice of principle and general good so understanding public sentiment and thoroughly satisfied that the best interests of our common country imperiously require that the course which i have recommended in this regard should be adopted i have upon the most mature consideration determined to pursue it it is due to candor as well as to my own feelings that i should express the reluctance and anxiety which i must at all times experience in exercising the undoubted right of the executive to withhold his assent from bills on other grounds than their constitutionality that this right should not be exercised on slight occasions all will admit it is only in matters of deep interest when the principle involved may be justly regarded as next in importance to infractions of the constitution itself that such a step can be expected to meet with the approbation of the people such an occasion do i conscientiously believe the present to be in the discharge of this delicate and highly responsible duty i am sustained by the reflection that the exercise of this power has been deemed consistent with the obligation of official duty by several of my predecessors and by the persuasion too that what ever liberal institutions may have to fear from the encroachments of executive power which has been every where the because of so much strife and bloody contention but little danger is to be apprehended from a precedent by which that authority denies to itself the exercise of powers that bring in their train influence and patronage of great extent and thus excludes the operation of personal interests every where the bane of official trust i derive too no small degree of satisfaction from the reflection that if i have mistaken the interests and wishes of the people the constitution affords the means of soon redressing the error by selecting for the place their favor has bestowed upon me a citizen whose opinions may accord with their own i trust in the mean time the interests of the nation will be saved from prejudice by a rigid application of that portion of the public funds which might otherwise be applied to different objects to that highest of all our obligations the payment of the public debt and an opportunity be afforded for the adoption of some better rule for the operations of the government in this matter than any which has hitherto been acted upon profoundly impressed with the importance of the subject not merely as relates to the general prosperity of the country but to the safety of the federal system i can not avoid repeating my earnest hope that all good citizens who take a proper interest in the success and harmony of our admirable political institutions and who are incapable of desiring to convert an opposite state of things into means for the gratification of personal ambition will laying aside minor considerations and discarding local prejudices unite their honest exertions to establish some fixed general principle which shall be calculated to effect the greatest extent of public good in regard to the subject of internal improvement and afford the least ground for sectional discontent the general grounds of my objection to local appropriations have been heretofore expressed and i shall endeavor to avoid a repetition of what has been already urged the importance of sustaining the state sovereignties as far as is consistent with the rightful action of the federal government and of preserving the greatest attainable harmony between them i will now only add an expression of my conviction a conviction which every day experience serves to confirm that the political creed which inculcates the pursuit of those great objects as a paramount duty is the true faith and one to which we are mainly indebted for the present success of the entire system and to which we must alone look for its future stability that there are diversities in the interests of the different states which compose this extensive confederacy must be admitted those diversities arising from situation climate population and pursuits are doubtless as it is natural they should be greatly exaggerated by jealousies and that spirit of rivalry so inseparable from neighboring communities these circumstances make it the duty of those who are intrusted with the management of its affairs to neutralize their effects as far as practicable by making the beneficial operation of the federal government as equal and equitable among the several states as can be done consistently with the great ends of its institution it is only necessary to refer to undoubted facts to see how far the past acts of the government upon the subject under consideration have fallen short of this object the expenditures heretofore made for internal improvements amount to upward of 5m and have been distributed in very unequal proportions amongst the states the estimated expense of works of which surveys have been made together with that of others projected and partially surveyed amounts to more than 96m that such improvements on account of particular circumstances may be more advantageously and beneficially made in some states than in others is doubtless true but that they are of a character which should prevent an equitable distribution of the funds amongst the several states is not to be conceded the want of this equitable distribution can not fail to prove a prolific source of irritation among the states we have it constantly before our eyes that professions of superior zeal in the because of internal improvement and a disposition to lavish the public funds upon objects of this character are daily and earnestly put forth by aspirants to power as constituting the highest claims to the confidence of the people would it be strange under such circumstances and in times of great excitement that grants of this description should find their motives in objects which may not accord with the public good those who have not had occasion to see and regret the indication of a sinister influence in these matters in past times have been more fortunate than myself in their observation of the course of public affairs if to these evils be added the combinations and angry contentions to which such a course of things gives rise with their baleful influences upon the legislation of congress touching the leading and appropriate duties of the federal government it was but doing justice to the character of our people to expect the severe condemnation of the past which the recent exhibitions of public sentiment has evinced nothing short of a radical change in the action of the government upon the subject can in my opinion remedy the evil if as it would be natural to expect the states which have been least favored in past appropriations should insist on being redressed in those here after to be made at the expense of the states which have so largely and disproportionately participated we have as matters now stand but little security that the attempt would do more than change the inequality from one quarter to another thus viewing the subject i have heretofore felt it my duty to recommend the adoption of some plan for the distribution of the surplus funds which may at any time remain in the treasury after the national debt shall have been paid among the states in proportion to the number of their representatives to be applied by them to objects of internal improvement although this plan has met with favor in some portions of the union it has also elicited objections which merit deliberate consideration a brief notice of these objections here will not therefore i trust be regarded as out of place they rest as far as they have come to my knowledge on the following grounds first an objection to the ration of distribution second an apprehension that the existence of such a regulation would produce improvident and oppressive taxation to raise the funds for distribution 3rd that the mode proposed would lead to the construction of works of a local nature to the exclusion of such as are general and as would consequently be of a more useful character and last that it would create a discreditable and injurious dependence on the part of the state governments upon the federal power of those who object to the ration of representatives as the basis of distribution some insist that the importations of the respective states would constitute one that would be more equitable and others again that the extent of their respective territories would furnish a standard which would be more expedient and sufficiently equitable the ration of representation presented itself to my mind and it still does as one of obvious equity because of its being the ratio of contribution whether the funds to be distributed be derived from the customs or from direct taxation it does not follow however that its adoption is indispensable to the establishment of the system proposed there may be considerations appertaining to the subject which would render a departure to some extent from the rule of contribution proper nor is it absolutely necessary that the basis of distribution be confined to 1 ground it may if in the judgment of those whose right it is to fix it it be deemed politic and just to give it that character have regard to several in my first message i stated it to be my opinion that it is not probably that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the union will until a remote period if ever leave the government without a considerable surplus in the treasury beyond what may be required for its current surplus i have had no because to change that opinion but much to confirm it should these expectations be realized a suitable fund would thus be produced for the plan under consideration to operate upon and if there be no such fund its adoption will in my opinion work no injury to any interest for i can not assent to the justness of the apprehension that the establishment of the proposed system would tend to the encouragement of improvident legislation of the character supposed what ever the proper authority in the exercise of constitutional power shall at any time here after decide to be for the general good will in that as in other respects deserve and receive the acquiescence and support of the whole country and we have ample security that every abuse of power in that regard by agents of the people will receive a speedy and effectual corrective at their hands the views which i take of the future founded on the obvious and increasing improvement of all classes of our fellow citizens in intelligence and in public and private virtue leave me without much apprehension on that head i do not doubt that those who come after us will be as much alive as we are to the obligation upon all the trustees of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all unnecessary burthens and as sensible of the great truth that the resources of the nation beyond those required for immediate and necessary purposes of government can no where be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people it may some times happen that the interests of particular states would not be deemed to coincide with the general interest in relation to improvements within such states but if the danger to be apprehended from this source is sufficient to require it a discretion might be reserved to congress to direct to such improvements of a general character as the states concerned might not be disposed to unite in the application of the quotas of those states under the restriction of confining to each state the expenditure of its appropriate quota it may however be assumed as a safe general rule that such improvements as serve to increase the prosperity of the respective states in which they are made by giving new facilities to trade and thereby augmenting the wealth and comfort of their inhabitants constitute the surest mode of conferring permanent and substantial advantages upon the whole the strength as well as the true glory of the confederacy is founded on the prosperity and power of the several independent sovereignties of which it is composed and the certainty with which they can be brought into successful active cooperation through the agency of the federal government it is more over within the knowledge of such as are at all conversant with public affairs that schemes of internal improvement have from time to time been proposed which from their extent and seeming magnificence were readily regarded as of national concernment but which upon fuller consideration and further experience would now be rejected with great unanimity that the plan under consideration would derive important advantages from its certainty and that the moneys set apart for these purposes would be more judiciously applied and economically expended under the direction of the state legislatures in which every part of each state is immediately represented can not i think be doubted in the new states particularly where a comparatively small population is scattered over an extensive surface and the representation in congress consequently very limited it is natural to expect that the appropriations made by the federal government would be more likely to be expended in the vicinity of those numbers through whose immediate agency they were obtained than if the funds were placed under the control of the legislature in which every county of the state has its own representative this supposition does not necessarily impugn the motives of such congressional representatives nor is it so intended we are all sensible of the bias to which the strongest minds and purest hearts are under such circumstances liable in respect to the last objection its probable effect upon the dignity and independence of state governments it appears to me only necessary to state the case as it is and as it would be if the measure proposed were adopted to show that the operation is most likely to be the very reverse of that which the objection supposes in the one case the state would receive its quota of the national revenue for domestic use upon a fixed principle as a matter of right and from a fund to the creation of which it had itself contributed its fair proportion surely there could be nothing derogatory in that as matters now stand the states themselves in their sovereign character are not unfrequently petitioners at the bar of the federal legislature for such allowances out of the national treasury as it may comport with their pleasure or sense of duty to bestow upon them it can not require argument to prove which of the two courses is most compatible with the efficiency or respectability of the state governments but all these are matters for discussion and dispassionate consideration that the desired adjustment would be attended with difficulty affords no reason why it should not be attempted the effective operation of such motives would have prevented the adoption of the constitution under which we have so long lived and under the benign influence of which our beloved country has so signally prospered the framers of that sacred instrument had greater difficulties to overcome and they did overcome them the patriotism of the people directed by a deep conviction of the importance of the union produced mutual concession and reciprocal forbearance strict right was merged in a spirit of compromise and the result has consecrated their disinterested devotion to the general weal unless the american people have degenerated the same result can be again effected when ever experience points out the necessity of a resort to the same means to uphold the fabric which their fathers have reared it is beyond the power of man to make a system of government like ours or any other operate with precise equality upon states situated like those which compose this confederacy nor is inequality always injustice every state can not expect to shape the measures of the general government to suit its own particular interests the causes which prevent it are seated in the nature of things and can not be entirely counteracted by human means mutual forbearance becomes therefore a duty obligatory upon all and we may i am confident count upon a cheerful compliance with this high injunction on the part of our constituents it is not to be supposed that they will object to make such comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices for the preservation of rights and privileges which other less favored portions of the world have in vain waded through seas of blood to acquire our course is a safe one if it be but faithfully adhered to acquiescence in the constitutionally expressed will of the majority and the exercise of that will in a spirit of moderation justice and brotherly kindness will constitute a cement which would for ever preserve our union those who cherish and inculcate sentiments like these render a most essential service to their country while those who seek to weaken their influence are how ever conscientious and praise worthy their intentions in effect its worst enemies if the intelligence and influence of the country instead of laboring to foment sectional prejudices to be made subservient to party warfare were in good faith applied to the eradication of causes of local discontent by the improvement of our institutions and by facilitating their adaptation to the condition of the times this task would prove 1 of less difficulty may we not hope that the obvious interests of our common country and the dictates of an enlightened patriotism will in the end lead the public mind in that direction after all the nature of the subject does not admit of a plan wholly free from objection that which has for some time been in operation is perhaps the worst that could exist and every advance that can be made in its improvement is a matter eminently worthy of your most deliberate attention it is very possible that one better calculated to effect the objects in view may yet be devised if so it is to be hoped that those who disapprove the past and dissent from what is proposed for the future will feel it their duty to direct their attention to it as they must be sensible that unless some fixed rule for the action of the federal government in this respect is established the course now attempted to be arrested will be again resorted to any mode which is calculated to give the greatest degree of effect and harmony to our legislation upon the subject which shall best serve to keep the movements of the federal government within the sphere intended by those who modeled and those who adopted it which shall lead to the extinguishment of the national debt in the shortest period and impose the lightest burthens upon our constituents shall receive from me a cordial and firm support among the objects of great national concern i can not omit to press again upon your attention that part of the constitution which regulates the election of president and the necessity for its amendment is made so clear to my mind by observation of its evils and by the many able discussions which they have elicited on the floor of congress and elsewhere that i should be wanting to my duty were i to withhold another expression of my deep solicitude on the subject our system fortunately contemplates a recurrence to first principles differing in this respect from all that have preceded it and securing it i trust equally against the decay and the commotions which have marked the progress of other governments our fellow citizens too who in proportion to their love of liberty keep a steady eye upon the means of sustaining it do not require to be reminded of the duty they owe to themselves to remedy all essential defects in so vital a part of their system while they are sensible that every evil attendant upon its operation is not necessarily indicative of a bad organization but may proceed from temporary causes yet the habitual presence or even a single instance of evils which can be clearly traced to an organic defect will not i trust be through a too scrupulous veneration for the work of their ancestors the constitution was an experiment committed to the virtue and intelligence of the great mass of our in whose ranks the framers of it themselves were to perform the part of patriotic observation and scrutiny and if they have passed from the stage of existence with an increased confidence in its general adaptation to our condition we should learn from authority so high the duty of fortifying the points in it which time proves to be exposed rather than be deterred from approaching them by the suggestions of fear or the dictates of misplaced reverence a provision which does not secure to the people a direct choice of their chief magistrate but has a tendency to defeat their will presented to my mind such an inconsistence with the general spirit of our institutions that i was indeed to suggest for your consideration the substitute which appeared to me at the same time the most likely to correct the evil and to meet the views of our constituents the most mature reflection since has added strength to the belief that the best interests of our country require the speedy adoption of some plan calculated to effect this end a contingency which some times places it in the power of a single member of the house of representatives to decide an election of so high and solemn a character is unjust to the people and becomes when it occurs a source of embarrassment to the individuals thus brought into power and a because of distrust of the representative body liable as the confederacy is from its great extent to parties founded upon sectional interests and to a corresponding multiplication of candidates for the presidency the tendency of the constitutional reference to the house of representatives is to devolve the election upon that body in almost every instance and what ever choice may then be made among the candidates thus presented to them to swell the influence of particular interests to a degree inconsistent with the general good the consequences of this feature of the constitution appear far more threatening to the peace and integrity of the union than any which i can conceive as likely to result from the simple legislative action of the federal government it was a leading object with the framers of the constitution to keep as separate as possible the action of the legislative and executive branches of the government to secure this object nothing is more essential than to preserve the former from all temptations of private interest and therefore so to direct the patronage of the latter as not to permit such temptations to be offered experience abundantly demonstrates that every precaution in this respect is a valuable of liberty and 1 which my reflections upon the tendencies of our system incline me to think should be made still stronger it was for this reason that in connection with an amendment of the constitution removing all intermediate agency in the choice of the president i recommended some restrictions upon the of that officer and upon the tenure of offices generally the reason still exists and i renew the recommendation with an increased confidence that its adoption will strengthen those checks by which the constitution designed to secure the independence of each department of the government and promote the healthful and equitable administration of all the trusts which it has created the agent most likely to contravene this design of the constitution is the chief magistrate in order particularly that his appointment may as far as possible be placed beyond the reach of any improper influences in order that he may approach the solemn responsibilities of the highest office in the gift of a free people uncommitted to any other course than the strict line of constitutional duty and that the securities for this independence may be rendered as strong as the nature of power and the weakness of its possessor will admit i can not too earnestly invite your attention to the propriety of promoting such an amendment of the constitution as will render him ineligible after 1 term of service it gives me pleasure to announce to congress that the benevolent policy of the government steadily pursued for nearly 30 years in relation to the removal of the indians beyond the white settlements is approaching to a happy consummation two important tribes have accepted the provision made for their removal at the last session of congress and it is believed that their example will induce the remaining tribes also to seek the same obvious advantages the consequences of a speedy removal will be important to the united states to individual states and to the indians themselves the pecuniary advantages which it promises to the government are the least of its recommendations it puts an end to all possible danger of collision between the authorities of the general and state governments on account of the indians it will place a dense and civilized population in large tracts of country now occupied by a few savage hunters by opening the whole territory between tennessee on the north and louisiana on the south to the settlement of the whites it will incalculably strengthen the sw frontier and render the adjacent states strong enough to repel future invasions without remote aid it will relieve the whole state of mississippi and the western part of alabama of indian occupancy and enable those states to advance rapidly in population wealth and power it will separate the indians from immediate contact with settlements of whites free them from the power of the states enable them to pursue happiness in their own way and under their own rude institutions will retard the progress of decay which is lessening their numbers and perhaps because them gradually under the protection of the government and through the influence of good counsels to cast off their savage habits and become an interesting civilized and christian community these consequences some of them so certain and the rest so probable make the complete execution of the plan sanctioned by congress at their last session an object of much solicitude toward the aborigines of the country no one can indulge a more friendly feeling than myself or would go further in attempting to reclaim them from their wandering habits and make them a happy prosperous people i have endeavored to impress upon them my own solemn convictions of the duties and powers of the general government in relation to the state authorities for the justice of the laws passed by the states within the scope of their reserved powers they are not responsible to this government as individuals we may entertain and express our opinions of their acts but as a government we have as little right to control them as we have to prescribe laws for other nations with a full understanding of the subject the choctaw and the chickasaw tribes have with great unanimity determined to avail themselves of the liberal offers presented by the act of congress and have agreed to remove beyond the mississippi river treaties have been made with them which in due season will be submitted for consideration in negotiating these treaties they were made to understand their true condition and they have preferred maintaining their independence in the western forests to submitting to the laws of the states in which they now reside these treaties being probably the last which will ever be made with them are characterized by great liberality on the part of the government they give the indians a liberal sum in consideration of their removal and comfortable subsistence on their arrival at their new homes if it be their real interest to maintain a separate existence they will there be at liberty to do so without the inconveniences and vexations to which they would unavoidably have been subject in alabama and mississippi humanity has often wept over the fate of the aborigines of this country and philanthropy has been long busily employed in devising means to avert it but its progress has never for a moment been arrested and one by one have many powerful tribes disappeared from the earth to follow to the tomb the last of his race and to tread on the graves of extinct nations excite melancholy reflections but true philanthropy reconciles the mind to these vicissitudes as it does to the extinction of one generation to make room for another in the monuments and fortifications of an unknown people spread over the extensive regions of the west we behold the memorials of a once powerful race which was exterminated or has disappeared to make room for the existing savage tribes nor is there any thing in this which upon a comprehensive view of the general interests of the human race is to be regretted philanthropy could not wish to see this continent restored to the condition in which it was found by our forefathers what good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages to our extensive republic studded with cities towns and prosperous farms embellished with all the improvements which art can devise or industry execute occupied by more than happy people and filled with all the blessings of liberty civilization and religion the present policy of the government is but a continuation of the same progressive change by a milder process the tribes which occupied the countries now constituting the eastern states were annihilated or have melted away to make room for the whites the waves of population and civilization are rolling to the westward and we now propose to acquire the countries occupied by the red men of the south and west by a fair exchange and at the expense of the united states to send them to a land where their existence may be prolonged and perhaps made perpetual doubtless it will be painful to leave the graves of their fathers but what do they more than our ancestors did or than our children are now doing to better their condition in an unknown land our forefathers left all that was dear in earthly objects our children by thousands yearly leave the land of their birth to seek new homes in distant regions does humanity weep at these painful separations from every thing animate and inanimate with which the young heart has become entwined far from it it is rather a source of joy that our country affords scope where our young population may range unconstrained in body or in mind developing the power and faculties of man in their highest perfection these remove hundreds and almost thousands of miles at their own expense purchase the lands they occupy and support themselves at their new homes from the moment of their arrival can it be cruel in this government when by events which it can not control the indian is made discontented in his ancient home to purchase his lands to give him a new and extensive territory to pay the expense of his removal and support him a year in his new abode how many thousands of our own people would gladly embrace the opportunity of removing to the west on such conditions if the offers made to the indians were extended to them they would be hailed with gratitude and joy and is it supposed that the wandering savage has a stronger attachment to his home than the settled civilized christian is it more afflicting to him to leave the graves of his fathers than it is to our brothers and children rightly considered the policy of the general government toward the red man is not only liberal but generous he is unwilling to submit to the laws of the states and mingle with their population to save him from this alternative or perhaps utter annihilation the general government kindly offers him a new home and proposes to pay the whole expense of his removal and settlement in the consummation of a policy originating at an early period and steadily pursued by every administration within the present century so just to the states and so generous to the indians the executive feels it has a right to expect the cooperation of congress and of all good and disinterested men the states moreover have a right to demand it it was substantially a part of the compact which made them members of our confederacy with georgia there is an express contract with the new states an implied one of equal obligation why in authorizing ohio indiana illinois missouri mississippi and alabama to form constitutions and become separate states did congress include within their limits extensive tracts of indian lands and in some instances powerful indian tribes was it not understood by both parties that the power of the states was to be coextensive with their limits and that with all convenient dispatch the general government should extinguish the indian title and remove every obstruction to the complete jurisdiction of the state governments over the soil probably not one of those states would have accepted a separate existence certainly it would never have been granted by congress had it been understood that they were to be confined for ever to those small portions of their nominal territory the indian title to which had at the time been extinguished it is therefore a duty which this government owes to the new states to extinguish as soon as possible the indian title to all lands which congress themselves have included within their limits when this is done the duties of the general government in relation to the states and the indians within their limits are at an end the indians may leave the state or not as they choose the purchase of their lands does not alter in the least their personal relations with the state government no act of the general government has ever been deemed necessary to give the states jurisdiction over the persons of the indians that they possess by virtue of their sovereign power within their own limits in as full a manner before as after the purchase of the indian lands nor can this government add to or diminish it may we not hope therefore that all good citizens and none more zealously than those who think the indians oppressed by subjection to the laws of the states will unite in attempting to open the eyes of those children of the forest to their true condition and by a speedy removal to relieve them from all the evils real or imaginary present or prospective with which they may be supposed to be threatened among the numerous causes of congratulation the condition of our impost revenue deserves special mention in as much as it promises the means of extinguishing the public debt sooner than was anticipated and furnishes a strong illustration of the practical effects of the present tariff upon our commercial interests the object of the tariff is objected to by some as unconstitutional and it is considered by almost all as defective in many of its parts the power to impose duties on imports originally belonged to the several states the right to adjust those duties with a view to the encouragement of domestic branches of industry is so completely incidental to that power that it is difficult to suppose the existence of the one without the other the states have delegated their whole authority over imports to the general government without limitation or restriction saving the very inconsiderable reservation relating to their inspection laws this authority having thus entirely passed from the states the right to exercise it for the purpose of protection does not exist in them and consequently if it be not possessed by the general government it must be extinct our political system would thus present the anomaly of a people stripped of the right to foster their own industry and to counteract the most selfish and destructive policy which might be adopted by foreign nations this sure can not be the case this indispensable power thus surrendered by the states must be within the scope of the authority on the subject expressly delegated to congress in this conclusion i am confirmed as well by the opinions of presidents washington jefferson madison and monroe who have each repeatedly recommended the exercise of this right under the constitution as by the uniform practice of congress the continued acquiescence of the states and the general understanding of the people the difficulties of a more expedient adjustment of the present tariff although great are far from being insurmountable some are unwilling to improve any of its parts because they would destroy the whole others fear to touch the objectionable parts lest those they approve should be jeoparded i am persuaded that the advocates of these conflicting views do injustice to the american people and to their representatives the general interest is the interest of each and my confidence is entire that to insure the adoption of such modifications of the tariff as the general interest requires it is only necessary that that interest should be understood it is an infirmity of our nature to mingle our interests and prejudices with the operation of our reasoning powers and attribute to the objects of our likes and dislikes qualities they do not possess and effects they can not produce the effects of the present tariff are doubtless both in its evils and in its advantages by one class of reasoners the reduced price of cotton and other agricultural products is ascribed wholly to its influence and by another the reduced price of manufactured articles the probability is that neither opinion approaches the truth and that both are induced by that influence of interests and prejudices to which i have referred the decrease of prices extends throughout the commercial world embracing not only the raw material and the manufactured article but provisions and lands the because must therefore be deeper and more pervading than the tariff of the united states it may in a measure be attributable to the increased value of the precious metals produced by a diminution of the supply and an increase in the demand while commerce has rapidly extended itself and population has augmented the supply of gold and silver the general medium of exchange has been greatly interrupted by civil convulsions in the countries from which they are principally drawn a part of the effect too is doubtless owing to an increase of operatives and improvements in machinery but on the whole it is questionable whether the reduction in the price of lands produce and manufactures has been greater than the appreciation of the standard of value while the chief object of duties should be revenue they may be so adjusted as to encourage manufactures in this adjustment however it is the duty of the government to be guided by the general good objects of national importance alone ought to be protected of these the productions of our soil our mines and our work shops essential to national defense occupy the first rank what ever other species of domestic industry having the importance to which i have referred may be expected after temporary protection to compete with foreign labor on equal terms merit the same attention in a subordinate degree the present tariff taxes some of the comforts of life unnecessarily high it undertakes to protect interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction and it also attempts to force some kinds of manufactures for which the country is not ripe much relief will be derived in some of these respects from the measures of your last session the best as well as fairest mode of determining whether from any just considerations a particular interest ought to receive protection would be to submit the question singly for deliberation if after due examination of its merits unconnected with extraneous considerations such as a desire to sustain a general system or to purchase support for a different interest it should enlist in its favor a majority of the representatives of the people there can be little danger of wrong or injury in adjusting the tariff with reference to its protective effect if this obviously just principle were honestly adhered to the branches of industry which deserve protection would be saved from the prejudice excited against them when that protection forms part of a system by which portions of the country feel or conceive themselves to be oppressed what is incalculably more important the vital principle of our system that principle which requires acquiescence in the will of the majority would be secure from the discredit and danger to which it is exposed by the acts of majorities founded not on identity of conviction but on combinations of small minorities entered into for the purpose of mutual assistance in measures which resting solely on their own merits could never be carried i am well aware that this is a subject of so much delicacy on account of the extended interests in involves as to require that it should be touched with the utmost caution and that while an abandonment of the policy in which it originated a policy coeval with our government and pursued through successive administrations is neither to be expected or desired the people have a right to demand and have demanded that it be so modified as to correct abuses and obviate injustice that our deliberations on this interesting subject should be uninfluenced by those partisan conflicts that are incident to free institutions is the fervent wish of my heart to make this great question which unhappily so much divides and excites the public mind subservient to the views of faction must destroy all hope of settling it satisfactorily to the great body of the people and for the general interest i can not therefore in taking leave of the subject too earnestly for my own feelings or the common good warn you against the blighting consequences of such a course according to the estimates at the treasury department the receipts in the treasury during the present year will amount to which will exceed by about 300k the estimate presented in the last annual report of the secretary of the treasury the total expenditure during the year exclusive of public debt is estimated at and the payment on account of public debt for the same period will have been leaving a balance in the treasury on of in connection with the condition of our finances it affords me pleasure to remark that judicious and efficient arrangements have been made by the treasury department for securing the pecuniary responsibility of the public officers and the more punctual payment of the public dues the revenue cutter service has been organized and placed on a good footing and aided by an increase of inspectors at exposed points and regulations adopted under the act of for the inspection and appraisement of merchandise has produced much improvement in the execution of the laws and more security against the commission of frauds upon the revenue abuses in the allowances for fishing bounties have also been corrected and a material saving in that branch of the service thereby effected in addition to these improvements the system of expenditure for sick sea men belonging to the merchant service has been revised and being rendered uniform and economical the benefits of the fund applicable to this object have been usefully extended the prosperity of our country is also further evinced by the increased revenue arising from the sale of public lands as will appear from the report of the commissioner of the general land office and the documents accompanying it which are herewith transmitted i beg leave to draw your attention to this report and to the propriety of making early appropriations for the objects which it specifies your attention is again invited to the subjects connected with that portion of the public interests intrusted to the war department some of them were referred to in my former message and they are presented in detail in the report of the secretary of war herewith submitted i refer you also to the report of that officer for a knowledge of the state of the army fortifications arsenals and indian affairs all of which it will be perceived have been guarded with zealous attention and care it is worthy of your consideration whether the armaments necessary for the fortifications on our maritime frontier which are now or shortly will be completed should not be in readiness sooner than the customary appropriations will enable the department to provide them this precaution seems to be due to the general system of fortification which has been sanctioned by congress and is recommended by that maxim of wisdom which tells us in peace to prepare for war i refer you to the report of the secretary of the navy for a highly satisfactory account of the manner in which the concerns of that department have been conducted during the present year our position in relation to the most powerful nations of the earth and the present condition of europe admonish us to cherish this arm of our national defense with peculiar care separated by wide seas from all those governments whose power we might have reason to dread we have nothing to apprehend from attempts at conquest it is chiefly attacks upon our commerce and harrassing upon our coast against which we have to guard a naval force adequate to the protection of our commerce always afloat with an accumulation of the means to give it a rapid extension in case of need furnishes the power by which all such aggressions may be prevented or repelled the attention of the government has therefore been recently directed more to preserving the public vessels already built and providing materials to be placed in depot for future use than to increasing their number with the aid of congress in a few years the government will be prepared in case of emergency to put afloat a powerful navy of new ships almost as soon as old ones could be repaired the modifications in this part of the service suggested in my last annual message which are noticed more in detail in the report of the secretary of the navy are again recommended to your serious attention the report of the postmaster general in like manner exhibits a satisfactory view of the important branch of the government under his charge in addition to the benefits already secured by the operations of the post office department considerable improvements within the present year have been made by an increase in the accommodation afforded by stage coaches and in the frequency and celerity of the mail between some of the most important points of the union under the late contracts improvements have been provided for the southern section of the country and at the same time an annual saving made of upward of 72k not with standing the excess of expenditure beyond the current receipts for a few years past necessarily incurred in the fulfillment of existing contracts and in the additional expenses between the periods of contracting to meet the demands created by the rapid growth and extension of our flourishing country yet the satisfactory assurance is given that the future revenue of the department will be sufficient to meets its extensive engagements the system recently introduced that subjects its receipts and disbursements to strict regulation has entirely fulfilled its designs it gives full assurance of the punctual transmission as well as the security of the funds of the department the efficiency and industry of its officers and the ability and energy of contractors justify an increased confidence in its continued prosperity the attention of congress was called on a former occasion to the necessity of such a modification in the office of attorney general of the united states as would render it more adequate to the wants of the public service this resulted in the establishment of the office of solicitor of the treasury and the earliest measures were taken to give effect to the provisions of the law which authorized the appointment of that officer and defined his duties but it is not believed that this provision however useful in itself is calculated to supersede the necessity of extending the duties and powers of the attorney general office on the contrary i am convinced that the public interest would be greatly promoted by giving to that officer the general superintendence of the various law agents of the government and of all law proceedings whether civil or criminal in which the united states may be interested allowing him at the same time such compensation as would enable him to devote his undivided attention to the public business i think such a provision is alike due to the public and to the officer occasions of reference from the different executive departments to the attorney general are of frequent occurrence and the prompt decision of the questions so referred tends much to facilitate the dispatch of business in those departments the report of the secretary of the treasury hereto appended shows also a branch of the public service not specifically intrusted to any officer which might be advantageously committed to the attorney general but independently of those considerations this office is now one of daily duty it was originally organized and its compensation fixed with a view to occasional service leaving to the incumbent time for the exercise of his profession in private practice the state of things which warranted such an organization no longer exists the frequent claims upon the services of this officer would render his absence from the seat of government in professional attendance upon the courts injurious to the public service and the interests of the government could not fail to be promoted by charging him with the general superintendence of all its legal concerns under a strong conviction of the justness of these suggestions i recommend it to congress to make the necessary provisions for giving effect to them and to place the attorney general in regard to compensation on the same footing with the heads of the several executive departments to this officer might also be intrusted a cognizance of the cases of insolvency in public debtors especially if the views which i submitted on this subject last year should meet the approbation of congress to which i again solicit your attention your attention is respectfully invited to the situation of the district of columbia placed by the constitution under the exclusive jurisdiction and control of congress this district is certainly entitled to a much greater share of its consideration than it has yet received there is a want of uniformity in its laws particularly in those of a penal character which increases the expense of their administration and subjects the people to all the inconveniences which result from the operation of different codes in so small a territory on different sides of the potomac the same offense is punishable in unequal degrees and the peculiarities of many of the early laws of md and va remain in force not with standing their repugnance in some cases to the improvements which have superseded them in those states besides a remedy for these evils which is loudly called for it is respectfully submitted whether a provision authorizing the election of a delegate to represent the wants of the citizens of this district on the floor of congress is not due to them and to the character of our government no principles of freedom and there is none more important than that which cultivates a proper relation between the governors and the governed imperfect as this must be in this case yet it is believed that it would be greatly improved by a representation in congress with the same privileges that are allowed to the other territories of the united states the penitentiary is ready for the reception of convicts and only awaits the necessary legislation to put it into operation as one object of which i beg leave to recall your attention to the propriety of providing suitable compensation for the officers charged with its inspection the importance of the principles involved in the inquiry whether it will be proper to recharter the bank of the united states requires that i should again call the attention of congress to the subject nothing has occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many of our citizens apprehend from that institution as at present organized in the spirit of improvement and compromise which distinguishes our country and its institutions it becomes us to inquire whether it be not possible to secure the advantages afforded by the present bank through the agency of a bank of the united states so modified in its principles and structures as to obviate constitutional and other objections it is thought practicable to organize such a bank with the necessary officers as a branch of the treasury department based on the public and individual deposits without power to make loans or purchase property which shall remit the funds of the government and the expense of which may be paid if thought advisable by allowing its officers to sell bills of exchange to private individuals at a moderate premium not being a corporate body having no stock holders debtors or property and but few officers it would not be obnoxious to the constitutional objections which are urged against the present bank and having no means to operate on the hopes fears or interests of large masses of the community it would be shorn of the influence which makes that bank formidable the states would be strengthened by having in their hands the means of furnishing the local paper currency through their own banks while the bank of the united states though issuing no paper would check the issues of the state banks by taking their notes in deposit and for exchange only so long as they continue to be redeemed with specie in times of public emergency the capacities of such an institution might be enlarged by legislative provisions these suggestions are made not so much as a recommendation as with a view of calling the attention of congress to the possible modifications of a system which can not continue to exist in its present form without occasional collisions with the local authorities and perpetual apprehensions and discontent on the part of the states and the people in conclusion fellow citizens allow me to invoke in behalf of your deliberations that spirit of conciliation and disinterestedness which is the gift of patriotism under an and merciful providence the agency of this spirit has thus far been signalized in the prosperity and glory of our beloved country may its influence be eternal
pleasure congratulating upon return constitutional duties much heightened satisfaction condition beloved country period justly inspires beneficent author good granted us present year health peace plenty numerous causes joy wonderful success attends progress free institutions population unparalleled increase possessing character combines hardihood enterprise considerateness wisdom see every section happy country steady improvement means social intercourse correspondent effects upon genius laws extended republic apparent exceptions harmony prospect referred rather inevitable diversities various interests enter composition extensive whole want attachment union interests whose collisions serve end foster spirit conciliation patriotism essential preservation union devoutly hope destined prove imperishable midst blessings recently witnessed changes conditions nations may consequences call utmost vigilance wisdom unanimity councils exercise moderation patriotism people important modifications government effected much courage wisdom people france afford happy presage future course naturally elicited kindred feelings nation spontaneous universal burst applause participated congratulating fellow citizens upon event auspicious dearest interests kind respond voice country without transcending slightest degree salutary maxim illustrious washington enjoins abstinence interference internal affairs nations people exercising unlimited degree right enjoying derived proud characteristic favor heaven much happiness blessed people point triumph free institutions challenge comparison fruits bear well moderation intelligence energy administered people deepest sympathy expected struggle sacred principles liberty conducted spirit every way worthy crowned heroic moderation disarmed revolution terrors withstanding strong assurances man sincerely love justly admire given world high character present king french sustained end secure proud appellation patriot king success great principle borne throne paramount authority public american people rejoice happy inform anticipations indulged date last communication subject foreign affairs fully realized several important particulars arrangement effected great britain relation trade united states west india north american colonies settled question years afforded matter contention almost uninterrupted discussion subject less six negotiations manner promises results highly favorable parties abstract right great britain monopolize trade colonies exclude us participation therein never denied united states contended reason time great britain may desire productions country necessary colonies must received upon principles reciprocity making invidious unfriendly distinction open colonial ports vessels nations close united states antecedently 1794 portion productions admitted colonial islands great britain particular concessions limited term one year renewed year year transportation productions however vessels allowed engage privilege reserved british shipping alone produce could taken islands brought us return newfoundland continental possessions productions well vessels excluded occasional relaxations seasons distress former admitted british bottoms treaty 1794 offered concede us limited time right carrying west india possessions vessels exceeding 70 tons burthen upon terms british vessels productions united states british vessels might import therefrom privilege coupled conditions supposed led rejection senate american vessels land return cargoes united states moreover continuance privilege precluded carrying molasses sugar coffee cocoa cotton either islands united states part world great britain readily consented expunge article treaty subsequent attempts arrange terms trade either treaty stipulations concerted legislation failed successively suspended allowed according varying legislation parties following prominent points later years separated two governments besides restriction whereby importations colonies american vessels confined products carried hence restriction appear ever objected leading object part great britain prevent us becoming carriers british west india commodities country part united states contended first subject regulated treaty stipulation preference separate legislation second productions imported colonies question subject higher duties productions mother country colonial possessions 3rd vessels allowed participate circuitous trade united states different parts british dominions first point long time strenuously insisted upon great britain given act parliament 07 vessels suffered trade colonies permitted clear thence articles british vessels might export proceed part world great britain dependencies alone excepted part points succession explicitly abandoned negotiations preceding result announced arrangement secures united states every advantage asked state negotiation allowed us insist upon trade placed upon footing decidedly favorable country ever stood commerce navigation enjoy colonial ports great britain every privilege allowed nations prosperity country far depends trade greatly promoted new arrangement doubt independently obvious advantages open direct intercourse establishment attended consequences higher value carried since mutual interdict expense inconvenience unavoidably incident would insupportably onerous great degree lightened concerted evasions mode making transshipments called neutral ports indirections inconsistent dignity nations many motives cherish feelings mutual friendship maintain relations stimulate respective citizens subjects efforts direct open honorable competition preserve influence seductive vitiating circumstances preliminary interposition asked close last session copy instructions mclane acted together communications time passed british government laid although thing acts two governments requires secrecy thought proper state negotiation make communication confidential one soon however evidence execution part great britain received whole matter shall laid seen apprehension appears suggested one provisions act passed last session restoration trade question might connected subjects sought obtained sacrifice public interest particulars wholly unfounded change taken place views british government induced considerations honorable parties trust result prove beneficial desirable result seen greatly promoted liberal confiding provisions act congress last session ports upon reception annunciation president required assurance part great britain forthwith opened vessels arrangement could carried effect part pursuing act prospective legislation similar course adopted great britain abolishing act parliament 1825 restriction existing permitting vessels clear colonies return voyages foreign country whatever british vessels relieved restriction imposed law returning directly united states colonies restriction required expected abolish upon occasion limited temporary advantage given opposite party advantage importance comparison restoration mutual confidence good feeling ultimate establishment trade upon fair principles gives unfeigned pleasure assure negotiation throughout characterized frank friendly spirit part great britain concluded manner strongly indicative sincere desire cultivate best relations united states reciprocate disposition fullest extent ability duty shall deem privilege discharge although result best commentary services rendered country minister court james would violence feelings dismiss subject without expressing high sense entertain talent exertion displayed occasion injury commerce united states resulting exclusion vessels black sea previous footing mere sufferance upon even limited trade enjoyed us turkey hitherto placed long time source much solicitude government several endeavors made obtain better state things sensible importance object felt duty leave proper means unemployed acquire flag privileges enjoyed principal powers europe commissioners consequently appointed open negotiation sublime porte long member commission went directly united states sailed account treaty adrianople one objects view supposed secured reached country black sea understood opened us supposition case additional facilities derived establishment commercial regulations porte deemed sufficient importance require prosecution negotiation originally contemplated therefore persevered resulted treaty forthwith laid senate provisions free passage secured without limitations time vessels united states black sea including navigation thereof trade turkey placed footing favored nation latter arrangement wholly independent treaty adrianople former derives much value increased security circumstances would give right question fact ascertained course negotiation construction put upon treaty turkey article relating passage bosphorus confined nations treaties porte friendly feelings appear entertained sultan enlightened disposition evinced foster intercourse two countries liberal arrangements disposition duty interest cherish relations russia stable character respect empire confidence friendship toward united states long entertained part carefully cherished present emperor illustrious predecessor become incorporated public sentiment united states means left unemployed part promote salutary feelings improvements commercial intercourse two countries susceptible derived increased importance treaty sublime porte sincerely regret inform minister lately commissioned court whose distinguished talents great experience public affairs place great reliance compelled extreme indisposition exercise privilege consideration extent constitution impaired public service committed discretion leaving temporarily post advantage genial climate hoped improvement health justify repair petersburg resume discharge official duties received satisfactory assurances mean time public interest quarter preserved prejudice intercourse continue secretary legation russian cabinet apprised although fact yet officially announced house representatives treaty month march last concluded united states denmark 650k secured citizens indemnity spoliations upon commerce years 1808 1809 1810 1811 treaty sanctioned senate close last session becomes duty congress pass necessary laws organization board commissioners distribute indemnity among claimants agreeable circumstance adjustment terms conformity previously ascertained views claimants thus removing pretense future agitation subject form negotiations regard points foreign relations remain adjusted actively prosecuted recess material advances made character promise favorable results country blessing god situation invite aggression fault ever becomes sincerely desirous cultivate liberal friendly relations ever ready fulfill engagements scrupulous fidelity limiting demands upon others mere justice holding ever ready unto would wish done avoiding even appearance undue partiality nation appears impossible simple sincere application principles foreign relations fail place ultimately upon footing wish rest points referred prominent claims upon france spoliations upon commerce similar claims upon spain together embarrassments commercial intercourse two countries ought removed conclusion treaty commerce navigation mexico long suspense well final settlement limits republic finally arbitrament question united states great britain regard boundary negotiation france conducted minister zeal ability respects entire satisfaction although prospect favorable termination occasionally dimmed counter pretensions united states could assent yet strong hopes able arrive satisfactory settlement late government negotiation renewed present authorities sensible general lively confidence citizens justice magnanimity regenerated france regret power yet announce result confidently anticipated ground however inconsistent expectation yet taken allow doubt justice soon done us amount claims length time remained unsatisfied incontrovertible justice make earnest prosecution government urgent duty illegality seizures confiscations arisen disputed ever distinctions may heretofore set regard liability existing government quite clear considerations interposed commercial intercourse two countries susceptible highly advantageous improvements sense injury must continue unfavorable influence upon satisfactory adjustment firm cordial friendship progressive development relations may expected therefore earnest hope old vexatious subject difference may speedily removed feel confidence appeal motives govern magnanimous nation alike warranted character french people high voucher possess enlarged views pure integrity monarch presides councils nothing shall wanting part meet manifestation spirit anticipate one corresponding frankness liberality subjects difference spain brought view government minister much force propriety strongest assurances received early favorable consideration steps remained place matter controversy great britain united states fairly arbitrator taken liberal friendly spirit characterized announced recent events doubtless served delay decision minister court distinguished arbitrator assured made within time contemplated treaty particularly gratified able state decidedly favorable hope lasting change effected relations neighboring republic mexico unfortunate unfounded suspicions regard disposition became painful duty advert former occasion believe entirely removed government mexico made understand real character wishes views regard country consequences establishment friendship mutual confidence assurances received see doubt sincerity reason expect conclusion commercial treaty mexico season communication present occasion circumstances explained persuaded result indisposition part enter produced delay reason fear course last summer harmony relations might disturbed acts certain claimants mexican grants territory hitherto jurisdiction cooperation representative mexico near government asked occasion readily afforded instructions advice given governor arkansas officers command adjoining mexican state hoped quiet frontier preserved final settlement dividing line shall removed ground controversy exchange ratifications treaty concluded last year austria yet taken place delay occasioned ratification government within time prescribed treaty renewed authority asked representative austria mean time rapidly increasing trade navigation two countries placed upon liberal footing navigation acts several alleged depredations recently committed commerce national vessels portugal made subject immediate remonstrance reclamation yet possessed sufficient information express definitive opinion character expect soon receive proper means shall omitted obtain citizens redress may appear entitled almost moment adjournment last session two bills one entitled act making appropriations building light houses light boats beacons monuments placing buoys improving harbors directing surveys act authorize subscription stock louisville portland canal company submitted approval possible within time allowed close session give bills consideration due character importance compelled retain purpose avail early opportunity return houses respectively originated reasons mature deliberation compel withhold approval practice defraying treasury united states expenses incurred establishment support light houses beacons buoys public piers within bays inlets harbors ports united states render navigation thereof safe easy coeval adoption constitution continued without interruption dispute foreign commerce increased extended interior country establishment ports entry delivery upon navigable rivers sphere expenditures received corresponding enlargement light houses beacons buoys public piers removal sand bars sawyers partial temporary impediments navigable rivers harbors embraced revenue districts time time established law authorized upon principle expense defrayed manner expenses times extravagant disproportionate probable circumstances incurred well calculated lead result unless application subjected closest scrutiny local advantages arising disbursement public money frequently feared invite appropriations objects character neither necessary useful number light house keepers already large bill proposes add 51 various descriptions representations upon subject understood entitled respect induced believe great improvidence past expenditures government upon objects security navigation instances diminished multiplication light houses consequent change lights upon coast respects duty avoid unnecessary expense well every increase patronage called public service discharge duty particular must forgotten relation foreign commerce burden benefit protecting accommodating necessarily go together must long public revenue drawn people custom house indisputable whatever gives facility security navigation cheapens imports consume alike interested ever produces effect consume ought pay otherwise pay consumer inland state derives advantage every necessary prudent expenditure facility security foreign commerce navigation resides maritime state local expenditures corresponding operation bill making direct appropriations objects withheld assent one returned several particulars also contains appropriations surveys local character approve gives satisfaction find serious inconvenience arisen withholding approval bill trust regret opportunity thereby afforded congress review provisions circumstances better calculated full investigation passed speaking direct appropriations mean include practice obtained extent one instance different capacity given assent subscribing stock private associations positive experience thorough consideration subject convinced impropriety well inexpediency investments improvements effected funds nation general use open enjoyment fellow citizens exempt payment tolls imposition character practice thus mingling concerns government states individuals inconsistent object institution highly impolite successful operation federal system preserved confining simple yet important objects designed different practice allowed progress would ultimately change character government consolidating one general state governments intended kept ever distinct perceive bills authorizing subscriptions otherwise regarded bills revenue consequently subject rule respect prescribed constitution interest government private companies subordinate individuals management control portion public funds delegated authority unknown constitution beyond supervision constituents superior officers agents constantly exposed imputations favoritism oppression direct prejudice public interest alienation affections respect portions people may therefore addition general resulting government embarking constituents pecuniary stipulations looked probable fruit associations answer objection say extent consequences like great limited small number investments experience matters teaches us liberty disregard admonitions unless entire stop put soon impossible prevent accumulation spread whole country made embrace many private appropriate concerns individuals power general government would acquire within several states becoming principal corporations controlling every canal 60 100 miles every important road giving proportionate vote elections almost inconceivable view dangerous liberties people mode aiding works also nature deceptive many cases conducive improvidence administration national funds appropriations obtained much greater facility granted less security public interest measure thus disguised definite direct expenditures money asked interests nation would doubtless better served avoiding indirect modes aiding particular objects government like especially public acts far practicable simple undisguised intelligible may become fit subjects approbation animadversion people bill authorizing subscription louisville portland canal affords striking illustration difficulty withholding additional appropriations object first erroneous step taken instituting partnership government private companies proposes third subscription part united states preceding one time regarded extent aid government render work accompanying bill light houses contains appropriation survey bed river view improvement removing obstruction canal designed avoid improvement successful would afford free passage river render canal entirely useless improvidence course legislation subject relation internal improvements local matters even best intentions part congress although motives influenced matter may already sufficiently stated never less induced importance add observations general character objections bills authorizing subscriptions maysville rockville road companies expressed views fully regard power congress construct roads canals within state appropriate money improvements local character time intimated belief right make appropriations national character generally acted upon long acquiesced federal state governments constituents justify exercise ground continued uninterrupted usage never less highly expedient appropriations even character exception made time deferred national debt paid mean general rule action government respect ought established suggestions necessary decision question readily admit intended awake attention draw forth opinion observations constituents upon subject highest importance interests 1 destined exert powerful influence upon future operations political system know tribunal public man country case doubt difficulty appeal greater advantage propriety judgment people although must necessarily discharge official duties governed dictates judgment desire conceal anxious wish conform far views act irregular expressions public opinion necessity attended doubt accuracy making full allowances account think deceive believing acts referred well suggestions allowed make relation bearing upon future operations government approved great body people whose immediate pecuniary interests affected proposed expenditures shrink application rule prefers general remote interests personal immediate expected even objections must nature population temporary duration otherwise course time yet hope far distant intrusted power exercised good whole consider either honest wise purchase local favors sacrifice principle general good understanding public sentiment thoroughly satisfied best interests common country imperiously require course recommended regard adopted upon mature consideration determined pursue due candor well feelings express reluctance anxiety must times experience exercising undoubted right executive withhold assent bills grounds constitutionality right exercised slight occasions admit matters deep interest principle involved may justly regarded next importance infractions constitution step expected meet approbation people occasion conscientiously believe present discharge delicate highly responsible duty sustained reflection exercise power deemed consistent obligation official duty several predecessors persuasion ever liberal institutions may fear encroachments executive power every much strife bloody contention little danger apprehended precedent authority denies exercise powers bring train influence patronage great extent thus excludes operation personal interests every bane official trust derive small degree satisfaction reflection mistaken interests wishes people constitution affords means soon redressing error selecting place favor bestowed upon citizen whose opinions may accord trust mean time interests nation saved prejudice rigid application portion public funds might otherwise applied different objects highest obligations payment public debt opportunity afforded adoption better rule operations government matter hitherto acted upon profoundly impressed importance subject merely relates general prosperity country safety federal system avoid repeating earnest hope good citizens take proper interest success harmony admirable political institutions incapable desiring convert opposite state things means gratification personal ambition laying aside minor considerations discarding local prejudices unite honest exertions establish fixed general principle shall calculated effect greatest extent public good regard subject internal improvement afford least ground sectional discontent general grounds objection local appropriations heretofore expressed shall endeavor avoid repetition already urged importance sustaining state sovereignties far consistent rightful action federal government preserving greatest attainable harmony add expression conviction conviction every day experience serves confirm political creed inculcates pursuit great objects paramount duty true faith one mainly indebted present success entire system must alone look future stability diversities interests different states compose extensive confederacy must admitted diversities arising situation climate population pursuits doubtless natural greatly exaggerated jealousies spirit rivalry inseparable neighboring communities circumstances make duty intrusted management affairs neutralize effects far practicable making beneficial operation federal government equal equitable among several states done consistently great ends institution necessary refer undoubted facts see far past acts government upon subject consideration fallen short object expenditures heretofore made internal improvements amount upward 5m distributed unequal proportions amongst states estimated expense works surveys made together others projected partially surveyed amounts 96m improvements account particular circumstances may advantageously beneficially made states others doubtless true character prevent equitable distribution funds amongst several states conceded want equitable distribution fail prove prolific source irritation among states constantly eyes professions superior zeal internal improvement disposition lavish public funds upon objects character daily earnestly put forth aspirants power constituting highest claims confidence people would strange circumstances times great excitement grants description find motives objects may accord public good occasion see regret indication sinister influence matters past times fortunate observation course public affairs evils added combinations angry contentions course things gives rise baleful influences upon legislation congress touching leading appropriate duties federal government justice character people expect severe condemnation past recent exhibitions public sentiment evinced nothing short radical change action government upon subject opinion remedy evil would natural expect states least favored past appropriations insist redressed made expense states largely disproportionately participated matters stand little security attempt would change inequality one quarter another thus viewing subject heretofore felt duty recommend adoption plan distribution surplus funds may time remain treasury national debt shall paid among states proportion number representatives applied objects internal improvement although plan met favor portions union also elicited objections merit deliberate consideration brief notice objections therefore trust regarded place rest far come knowledge following grounds first objection ration distribution second apprehension existence regulation would produce improvident oppressive taxation raise funds distribution 3rd mode proposed would lead construction works local nature exclusion general would consequently useful character last would create discreditable injurious dependence part state governments upon federal power object ration representatives basis distribution insist importations respective states would constitute one would equitable others extent respective territories would furnish standard would expedient sufficiently equitable ration representation presented mind still one obvious equity ratio contribution whether funds distributed derived customs direct taxation follow however adoption indispensable establishment system proposed may considerations appertaining subject would render departure extent rule contribution proper absolutely necessary basis distribution confined 1 ground may judgment whose right fix deemed politic give character regard several first message stated opinion probably adjustment tariff upon principles satisfactory people union remote period ever leave government without considerable surplus treasury beyond may required current surplus change opinion much confirm expectations realized suitable fund would thus produced plan consideration operate upon fund adoption opinion work injury interest assent justness apprehension establishment proposed system would tend encouragement improvident legislation character supposed ever proper authority exercise constitutional power shall time decide general good respects deserve receive acquiescence support whole country ample security every abuse power regard agents people receive speedy effectual corrective hands views take future founded obvious increasing improvement classes fellow citizens intelligence public private virtue leave without much apprehension head doubt come us much alive obligation upon trustees political power exempt act unnecessary burthens sensible great truth resources nation beyond required immediate necessary purposes government well deposited pockets people may times happen interests particular states would deemed coincide general interest relation improvements within states danger apprehended source sufficient require discretion might reserved congress direct improvements general character states concerned might disposed unite application quotas states restriction confining state expenditure appropriate quota may however assumed safe general rule improvements serve increase prosperity respective states made giving new facilities trade thereby augmenting wealth comfort inhabitants constitute surest mode conferring permanent substantial advantages upon whole strength well true glory confederacy founded prosperity power several independent sovereignties composed certainty brought successful active cooperation agency federal government within knowledge conversant public affairs schemes internal improvement time time proposed extent seeming magnificence readily regarded national concernment upon fuller consideration experience would rejected great unanimity plan consideration would derive important advantages certainty moneys set apart purposes would judiciously applied economically expended direction state legislatures every part state immediately represented think doubted new states particularly comparatively small population scattered extensive surface representation congress consequently limited natural expect appropriations made federal government would likely expended vicinity numbers whose immediate agency obtained funds placed control legislature every county state representative supposition necessarily impugn motives congressional representatives intended sensible bias strongest minds purest hearts circumstances liable respect last objection probable effect upon dignity independence state governments appears necessary state case would measure proposed adopted show operation likely reverse objection supposes one case state would receive quota national revenue domestic use upon fixed principle matter right fund creation contributed fair proportion surely could nothing derogatory matters stand states sovereign character unfrequently petitioners bar federal legislature allowances national treasury may comport pleasure sense duty bestow upon require argument prove two courses compatible efficiency respectability state governments matters discussion dispassionate consideration desired adjustment would attended difficulty affords reason attempted effective operation motives would prevented adoption constitution long lived benign influence beloved country signally prospered framers sacred instrument greater difficulties overcome overcome patriotism people directed deep conviction importance union produced mutual concession reciprocal forbearance strict right merged spirit compromise result consecrated disinterested devotion general weal unless american people degenerated result effected ever experience points necessity resort means uphold fabric fathers reared beyond power man make system government like operate precise equality upon states situated like compose confederacy inequality always injustice every state expect shape measures general government suit particular interests causes prevent seated nature things entirely counteracted human means mutual forbearance becomes therefore duty obligatory upon may confident count upon cheerful compliance high injunction part constituents supposed object make comparatively inconsiderable sacrifices preservation rights privileges less favored portions world vain waded seas blood acquire course safe one faithfully adhered acquiescence constitutionally expressed majority exercise spirit moderation justice brotherly kindness constitute cement would ever preserve union cherish inculcate sentiments like render essential service country seek weaken influence ever conscientious praise worthy intentions effect worst enemies intelligence influence country instead laboring foment sectional prejudices made subservient party warfare good faith applied eradication causes local discontent improvement institutions facilitating adaptation condition times task would prove 1 less difficulty may hope obvious interests common country dictates enlightened patriotism end lead public mind direction nature subject admit plan wholly free objection time operation perhaps worst could exist every advance made improvement matter eminently worthy deliberate attention possible one better calculated effect objects view may yet devised hoped disapprove past dissent proposed future feel duty direct attention must sensible unless fixed rule action federal government respect established course attempted arrested resorted mode calculated give greatest degree effect harmony legislation upon subject shall best serve keep movements federal government within sphere intended modeled adopted shall lead extinguishment national debt shortest period impose lightest burthens upon constituents shall receive cordial firm support among objects great national concern omit press upon attention part constitution regulates election president necessity amendment made clear mind observation evils many able discussions elicited floor congress elsewhere wanting duty withhold another expression deep solicitude subject system fortunately contemplates recurrence first principles differing respect preceded securing trust equally decay commotions marked progress governments fellow citizens proportion love liberty keep steady eye upon means sustaining require reminded duty owe remedy essential defects vital part system sensible every evil attendant upon operation necessarily indicative bad organization may proceed temporary causes yet habitual presence even single instance evils clearly traced organic defect trust scrupulous veneration work ancestors constitution experiment committed virtue intelligence great mass whose ranks framers perform part patriotic observation scrutiny passed stage existence increased confidence general adaptation condition learn authority high duty fortifying points time proves exposed rather deterred approaching suggestions fear dictates misplaced reverence provision secure people direct choice chief magistrate tendency defeat presented mind inconsistence general spirit institutions indeed suggest consideration substitute appeared time likely correct evil meet views constituents mature reflection since added strength belief best interests country require speedy adoption plan calculated effect end contingency times places power single member house representatives decide election high solemn character unjust people becomes occurs source embarrassment individuals thus brought power distrust representative body liable confederacy great extent parties founded upon sectional interests corresponding multiplication candidates presidency tendency constitutional reference house representatives devolve election upon body almost every instance ever choice may made among candidates thus presented swell influence particular interests degree inconsistent general good consequences feature constitution appear far threatening peace integrity union conceive likely result simple legislative action federal government leading object framers constitution keep separate possible action legislative executive branches government secure object nothing essential preserve former temptations private interest therefore direct patronage latter permit temptations offered experience abundantly demonstrates every precaution respect valuable liberty 1 reflections upon tendencies system incline think made still stronger reason connection amendment constitution removing intermediate agency choice president recommended restrictions upon officer upon tenure offices generally reason still exists renew recommendation increased confidence adoption strengthen checks constitution designed secure independence department government promote healthful equitable administration trusts created agent likely contravene design constitution chief magistrate order particularly appointment may far possible placed beyond reach improper influences order may approach solemn responsibilities highest office gift free people uncommitted course strict line constitutional duty securities independence may rendered strong nature power weakness possessor admit earnestly invite attention propriety promoting amendment constitution render ineligible 1 term service gives pleasure announce congress benevolent policy government steadily pursued nearly 30 years relation removal indians beyond white settlements approaching happy consummation two important tribes accepted provision made removal last session congress believed example induce remaining tribes also seek obvious advantages consequences speedy removal important united states individual states indians pecuniary advantages promises government least recommendations puts end possible danger collision authorities general state governments account indians place dense civilized population large tracts country occupied savage hunters opening whole territory tennessee north louisiana south settlement whites incalculably strengthen sw frontier render adjacent states strong enough repel future invasions without remote aid relieve whole state mississippi western part alabama indian occupancy enable states advance rapidly population wealth power separate indians immediate contact settlements whites free power states enable pursue happiness way rude institutions retard progress decay lessening numbers perhaps gradually protection government influence good counsels cast savage habits become interesting civilized christian community consequences certain rest probable make complete execution plan sanctioned congress last session object much solicitude toward aborigines country one indulge friendly feeling would go attempting reclaim wandering habits make happy prosperous people endeavored impress upon solemn convictions duties powers general government relation state authorities justice laws passed states within scope reserved powers responsible government individuals may entertain express opinions acts government little right control prescribe laws nations full understanding subject choctaw chickasaw tribes great unanimity determined avail liberal offers presented act congress agreed remove beyond mississippi river treaties made due season submitted consideration negotiating treaties made understand true condition preferred maintaining independence western forests submitting laws states reside treaties probably last ever made characterized great liberality part government give indians liberal sum consideration removal comfortable subsistence arrival new homes real interest maintain separate existence liberty without inconveniences vexations would unavoidably subject alabama mississippi humanity often wept fate aborigines country philanthropy long busily employed devising means avert progress never moment arrested one one many powerful tribes disappeared earth follow tomb last race tread graves extinct nations excite melancholy reflections true philanthropy reconciles mind vicissitudes extinction one generation make room another monuments fortifications unknown people spread extensive regions west behold memorials powerful race exterminated disappeared make room existing savage tribes thing upon comprehensive view general interests human race regretted philanthropy could wish see continent restored condition found forefathers good man would prefer country covered forests ranged thousand savages extensive republic studded cities towns prosperous farms embellished improvements art devise industry execute occupied happy people filled blessings liberty civilization religion present policy government continuation progressive change milder process tribes occupied countries constituting eastern states annihilated melted away make room whites waves population civilization rolling westward propose acquire countries occupied red men south west fair exchange expense united states send land existence may prolonged perhaps made perpetual doubtless painful leave graves fathers ancestors children better condition unknown land forefathers left dear earthly objects children thousands yearly leave land birth seek new homes distant regions humanity weep painful separations every thing animate inanimate young heart become entwined far rather source joy country affords scope young population may range unconstrained body mind developing power faculties man highest perfection remove hundreds almost thousands miles expense purchase lands occupy support new homes moment arrival cruel government events control indian made discontented ancient home purchase lands give new extensive territory pay expense removal support year new abode many thousands people would gladly embrace opportunity removing west conditions offers made indians extended would hailed gratitude joy supposed wandering savage stronger attachment home settled civilized christian afflicting leave graves fathers brothers children rightly considered policy general government toward red man liberal generous unwilling submit laws states mingle population save alternative perhaps utter annihilation general government kindly offers new home proposes pay whole expense removal settlement consummation policy originating early period steadily pursued every administration within present century states generous indians executive feels right expect cooperation congress good disinterested men states moreover right demand substantially part compact made members confederacy georgia express contract new states implied one equal obligation authorizing ohio indiana illinois missouri mississippi alabama form constitutions become separate states congress include within limits extensive tracts indian lands instances powerful indian tribes understood parties power states coextensive limits convenient dispatch general government extinguish indian title remove every obstruction complete jurisdiction state governments soil probably one states would accepted separate existence certainly would never granted congress understood confined ever small portions nominal territory indian title time extinguished therefore duty government owes new states extinguish soon possible indian title lands congress included within limits done duties general government relation states indians within limits end indians may leave state choose purchase lands alter least personal relations state government act general government ever deemed necessary give states jurisdiction persons indians possess virtue sovereign power within limits full manner purchase indian lands government add diminish may hope therefore good citizens none zealously think indians oppressed subjection laws states unite attempting open eyes children forest true condition speedy removal relieve evils real imaginary present prospective may supposed threatened among numerous causes congratulation condition impost revenue deserves special mention much promises means extinguishing public debt sooner anticipated furnishes strong illustration practical effects present tariff upon commercial interests object tariff objected unconstitutional considered almost defective many parts power impose duties imports originally belonged several states right adjust duties view encouragement domestic branches industry completely incidental power difficult suppose existence one without states delegated whole authority imports general government without limitation restriction saving inconsiderable reservation relating inspection laws authority thus entirely passed states right exercise purpose protection exist consequently possessed general government must extinct political system would thus present anomaly people stripped right foster industry counteract selfish destructive policy might adopted foreign nations sure case indispensable power thus surrendered states must within scope authority subject expressly delegated congress conclusion confirmed well opinions presidents washington jefferson madison monroe repeatedly recommended exercise right constitution uniform practice congress continued acquiescence states general understanding people difficulties expedient adjustment present tariff although great far insurmountable unwilling improve parts would destroy whole others fear touch objectionable parts lest approve jeoparded persuaded advocates conflicting views injustice american people representatives general interest interest confidence entire insure adoption modifications tariff general interest requires necessary interest understood infirmity nature mingle interests prejudices operation reasoning powers attribute objects likes dislikes qualities possess effects produce effects present tariff doubtless evils advantages one class reasoners reduced price cotton agricultural products ascribed wholly influence another reduced price manufactured articles probability neither opinion approaches truth induced influence interests prejudices referred decrease prices extends throughout commercial world embracing raw material manufactured article provisions lands must therefore deeper pervading tariff united states may measure attributable increased value precious metals produced diminution supply increase demand commerce rapidly extended population augmented supply gold silver general medium exchange greatly interrupted civil convulsions countries principally drawn part effect doubtless owing increase operatives improvements machinery whole questionable whether reduction price lands produce manufactures greater appreciation standard value chief object duties revenue may adjusted encourage manufactures adjustment however duty government guided general good objects national importance alone ought protected productions soil mines work shops essential national defense occupy first rank ever species domestic industry importance referred may expected temporary protection compete foreign labor equal terms merit attention subordinate degree present tariff taxes comforts life unnecessarily high undertakes protect interests local minute justify general exaction also attempts force kinds manufactures country ripe much relief derived respects measures last session best well fairest mode determining whether considerations particular interest ought receive protection would submit question singly deliberation due examination merits unconnected extraneous considerations desire sustain general system purchase support different interest enlist favor majority representatives people little danger wrong injury adjusting tariff reference protective effect obviously principle honestly adhered branches industry deserve protection would saved prejudice excited protection forms part system portions country feel conceive oppressed incalculably important vital principle system principle requires acquiescence majority would secure discredit danger exposed acts majorities founded identity conviction combinations small minorities entered purpose mutual assistance measures resting solely merits could never carried well aware subject much delicacy account extended interests involves require touched utmost caution abandonment policy originated policy coeval government pursued successive administrations neither expected desired people right demand demanded modified correct abuses obviate injustice deliberations interesting subject uninfluenced partisan conflicts incident free institutions fervent wish heart make great question unhappily much divides excites public mind subservient views faction must destroy hope settling satisfactorily great body people general interest therefore taking leave subject earnestly feelings common good warn blighting consequences course according estimates treasury department receipts treasury present year amount exceed 300k estimate presented last annual report secretary treasury total expenditure year exclusive public debt estimated payment account public debt period leaving balance treasury connection condition finances affords pleasure remark judicious efficient arrangements made treasury department securing pecuniary responsibility public officers punctual payment public dues revenue cutter service organized placed good footing aided increase inspectors exposed points regulations adopted act inspection appraisement merchandise produced much improvement execution laws security commission frauds upon revenue abuses allowances fishing bounties also corrected material saving branch service thereby effected addition improvements system expenditure sick sea men belonging merchant service revised rendered uniform economical benefits fund applicable object usefully extended prosperity country also evinced increased revenue arising sale public lands appear report commissioner general land office documents accompanying herewith transmitted beg leave draw attention report propriety making early appropriations objects specifies attention invited subjects connected portion public interests intrusted war department referred former message presented detail report secretary war herewith submitted refer also report officer knowledge state army fortifications arsenals indian affairs perceived guarded zealous attention care worthy consideration whether armaments necessary fortifications maritime frontier shortly completed readiness sooner customary appropriations enable department provide precaution seems due general system fortification sanctioned congress recommended maxim wisdom tells us peace prepare war refer report secretary navy highly satisfactory account manner concerns department conducted present year position relation powerful nations earth present condition europe admonish us cherish arm national defense peculiar care separated wide seas governments whose power might reason dread nothing apprehend attempts conquest chiefly attacks upon commerce harrassing upon coast guard naval force adequate protection commerce always afloat accumulation means give rapid extension case need furnishes power aggressions may prevented repelled attention government therefore recently directed preserving public vessels already built providing materials placed depot future use increasing number aid congress years government prepared case emergency put afloat powerful navy new ships almost soon old ones could repaired modifications part service suggested last annual message noticed detail report secretary navy recommended serious attention report postmaster general like manner exhibits satisfactory view important branch government charge addition benefits already secured operations post office department considerable improvements within present year made increase accommodation afforded stage coaches frequency celerity mail important points union late contracts improvements provided southern section country time annual saving made upward 72k standing excess expenditure beyond current receipts years past necessarily incurred fulfillment existing contracts additional expenses periods contracting meet demands created rapid growth extension flourishing country yet satisfactory assurance given future revenue department sufficient meets extensive engagements system recently introduced subjects receipts disbursements strict regulation entirely fulfilled designs gives full assurance punctual transmission well security funds department efficiency industry officers ability energy contractors justify increased confidence continued prosperity attention congress called former occasion necessity modification office attorney general united states would render adequate wants public service resulted establishment office solicitor treasury earliest measures taken give effect provisions law authorized appointment officer defined duties believed provision however useful calculated supersede necessity extending duties powers attorney general office contrary convinced public interest would greatly promoted giving officer general superintendence various law agents government law proceedings whether civil criminal united states may interested allowing time compensation would enable devote undivided attention public business think provision alike due public officer occasions reference different executive departments attorney general frequent occurrence prompt decision questions referred tends much facilitate dispatch business departments report secretary treasury hereto appended shows also branch public service specifically intrusted officer might advantageously committed attorney general independently considerations office one daily duty originally organized compensation fixed view occasional service leaving incumbent time exercise profession private practice state things warranted organization longer exists frequent claims upon services officer would render absence seat government professional attendance upon courts injurious public service interests government could fail promoted charging general superintendence legal concerns strong conviction justness suggestions recommend congress make necessary provisions giving effect place attorney general regard compensation footing heads several executive departments officer might also intrusted cognizance cases insolvency public debtors especially views submitted subject last year meet approbation congress solicit attention attention respectfully invited situation district columbia placed constitution exclusive jurisdiction control congress district certainly entitled much greater share consideration yet received want uniformity laws particularly penal character increases expense administration subjects people inconveniences result operation different codes small territory different sides potomac offense punishable unequal degrees peculiarities many early laws md va remain force standing repugnance cases improvements superseded states besides remedy evils loudly called respectfully submitted whether provision authorizing election delegate represent wants citizens district floor congress due character government principles freedom none important cultivates proper relation governors governed imperfect must case yet believed would greatly improved representation congress privileges allowed territories united states penitentiary ready reception convicts awaits necessary legislation put operation one object beg leave recall attention propriety providing suitable compensation officers charged inspection importance principles involved inquiry whether proper recharter bank united states requires call attention congress subject nothing occurred lessen degree dangers many citizens apprehend institution present organized spirit improvement compromise distinguishes country institutions becomes us inquire whether possible secure advantages afforded present bank agency bank united states modified principles structures obviate constitutional objections thought practicable organize bank necessary officers branch treasury department based public individual deposits without power make loans purchase property shall remit funds government expense may paid thought advisable allowing officers sell bills exchange private individuals moderate premium corporate body stock holders debtors property officers would obnoxious constitutional objections urged present bank means operate hopes fears interests large masses community would shorn influence makes bank formidable states would strengthened hands means furnishing local paper currency banks bank united states though issuing paper would check issues state banks taking notes deposit exchange long continue redeemed specie times public emergency capacities institution might enlarged legislative provisions suggestions made much recommendation view calling attention congress possible modifications system continue exist present form without occasional collisions local authorities perpetual apprehensions discontent part states people conclusion fellow citizens allow invoke behalf deliberations spirit conciliation disinterestedness gift patriotism merciful providence agency spirit thus far signalized prosperity glory beloved country may influence eternal
pleasure congratulate upon return constitutional duty much heighten satisfaction condition beloved country period justly inspire beneficent author good grant u present year health peace plenty numerous cause joy wonderful success attend progress free institution population unparalleled increase possess character combine hardihood enterprise considerateness wisdom see every section happy country steady improvement mean social intercourse correspondent effect upon genius law extend republic apparent exception harmony prospect refer rather inevitable diversity various interest enter composition extensive whole want attachment union interest whose collision serve end foster spirit conciliation patriotism essential preservation union devoutly hope destine prove imperishable midst blessing recently witness change condition nation may consequences call utmost vigilance wisdom unanimity council exercise moderation patriotism people important modification government effect much courage wisdom people france afford happy presage future course naturally elicit kindred feeling nation spontaneous universal burst applause participate congratulate fellow citizen upon event auspicious dearest interest kind respond voice country without transcend slight degree salutary maxim illustrious washington enjoin abstinence interference internal affair nation people exercise unlimited degree right enjoy derive proud characteristic favor heaven much happiness bless people point triumph free institution challenge comparison fruit bear well moderation intelligence energy administer people deepest sympathy expect struggle sacred principle liberty conducted spirit every way worthy crown heroic moderation disarm revolution terror withstand strong assurance man sincerely love justly admire give world high character present king french sustained end secure proud appellation patriot king success great principle borne throne paramount authority public american people rejoice happy inform anticipation indulge date last communication subject foreign affair fully realize several important particular arrangement effect great britain relation trade united state west india north american colony settle question year afford matter contention almost uninterrupted discussion subject less six negotiation manner promise result highly favorable party abstract right great britain monopolize trade colony exclude u participation therein never deny united state contend reason time great britain may desire production country necessary colony must receive upon principle reciprocity make invidious unfriendly distinction open colonial port vessel nation close united state antecedently 1794 portion production admit colonial island great britain particular concession limited term one year renew year year transportation production however vessel allow engage privilege reserve british shipping alone produce could take island bring u return newfoundland continental possession production well vessel exclude occasional relaxation season distress former admit british bottom treaty 1794 offer concede u limited time right carry west india possession vessel exceed 70 ton burthen upon term british vessel production united state british vessel might import therefrom privilege couple condition suppose lead rejection senate american vessel land return cargo unite state moreover continuance privilege preclude carry molasses sugar coffee cocoa cotton either island united state part world great britain readily consent expunge article treaty subsequent attempt arrange term trade either treaty stipulation concert legislation fail successively suspend allow accord vary legislation party follow prominent point later year separate two government besides restriction whereby importation colony american vessel confine product carry hence restriction appear ever object lead object part great britain prevent u become carrier british west india commodity country part united state contend first subject regulate treaty stipulation preference separate legislation second production import colony question subject high duty production mother country colonial possession 3rd vessel allow participate circuitous trade united state different part british dominion first point long time strenuously insist upon great britain give act parliament 07 vessel suffer trade colony permit clear thence article british vessel might export proceed part world great britain dependency alone except part point succession explicitly abandon negotiation precede result announce arrangement secures united state every advantage ask state negotiation allow u insist upon trade place upon foot decidedly favorable country ever stand commerce navigation enjoy colonial port great britain every privilege allow nation prosperity country far depend trade greatly promote new arrangement doubt independently obvious advantage open direct intercourse establishment attend consequence high value carry since mutual interdict expense inconvenience unavoidably incident would insupportably onerous great degree lighten concerted evasion mode make transshipment call neutral port indirection inconsistent dignity nation many motif cherish feeling mutual friendship maintain relation stimulate respective citizen subject effort direct open honorable competition preserve influence seductive vitiating circumstance preliminary interposition ask close last session copy instruction mclane act together communication time pass british government lay although thing act two government require secrecy think proper state negotiation make communication confidential one soon however evidence execution part great britain receive whole matter shall lay see apprehension appear suggest one provision act pass last session restoration trade question might connect subject seek obtain sacrifice public interest particular wholly unfounded change take place view british government induce consideration honorable party trust result prove beneficial desirable result see greatly promoted liberal confiding provision act congress last session port upon reception annunciation president require assurance part great britain forthwith open vessel arrangement could carry effect part pursue act prospective legislation similar course adopt great britain abolish act parliament 1825 restriction exist permit vessel clear colony return voyage foreign country whatever british vessel relieve restriction impose law return directly unite state colony restriction require expect abolish upon occasion limit temporary advantage give opposite party advantage importance comparison restoration mutual confidence good feeling ultimate establishment trade upon fair principle give unfeigned pleasure assure negotiation throughout characterized frank friendly spirit part great britain conclude manner strongly indicative sincere desire cultivate best relation united state reciprocate disposition full extent ability duty shall deem privilege discharge although result best commentary service render country minister court james would violence feeling dismiss subject without express high sense entertain talent exertion display occasion injury commerce united state result exclusion vessel black sea previous footing mere sufferance upon even limited trade enjoy u turkey hitherto place long time source much solicitude government several endeavor make obtain good state thing sensible importance object felt duty leave proper mean unemployed acquire flag privilege enjoy principal power europe commissioner consequently appoint open negotiation sublime porte long member commission go directly united state sail account treaty adrianople one object view suppose secure reached country black sea understood open u supposition case additional facility derive establishment commercial regulation porte deem sufficient importance require prosecution negotiation originally contemplate therefore persevere result treaty forthwith laid senate provision free passage secure without limitation time vessel united state black sea include navigation thereof trade turkey place footing favored nation latter arrangement wholly independent treaty adrianople former derives much value increase security circumstance would give right question fact ascertain course negotiation construction put upon treaty turkey article relate passage bosphorus confine nation treaty porte friendly feeling appear entertain sultan enlighten disposition evince foster intercourse two country liberal arrangement disposition duty interest cherish relation russia stable character respect empire confidence friendship toward united state long entertain part carefully cherish present emperor illustrious predecessor become incorporate public sentiment united state mean leave unemployed part promote salutary feeling improvement commercial intercourse two country susceptible derive increased importance treaty sublime porte sincerely regret inform minister lately commissioned court whose distinguished talent great experience public affair place great reliance compel extreme indisposition exercise privilege consideration extent constitution impair public service commit discretion leave temporarily post advantage genial climate hop improvement health justify repair petersburg resume discharge official duty receive satisfactory assurance mean time public interest quarter preserve prejudice intercourse continue secretary legation russian cabinet apprise although fact yet officially announce house representative treaty month march last conclude united state denmark 650k secure citizen indemnity spoliation upon commerce year 1808 1809 1810 1811 treaty sanction senate close last session becomes duty congress pas necessary law organization board commissioner distribute indemnity among claimant agreeable circumstance adjustment term conformity previously ascertain view claimant thus remove pretense future agitation subject form negotiation regard point foreign relation remain adjusted actively prosecuted recess material advance make character promise favorable result country bless god situation invite aggression fault ever become sincerely desirous cultivate liberal friendly relation ever ready fulfill engagement scrupulous fidelity limit demand upon others mere justice hold ever ready unto would wish do avoid even appearance undue partiality nation appear impossible simple sincere application principle foreign relation fail place ultimately upon foot wish rest point refer prominent claim upon france spoliation upon commerce similar claim upon spain together embarrassment commercial intercourse two country ought remove conclusion treaty commerce navigation mexico long suspense well final settlement limit republic finally arbitrament question united state great britain regard boundary negotiation france conduct minister zeal ability respect entire satisfaction although prospect favorable termination occasionally dim counter pretension united state could assent yet strong hope able arrive satisfactory settlement late government negotiation renew present authority sensible general lively confidence citizen justice magnanimity regenerate france regret power yet announce result confidently anticipate ground however inconsistent expectation yet take allow doubt justice soon do u amount claim length time remain unsatisfied incontrovertible justice make earnest prosecution government urgent duty illegality seizures confiscation arisen dispute ever distinction may heretofore set regard liability exist government quite clear consideration interpose commercial intercourse two country susceptible highly advantageous improvement sense injury must continue unfavorable influence upon satisfactory adjustment firm cordial friendship progressive development relation may expect therefore earnest hope old vexatious subject difference may speedily remove feel confidence appeal motif govern magnanimous nation alike warrant character french people high voucher possess enlarge view pure integrity monarch preside council nothing shall want part meet manifestation spirit anticipate one correspond frankness liberality subject difference spain bring view government minister much force propriety strong assurance receive early favorable consideration step remain place matter controversy great britain united state fairly arbitrator take liberal friendly spirit characterized announce recent event doubtless serve delay decision minister court distinguish arbitrator assure make within time contemplate treaty particularly gratify able state decidedly favorable hope last change effect relation neighbor republic mexico unfortunate unfounded suspicion regard disposition become painful duty advert former occasion believe entirely removed government mexico make understand real character wish view regard country consequence establishment friendship mutual confidence assurance receive see doubt sincerity reason expect conclusion commercial treaty mexico season communication present occasion circumstance explain persuaded result indisposition part enter produce delay reason fear course last summer harmony relation might disturb act certain claimant mexican grant territory hitherto jurisdiction cooperation representative mexico near government ask occasion readily afford instruction advice give governor arkansas officer command adjoin mexican state hop quiet frontier preserve final settlement divide line shall remove ground controversy exchange ratification treaty conclude last year austria yet take place delay occasion ratification government within time prescribe treaty renew authority ask representative austria mean time rapidly increase trade navigation two country place upon liberal footing navigation act several alleged depredation recently commit commerce national vessel portugal make subject immediate remonstrance reclamation yet possess sufficient information express definitive opinion character expect soon receive proper mean shall omit obtain citizen redress may appear entitle almost moment adjournment last session two bill one entitle act make appropriation build light house light boat beacon monument place buoy improve harbor direct survey act authorize subscription stock louisville portland canal company submit approval possible within time allow close session give bill consideration due character importance compel retain purpose avail early opportunity return house respectively originate reason mature deliberation compel withhold approval practice defray treasury united state expense incur establishment support light house beacon buoy public pier within bay inlet harbor port united state render navigation thereof safe easy coeval adoption constitution continue without interruption dispute foreign commerce increase extend interior country establishment port entry delivery upon navigable river sphere expenditures receive corresponding enlargement light house beacon buoy public pier removal sand bar sawyers partial temporary impediment navigable river harbor embrace revenue district time time establish law authorize upon principle expense defray manner expense time extravagant disproportionate probable circumstance incur well calculate lead result unless application subject close scrutiny local advantage arise disbursement public money frequently fear invite appropriation object character neither necessary useful number light house keeper already large bill propose add 51 various description representation upon subject understood entitle respect induced believe great improvidence past expenditures government upon object security navigation instance diminish multiplication light house consequent change light upon coast respect duty avoid unnecessary expense well every increase patronage call public service discharge duty particular must forget relation foreign commerce burden benefit protect accommodate necessarily go together must long public revenue drawn people custom house indisputable whatever give facility security navigation cheapen import consume alike interested ever produce effect consume ought pay otherwise pay consumer inland state derives advantage every necessary prudent expenditure facility security foreign commerce navigation resides maritime state local expenditure correspond operation bill make direct appropriation object withheld assent one return several particular also contain appropriation survey local character approve give satisfaction find serious inconvenience arisen withhold approval bill trust regret opportunity thereby afford congress review provision circumstance well calculate full investigation pass speak direct appropriation mean include practice obtain extent one instance different capacity give assent subscribe stock private association positive experience thorough consideration subject convince impropriety well inexpediency investment improvement effected fund nation general use open enjoyment fellow citizen exempt payment toll imposition character practice thus mingle concern government state individual inconsistent object institution highly impolite successful operation federal system preserve confine simple yet important object design different practice allow progress would ultimately change character government consolidate one general state government intend kept ever distinct perceive bill authorize subscription otherwise regard bill revenue consequently subject rule respect prescribe constitution interest government private company subordinate individual management control portion public fund delegate authority unknown constitution beyond supervision constituent superior officer agent constantly expose imputation favoritism oppression direct prejudice public interest alienation affection respect portion people may therefore addition general result government embark constituent pecuniary stipulation look probable fruit association answer objection say extent consequence like great limited small number investment experience matter teach u liberty disregard admonition unless entire stop put soon impossible prevent accumulation spread whole country make embrace many private appropriate concern individual power general government would acquire within several state become principal corporation control every canal 60 100 mile every important road give proportionate vote election almost inconceivable view dangerous liberty people mode aid work also nature deceptive many case conducive improvidence administration national fund appropriation obtain much great facility grant less security public interest measure thus disguise definite direct expenditures money ask interest nation would doubtless good serve avoid indirect mode aid particular object government like especially public act far practicable simple undisguised intelligible may become fit subject approbation animadversion people bill authorize subscription louisville portland canal affords strike illustration difficulty withhold additional appropriation object first erroneous step take institute partnership government private company propose third subscription part united state precede one time regard extent aid government render work accompany bill light house contain appropriation survey bed river view improvement remove obstruction canal design avoid improvement successful would afford free passage river render canal entirely useless improvidence course legislation subject relation internal improvement local matter even best intention part congress although motif influenced matter may already sufficiently state never less induced importance add observation general character objection bill authorize subscription maysville rockville road company express view fully regard power congress construct road canal within state appropriate money improvement local character time intimated belief right make appropriation national character generally act upon long acquiesced federal state government constituent justify exercise ground continue uninterrupted usage never less highly expedient appropriation even character exception make time deferred national debt pay mean general rule action government respect ought establish suggestion necessary decision question readily admit intend awake attention draw forth opinion observation constituent upon subject high importance interest 1 destine exert powerful influence upon future operation political system know tribunal public man country case doubt difficulty appeal great advantage propriety judgment people although must necessarily discharge official duty govern dictate judgment desire conceal anxious wish conform far view act irregular expression public opinion necessity attend doubt accuracy make full allowance account think deceive believing act refer well suggestion allow make relation bear upon future operation government approve great body people whose immediate pecuniary interest affect proposed expenditure shrink application rule prefers general remote interest personal immediate expect even objection must nature population temporary duration otherwise course time yet hope far distant intrusted power exercise good whole consider either honest wise purchase local favor sacrifice principle general good understand public sentiment thoroughly satisfied best interest common country imperiously require course recommend regard adopt upon mature consideration determine pursue due candor well feeling express reluctance anxiety must time experience exercise undoubted right executive withhold assent bill ground constitutionality right exercise slight occasion admit matter deep interest principle involve may justly regard next importance infraction constitution step expect meet approbation people occasion conscientiously believe present discharge delicate highly responsible duty sustain reflection exercise power deem consistent obligation official duty several predecessor persuasion ever liberal institution may fear encroachment executive power every much strife bloody contention little danger apprehend precedent authority denies exercise power bring train influence patronage great extent thus exclude operation personal interest every bane official trust derive small degree satisfaction reflection mistaken interest wish people constitution affords mean soon redress error select place favor bestow upon citizen whose opinion may accord trust mean time interest nation save prejudice rigid application portion public fund might otherwise apply different object high obligation payment public debt opportunity afford adoption well rule operation government matter hitherto act upon profoundly impressed importance subject merely relate general prosperity country safety federal system avoid repeat earnest hope good citizen take proper interest success harmony admirable political institution incapable desire convert opposite state thing mean gratification personal ambition lay aside minor consideration discard local prejudice unite honest exertion establish fix general principle shall calculate effect great extent public good regard subject internal improvement afford least ground sectional discontent general ground objection local appropriation heretofore express shall endeavor avoid repetition already urge importance sustain state sovereignty far consistent rightful action federal government preserve great attainable harmony add expression conviction conviction every day experience serf confirm political creed inculcate pursuit great object paramount duty true faith one mainly indebted present success entire system must alone look future stability diversity interest different state compose extensive confederacy must admit diversity arise situation climate population pursuits doubtless natural greatly exaggerated jealousy spirit rivalry inseparable neighboring community circumstance make duty intrust management affair neutralize effect far practicable make beneficial operation federal government equal equitable among several state do consistently great end institution necessary refer undoubted fact see far past act government upon subject consideration fall short object expenditures heretofore make internal improvement amount upward 5m distribute unequal proportion amongst state estimate expense work survey make together others project partially survey amount 96m improvement account particular circumstance may advantageously beneficially make state others doubtless true character prevent equitable distribution fund amongst several state concede want equitable distribution fail prove prolific source irritation among state constantly eye profession superior zeal internal improvement disposition lavish public fund upon object character daily earnestly put forth aspirant power constitute high claim confidence people would strange circumstance times great excitement grant description find motif object may accord public good occasion see regret indication sinister influence matter past time fortunate observation course public affair evils added combination angry contention course thing give rise baleful influence upon legislation congress touch lead appropriate duty federal government justice character people expect severe condemnation past recent exhibition public sentiment evince nothing short radical change action government upon subject opinion remedy evil would natural expect state least favored past appropriation insist redress make expense state largely disproportionately participated matter stand little security attempt would change inequality one quarter another thus view subject heretofore felt duty recommend adoption plan distribution surplus fund may time remain treasury national debt shall pay among state proportion number representative applied object internal improvement although plan meet favor portion union also elicit objection merit deliberate consideration brief notice objection therefore trust regarded place rest far come knowledge follow ground first objection ration distribution second apprehension existence regulation would produce improvident oppressive taxation raise fund distribution 3rd mode propose would lead construction work local nature exclusion general would consequently useful character last would create discreditable injurious dependence part state government upon federal power object ration representative basis distribution insist importation respective state would constitute one would equitable others extent respective territory would furnish standard would expedient sufficiently equitable ration representation present mind still one obvious equity ratio contribution whether fund distribute derive custom direct taxation follow however adoption indispensable establishment system propose may considerations appertain subject would render departure extent rule contribution proper absolutely necessary basis distribution confine 1 ground may judgment whose right fix deem politic give character regard several first message state opinion probably adjustment tariff upon principle satisfactory people union remote period ever leave government without considerable surplus treasury beyond may require current surplus change opinion much confirm expectation realize suitable fund would thus produce plan consideration operate upon fund adoption opinion work injury interest assent justness apprehension establishment propose system would tend encouragement improvident legislation character suppose ever proper authority exercise constitutional power shall time decide general good respect deserve receive acquiescence support whole country ample security every abuse power regard agent people receive speedy effectual corrective hand view take future found obvious increase improvement class fellow citizen intelligence public private virtue leave without much apprehension head doubt come u much alive obligation upon trustee political power exempt act unnecessary burthen sensible great truth resource nation beyond require immediate necessary purpose government well deposited pocket people may time happen interest particular state would deem coincide general interest relation improvement within state danger apprehend source sufficient require discretion might reserve congress direct improvement general character state concerned might dispose unite application quota state restriction confine state expenditure appropriate quota may however assume safe general rule improvement serve increase prosperity respective state make give new facility trade thereby augment wealth comfort inhabitant constitute sure mode confer permanent substantial advantage upon whole strength well true glory confederacy found prosperity power several independent sovereignty compose certainty bring successful active cooperation agency federal government within knowledge conversant public affair scheme internal improvement time time propose extent seem magnificence readily regard national concernment upon full consideration experience would reject great unanimity plan consideration would derive important advantage certainty money set apart purpose would judiciously apply economically expended direction state legislature every part state immediately represent think doubt new state particularly comparatively small population scatter extensive surface representation congress consequently limit natural expect appropriation make federal government would likely expended vicinity number whose immediate agency obtain fund place control legislature every county state representative supposition necessarily impugn motif congressional representative intend sensible bias strong mind purest heart circumstance liable respect last objection probable effect upon dignity independence state government appear necessary state case would measure propose adopted show operation likely reverse objection suppose one case state would receive quota national revenue domestic use upon fixed principle matter right fund creation contribute fair proportion surely could nothing derogatory matter stand state sovereign character unfrequently petitioner bar federal legislature allowance national treasury may comport pleasure sense duty bestow upon require argument prove two course compatible efficiency respectability state government matter discussion dispassionate consideration desire adjustment would attend difficulty affords reason attempt effective operation motif would prevent adoption constitution long live benign influence beloved country signally prosper framer sacred instrument great difficulty overcome overcome patriotism people direct deep conviction importance union produce mutual concession reciprocal forbearance strict right merge spirit compromise result consecrate disinterested devotion general weal unless american people degenerate result effect ever experience point necessity resort mean uphold fabric father rear beyond power man make system government like operate precise equality upon state situate like compose confederacy inequality always injustice every state expect shape measure general government suit particular interest cause prevent seated nature thing entirely counteract human mean mutual forbearance becomes therefore duty obligatory upon may confident count upon cheerful compliance high injunction part constituent suppose object make comparatively inconsiderable sacrifice preservation right privilege less favored portion world vain wad seas blood acquire course safe one faithfully adhered acquiescence constitutionally express majority exercise spirit moderation justice brotherly kindness constitute cement would ever preserve union cherish inculcate sentiment like render essential service country seek weaken influence ever conscientious praise worthy intention effect bad enemy intelligence influence country instead labor foment sectional prejudice make subservient party warfare good faith apply eradication cause local discontent improvement institution facilitate adaptation condition time task would prove 1 less difficulty may hope obvious interest common country dictate enlighten patriotism end lead public mind direction nature subject admit plan wholly free objection time operation perhaps worst could exist every advance make improvement matter eminently worthy deliberate attention possible one better calculate effect object view may yet devise hop disapprove past dissent propose future feel duty direct attention must sensible unless fixed rule action federal government respect establish course attempt arrest resorted mode calculate give great degree effect harmony legislation upon subject shall best serve keep movement federal government within sphere intend model adopt shall lead extinguishment national debt short period impose light burthen upon constituent shall receive cordial firm support among object great national concern omit press upon attention part constitution regulate election president necessity amendment make clear mind observation evils many able discussion elicit floor congress elsewhere want duty withhold another expression deep solicitude subject system fortunately contemplate recurrence first principle differ respect precede secure trust equally decay commotion mark progress government fellow citizen proportion love liberty keep steady eye upon mean sustain require remind duty owe remedy essential defect vital part system sensible every evil attendant upon operation necessarily indicative bad organization may proceed temporary cause yet habitual presence even single instance evil clearly trace organic defect trust scrupulous veneration work ancestor constitution experiment commit virtue intelligence great mass whose rank framer perform part patriotic observation scrutiny pass stage existence increase confidence general adaptation condition learn authority high duty fortify point time prove expose rather deterred approach suggestion fear dictate misplace reverence provision secure people direct choice chief magistrate tendency defeat present mind inconsistence general spirit institution indeed suggest consideration substitute appear time likely correct evil meet view constituent mature reflection since added strength belief best interest country require speedy adoption plan calculate effect end contingency time place power single member house representative decide election high solemn character unjust people become occurs source embarrassment individual thus bring power distrust representative body liable confederacy great extent party found upon sectional interest correspond multiplication candidate presidency tendency constitutional reference house representative devolve election upon body almost every instance ever choice may make among candidate thus present swell influence particular interest degree inconsistent general good consequence feature constitution appear far threaten peace integrity union conceive likely result simple legislative action federal government lead object framer constitution keep separate possible action legislative executive branch government secure object nothing essential preserve former temptation private interest therefore direct patronage latter permit temptation offer experience abundantly demonstrate every precaution respect valuable liberty 1 reflection upon tendency system incline think make still strong reason connection amendment constitution remove intermediate agency choice president recommend restriction upon officer upon tenure office generally reason still exist renew recommendation increase confidence adoption strengthen check constitution design secure independence department government promote healthful equitable administration trust create agent likely contravene design constitution chief magistrate order particularly appointment may far possible place beyond reach improper influence order may approach solemn responsibility high office gift free people uncommitted course strict line constitutional duty security independence may render strong nature power weakness possessor admit earnestly invite attention propriety promote amendment constitution render ineligible 1 term service give pleasure announce congress benevolent policy government steadily pursue nearly 30 year relation removal indians beyond white settlement approach happy consummation two important tribe accept provision make removal last session congress believe example induce remain tribe also seek obvious advantage consequence speedy removal important united state individual state indians pecuniary advantage promise government least recommendation put end possible danger collision authority general state government account indians place dense civilize population large tract country occupy savage hunter open whole territory tennessee north louisiana south settlement white incalculably strengthen sw frontier render adjacent state strong enough repel future invasion without remote aid relieve whole state mississippi western part alabama indian occupancy enable state advance rapidly population wealth power separate indian immediate contact settlement white free power state enable pursue happiness way rude institution retard progress decay lessen number perhaps gradually protection government influence good counsel cast savage habit become interesting civilized christian community consequence certain rest probable make complete execution plan sanction congress last session object much solicitude toward aborigine country one indulge friendly feeling would go attempt reclaim wander habit make happy prosperous people endeavor impress upon solemn conviction duty power general government relation state authority justice law pass state within scope reserve power responsible government individual may entertain express opinion act government little right control prescribe law nation full understand subject choctaw chickasaw tribes great unanimity determine avail liberal offer present act congress agree remove beyond mississippi river treaty make due season submit consideration negotiate treaty make understand true condition prefer maintain independence western forest submit law state reside treaties probably last ever make characterized great liberality part government give indian liberal sum consideration removal comfortable subsistence arrival new home real interest maintain separate existence liberty without inconvenience vexation would unavoidably subject alabama mississippi humanity often wept fate aborigine country philanthropy long busily employ devising mean avert progress never moment arrest one one many powerful tribe disappear earth follow tomb last race tread graf extinct nation excite melancholy reflection true philanthropy reconciles mind vicissitudes extinction one generation make room another monument fortification unknown people spread extensive region west behold memorial powerful race exterminate disappeared make room exist savage tribes thing upon comprehensive view general interest human race regret philanthropy could wish see continent restore condition find forefather good man would prefer country covered forest range thousand savage extensive republic stud city towns prosperous farm embellish improvement art devise industry execute occupy happy people fill blessing liberty civilization religion present policy government continuation progressive change milder process tribe occupy country constitute eastern state annihilate melt away make room white wave population civilization roll westward propose acquire country occupy red men south west fair exchange expense united state send land existence may prolong perhaps make perpetual doubtless painful leave graf father ancestor child good condition unknown land forefather leave dear earthly object child thousand yearly leave land birth seek new home distant region humanity weep painful separation every thing animate inanimate young heart become entwine far rather source joy country affords scope young population may range unconstrained body mind develop power faculty man high perfection remove hundred almost thousand mile expense purchase land occupy support new home moment arrival cruel government event control indian make discontented ancient home purchase land give new extensive territory pay expense removal support year new abode many thousand people would gladly embrace opportunity remove west condition offer make indian extend would hail gratitude joy suppose wandering savage strong attachment home settle civilized christian afflict leave graf father brother child rightly consider policy general government toward red man liberal generous unwilling submit law state mingle population save alternative perhaps utter annihilation general government kindly offer new home proposes pay whole expense removal settlement consummation policy originate early period steadily pursue every administration within present century state generous indian executive feel right expect cooperation congress good disinterested men state moreover right demand substantially part compact make member confederacy georgia express contract new state imply one equal obligation authorize ohio indiana illinois missouri mississippi alabama form constitution become separate state congress include within limit extensive tract indian land instance powerful indian tribe understood party power state coextensive limit convenient dispatch general government extinguish indian title remove every obstruction complete jurisdiction state government soil probably one state would accept separate existence certainly would never grant congress understood confine ever small portion nominal territory indian title time extinguish therefore duty government owe new state extinguish soon possible indian title land congress include within limit do duty general government relation state indian within limit end indian may leave state choose purchase land alter least personal relation state government act general government ever deem necessary give state jurisdiction person indians possess virtue sovereign power within limit full manner purchase indian land government add diminish may hope therefore good citizen none zealously think indian oppress subjection law state unite attempt open eye child forest true condition speedy removal relieve evil real imaginary present prospective may suppose threaten among numerous cause congratulation condition impost revenue deserve special mention much promise mean extinguish public debt sooner anticipate furnishes strong illustration practical effect present tariff upon commercial interest object tariff object unconstitutional consider almost defective many part power impose duty import originally belong several state right adjust duty view encouragement domestic branch industry completely incidental power difficult suppose existence one without state delegate whole authority import general government without limitation restriction save inconsiderable reservation relate inspection law authority thus entirely pass state right exercise purpose protection exist consequently possess general government must extinct political system would thus present anomaly people strip right foster industry counteract selfish destructive policy might adopt foreign nation sure case indispensable power thus surrender state must within scope authority subject expressly delegate congress conclusion confirm well opinion president washington jefferson madison monroe repeatedly recommend exercise right constitution uniform practice congress continue acquiescence state general understanding people difficulty expedient adjustment present tariff although great far insurmountable unwilling improve part would destroy whole others fear touch objectionable part l approve jeoparded persuade advocate conflict view injustice american people representative general interest interest confidence entire insure adoption modification tariff general interest require necessary interest understood infirmity nature mingle interest prejudice operation reason power attribute object like dislike quality possess effect produce effect present tariff doubtless evils advantage one class reasoner reduce price cotton agricultural product ascribe wholly influence another reduce price manufacture article probability neither opinion approach truth induced influence interest prejudice refer decrease price extend throughout commercial world embrace raw material manufacture article provision land must therefore deeper pervade tariff united state may measure attributable increase value precious metal produce diminution supply increase demand commerce rapidly extend population augment supply gold silver general medium exchange greatly interrupt civil convulsion country principally draw part effect doubtless owe increase operatives improvement machinery whole questionable whether reduction price land produce manufacture great appreciation standard value chief object duty revenue may adjust encourage manufacture adjustment however duty government guide general good object national importance alone ought protect production soil mine work shop essential national defense occupy first rank ever species domestic industry importance refer may expect temporary protection compete foreign labor equal term merit attention subordinate degree present tariff tax comfort life unnecessarily high undertakes protect interest local minute justify general exaction also attempt force kind manufacture country ripe much relief derive respect measure last session best well fair mode determine whether consideration particular interest ought receive protection would submit question singly deliberation due examination merit unconnected extraneous consideration desire sustain general system purchase support different interest enlist favor majority representative people little danger wrong injury adjust tariff reference protective effect obviously principle honestly adhered branch industry deserve protection would save prejudice excited protection form part system portion country feel conceive oppress incalculably important vital principle system principle require acquiescence majority would secure discredit danger expose act majority found identity conviction combination small minority enter purpose mutual assistance measure rest solely merit could never carry well aware subject much delicacy account extend interest involve require touch utmost caution abandonment policy originate policy coeval government pursue successive administration neither expect desired people right demand demand modify correct abuse obviate injustice deliberation interest subject uninfluenced partisan conflict incident free institution fervent wish heart make great question unhappily much divide excite public mind subservient view faction must destroy hope settle satisfactorily great body people general interest therefore take leave subject earnestly feeling common good warn blight consequence course accord estimate treasury department receipt treasury present year amount exceed 300k estimate present last annual report secretary treasury total expenditure year exclusive public debt estimate payment account public debt period leave balance treasury connection condition finance affords pleasure remark judicious efficient arrangement make treasury department secure pecuniary responsibility public officer punctual payment public dues revenue cutter service organize place good footing aid increase inspector expose point regulation adopt act inspection appraisement merchandise produce much improvement execution law security commission frauds upon revenue abuse allowance fish bounty also correct material save branch service thereby effect addition improvement system expenditure sick sea men belong merchant service revise rendered uniform economical benefit fund applicable object usefully extend prosperity country also evince increased revenue arise sale public land appear report commissioner general land office document accompany herewith transmit beg leave draw attention report propriety make early appropriation object specifies attention invite subject connect portion public interest intrust war department refer former message present detail report secretary war herewith submit refer also report officer knowledge state army fortification arsenal indian affair perceive guard zealous attention care worthy consideration whether armament necessary fortification maritime frontier shortly complete readiness sooner customary appropriation enable department provide precaution seem due general system fortification sanction congress recommend maxim wisdom tell u peace prepare war refer report secretary navy highly satisfactory account manner concern department conduct present year position relation powerful nation earth present condition europe admonish u cherish arm national defense peculiar care separate wide seas government whose power might reason dread nothing apprehend attempt conquest chiefly attack upon commerce harrassing upon coast guard naval force adequate protection commerce always afloat accumulation mean give rapid extension case need furnishes power aggression may prevent repelled attention government therefore recently direct preserve public vessel already build provide material place depot future use increase number aid congress year government prepare case emergency put afloat powerful navy new ship almost soon old one could repair modification part service suggest last annual message notice detail report secretary navy recommend serious attention report postmaster general like manner exhibit satisfactory view important branch government charge addition benefit already secure operation post office department considerable improvement within present year make increase accommodation afford stage coach frequency celerity mail important point union late contract improvement provide southern section country time annual save make upward 72k stand excess expenditure beyond current receipt year past necessarily incur fulfillment exist contract additional expense period contract meet demand create rapid growth extension flourish country yet satisfactory assurance give future revenue department sufficient meet extensive engagement system recently introduce subject receipts disbursement strict regulation entirely fulfil design give full assurance punctual transmission well security fund department efficiency industry officer ability energy contractor justify increase confidence continue prosperity attention congress call former occasion necessity modification office attorney general united state would render adequate want public service result establishment office solicitor treasury early measure take give effect provision law authorize appointment officer define duty believe provision however useful calculate supersede necessity extend duty power attorney general office contrary convince public interest would greatly promoted give officer general superintendence various law agent government law proceedings whether civil criminal united state may interest allow time compensation would enable devote undivided attention public business think provision alike due public officer occasion reference different executive department attorney general frequent occurrence prompt decision question refer tends much facilitate dispatch business department report secretary treasury hereto append show also branch public service specifically intrusted officer might advantageously commit attorney general independently consideration office one daily duty originally organize compensation fix view occasional service leave incumbent time exercise profession private practice state thing warrant organization longer exist frequent claim upon service officer would render absence seat government professional attendance upon court injurious public service interest government could fail promote charge general superintendence legal concern strong conviction justness suggestion recommend congress make necessary provision give effect place attorney general regard compensation foot head several executive department officer might also intrust cognizance case insolvency public debtor especially view submit subject last year meet approbation congress solicit attention attention respectfully invited situation district columbia place constitution exclusive jurisdiction control congress district certainly entitle much great share consideration yet receive want uniformity law particularly penal character increase expense administration subject people inconvenience result operation different code small territory different side potomac offense punishable unequal degree peculiarity many early law md va remain force stand repugnance case improvement supersede state besides remedy evil loudly call respectfully submit whether provision authorize election delegate represent want citizen district floor congress due character government principle freedom none important cultivates proper relation governor govern imperfect must case yet believe would greatly improve representation congress privilege allow territory united state penitentiary ready reception convict awaits necessary legislation put operation one object beg leave recall attention propriety provide suitable compensation officer charge inspection importance principle involve inquiry whether proper recharter bank united state require call attention congress subject nothing occur lessen degree danger many citizen apprehend institution present organize spirit improvement compromise distinguishes country institution become u inquire whether possible secure advantage afford present bank agency bank unite state modify principle structure obviate constitutional objection think practicable organize bank necessary officer branch treasury department base public individual deposit without power make loan purchase property shall remit fund government expense may pay thought advisable allow officer sell bill exchange private individual moderate premium corporate body stock holder debtor property officer would obnoxious constitutional objection urge present bank mean operate hop fear interest large mass community would shorn influence make bank formidable state would strengthen hand mean furnishing local paper currency bank bank united state though issuing paper would check issue state bank take note deposit exchange long continue redeem specie time public emergency capacity institution might enlarge legislative provision suggestion make much recommendation view call attention congress possible modification system continue exist present form without occasional collision local authority perpetual apprehension discontent part state people conclusion fellow citizen allow invoke behalf deliberation spirit conciliation disinterestedness gift patriotism merciful providence agency spirit thus far signalized prosperity glory beloved country may influence eternal