In the discharge of my official duty the task again devolves upon me of communicating with a new Congress. The reflection that the representation of the Union has been recently renewed, and that the constitutional term of its service will expire with my own, heightens the solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay before it the state of our national concerns and the devout hope which I cherish that its labors to improve them may be crowned with success. You are assembled at a period of profound interest to the American patriot. The unexampled growth and prosperity of our country having given us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehension of danger to our integrity and independence from external foes, the career of freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past that if true to ourselves there can be no formidable obstacle in the future to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Yet, in proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness, as once contrasted with the power of some of the States of the Old World, should we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction that it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of those causes on which depend the excellence and the duration of our happy system of government. In the example of other systems founded on the will of the people we trace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of freedom. The social elements, which were strong and successful when united against external danger, failed in the more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal organization, and thus gave way the great principle of self-government. Let us trust that this admonition will never be forgotten by the Government or the people of the United States, and that the testimony which our experience thus far holds out to the great human family of the practicability and the blessings of free government will be confirmed in all time to come. We have but to look at the state of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce and the unexampled increase of our population to feel the magnitude of the trust committed to us. Never in any former period of our history have we had greater reason than we now have to be thankful to Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general prosperity. Every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abundant rewards. In every element of national resources and wealth and of individual comfort we witness the most rapid and solid improvements. With no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home which will not yield to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached, and with no cause of solicitude in regard to our external affairs which will not, it is hoped, disappear before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers, we have every reason to feel proud of our beloved country. The general state of our foreign relations has not materially changed since my last annual message. In the settlement of the question of the northeastern boundary little progress has been made. Great Britain has declined acceding to the proposition of the United States, presented in accordance with the resolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful adjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal from the Government of Great Britain, which has been invited, I can only repeat the expression of my confidence that, with the strong mutual disposition which I believe exists to make a just arrangement, this perplexing question can be settled with a due regard to the well-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it. Events are frequently occurring on the northeastern frontier of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitive termination of the dispute. This consideration, added to the desire common to both to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries from all embarrassment, will no doubt have its just influence upon both. Our diplomatic intercourse with Portugal has been renewed, and it is expected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will be fully satisfied as soon as the condition of the Queen's Government will permit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Government has, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act upon the liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy. The happiest effects upon the future trade between the United States and Portugal are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to be remote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established. The installments due under the convention with the King of the Two Sicilies have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his whole conduct has been characterized, and the hope is indulged that the adjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a more extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the two countries. The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as this struggle has unhappily been by incidents of the most sanguinary character, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with us have been, nevertheless, faithfully executed by the Spanish Government. No provision having been made at the last session of Congress for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of the funds under the convention made with Spain, I invite your early attention to the subject. The public evidences of the debt have, according to the terms of the convention and in the forms prescribed by it, been placed in the possession of the United States, and the interest as it fell due has been regularly paid upon them. Our commercial intercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act of Congress. No recent information has been received as to the disposition of the Government of Madrid on this subject, and the lamented death of our recently appointed minister on his way to Spain, with the pressure of their affairs at home, renders it scarcely probable that any change is to be looked for during the coming year. Further portions of the Florida archives have been sent to the United States, although the death of one of the commissioners at a critical moment embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. The higher officers of the local government have recently shewn an anxious desire, in compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitate the selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim. Negotiations have been opened at Madrid for the establishment of a lasting peace between Spain and such of the Spanish American Governments of this hemisphere as have availed themselves of the intimation given to all of them of the disposition of Spain to treat upon the basis of their entire independence. It is to be regretted that simultaneous appointments by all of ministers to negotiate with Spain had not been made. The negotiation itself would have been simplified, and this long-standing dispute, spreading over a large portion of the world, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion. Our political and commercial relations with Austria, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark stand on the usual favorable bases. One of the articles of our treaty with Russia in relation to the trade on the northwest coast of America having expired, instructions have been given to our minister at St. Petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it. The long and unbroken amity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing the article will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than with our view of the subject can be anticipated here. I ask your attention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the second session of the Nineteenth Congress, relative to our commercial intercourse with Holland, and to the documents connected with that subject, communicated to the House of Representatives on the 10th of January, 1825, and 18th of January, 1827. Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor that Holland is not, under the regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels and their cargoes received into the United States on the footing of American vessels and cargoes as regards duties of tonnage and impost, a respect for his reference of it to the Legislature has alone prevented me from acting on the subject. I should still have waited without comment for the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been made by Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships and cargoes on the same footing as American, with the allegation we could not dispute that our vessels received in their ports the identical treatment shewn to them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels no discrimination is made in the ports of the United States. Giving the same privileges the Belgians expected the same benefits---benefits that were, in fact, enjoyed when Belgium and Holland were united under one Government. Satisfied with the justice of their pretension to be placed on the same footing with Holland, I could not, nevertheless, without disregard to the principle of our laws, admit their claim to be treated as Americans, and at the same time a respect for Congress, to whom the subject had long since been referred, has prevented me from producing a just equality by taking from the vessels of Holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of Congress, although the condition upon which the grant was made has, in my judgment, failed since 1822. I recommend, therefore, a review of the act of 1824, and such a modification of it as will produce an equality on such terms as Congress shall think best comports with our settled policy and the obligations of justice to two friendly powers. With the Sublime Porte and all the Governments on the coast of Barbary our relations continue to be friendly. The proper steps have been taken to renew our treaty with Morocco. The Argentine Republic has again promised to send within the current year a minister to the United States. A convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment of commissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded and will be submitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened the liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strong temptations existing and powerful inducements held out to the citizens of the United States to mingle in the dissensions of our immediate neighbors, instructions have been given to the district attorneys of the United States where indications warranted it to prosecute without respect to persons all who might attempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality, while at the same time it has been thought necessary to apprise the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties. From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chile, Peru, Central America, Venezuela, and New Granada constant assurances are received of the continued good understanding with the Governments to which they are severally accredited. With those Governments upon which our citizens have valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance toward a settlement of them is made, owing mainly to their distracted state or to the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has been and will probably be still further severely tried, but our fellow-citizens whose interests are involved may confide in the determination of the Government to obtain for them eventually ample retribution. Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemisphere are still self-tormented by domestic dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution; injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits; much time elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectation of redress; ministers are sent and received, and before the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troubles arise; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old, to be discussed together with the existing government after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor if overthrown. If this unhappy condition of things continues much longer, other nations will be under the painful necessity of deciding whether justice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redress of injuries by their own power, without waiting for the establishment of a government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for them. Since the last session of Congress the validity of our claims upon France, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged by both branches of her legislature, and the money has been appropriated for their discharge; but the payment is, I regret to inform you, still withheld. A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in this protracted controversy will shew how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be justified. On entering upon the duties of my station I found the United States an unsuccessful applicant to the justice of France for the satisfaction of claims the validity of which was never questionable, and has now been most solemnly admitted by France herself. The antiquity of these claims, their high justice, and the aggravating circumstances out of which they arose are too familiar to the American people to require description. It is sufficient to say that for a period of ten years and upward our commerce was, with but little interruption, the subject of constant aggressions on the part of France--aggressions the ordinary features of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under arbitrary decrees, adopted in contravention as well of the laws of nations as of treaty stipulations, burnings on the high seas, and seizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in the ports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control of France. Such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs we suffered--wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authors never denied our right to reparation. Of the extent of these injuries some conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of a large amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases by long detention the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced sales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or without condemnation, brought into the French treasury upward of 24,000,000 francs, besides large custom-house duties. The subject had already been an affair of twenty years' uninterrupted negotiation, except for a short time when France was overwhelmed by the military power of united Europe. During this period, whilst other nations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point of the bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice out of respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of suffering and of peril. The bad effects of these protracted and unavailing discussions, as well upon our relations with France as upon our national character, were obvious, and the line of duty was to my mind equally so. This was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within a reasonable period or to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt that by this course the interests and honor of both countries would be best consulted. Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the minister who was sent out once more to demand reparation. Upon the meeting of Congress in December, 1829, I felt it my duty to speak of these claims and the delays of France in terms calculated to call the serious attention of both countries to the subject. The then French ministry took exception to the message on the ground of its containing a menace, under which it was not agreeable to the French Government to negotiate. The American minister of his own accord refuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the message and at the same time called to the recollection of the French ministry that the President's message was a communication addressed, not to foreign governments, but to the Congress of the United States, in which it was enjoined upon him by the Constitution to lay before that body information of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign as well as its domestic relations, and that if in the discharge of this duty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of Congress in due time to what might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties with any foreign government, he might fairly be supposed to do so under a sense of what was due from him in a frank communication with another branch of his own Government, and not from any intention of holding a menace over a foreign power. The views taken by him received my approbation, the French Government was satisfied, and the negotiation was continued. It terminated in the treaty of July 4, 1831, recognizing the justice of our claims in part and promising payment to the amount of 25,000,000 francs in six annual installments. The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at Washington on the 2d of February, 1832, and in five days thereafter it was laid before Congress, who immediately passed the acts necessary on our part to secure to France the commercial advantages conceded to her in the compact. The treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the King of the French in terms which are certainly not mere matters of form, and of which the translation is as follows:  We, approving the above convention in all and each of the dispositions   which are contained in it, do declare, by ourselves as well as by our   heirs and successors, that it is accepted, approved, ratified, and   confirmed, and by these presents, signed by our hand, we do accept,   approve, ratify, and confirm it; promising, on the faith and word of a   king, to observe it and to cause it to be observed inviolably, without   ever contravening it or suffering it to be contravened, directly or   indirectly, for any cause or under any pretense whatsoever.  Official information of the exchange of ratifications in the United States reached Paris whilst the Chambers were in session. The extraordinary and to us injurious delays of the French Government in their action upon the subject of its fulfillment have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have no disposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient to observe that the then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effort to obtain the necessary appropriations; that the two succeeding ones were also suffered to pass away without anything like a serious attempt to obtain a decision upon the subject, and that it was not until the fourth session, almost three years after the conclusion of the treaty and more than two years after the exchange of ratifications, that the bill for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a vote and rejected. In the meantime the Government of the United States, having full confidence that a treaty entered into and so solemnly ratified by the French King would be executed in good faith, and not doubting that provision would be made for the payment of the first installment which was to become due on the 2d day of February, 1833, negotiated a draft for the amount through the Bank of the United States. When this draft was presented by the holder with the credentials required by the treaty to authorize him to receive the money, the Government of France allowed it to be protested. In addition to the injury in the nonpayment of the money by France, conformably to her engagement, the United States were exposed to a heavy claim on the part of the bank under pretense of damages, in satisfaction of which that institution seized upon and still retains an equal amount of the public money. Congress was in session when the decision of the Chambers reached Washington, and an immediate communication of this apparently final decision of France not to fulfill the stipulations of the treaty was the course naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone of dissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind and the correspondent excitement produced in Congress by only a general knowledge of the result rendered it more than probable that a resort to immediate measures of redress would be the consequence of calling the attention of that body to the subject. Sincerely desirous of preserving the pacific relations which had so long existed between the two countries, I was anxious to avoid this course if I could be satisfied that by doing so neither the interests nor the honor of my country would be compromitted. Without the fullest assurances upon that point, I could not hope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in suffering Congress to adjourn without laying the subject before them. Those received by me were believed to be of that character. That the feelings produced in the United States by the news of the rejection of the appropriation would be such as I have described them to have been was foreseen by the French Government, and prompt measures were taken by it to prevent the consequences. The King in person expressed through our minister at Paris his profound regret at the decision of the Chambers, and promised to send forthwith a national ship with dispatches to his minister here authorizing him to give such assurances as would satisfy the Government and people of the United States that the treaty would yet be faithfully executed by France. The national ship arrived, and the minister received his instructions. Claiming to act under the authority derived from them, he gave to this Government in the name of his the most solemn assurances that as soon after the new elections as the charter would permit the French Chambers would be convened and the attempt to procure the necessary appropriations renewed; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the object, and he was understood, and so expressly informed by this Government at the time, to engage that the question should be pressed to a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information of the result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of their next session. Relying upon these assurances, I incurred the responsibility, great as I regarded it to be, of suffering Congress to separate without communicating with them upon the subject. The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made to this Government by that of France were not realized. The French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 1834, soon after the election, and although our minister in Paris urged the French ministry to bring the subject before them, they declined doing so. He next insisted that the Chambers, if prorogued without acting on the subject, should be reassembled at a period so early that their action on the treaty might be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress. This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers were prorogued to the 29th of December, a day so late that their decision, however urgently pressed, could not in all probability be obtained in time to reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congress by the Constitution. The reasons given by the ministry for refusing to convoke the Chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shewn not to be insuperable by their actual convocation on the 1st of December under a special call for domestic purposes, which fact, however, did not become known to this Government until after the commencement of the last session of Congress. Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperative duty to consult with Congress in regard to the expediency of a resort to retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied with, and to recommend such as in my judgment the occasion called for. To this end an unreserved communication of the case in all its aspects became indispensable. To have shrunk in making it from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding, and that the truth would justify, for fear of giving offense to others, would have been unworthy of us. To have gone, on the other hand, a single step further for the purpose of wounding the pride of a Government and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise and improper. Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest statement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of those who had by their position become responsible for their redress, and earnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source, I went out of my way to preclude a construction of the message by which the recommendation that was made to Congress might be regarded as a menace to France in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaring that her pride and her power were too well known to expect anything from her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a month after the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibility of the ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations that our minister had been informed that the matter when introduced would not be pressed as a cabinet measure. Although the message was not officially communicated to the French Government, and notwithstanding the declaration to the contrary which it contained, the French ministry decided to consider the conditional recommendation of reprisals a menace and an insult which the honor of the nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The measures resorted to by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity were the immediate recall of their minister at Washington, the offer of passports to the American minister at Paris, and a public notice to the legislative Chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with the United States had been suspended. Having in this manner vindicated the dignity of France, they next proceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end a bill was immediately introduced into the Chamber of Deputies proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty. As this bill subsequently passed into a law, the provisions of which now constitute the main subject of difficulty between the two nations, it becomes my duty, in order to place the subject before you in a clear light, to trace the history of its passage and to refer with some particularity to the proceedings and discussions in regard to it. The minister of finance in his opening speech alluded to the measures which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, and recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the honor and justice of France. He as the organ of the ministry declared the message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the personal opinion of the President, for which neither the Government nor people of the United States were responsible, and that an engagement had been entered into for the fulfillment of which the honor of France was pledged. Entertaining these views, the single condition which the French ministry proposed to annex to the payment of the money was that it should not be made until it was ascertained that the Government of the United States had done nothing to injure the interests of France, or, in other words, that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character toward France. What the disposition or action of Congress might be was then unknown to the French cabinet; but on the 14th of January the Senate resolved that it was at that time inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France, and no action on the subject had occurred in the House of Representatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of March, 1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification had been referred reported it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committee substantially reechoed the sentiments of the ministry, declared that Congress had set aside the proposition of the President, and recommended the passage of the bill without any other restriction than that originally proposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry and Chambers that if the position assumed by them, and which had been so frequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the honor of France, was maintained and the bill passed as originally proposed, the money would be paid and there would be an end of this unfortunate controversy. But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing that the money should not be paid until the French Government had received satisfactory explanations of the President's message of the 2d December, 1834, and, what is still more extraordinary, the president of the council of ministers adopted this amendment and consented to its incorporation in the bill. In regard to a supposed insult which had been formally resented by the recall of their minister and the offer of passports to ours, they now for the first time proposed to ask explanations. Sentiments and propositions which they had declared could not justly be imputed to the Government or people of the United States are set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded justice to that Government and people. They had declared that the honor of France required the fulfillment of the engagement into which the King had entered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of the message. They ascertained that Congress did not adopt them, and yet that fulfillment is refused unless they first obtain from the President explanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and inoperative. The conception that it was my intention to menace or insult the Government of France is as unfounded as the attempt to extort from the fears of that nation what her sense of justice may deny would be vain and ridiculous. But the Constitution of the United States imposes on the President the duty of laying before Congress the condition of the country in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recommending such measures as may in his opinion be required by its interests. From the performance of this duty he can not be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may become necessary to speak; and the American people are incapable of submitting to an interference by any government on earth, however powerful, with the free performance of the domestic duties which the Constitution has imposed on their public functionaries. The discussions which intervene between the several departments of our Government belong to ourselves, and for anything said in them our public servants are only responsible to their own constituents and to each other. If in the course of their consultations facts are erroneously stated or unjust deductions are made, they require no other inducement to correct them, however informed of their error, than their love of justice and what is due to their own character; but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right by a foreign power. When our discussions terminate in acts, our responsibility to foreign powers commences, not as individuals, but as a nation. The principle which calls in question the President for the language of his message would equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of the language used in the report of a committee or by a member in debate. This is not the first time that the Government of France has taken exception to the messages of American Presidents. President Washington and the first President Adams in the performance of their duties to the American people fell under the animadversions of the French Directory. The objection taken by the ministry of Charles X, and removed by the explanations made by our minister upon the spot, has already been adverted to. When it was understood that the ministry of the present King took exception to my message of last year, putting a construction upon it which was disavowed on its face, our late minister at Paris, in answer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the language used in the message, made a communication to the French Government under date of the 29th of January, 1835, calculated to remove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility had created. He repeated and called the attention of the French Government to the disavowal contained in the message itself of any intention to intimidate by menace; he truly declared that it contained and was intended to contain no charge of ill faith against the King of the French, and properly distinguished between the right to complain in unexceptionable terms of the omission to execute an agreement and an accusation of bad motives in withholding such execution, and demonstrated that the necessary use of that right ought not to be considered as an offensive imputation. Although this communication was made without instructions and entirely on the minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the act of this Government by my full approbation, and that approbation was officially made known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French Government. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, after this friendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious amendment, supported by the King's ministers, and was finally approved by the King. The people of the United States are justly attached to a pacific system in their intercourse with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore, that they should know whether their Government has adhered to it. In the present instance it has been carried to the utmost extent that was consistent with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of January, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which our minister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting on the same subject and in the same spirit. Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt dependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could never be complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt to convince the French Government that whilst self-respect and regard to the dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using any language that ought to give offense, yet we could never admit a right in any foreign government to ask explanations of or to interfere in any manner in the communications which one branch of our public councils made with another; that in the present case no such language had been used, and that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarily stated, before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition; and that there might be no misapprehension he stated the terms used in that note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved by the President, and that therefore every explanation which could reasonably be asked or honorably given had been already made; that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaration, and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemed offensive, and certainly would not be complied with if annexed as a condition. When this latter communication, to which I especially invite the attention of Congress, was laid before me, I entertained the hope that the means it was obviously intended to afford of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations would have been accepted, and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation. This was due to the minister who had made himself responsible for the act, and it was published to the people of the United States and is now laid before their representatives to shew how far their Executive has gone in its endeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries. It would have been at any time communicated to the Government of France had it been officially requested. The French Government having received all the explanation which honor and principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the installments now due. The agent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform the French minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this notice he was told that the money could not then be paid, because the formalities required by the act of the Chambers had not been arranged. Not having received any official information of the intentions of the French Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of Congress, that you might have the whole subject before you, I caused our chargé d'affaires at Paris to be instructed to ask for the final determination of the French Government, and in the event of their refusal to pay the installments now due, without further explanations to return to the United States. The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but is daily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. France having now, through all the branches of her Government, acknowledged the validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1831, and there really existing no adequate cause for further delay, will at length, it may be hoped, adopt the course which the interests of both nations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiously require. The treaty being once executed on her part, little will remain to disturb the friendly relations of the two countries--nothing, indeed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific and enlightened policy and to the influence of that mutual good will and of those generous recollections which we may confidently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force. In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect which has been given to the controversy is so vitally important to the independent administration of the Government that it can neither be surrendered nor compromitted without national degradation. I hope it is unnecessary for me to say that such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the statement of truth and the performance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official acts except such as is due to integrity and justice and consistent with the principles on which our institutions have been framed. This determination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents. I have, indeed, studied their character to but little purpose if the sum of 25,000,000 francs will have the weight of a feather in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence, and if, unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in any quarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Government of their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and silence forever the degrading imputation. Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since the last session of Congress have occurred in this interesting and important matter, with the views of the Executive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add that whenever the advices now daily expected from our chargé d'affaires shall have been received they will be made the subject of a special communication. The condition of the public finances was never more flattering than at the present period. Since my last annual communication all the remains of the public debt have been redeemed, or money has been placed in deposit for this purpose whenever the creditors choose to receive it. All the other pecuniary engagements of the Government have been honorably and promptly fulfilled, and there will be a balance in the Treasury at the close of the present year of about $19,000,000. It is believed that after meeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations there will remain near eleven millions to be applied to any new objects which Congress may designate or to the more rapid execution of the works already in progress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be received from various sources twenty millions more in 1836. Should Congress make new appropriations in conformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper Departments, amounting to about twenty-four millions, still the available surplus at the close of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriations, will probably not be less than six millions. This sum can, in my judgment, be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our navy-yards, and to new national works which are not enumerated in the present estimates or to the more rapid completion of those already begun. Either would be constitutional and useful, and would render unnecessary any attempt in our present peculiar condition to divide the surplus revenue or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the existing laws. In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury will enter into details, shewing the probability of some decrease in the revenue during the next seven years and a very considerable deduction in 1842, it is not recommended that Congress should undertake to modify the present tariff so as to disturb the principles on which the compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles of general consumption which are not in competition with our own productions may be no doubt so diminished as to lessen to some extent the source of this revenue, and the same object can also be assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defense, which in the present state of our prosperity and wealth may be expected to engage your attention. If, however, after satisfying all the demands which can arise from these sources the unexpended balance in the Treasury should still continue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil until the great changes contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred and shall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspection which are due to so delicate and important a subject. It is certainly our duty to diminish as far as we can the burdens of taxation and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the trade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy of foreign nations or those primary duties which the defense and independence of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplished much toward the relief of our citizens by the changes which have accompanied the payment of the public debt and the adoption of the present revenue laws is manifest from the fact that compared with 1833 there is a diminution of near twenty-five millions in the last two years, and that our expenditures, independently of those for the public debt, have been reduced near nine millions during the same period. Let us trust that by the continued observance of economy and by harmonizing the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce much more may be accomplished to diminish the burdens of government and to increase still further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes of our citizens and all the members of our happy Confederacy. As the data which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you in regard to our financial resources are full and extended, and will afford a safe guide in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offer any further observations on that subject here. Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country, not the least gratifying is that afforded by the receipts from the sales of the public lands, which amount in the present year to the unexpected sum of $11,000,000. This circumstance attests the rapidity with which agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we can consistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded to the United States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave to call the attention of the present Congress to the suggestions I have offered respecting it in my former messages. The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands invite you to consider what improvements the land system, and particularly the condition of the General Land Office, may require. At the time this institution was organized, near a quarter of a century ago, it would probably have been thought extravagant to anticipate for this period such an addition to its business as has been produced by the vast increase of those sales during the past and present years. It may also be observed that since the year 1812 the land offices and surveying districts have been greatly multiplied, and that numerous legislative enactments from year to year since that time have imposed a great amount of new and additional duties upon that office, while the want of a timely application of force commensurate with the care and labor required has caused the increasing embarrassment of accumulated arrears in the different branches of the establishment. These impediments to the expedition of much duty in the General Land Office induce me to submit to your judgment whether some modification of the laws relating to its organization, or an organization of a new character, be not called for at the present juncture, to enable the office to accomplish all the ends of its institution with a greater degree of facility and promptitude than experience has proved to be practicable under existing regulations. The variety of the concerns and the magnitude and complexity of the details occupying and dividing the attention of the Commissioner appear to render it difficult, if not impracticable, for that officer by any possible assiduity to bestow on all the multifarious subjects upon which he is called to act the ready and careful attention due to their respective importance, unless the Legislature shall assist him by a law providing, or enabling him to provide, for a more regular and economical distribution of labor, with the incident responsibility among those employed under his direction. The mere manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast number of documents issuing from his office subtracts so largely from the time and attention claimed by the weighty and complicated subjects daily accumulating in that branch of the public service as to indicate the strong necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment. It will be easy for Congress hereafter to proportion the expenditure on account of this branch of the service to its real wants by abolishing from time to time the offices which can be dispensed with. The extinction of the public debt having taken place, there is no longer any use for the offices of Commissioners of Loans and of the Sinking Fund. I recommend, therefore, that they be abolished, and that proper measures be taken for the transfer to the Treasury Department of any funds, books, and papers connected with the operations of those offices, and that the proper power be given to that Department for closing finally any portion of their business which may remain to be settled. It is also incumbent on Congress in guarding the pecuniary interests of the country to discontinue by such a law as was passed in 1812 the receipt of the bills of the Bank of the United States in payment of the public revenue, and to provide for the designation of an agent whose duty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of the United States in that institution, and to close all connection with it after the 3d of March, 1836, when its charter expires. In making provision in regard to the disposition of this stock it will be essential to define clearly and strictly the duties and powers of the officer charged with that branch of the public service. It will be seen from the correspondence which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you that notwithstanding the large amount of the stock which the United States hold in that institution no information has yet been communicated which will enable the Government to anticipate when it can receive any dividends or derive any benefit from it. Connected with the condition of the finances and the flourishing state of the country in all its branches of industry, it is pleasing to witness the advantages which have been already derived from the recent laws regulating the value of the gold coinage. These advantages will be more apparent in the course of the next year, when the branch mints authorized to be established in North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana shall have gone into operation. Aided, as it is hoped they will be, by further reforms in the banking systems of the States and by judicious regulations on the part of Congress in relation to the custody of the public moneys, it may be confidently anticipated that the use of gold and silver as a circulating medium will become general in the ordinary transactions connected with the labor of the country. The great desideratum in modern times is an efficient check upon the power of banks, preventing that excessive issue of paper whence arise those fluctuations in the standard of value which render uncertain the rewards of labor. It was supposed by those who established the Bank of the United States that from the credit given to it by the custody of the public moneys and other privileges and the precautions taken to guard against the evils which the country had suffered in the bankruptcy of many of the State institutions of that period we should derive from that institution all the security and benefits of a sound currency and every good end that was attainable under that provision of the Constitution which authorizes Congress alone to coin money and regulate the value thereof. But it is scarcely necessary now to say that these anticipations have not been realized. After the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced by the Bank of the United States, from which the country is now recovering, aggravated as they were by pretensions to power which defied the public authority, and which if acquiesced in by the people would have changed the whole character of our Government, every candid and intelligent individual must admit that for the attainment of the great advantages of a sound currency we must look to a course of legislation radically different from that which created such an institution. In considering the means of obtaining so important an end we must set aside all calculations of temporary convenience, and be influenced by those only which are in harmony with the true character and the permanent interests of the Republic. We must recur to first principles and see what it is that has prevented the legislation of Congress and the States on the subject of currency from satisfying the public expectation and realizing results corresponding to those which have attended the action of our system when truly consistent with the great principle of equality upon which it rests, and with that spirit of forbearance and mutual concession and generous patriotism which was originally, and must ever continue to be, the vital element of our Union. On this subject I am sure that I can not be mistaken in ascribing our want of success to the undue countenance which has been afforded to the spirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers which our system has yet encountered may be traced to the resort to implied powers and the use of corporations clothed with privileges, the effect of which is to advance the interests of the few at the expense of the many. We have felt but one class of these dangers exhibited in the contest waged by the Bank of the United States against the Government for the last four years. Happily they have been obviated for the present by the indignant resistance of the people, but we should recollect that the principle whence they sprung is an ever-active one, which will not fail to renew its efforts in the same and in other forms so long as there is a hope of success, founded either on the inattention of the people or the treachery of their representatives to the subtle progress of its influence. The bank is, in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war with the genius of all our institutions--a system founded upon a political creed the fundamental principle of which is a distrust of the popular will as a safe regulator of political power, and whose great ultimate object and inevitable result, should it prevail, is the consolidation of all power in our system in one central government. Lavish public disbursements and corporations with exclusive privileges would be its substitutes for the original and as yet sound checks and balances of the Constitution--the means by whose silent and secret operation a control would be exercised by the few over the political conduct of the many by first acquiring that control over the labor and earnings of the great body of the people. Wherever this spirit has effected an alliance with political power, tyranny and despotism have been the fruit. If it is ever used for the ends of government, it has to be incessantly watched, or it corrupts the sources of the public virtue and agitates the country with questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steady pursuit of its true interests. We are now to see whether, in the present favorable condition of the country, we can not take an effectual stand against this spirit of monopoly, and practically prove in respect to the currency as well as other important interests that there is no necessity for so extensive a resort to it as that which has been heretofore practiced. The experience of another year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the idea that the Bank of the United States was necessary as a fiscal agent of the Government. Without its aid as such, indeed, in despite of all the embarrassment it was in its power to create, the revenue has been paid with punctuality by our citizens, the business of exchange, both foreign and domestic, has been conducted with convenience, and the circulating medium has been greatly improved. By the use of the State banks, which do not derive their charters from the General Government and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascertained that the moneys of the United States can be collected and disbursed without loss or inconvenience, and that all the wants of the community in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as they have ever been before. If under circumstances the most unfavorable to the steadiness of the money market it has been found that the considerations on which the Bank of the United States rested its claims to the public favor were imaginary and groundless, it can not be doubted that the experience of the future will be more decisive against them. It has been seen that without the agency of a great moneyed monopoly the revenue can be collected and conveniently and safely applied to all the purposes of the public expenditure. It is also ascertained that instead of being necessarily made to promote the evils of an unchecked paper system, the management of the revenue can be made auxiliary to the reform which the legislatures of several of the States have already commenced in regard to the suppression of small bills, and which has only to be fostered by proper regulations on the part of Congress to secure a practical return to the extent required for the security of the currency to the constitutional medium. Severed from the Government as political engines, and not susceptible of dangerous extension and combination, the State banks will not be tempted, nor will they have the power, which we have seen exercised, to divert the public funds from the legitimate purposes of the Government. The collection and custody of the revenue, being, on the contrary, a source of credit to them, will increase the security which the States provide for a faithful execution of their trusts by multiplying the scrutinies to which their operations and accounts will be subjected. Thus disposed, as well from interest as the obligations of their charters, it can not be doubted that such conditions as Congress may see fit to adopt respecting the deposits in these institutions, with a view to the gradual disuse, of the small bills will be cheerfully complied with, and that we shall soon gain in place of the Bank of the United States a practical reform in the whole paper system of the country. If by this policy we can ultimately witness the suppression of all bank bills below $20, it is apparent that gold and silver will take their place and become the principal circulating medium in the common business of the farmers and mechanics of the country. The attainment of such a result will form an era in the history of our country which will be dwelt upon with delight by every true friend of its liberty and independence. It will lighten the great tax which our paper system has so long collected from the earnings of labor, and do more to revive and perpetuate those habits of economy and simplicity which are so congenial to the character of republicans than all the legislation which has yet been attempted. To this subject I feel that I can not too earnestly invite the special attention of Congress, without the exercise of whose authority the opportunity to accomplish so much public good must pass unimproved. Deeply impressed with its vital importance, the Executive has taken all the steps within his constitutional power to guard the public revenue and defeat the expectation which the Bank of the United States indulged of renewing and perpetuating its monopoly on the ground of its necessity as a fiscal agent and as affording a sounder currency than could be obtained without such an institution. In the performance of this duty much responsibility was incurred which would have been gladly avoided if the stake which the public had in the question could have been otherwise preserved. Although clothed with the legal authority and supported by precedent, I was aware that there was in the act of the removal of the deposits a liability to excite that sensitiveness to Executive power which it is the characteristic and the duty of freemen to indulge; but I relied on this feeling also, directed by patriotism and intelligence, to vindicate the conduct which in the end would appear to have been called for by the best interests of my country. The apprehensions natural to this feeling that there may have been a desire, through the instrumentality of that measure, to extend the Executive influence, or that it may have been prompted by motives not sufficiently free from ambition, were not overlooked. Under the operation of our institutions the public servant who is called on to take a step of high responsibility should feel in the freedom which gives rise to such apprehensions his highest security. When unfounded the attention which they arouse and the discussions they excite deprive those who indulge them of the power to do harm; when just they but hasten the certainty with which the great body of our citizens never fail to repel an attempt to procure their sanction to any exercise of power inconsistent with the jealous maintenance of their rights. Under such convictions, and entertaining no doubt that my constitutional obligations demanded the steps which were taken in reference to the removal of the deposits, it was impossible for me to be deterred from the path of duty by a fear that my motives could be misjudged or that political prejudices could defeat the just consideration of the merits of my conduct. The result has shewn how safe is this reliance upon the patriotic temper and enlightened discernment of the people. That measure has now been before them and has stood the test of all the severe analysis which its general importance, the interests it affected, and the apprehensions it excited were calculated to produce, and it now remains for Congress to consider what legislation has become necessary in consequence. I need only add to what I have on former occasions said on this subject generally that in the regulations which Congress may prescribe respecting the custody of the public moneys it is desirable that as little discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe-keeping should be given to the executive agents. No one can be more deeply impressed than I am with the soundness of the doctrine which restrains and limits, by specific provisions, executive discretion, as far as it can be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutional character. In respect to the control over the public money this doctrine is peculiarly applicable, and is in harmony with the great principle which I felt I was sustaining in the controversy with the Bank of the United States, which has resulted in severing to some extent a dangerous connection between a moneyed and political power. The duty of the Legislature to define, by clear and positive enactments, the nature and extent of the action which it belongs to the Executive to superintend springs out of a policy analogous to that which enjoins upon all the branches of the Federal Government an abstinence from the exercise of powers not clearly granted. In such a Government, possessing only limited and specific powers, the spirit of its general administration can not be wise or just when it opposes the reference of all doubtful points to the great source of authority, the States and the people, whose number and diversified relations, securing them against the influences and excitements which may mislead their agents, make them the safest depository of power. In its application to the Executive, with reference to the legislative branch of the Government, the same rule of action should make the President ever anxious to avoid the exercise of any discretionary authority which can be regulated by Congress. The biases which may operate upon him will not be so likely to extend to the representatives of the people in that body. In my former messages to Congress I have repeatedly urged the propriety of lessening the discretionary authority lodged in the various Departments, but it has produced no effect as yet, except the discontinuance of extra allowances in the Army and Navy and the substitution of fixed salaries in the latter. It is believed that the same principles could be advantageously applied in all cases, and would promote the efficiency and economy of the public service, at the same time that greater satisfaction and more equal justice would be secured to the public officers generally. The accompanying report of the Secretary of War will put you in possession of the operations of the Department confided to his care in all its diversified relations during the past year. I am gratified in being able to inform you that no occurrence has required any movement of the military force, except such as is common to a state of peace. The services of the Army have been limited to their usual duties at the various garrisons upon the Atlantic and inland frontier, with the exceptions stated by the Secretary of War. Our small military establishment appears to be adequate to the purposes for which it is maintained, and it forms a nucleus around which any additional force may be collected should the public exigencies unfortunately require any increase of our military means. The various acts of Congress which have been recently passed in relation to the Army have improved its condition, and have rendered its organization more useful and efficient. It is at all times in a state for prompt and vigorous action, and it contains within itself the power of extension to any useful limit, while at the same time it preserves that knowledge, both theoretical and practical, which education and experience alone can give, and which, if not acquired and preserved in time of peace, must be sought under great disadvantages in time of war. The duties of the Engineer Corps press heavily upon that branch of the service, and the public interest requires an addition to its strength. The nature of the works in which the officers are engaged renders necessary professional knowledge and experience, and there is no economy in committing to them more duties than they can perform or in assigning these to other persons temporarily employed, and too often of necessity without all the qualifications which such service demands. I recommend this subject to your attention, and also the proposition submitted at the last session of Congress and now renewed, for a reorganization of the Topographical Corps. This reorganization can be effected without any addition to the present expenditure and with much advantage to the public service. The branch of duties which devolves upon these officers is at all times interesting to the community, and the information furnished by them is useful in peace and war. Much loss and inconvenience have been experienced in consequence of the failure of the bill containing the ordinary appropriations for fortifications which passed one branch of the National Legislature at the last session, but was lost in the other. This failure was the more regretted not only because it necessarily interrupted and delayed the progress of a system of national defense, projected immediately after the last war and since steadily pursued, but also because it contained a contingent appropriation, inserted in accordance with the views of the Executive, in aid of this important object and other branches of the national defense, some portions of which might have been most usefully applied during the past season. I invite your early attention to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to this subject, and recommend an appropriation sufficiently liberal to accelerate the armament of the fortifications agreeably to the proposition submitted by him, and to place our whole Atlantic seaboard in a complete state of defense. A just regard to the permanent interests of the country evidently requires this measure, but there are also other reasons which at the present juncture give it peculiar force and make it my duty to call to the subject your special consideration. The present system of military education has been in operation sufficiently long to test its usefulness, and it has given to the Army a valuable body of officers. It is not alone in the improvement, discipline, and operation of the troops that these officers are employed. They are also extensively engaged in the administrative and fiscal concerns of the various matters confided to the War Department; in the execution of the staff duties usually appertaining to military organization; in the removal of the Indians and in the disbursement of the various expenditures growing out of our Indian relations; in the formation of roads and in the improvement of harbors and rivers; in the construction of fortifications, in the fabrication of much of the matériel required for the public defense, and in the preservation, distribution, and accountability of the whole, and in other miscellaneous duties not admitting of classification. These diversified functions embrace very heavy expenditures of public money, and require fidelity, science, and business habits in their execution, and a system which shall secure these qualifications is demanded by the public interest. That this object has been in a great measure obtained by the Military Academy is shewn by the state of the service and by the prompt accountability which has generally followed the necessary advances. Like all other political systems, the present mode of military education no doubt has its imperfections, both of principle and practice; but I trust these can be improved by rigid inspections and by legislative scrutiny without destroying the institution itself. Occurrences to which we as well as all other nations are liable, both in our internal and external relations, point to the necessity of an efficient organization of the militia. I am again induced by the importance of the subject to bring it to your attention. To suppress domestic violence and to repel foreign invasion, should these calamities overtake us, we must rely in the first instance upon the great body of the community whose will has instituted and whose power must support the Government. A large standing military force is not consonant to the spirit of our institutions nor to the feelings of our countrymen, and the lessons of former days and those also of our own times shew the danger as well as the enormous expense of these permanent and extensive military organizations. That just medium which avoids an inadequate preparation on one hand and the danger and expense of a large force on the other is what our constituents have a right to expect from their Government. This object can be attained only by the maintenance of a small military force and by such an organization of the physical strength of the country as may bring this power into operation whenever its services are required. A classification of the population offers the most obvious means of effecting this organization. Such a division may be made as will be just to all by transferring each at a proper period of life from one class to another and by calling first for the services of that class, whether for instruction or action, which from age is qualified for the duty and may be called to perform it with least injury to themselves or to the public. Should the danger ever become so imminent as to require additional force, the other classes in succession would be ready for the call. And if in addition to this organization voluntary associations were encouraged and inducements held out for their formation, our militia would be in a state of efficient service. Now, when we are at peace, is the proper time to digest and establish a practicable system. The object is certainly worth the experiment and worth the expense. No one appreciating the blessings of a republican government can object to his share of the burden which such a plan may impose. Indeed, a moderate portion of the national funds could scarcely be better applied than in carrying into effect and continuing such an arrangement, and in giving the necessary elementary instruction. We are happily at peace with all the world. A sincere desire to continue so and a fixed determination to give no just cause of offense to other nations furnish, unfortunately, no certain grounds of expectation that this relation will be uninterrupted. With this determination to give no offense is associated a resolution, equally decided, tamely to submit to none. The armor and the attitude of defense afford the best security against those collisions which the ambition, or interest, or some other passion of nations not more justifiable is liable to produce. In many countries it is considered unsafe to put arms into the hands of the people and to instruct them in the elements of military knowledge. That fear can have no place here when it is recollected that the people are the sovereign power. Our Government was instituted and is supported by the ballot box, not by the musket. Whatever changes await it, still greater changes must be made in our social institutions before our political system can yield to physical force. In every aspect, therefore, in which I can view the subject I am impressed with the importance of a prompt and efficient organization of the militia. The plan of removing the aboriginal people who yet remain within the settled portions of the United States to the country west of the Mississippi River approaches its consummation. It was adopted on the most mature consideration of the condition of this race, and ought to be persisted in till the object is accomplished, and prosecuted with as much vigor as a just regard to their circumstances will permit, and as fast as their consent can be obtained. All preceding experiments for the improvement of the Indians have failed. It seems now to be an established fact that they can not live in contact with a civilized community and prosper. Ages of fruitless endeavors have at length brought us to a knowledge of this principle of intercommunication with them. The past we can not recall, but the future we can provide for. Independently of the treaty stipulations into which we have entered with the various tribes for the usufructuary rights they have ceded to us, no one can doubt the moral duty of the Government of the United States to protect and if possible to preserve and perpetuate the scattered remnants of this race which are left within our borders. In the discharge of this duty an extensive region in the West has been assigned for their permanent residence. It has been divided into districts and allotted among them. Many have already removed and others are preparing to go, and with the exception of two small bands living in Ohio and Indiana, not exceeding 1,500 persons, and of the Cherokees, all the tribes on the east side of the Mississippi, and extending from Lake Michigan to Florida, have entered into engagements which will lead to their transplantation. The plan for their removal and reestablishment is founded upon the knowledge we have gained of their character and habits, and has been dictated by a spirit of enlarged liberality. A territory exceeding in extent that relinquished has been granted to each tribe. Of its climate, fertility, and capacity to support an Indian population the representations are highly favorable. To these districts the Indians are removed at the expense of the United States, and with certain supplies of clothing, arms, ammunition, and other indispensable articles; they are also furnished gratuitously with provisions for the period of a year after their arrival at their new homes. In that time, from the nature of the country and of the products raised by them, they can subsist themselves by agricultural labor, if they choose to resort to that mode of life; if they do not they are upon the skirts of the great prairies, where countless herds of buffalo roam, and a short time suffices to adapt their own habits to the changes which a change of the animals destined for their food may require. Ample arrangements have also been made for the support of schools; in some instances council houses and churches are to be erected, dwellings constructed for the chiefs, and mills for common use. Funds have been set apart for the maintenance of the poor; the most necessary mechanical arts have been introduced, and blacksmiths, gunsmiths, wheelwrights, millwrights, etc., are supported among them. Steel and iron, and sometimes salt, are purchased for them, and plows and other farming utensils, domestic animals, looms, spinning wheels, cards, etc., are presented to them. And besides these beneficial arrangements, annuities are in all cases paid, amounting in some instances to more than $30 for each individual of the tribe, and in all cases sufficiently great, if justly divided and prudently expended, to enable them, in addition to their own exertions, to live comfortably. And as a stimulus for exertion, it is now provided by law that "in all cases of the appointment of interpreters or other persons employed for the benefit of the Indians a preference shall be given to persons of Indian descent, if such can be found who are properly qualified for the discharge of the duties." Such are the arrangements for the physical comfort and for the moral improvement of the Indians. The necessary measures for their political advancement and for their separation from our citizens have not been neglected. The pledge of the United States has been given by Congress that the country destined for the residence of this people shall be forever "secured and guaranteed to them." A country west of Missouri and Arkansas has been assigned to them, into which the white settlements are not to be pushed. No political communities can be formed in that extensive region, except those which are established by the Indians themselves or by the United States for them and with their concurrence. A barrier has thus been raised for their protection against the encroachment of our citizens, and guarding the Indians as far as possible from those evils which have brought them to their present condition. Summary authority has been given by law to destroy all ardent spirits found in their country, without waiting the doubtful result and slow process of a legal seizure. I consider the absolute and unconditional interdiction of this article among these people as the first and great step in their melioration. Halfway measures will answer no purpose. These can not successfully contend against the cupidity of the seller and the overpowering appetite of the buyer. And the destructive effects of the traffic are marked in every page of the history of our Indian intercourse. Some general legislation seems necessary for the regulation of the relations which will exist in this new state of things between the Government and people of the United States and these transplanted Indian tribes, and for the establishment among the latter, and with their own consent, of some principles of intercommunication which their juxtaposition will call for; that moral may be substituted for physical force, the authority of a few and simple laws for the tomahawk, and that an end may be put to those bloody wars whose prosecution seems to have made part of their social system. After the further details of this arrangement are completed, with a very general supervision over them, they ought to be left to the progress of events. These, I indulge the hope, will secure their prosperity and improvement, and a large portion of the moral debt we owe them will then be paid. The report from the Secretary of the Navy, shewing the condition of that branch of the public service, is recommended to your special attention. It appears from it that our naval force at present in commission, with all the activity which can be given to it, is inadequate to the protection of our rapidly increasing commerce. This consideration and the more general one which regards this arm of the national defense as our best security against foreign aggressions strongly urge the continuance of the measures which promote its gradual enlargement and a speedy increase of the force which has been heretofore employed abroad and at home. You will perceive from the estimates which appear in the report of the Secretary of the Navy that the expenditures necessary to this increase of its force, though of considerable amount, are small compared with the benefits which they will secure to the country. As a means of strengthening this national arm I also recommend to your particular attention the propriety of the suggestion which attracted the consideration of Congress at its last session, respecting the enlistment of boys at a suitable age in the service. In this manner a nursery of skillful and able-bodied seamen can be established, which will be of the greatest importance. Next to the capacity to put afloat and arm the requisite number of ships is the possession of the means to man them efficiently, and nothing seems better calculated to aid this object than the measure proposed. As an auxiliary to the advantages derived from our extensive commercial marine, it would furnish us with a resource ample enough for all the exigencies which can be anticipated. Considering the state of our resources, it can not be doubted that whatever provision the liberality and wisdom of Congress may now adopt with a view to the perfect organization of this branch of our service will meet the approbation of all classes of our citizens. By the report of the Postmaster-General it appears that the revenue of the Department during the year ending on the 30th day of June last exceeded its accruing responsibilities $236,206, and that the surplus of the present fiscal year is estimated at $476,227. It further appears that the debt of the Department on the 1st day of July last, including the amount due to contractors for the quarter then just expired, was about $1,064,381, exceeding the available means about $23,700; and that on the 1st instant about $597,077 of this debt had been paid--$409,991 out of postages accruing before July and $187,086 out of postages accruing since. In these payments are included $67,000 of the old debt due to banks. After making these payments the Department had $73,000 in bank on the 1st instant. The pleasing assurance is given that the Department is entirely free from embarrassment, and that by collection of outstanding balances and using the current surplus the remaining portion of the bank debt and most of the other debt will probably be paid in April next, leaving thereafter a heavy amount to be applied in extending the mail facilities of the country. Reserving a considerable sum for the improvement of existing mail routes, it is stated that the Department will be able to sustain with perfect convenience an annual charge of $300,000 for the support of new routes, to commence as soon as they can be established and put in operation. The measures adopted by the Postmaster-General to bring the means of the Department into action and to effect a speedy extinguishment of its debt, as well as to produce an efficient administration of its affairs, will be found detailed at length in his able and luminous report. Aided by a reorganization on the principles suggested and such salutary provisions in the laws regulating its administrative duties as the wisdom of Congress may devise or approve, that important Department will soon attain a degree of usefulness proportioned to the increase of our population and the extension of our settlements. Particular attention is solicited to that portion of the report of the Postmaster-General which relates to the carriage of the mails of the United States upon railroads constructed by private corporations under the authority of the several States. The reliance which the General Government can place on those roads as a means of carrying on its operations and the principles on which the use of them is to be obtained can not too soon be considered and settled. Already does the spirit of monopoly begin to exhibit its natural propensities in attempts to exact from the public, for services which it supposes can not be obtained on other terms, the most extravagant compensation. If these claims be persisted in, the question may arise whether a combination of citizens, acting under charters of incorporation from the States, can, by a direct refusal or the demand of an exorbitant price, exclude the United States from the use of the established channels of communication between the different sections of the country, and whether the United States can not, without transcending their constitutional powers, secure to the Post-Office Department the use of those roads by an act of Congress which shall provide within itself some equitable mode of adjusting the amount of compensation. To obviate, if possible, the necessity of considering this question, it is suggested whether it be not expedient to fix by law the amounts which shall be offered to railroad companies for the conveyance of the mails, graduated according to their average weight, to be ascertained and declared by the Postmaster-General. It is probable that a liberal proposition of that sort would be accepted. In connection with these provisions in relation to the Post-Office Department, I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the South by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints and in various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and to produce all the horrors of a servile war. There is doubtless no respectable portion of our countrymen who can be so far misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret at conduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country, and so repugnant to the principles of our national compact and to the dictates of humanity and religion. Our happiness and prosperity essentially depend upon peace within our borders, and peace depends upon the maintenance in good faith of those compromises of the Constitution upon which the Union is founded. It is fortunate for the country that the good sense, the generous feeling, and the deep-rooted attachment of the people of the nonslaveholding States to the Union and to their fellow-citizens of the same blood in the South have given so strong and impressive a tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and wicked attempts, and especially against the emissaries from foreign parts who have dared to interfere in this matter, as to authorize the hope that those attempts will no longer be persisted in. But if these expressions of the public will shall not be sufficient to effect so desirable a result, not a doubt can be entertained that the nonslaveholding States, so far from countenancing the slightest interference with the constitutional rights of the South, will be prompt to exercise their authority in suppressing so far as in them lies whatever is calculated to produce this evil. In leaving the care of other branches of this interesting subject to the State authorities, to whom they properly belong, it is nevertheless proper for Congress to take such measures as will prevent the Post-Office Department, which was designed to foster an amicable intercourse and correspondence between all the members of the Confederacy, from being used as an instrument of an opposite character. The General Government, to which the great trust is confided of preserving inviolate the relations created among the States by the Constitution, is especially bound to avoid in its own action anything that may disturb them. I would therefore call the special attention of Congress to the subject, and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection. I felt it to be my duty in the first message which I communicated to Congress to urge upon its attention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution which provides for the election of the President and the Vice-President of the United States. The leading object which I had in view was the adoption of some new provisions which would secure to the people the performance of this high duty without any intermediate agency. In my annual communications since I have enforced the same views, from a sincere conviction that the best interests of the country would be promoted by their adoption. If the subject were an ordinary one, I should have regarded the failure of Congress to act upon it as an indication of their judgment that the disadvantages which belong to the present system were not so great as those which would result from any attainable substitute that had been submitted to their consideration. Recollecting, however, that propositions to introduce a new feature in our fundamental laws can not be too patiently examined, and ought not to be received with favor until the great body of the people are thoroughly impressed with their necessity and value as a remedy for real evils, I feel that in renewing the recommendation I have heretofore made on this subject I am not transcending the bounds of a just deference to the sense of Congress or to the disposition of the people. However much we may differ in the choice of the measures which should guide the administration of the Government, there can be but little doubt in the minds of those who are really friendly to the republican features of our system that one of its most important securities consists in the separation of the legislative and executive powers at the same time that each is held responsible to the great source of authority, which is acknowledged to be supreme, in the will of the people constitutionally expressed. My reflection and experience satisfy me that the framers of the Constitution, although they were anxious to mark this feature as a settled and fixed principle in the structure of the Government, did not adopt all the precautions that were necessary to secure its practical observance, and that we can not be said to have carried into complete effect their intentions until the evils which arise from this organic defect are remedied. Considering the great extent of our Confederacy, the rapid increase of its population, and the diversity of their interests and pursuits, it can not be disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the Legislature is to form itself into an electoral college can not become one of ordinary occurrence without producing incalculable mischief. What was intended as the medicine of the Constitution in extreme cases can not be frequently used without changing its character and sooner or later producing incurable disorder. Every election by the House of Representatives is calculated to lessen the force of that security which is derived from the distinct and separate character of the legislative and executive functions, and while it exposes each to temptations adverse to their efficiency as organs of the Constitution and laws, its tendency will be to unite both in resisting the will of the people, and thus give a direction to the Government antirepublican and dangerous. All history tells us that a free people should be watchful of delegated power, and should never acquiesce in a practice which will diminish their control over it. This obligation, so universal in its application to all the principles of a republic, is peculiarly so in ours, where the formation of parties founded on sectional interests is so much fostered by the extent of our territory. These interests, represented by candidates for the Presidency, are constantly prone, in the zeal of party and selfish objects, to generate influences unmindful of the general good and forgetful of the restraints which the great body of the people would enforce if they were in no contingency to lose the right of expressing their will. The experience of our country from the formation of the Government to the present day demonstrates that the people can not too soon adopt some stronger safeguard for their right to elect the highest officers known to the Constitution than is contained in that sacred instrument as it now stands. It is my duty to call the particular attention of Congress to the present condition of the District of Columbia. From whatever cause the great depression has arisen which now exists in the pecuniary concerns of this District, it is proper that its situation should be fully understood and such relief or remedies provided as are consistent with the powers of Congress. I earnestly recommend the extension of every political right to the citizens of this District which their true interests require, and which does not conflict with the provisions of the Constitution. It is believed that the laws for the government of the District require revisal and amendment, and that much good may be done by modifying the penal code so as to give uniformity to its provisions. Your attention is also invited to the defects which exist in the judicial system of the United States. As at present organized the States of the Union derive unequal advantages from the Federal judiciary, which have been so often pointed out that I deem it unnecessary to repeat them here. It is hoped that the present Congress will extend to all the States that equality in respect to the benefits of the laws of the Union which can only be secured by the uniformity and efficiency of the judicial system. With these observations on the topics of general interest which are deemed worthy of your consideration, I leave them to your care, trusting that the legislative measures they call for will be met as the wants and the best interests of our beloved country demand.  
In the discharge of my official duty the task again devolves upon me of communicating with a new Congress. The reflection that the representation of the Union has been recently renewed, and that the constitutional term of its service will expire with my own, heightens the solicitude with which I shall attempt to lay before it the state of our national concerns and the devout hope which I cherish that its labors to improve them may be crowned with success. You are assembled at a period of profound interest to the American patriot. The unexampled growth and prosperity of our country having given us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehension of danger to our integrity and independence from external foes, the career of freedom is before us, with an earnest from the past that if true to ourselves there can be no formidable obstacle in the future to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit. Yet, in proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness, as once contrasted with the power of some of the States of the Old World, should we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction that it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of those causes on which depend the excellence and the duration of our happy system of government. In the example of other systems founded on the will of the people we trace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of freedom. The social elements, which were strong and successful when united against external danger, failed in the more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal organization, and thus gave way the great principle of self-government. Let us trust that this admonition will never be forgotten by the Government or the people of the United States, and that the testimony which our experience thus far holds out to the great human family of the practicability and the blessings of free government will be confirmed in all time to come. We have but to look at the state of our agriculture, manufactures, and commerce and the unexampled increase of our population to feel the magnitude of the trust committed to us. Never in any former period of our history have we had greater reason than we now have to be thankful to Divine Providence for the blessings of health and general prosperity. Every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abundant rewards. In every element of national resources and wealth and of individual comfort we witness the most rapid and solid improvements. With no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home which will not yield to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter, amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached, and with no because of solicitude in regard to our external affairs which will not, it is hoped, disappear before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers, we have every reason to feel proud of our beloved country. The general state of our foreign relations has not materially changed since my last annual message. In the settlement of the question of the northeastern boundary little progress has been made. Great Britain has declined acceding to the proposition of the United States, presented in accordance with the resolution of the Senate, unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted, which I deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful adjustment of the controversy. Waiting for some distinct proposal from the Government of Great Britain, which has been invited, I can only repeat the expression of my confidence that, with the strong mutual disposition which I believe exists to make a just arrangement, this perplexing question can be settled with a due regard to the well-founded pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it. Events are frequently occurring on the northeastern frontier of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitive termination of the dispute. This consideration, added to the desire common to both to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries from all embarrassment, will no doubt have its just influence upon both. Our diplomatic intercourse with Portugal has been renewed, and it is expected that the claims of our citizens, partially paid, will be fully satisfied as soon as the condition of the Queen's Government will permit the proper attention to the subject of them. That Government has, I am happy to inform you, manifested a determination to act upon the liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy. The happiest effects upon the future trade between the United States and Portugal are anticipated from it, and the time is not thought to be remote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established. The installments due under the convention with the King of the Two Sicilies have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his whole conduct has been characterized, and the hope is indulged that the adjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a more extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the two countries. The internal contest still continues in Spain. Distinguished as this struggle has unhappily been by incidents of the most sanguinary character, the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with us have been, nevertheless, faithfully executed by the Spanish Government. No provision having been made at the last session of Congress for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of the funds under the convention made with Spain, I invite your early attention to the subject. The public evidences of the debt have, according to the terms of the convention and in the forms prescribed by it, been placed in the possession of the United States, and the interest as it fell due has been regularly paid upon them. Our commercial intercourse with Cuba stands as regulated by the act of Congress. No recent information has been received as to the disposition of the Government of Madrid on this subject, and the lamented death of our recently appointed minister on his way to Spain, with the pressure of their affairs at home, renders it scarcely probable that any change is to be looked for during the coming year. Further portions of the Florida archives have been sent to the United States, although the death of one of the commissioners at a critical moment embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them. The higher officers of the local government have recently shewn an anxious desire, in compliance with the orders from the parent Government, to facilitate the selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim. Negotiations have been opened at Madrid for the establishment of a lasting peace between Spain and such of the Spanish American Governments of this hemisphere as have availed themselves of the intimation given to all of them of the disposition of Spain to treat upon the basis of their entire independence. It is to be regretted that simultaneous appointments by all of ministers to negotiate with Spain had not been made. The negotiation itself would have been simplified, and this long-standing dispute, spreading over a large portion of the world, would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion. Our political and commercial relations with Austria, Prussia, Sweden, and Denmark stand on the usual favorable bases. One of the articles of our treaty with Russia in relation to the trade on the northwest coast of America having expired, instructions have been given to our minister at St. Petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it. The long and unbroken amity between the two Governments gives every reason for supposing the article will be renewed, if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than with our view of the subject can be anticipated here. I ask your attention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the second session of the Nineteenth Congress, relative to our commercial intercourse with Holland, and to the documents connected with that subject, communicated to the House of Representatives on the 10th of January, 1825, and 18th of January, 1827. Coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor that Holland is not, under the regulations of her present system, entitled to have her vessels and their cargoes received into the United States on the footing of American vessels and cargoes as regards duties of tonnage and impost, a respect for his reference of it to the Legislature has alone prevented me from acting on the subject. I should still have waited without comment for the action of Congress, but recently a claim has been made by Belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships and cargoes on the same footing as American, with the allegation we could not dispute that our vessels received in their ports the identical treatment shewn to them in the ports of Holland, upon whose vessels no discrimination is made in the ports of the United States. Giving the same privileges the Belgians expected the same benefits---benefits that were, in fact, enjoyed when Belgium and Holland were united under one Government. Satisfied with the justice of their pretension to be placed on the same footing with Holland, I could not, nevertheless, without disregard to the principle of our laws, admit their claim to be treated as Americans, and at the same time a respect for Congress, to whom the subject had long since been referred, has prevented me from producing a just equality by taking from the vessels of Holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of Congress, although the condition upon which the grant was made has, in my judgment, failed since 1822. I recommend, therefore, a review of the act of 1824, and such a modification of it as will produce an equality on such terms as Congress shall think best comports with our settled policy and the obligations of justice to two friendly powers. With the Sublime Porte and all the Governments on the coast of Barbary our relations continue to be friendly. The proper steps have been taken to renew our treaty with Morocco. The Argentine Republic has again promised to send within the current year a minister to the United States. A convention with Mexico for extending the time for the appointment of commissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded and will be submitted to the Senate. Recent events in that country have awakened the liveliest solicitude in the United States. Aware of the strong temptations existing and powerful inducements held out to the citizens of the United States to mingle in the dissensions of our immediate neighbors, instructions have been given to the district attorneys of the United States where indications warranted it to prosecute without respect to persons all who might attempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality, while at the same time it has been thought necessary to apprise the Government of Mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties. From our diplomatic agents in Brazil, Chile, Peru, Central America, Venezuela, and New Granada constant assurances are received of the continued good understanding with the Governments to which they are severally accredited. With those Governments upon which our citizens have valid and accumulating claims, scarcely an advance toward a settlement of them is made, owing mainly to their distracted state or to the pressure of imperative domestic questions. Our patience has been and will probably be still further severely tried, but our fellow-citizens whose interests are involved may confide in the determination of the Government to obtain for them eventually ample retribution. Unfortunately, many of the nations of this hemisphere are still self-tormented by domestic dissensions. Revolution succeeds revolution; injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits; much time elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectation of redress; ministers are sent and received, and before the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troubles arise; but too frequently new injuries are added to the old, to be discussed together with the existing government after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it, or with its successor if overthrown. If this unhappy condition of things continues much longer, other nations will be under the painful necessity of deciding whether justice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redress of injuries by their own power, without waiting for the establishment of a government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for them. Since the last session of Congress the validity of our claims upon France, as liquidated by the treaty of 1831, has been acknowledged by both branches of her legislature, and the money has been appropriated for their discharge; but the payment is, I regret to inform you, still withheld. A brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in this protracted controversy will shew how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be justified. On entering upon the duties of my station I found the United States an unsuccessful applicant to the justice of France for the satisfaction of claims the validity of which was never questionable, and has now been most solemnly admitted by France herself. The antiquity of these claims, their high justice, and the aggravating circumstances out of which they arose are too familiar to the American people to require description. It is sufficient to say that for a period of ten years and upward our commerce was, with but little interruption, the subject of constant aggressions on the part of France--aggressions the ordinary features of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under arbitrary decrees, adopted in contravention as well of the laws of nations as of treaty stipulations, burnings on the high seas, and seizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in the ports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control of France. Such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs we suffered--wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authors never denied our right to reparation. Of the extent of these injuries some conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of a large amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases by long detention the American property so seized and sacrificed at forced sales, excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or without condemnation, brought into the French treasury upward of 24,000,000 francs, besides large custom-house duties. The subject had already been an affair of twenty years' uninterrupted negotiation, except for a short time when France was overwhelmed by the military power of united Europe. During this period, whilst other nations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point of the bayonet, the United States intermitted their demand for justice out of respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of suffering and of peril. The bad effects of these protracted and unavailing discussions, as well upon our relations with France as upon our national character, were obvious, and the line of duty was to my mind equally so. This was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within a reasonable period or to abandon them altogether. I could not doubt that by this course the interests and honor of both countries would be best consulted. Instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the minister who was sent out once more to demand reparation. Upon the meeting of Congress in December, 1829, I felt it my duty to speak of these claims and the delays of France in terms calculated to call the serious attention of both countries to the subject. The then French ministry took exception to the message on the ground of its containing a menace, under which it was not agreeable to the French Government to negotiate. The American minister of his own accord refuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the message and at the same time called to the recollection of the French ministry that the President's message was a communication addressed, not to foreign governments, but to the Congress of the United States, in which it was enjoined upon him by the Constitution to lay before that body information of the state of the Union, comprehending its foreign as well as its domestic relations, and that if in the discharge of this duty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of Congress in due time to what might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties with any foreign government, he might fairly be supposed to do so under a sense of what was due from him in a frank communication with another branch of his own Government, and not from any intention of holding a menace over a foreign power. The views taken by him received my approbation, the French Government was satisfied, and the negotiation was continued. It terminated in the treaty of July 4, 1831, recognizing the justice of our claims in part and promising payment to the amount of 25,000,000 francs in six annual installments. The ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at Washington on the 2d of February, 1832, and in five days thereafter it was laid before Congress, who immediately passed the acts necessary on our part to secure to France the commercial advantages conceded to her in the compact. The treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the King of the French in terms which are certainly not mere matters of form, and of which the translation is as follows: We, approving the above convention in all and each of the dispositions which are contained in it, do declare, by ourselves as well as by our heirs and successors, that it is accepted, approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by these presents, signed by our hand, we do accept, approve, ratify, and confirm it; promising, on the faith and word of a king, to observe it and to because it to be observed inviolably, without ever contravening it or suffering it to be contravened, directly or indirectly, for any because or under any pretense whatsoever. Official information of the exchange of ratifications in the United States reached Paris whilst the Chambers were in session. The extraordinary and to us injurious delays of the French Government in their action upon the subject of its fulfillment have been heretofore stated to Congress, and I have no disposition to enlarge upon them here. It is sufficient to observe that the then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effort to obtain the necessary appropriations; that the two succeeding ones were also suffered to pass away without anything like a serious attempt to obtain a decision upon the subject, and that it was not until the fourth session, almost three years after the conclusion of the treaty and more than two years after the exchange of ratifications, that the bill for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a vote and rejected. In the meantime the Government of the United States, having full confidence that a treaty entered into and so solemnly ratified by the French King would be executed in good faith, and not doubting that provision would be made for the payment of the first installment which was to become due on the 2d day of February, 1833, negotiated a draft for the amount through the Bank of the United States. When this draft was presented by the holder with the credentials required by the treaty to authorize him to receive the money, the Government of France allowed it to be protested. In addition to the injury in the nonpayment of the money by France, conformably to her engagement, the United States were exposed to a heavy claim on the part of the bank under pretense of damages, in satisfaction of which that institution seized upon and still retains an equal amount of the public money. Congress was in session when the decision of the Chambers reached Washington, and an immediate communication of this apparently final decision of France not to fulfill the stipulations of the treaty was the course naturally to be expected from the President. The deep tone of dissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind and the correspondent excitement produced in Congress by only a general knowledge of the result rendered it more than probable that a resort to immediate measures of redress would be the consequence of calling the attention of that body to the subject. Sincerely desirous of preserving the pacific relations which had so long existed between the two countries, I was anxious to avoid this course if I could be satisfied that by doing so neither the interests nor the honor of my country would be compromitted. Without the fullest assurances upon that point, I could not hope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in suffering Congress to adjourn without laying the subject before them. Those received by me were believed to be of that character. That the feelings produced in the United States by the news of the rejection of the appropriation would be such as I have described them to have been was foreseen by the French Government, and prompt measures were taken by it to prevent the consequences. The King in person expressed through our minister at Paris his profound regret at the decision of the Chambers, and promised to send forthwith a national ship with dispatches to his minister here authorizing him to give such assurances as would satisfy the Government and people of the United States that the treaty would yet be faithfully executed by France. The national ship arrived, and the minister received his instructions. Claiming to act under the authority derived from them, he gave to this Government in the name of his the most solemn assurances that as soon after the new elections as the charter would permit the French Chambers would be convened and the attempt to procure the necessary appropriations renewed; that all the constitutional powers of the King and his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the object, and he was understood, and so expressly informed by this Government at the time, to engage that the question should be pressed to a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information of the result to be communicated to Congress at the commencement of their next session. Relying upon these assurances, I incurred the responsibility, great as I regarded it to be, of suffering Congress to separate without communicating with them upon the subject. The expectations justly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made to this Government by that of France were not realized. The French Chambers met on the 31st of July, 1834, soon after the election, and although our minister in Paris urged the French ministry to bring the subject before them, they declined doing so. He next insisted that the Chambers, if prorogued without acting on the subject, should be reassembled at a period so early that their action on the treaty might be known in Washington prior to the meeting of Congress. This reasonable request was not only declined, but the Chambers were prorogued to the 29th of December, a day so late that their decision, however urgently pressed, could not in all probability be obtained in time to reach Washington before the necessary adjournment of Congress by the Constitution. The reasons given by the ministry for refusing to convoke the Chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shewn not to be insuperable by their actual convocation on the 1st of December under a special call for domestic purposes, which fact, however, did not become known to this Government until after the commencement of the last session of Congress. Thus disappointed in our just expectations, it became my imperative duty to consult with Congress in regard to the expediency of a resort to retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied with, and to recommend such as in my judgment the occasion called for. To this end an unreserved communication of the case in all its aspects became indispensable. To have shrunk in making it from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding, and that the truth would justify, for fear of giving offense to others, would have been unworthy of us. To have gone, on the other hand, a single step further for the purpose of wounding the pride of a Government and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise and improper. Admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest statement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of those who had by their position become responsible for their redress, and earnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source, I went out of my way to preclude a construction of the message by which the recommendation that was made to Congress might be regarded as a menace to France in not only disavowing such a design, but in declaring that her pride and her power were too well known to expect anything from her fears. The message did not reach Paris until more than a month after the Chambers had been in session, and such was the insensibility of the ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations that our minister had been informed that the matter when introduced would not be pressed as a cabinet measure. Although the message was not officially communicated to the French Government, and notwithstanding the declaration to the contrary which it contained, the French ministry decided to consider the conditional recommendation of reprisals a menace and an insult which the honor of the nation made it incumbent on them to resent. The measures resorted to by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity were the immediate recall of their minister at Washington, the offer of passports to the American minister at Paris, and a public notice to the legislative Chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with the United States had been suspended. Having in this manner vindicated the dignity of France, they next proceeded to illustrate her justice. To this end a bill was immediately introduced into the Chamber of Deputies proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty. As this bill subsequently passed into a law, the provisions of which now constitute the main subject of difficulty between the two nations, it becomes my duty, in order to place the subject before you in a clear light, to trace the history of its passage and to refer with some particularity to the proceedings and discussions in regard to it. The minister of finance in his opening speech alluded to the measures which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity, and recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the honor and justice of France. He as the organ of the ministry declared the message, so long as it had not received the sanction of Congress, a mere expression of the personal opinion of the President, for which neither the Government nor people of the United States were responsible, and that an engagement had been entered into for the fulfillment of which the honor of France was pledged. Entertaining these views, the single condition which the French ministry proposed to annex to the payment of the money was that it should not be made until it was ascertained that the Government of the United States had done nothing to injure the interests of France, or, in other words, that no steps had been authorized by Congress of a hostile character toward France. What the disposition or action of Congress might be was then unknown to the French cabinet; but on the 14th of January the Senate resolved that it was at that time inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the United States and France, and no action on the subject had occurred in the House of Representatives. These facts were known in Paris prior to the 28th of March, 1835, when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification had been referred reported it to the Chamber of Deputies. That committee substantially reechoed the sentiments of the ministry, declared that Congress had set aside the proposition of the President, and recommended the passage of the bill without any other restriction than that originally proposed. Thus was it known to the French ministry and Chambers that if the position assumed by them, and which had been so frequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the honor of France, was maintained and the bill passed as originally proposed, the money would be paid and there would be an end of this unfortunate controversy. But this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage, providing that the money should not be paid until the French Government had received satisfactory explanations of the President's message of the 2d December, 1834, and, what is still more extraordinary, the president of the council of ministers adopted this amendment and consented to its incorporation in the bill. In regard to a supposed insult which had been formally resented by the recall of their minister and the offer of passports to ours, they now for the first time proposed to ask explanations. Sentiments and propositions which they had declared could not justly be imputed to the Government or people of the United States are set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded justice to that Government and people. They had declared that the honor of France required the fulfillment of the engagement into which the King had entered, unless Congress adopted the recommendations of the message. They ascertained that Congress did not adopt them, and yet that fulfillment is refused unless they first obtain from the President explanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and inoperative. The conception that it was my intention to menace or insult the Government of France is as unfounded as the attempt to extort from the fears of that nation what her sense of justice may deny would be vain and ridiculous. But the Constitution of the United States imposes on the President the duty of laying before Congress the condition of the country in its foreign and domestic relations, and of recommending such measures as may in his opinion be required by its interests. From the performance of this duty he can not be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may become necessary to speak; and the American people are incapable of submitting to an interference by any government on earth, however powerful, with the free performance of the domestic duties which the Constitution has imposed on their public functionaries. The discussions which intervene between the several departments of our Government belong to ourselves, and for anything said in them our public servants are only responsible to their own constituents and to each other. If in the course of their consultations facts are erroneously stated or unjust deductions are made, they require no other inducement to correct them, however informed of their error, than their love of justice and what is due to their own character; but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right by a foreign power. When our discussions terminate in acts, our responsibility to foreign powers commences, not as individuals, but as a nation. The principle which calls in question the President for the language of his message would equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of the language used in the report of a committee or by a member in debate. This is not the first time that the Government of France has taken exception to the messages of American Presidents. President Washington and the first President Adams in the performance of their duties to the American people fell under the animadversions of the French Directory. The objection taken by the ministry of Charles X, and removed by the explanations made by our minister upon the spot, has already been adverted to. When it was understood that the ministry of the present King took exception to my message of last year, putting a construction upon it which was disavowed on its face, our late minister at Paris, in answer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the language used in the message, made a communication to the French Government under date of the 29th of January, 1835, calculated to remove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility had created. He repeated and called the attention of the French Government to the disavowal contained in the message itself of any intention to intimidate by menace; he truly declared that it contained and was intended to contain no charge of ill faith against the King of the French, and properly distinguished between the right to complain in unexceptionable terms of the omission to execute an agreement and an accusation of bad motives in withholding such execution, and demonstrated that the necessary use of that right ought not to be considered as an offensive imputation. Although this communication was made without instructions and entirely on the minister's own responsibility, yet it was afterwards made the act of this Government by my full approbation, and that approbation was officially made known on the 25th of April, 1835, to the French Government. It, however, failed to have any effect. The law, after this friendly explanation, passed with the obnoxious amendment, supported by the King's ministers, and was finally approved by the King. The people of the United States are justly attached to a pacific system in their intercourse with foreign nations. It is proper, therefore, that they should know whether their Government has adhered to it. In the present instance it has been carried to the utmost extent that was consistent with a becoming self-respect. The note of the 29th of January, to which I have before alluded, was not the only one which our minister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting on the same subject and in the same spirit. Finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt dependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could never be complied with, he thought it a duty to make another attempt to convince the French Government that whilst self-respect and regard to the dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using any language that ought to give offense, yet we could never admit a right in any foreign government to ask explanations of or to interfere in any manner in the communications which one branch of our public councils made with another; that in the present case no such language had been used, and that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarily stated, before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition; and that there might be no misapprehension he stated the terms used in that note, and he officially informed them that it had been approved by the President, and that therefore every explanation which could reasonably be asked or honorably given had been already made; that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaration, and was therefore not only useless, but might be deemed offensive, and certainly would not be complied with if annexed as a condition. When this latter communication, to which I especially invite the attention of Congress, was laid before me, I entertained the hope that the means it was obviously intended to afford of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations would have been accepted, and I therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation. This was due to the minister who had made himself responsible for the act, and it was published to the people of the United States and is now laid before their representatives to shew how far their Executive has gone in its endeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries. It would have been at any time communicated to the Government of France had it been officially requested. The French Government having received all the explanation which honor and principle permitted, and which could in reason be asked, it was hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the installments now due. The agent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform the French minister of his readiness to do so. In reply to this notice he was told that the money could not then be paid, because the formalities required by the act of the Chambers had not been arranged. Not having received any official information of the intentions of the French Government, and anxious to bring, as far as practicable, this unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of Congress, that you might have the whole subject before you, I caused our chargé d'affaires at Paris to be instructed to ask for the final determination of the French Government, and in the event of their refusal to pay the installments now due, without further explanations to return to the United States. The result of this last application has not yet reached us, but is daily expected. That it may be favorable is my sincere wish. France having now, through all the branches of her Government, acknowledged the validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1831, and there really existing no adequate because for further delay, will at length, it may be hoped, adopt the course which the interests of both nations, not less than the principles of justice, so imperiously require. The treaty being once executed on her part, little will remain to disturb the friendly relations of the two countries--nothing, indeed, which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific and enlightened policy and to the influence of that mutual good will and of those generous recollections which we may confidently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force. In any event, however, the principle involved in the new aspect which has been given to the controversy is so vitally important to the independent administration of the Government that it can neither be surrendered nor compromitted without national degradation. I hope it is unnecessary for me to say that such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine. The honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the statement of truth and the performance of duty; nor can I give any explanation of my official acts except such as is due to integrity and justice and consistent with the principles on which our institutions have been framed. This determination will, I am confident, be approved by my constituents. I have, indeed, studied their character to but little purpose if the sum of 25,000,000 francs will have the weight of a feather in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence, and if, unhappily, a different impression should at any time obtain in any quarter, they will, I am sure, rally round the Government of their choice with alacrity and unanimity, and silence forever the degrading imputation. Having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since the last session of Congress have occurred in this interesting and important matter, with the views of the Executive in regard to them, it is at this time only necessary to add that whenever the advices now daily expected from our chargé d'affaires shall have been received they will be made the subject of a special communication. The condition of the public finances was never more flattering than at the present period. Since my last annual communication all the remains of the public debt have been redeemed, or money has been placed in deposit for this purpose whenever the creditors choose to receive it. All the other pecuniary engagements of the Government have been honorably and promptly fulfilled, and there will be a balance in the Treasury at the close of the present year of about $19,000,000. It is believed that after meeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations there will remain near eleven millions to be applied to any new objects which Congress may designate or to the more rapid execution of the works already in progress. In aid of these objects, and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year, it is estimated that there will be received from various sources twenty millions more in 1836. Should Congress make new appropriations in conformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper Departments, amounting to about twenty-four millions, still the available surplus at the close of the next year, after deducting all unexpended appropriations, will probably not be less than six millions. This sum can, in my judgment, be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our navy-yards, and to new national works which are not enumerated in the present estimates or to the more rapid completion of those already begun. Either would be constitutional and useful, and would render unnecessary any attempt in our present peculiar condition to divide the surplus revenue or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the existing laws. In any event, as the annual report from the Secretary of the Treasury will enter into details, shewing the probability of some decrease in the revenue during the next seven years and a very considerable deduction in 1842, it is not recommended that Congress should undertake to modify the present tariff so as to disturb the principles on which the compromise act was passed. Taxation on some of the articles of general consumption which are not in competition with our own productions may be no doubt so diminished as to lessen to some extent the source of this revenue, and the same object can also be assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defense, which in the present state of our prosperity and wealth may be expected to engage your attention. If, however, after satisfying all the demands which can arise from these sources the unexpended balance in the Treasury should still continue to increase, it would be better to bear with the evil until the great changes contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred and shall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspection which are due to so delicate and important a subject. It is certainly our duty to diminish as far as we can the burdens of taxation and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the trade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy of foreign nations or those primary duties which the defense and independence of our country enjoin upon us. That we have accomplished much toward the relief of our citizens by the changes which have accompanied the payment of the public debt and the adoption of the present revenue laws is manifest from the fact that compared with 1833 there is a diminution of near twenty-five millions in the last two years, and that our expenditures, independently of those for the public debt, have been reduced near nine millions during the same period. Let us trust that by the continued observance of economy and by harmonizing the great interests of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce much more may be accomplished to diminish the burdens of government and to increase still further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes of our citizens and all the members of our happy Confederacy. As the data which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you in regard to our financial resources are full and extended, and will afford a safe guide in your future calculations, I think it unnecessary to offer any further observations on that subject here. Among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country, not the least gratifying is that afforded by the receipts from the sales of the public lands, which amount in the present year to the unexpected sum of $11,000,000. This circumstance attests the rapidity with which agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory. Being still of the opinion that it is our best policy, as far as we can consistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded to the United States, to promote their speedy settlement, I beg leave to call the attention of the present Congress to the suggestions I have offered respecting it in my former messages. The extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands invite you to consider what improvements the land system, and particularly the condition of the General Land Office, may require. At the time this institution was organized, near a quarter of a century ago, it would probably have been thought extravagant to anticipate for this period such an addition to its business as has been produced by the vast increase of those sales during the past and present years. It may also be observed that since the year 1812 the land offices and surveying districts have been greatly multiplied, and that numerous legislative enactments from year to year since that time have imposed a great amount of new and additional duties upon that office, while the want of a timely application of force commensurate with the care and labor required has caused the increasing embarrassment of accumulated arrears in the different branches of the establishment. These impediments to the expedition of much duty in the General Land Office induce me to submit to your judgment whether some modification of the laws relating to its organization, or an organization of a new character, be not called for at the present juncture, to enable the office to accomplish all the ends of its institution with a greater degree of facility and promptitude than experience has proved to be practicable under existing regulations. The variety of the concerns and the magnitude and complexity of the details occupying and dividing the attention of the Commissioner appear to render it difficult, if not impracticable, for that officer by any possible assiduity to bestow on all the multifarious subjects upon which he is called to act the ready and careful attention due to their respective importance, unless the Legislature shall assist him by a law providing, or enabling him to provide, for a more regular and economical distribution of labor, with the incident responsibility among those employed under his direction. The mere manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast number of documents issuing from his office subtracts so largely from the time and attention claimed by the weighty and complicated subjects daily accumulating in that branch of the public service as to indicate the strong necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment. It will be easy for Congress hereafter to proportion the expenditure on account of this branch of the service to its real wants by abolishing from time to time the offices which can be dispensed with. The extinction of the public debt having taken place, there is no longer any use for the offices of Commissioners of Loans and of the Sinking Fund. I recommend, therefore, that they be abolished, and that proper measures be taken for the transfer to the Treasury Department of any funds, books, and papers connected with the operations of those offices, and that the proper power be given to that Department for closing finally any portion of their business which may remain to be settled. It is also incumbent on Congress in guarding the pecuniary interests of the country to discontinue by such a law as was passed in 1812 the receipt of the bills of the Bank of the United States in payment of the public revenue, and to provide for the designation of an agent whose duty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of the United States in that institution, and to close all connection with it after the 3d of March, 1836, when its charter expires. In making provision in regard to the disposition of this stock it will be essential to define clearly and strictly the duties and powers of the officer charged with that branch of the public service. It will be seen from the correspondence which the Secretary of the Treasury will lay before you that notwithstanding the large amount of the stock which the United States hold in that institution no information has yet been communicated which will enable the Government to anticipate when it can receive any dividends or derive any benefit from it. Connected with the condition of the finances and the flourishing state of the country in all its branches of industry, it is pleasing to witness the advantages which have been already derived from the recent laws regulating the value of the gold coinage. These advantages will be more apparent in the course of the next year, when the branch mints authorized to be established in North Carolina, Georgia, and Louisiana shall have gone into operation. Aided, as it is hoped they will be, by further reforms in the banking systems of the States and by judicious regulations on the part of Congress in relation to the custody of the public moneys, it may be confidently anticipated that the use of gold and silver as a circulating medium will become general in the ordinary transactions connected with the labor of the country. The great desideratum in modern times is an efficient check upon the power of banks, preventing that excessive issue of paper whence arise those fluctuations in the standard of value which render uncertain the rewards of labor. It was supposed by those who established the Bank of the United States that from the credit given to it by the custody of the public moneys and other privileges and the precautions taken to guard against the evils which the country had suffered in the bankruptcy of many of the State institutions of that period we should derive from that institution all the security and benefits of a sound currency and every good end that was attainable under that provision of the Constitution which authorizes Congress alone to coin money and regulate the value thereof. But it is scarcely necessary now to say that these anticipations have not been realized. After the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced by the Bank of the United States, from which the country is now recovering, aggravated as they were by pretensions to power which defied the public authority, and which if acquiesced in by the people would have changed the whole character of our Government, every candid and intelligent individual must admit that for the attainment of the great advantages of a sound currency we must look to a course of legislation radically different from that which created such an institution. In considering the means of obtaining so important an end we must set aside all calculations of temporary convenience, and be influenced by those only which are in harmony with the true character and the permanent interests of the Republic. We must recur to first principles and see what it is that has prevented the legislation of Congress and the States on the subject of currency from satisfying the public expectation and realizing results corresponding to those which have attended the action of our system when truly consistent with the great principle of equality upon which it rests, and with that spirit of forbearance and mutual concession and generous patriotism which was originally, and must ever continue to be, the vital element of our Union. On this subject I am sure that I can not be mistaken in ascribing our want of success to the undue countenance which has been afforded to the spirit of monopoly. All the serious dangers which our system has yet encountered may be traced to the resort to implied powers and the use of corporations clothed with privileges, the effect of which is to advance the interests of the few at the expense of the many. We have felt but one class of these dangers exhibited in the contest waged by the Bank of the United States against the Government for the last four years. Happily they have been obviated for the present by the indignant resistance of the people, but we should recollect that the principle whence they sprung is an ever-active one, which will not fail to renew its efforts in the same and in other forms so long as there is a hope of success, founded either on the inattention of the people or the treachery of their representatives to the subtle progress of its influence. The bank is, in fact, but one of the fruits of a system at war with the genius of all our institutions--a system founded upon a political creed the fundamental principle of which is a distrust of the popular will as a safe regulator of political power, and whose great ultimate object and inevitable result, should it prevail, is the consolidation of all power in our system in one central government. Lavish public disbursements and corporations with exclusive privileges would be its substitutes for the original and as yet sound checks and balances of the Constitution--the means by whose silent and secret operation a control would be exercised by the few over the political conduct of the many by first acquiring that control over the labor and earnings of the great body of the people. Wherever this spirit has effected an alliance with political power, tyranny and despotism have been the fruit. If it is ever used for the ends of government, it has to be incessantly watched, or it corrupts the sources of the public virtue and agitates the country with questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steady pursuit of its true interests. We are now to see whether, in the present favorable condition of the country, we can not take an effectual stand against this spirit of monopoly, and practically prove in respect to the currency as well as other important interests that there is no necessity for so extensive a resort to it as that which has been heretofore practiced. The experience of another year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the idea that the Bank of the United States was necessary as a fiscal agent of the Government. Without its aid as such, indeed, in despite of all the embarrassment it was in its power to create, the revenue has been paid with punctuality by our citizens, the business of exchange, both foreign and domestic, has been conducted with convenience, and the circulating medium has been greatly improved. By the use of the State banks, which do not derive their charters from the General Government and are not controlled by its authority, it is ascertained that the moneys of the United States can be collected and disbursed without loss or inconvenience, and that all the wants of the community in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as they have ever been before. If under circumstances the most unfavorable to the steadiness of the money market it has been found that the considerations on which the Bank of the United States rested its claims to the public favor were imaginary and groundless, it can not be doubted that the experience of the future will be more decisive against them. It has been seen that without the agency of a great moneyed monopoly the revenue can be collected and conveniently and safely applied to all the purposes of the public expenditure. It is also ascertained that instead of being necessarily made to promote the evils of an unchecked paper system, the management of the revenue can be made auxiliary to the reform which the legislatures of several of the States have already commenced in regard to the suppression of small bills, and which has only to be fostered by proper regulations on the part of Congress to secure a practical return to the extent required for the security of the currency to the constitutional medium. Severed from the Government as political engines, and not susceptible of dangerous extension and combination, the State banks will not be tempted, nor will they have the power, which we have seen exercised, to divert the public funds from the legitimate purposes of the Government. The collection and custody of the revenue, being, on the contrary, a source of credit to them, will increase the security which the States provide for a faithful execution of their trusts by multiplying the scrutinies to which their operations and accounts will be subjected. Thus disposed, as well from interest as the obligations of their charters, it can not be doubted that such conditions as Congress may see fit to adopt respecting the deposits in these institutions, with a view to the gradual disuse, of the small bills will be cheerfully complied with, and that we shall soon gain in place of the Bank of the United States a practical reform in the whole paper system of the country. If by this policy we can ultimately witness the suppression of all bank bills below $20, it is apparent that gold and silver will take their place and become the principal circulating medium in the common business of the farmers and mechanics of the country. The attainment of such a result will form an era in the history of our country which will be dwelt upon with delight by every true friend of its liberty and independence. It will lighten the great tax which our paper system has so long collected from the earnings of labor, and do more to revive and perpetuate those habits of economy and simplicity which are so congenial to the character of republicans than all the legislation which has yet been attempted. To this subject I feel that I can not too earnestly invite the special attention of Congress, without the exercise of whose authority the opportunity to accomplish so much public good must pass unimproved. Deeply impressed with its vital importance, the Executive has taken all the steps within his constitutional power to guard the public revenue and defeat the expectation which the Bank of the United States indulged of renewing and perpetuating its monopoly on the ground of its necessity as a fiscal agent and as affording a sounder currency than could be obtained without such an institution. In the performance of this duty much responsibility was incurred which would have been gladly avoided if the stake which the public had in the question could have been otherwise preserved. Although clothed with the legal authority and supported by precedent, I was aware that there was in the act of the removal of the deposits a liability to excite that sensitiveness to Executive power which it is the characteristic and the duty of freemen to indulge; but I relied on this feeling also, directed by patriotism and intelligence, to vindicate the conduct which in the end would appear to have been called for by the best interests of my country. The apprehensions natural to this feeling that there may have been a desire, through the instrumentality of that measure, to extend the Executive influence, or that it may have been prompted by motives not sufficiently free from ambition, were not overlooked. Under the operation of our institutions the public servant who is called on to take a step of high responsibility should feel in the freedom which gives rise to such apprehensions his highest security. When unfounded the attention which they arouse and the discussions they excite deprive those who indulge them of the power to do harm; when just they but hasten the certainty with which the great body of our citizens never fail to repel an attempt to procure their sanction to any exercise of power inconsistent with the jealous maintenance of their rights. Under such convictions, and entertaining no doubt that my constitutional obligations demanded the steps which were taken in reference to the removal of the deposits, it was impossible for me to be deterred from the path of duty by a fear that my motives could be misjudged or that political prejudices could defeat the just consideration of the merits of my conduct. The result has shewn how safe is this reliance upon the patriotic temper and enlightened discernment of the people. That measure has now been before them and has stood the test of all the severe analysis which its general importance, the interests it affected, and the apprehensions it excited were calculated to produce, and it now remains for Congress to consider what legislation has become necessary in consequence. I need only add to what I have on former occasions said on this subject generally that in the regulations which Congress may prescribe respecting the custody of the public moneys it is desirable that as little discretion as may be deemed consistent with their safe-keeping should be given to the executive agents. No one can be more deeply impressed than I am with the soundness of the doctrine which restrains and limits, by specific provisions, executive discretion, as far as it can be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutional character. In respect to the control over the public money this doctrine is peculiarly applicable, and is in harmony with the great principle which I felt I was sustaining in the controversy with the Bank of the United States, which has resulted in severing to some extent a dangerous connection between a moneyed and political power. The duty of the Legislature to define, by clear and positive enactments, the nature and extent of the action which it belongs to the Executive to superintend springs out of a policy analogous to that which enjoins upon all the branches of the Federal Government an abstinence from the exercise of powers not clearly granted. In such a Government, possessing only limited and specific powers, the spirit of its general administration can not be wise or just when it opposes the reference of all doubtful points to the great source of authority, the States and the people, whose number and diversified relations, securing them against the influences and excitements which may mislead their agents, make them the safest depository of power. In its application to the Executive, with reference to the legislative branch of the Government, the same rule of action should make the President ever anxious to avoid the exercise of any discretionary authority which can be regulated by Congress. The biases which may operate upon him will not be so likely to extend to the representatives of the people in that body. In my former messages to Congress I have repeatedly urged the propriety of lessening the discretionary authority lodged in the various Departments, but it has produced no effect as yet, except the discontinuance of extra allowances in the Army and Navy and the substitution of fixed salaries in the latter. It is believed that the same principles could be advantageously applied in all cases, and would promote the efficiency and economy of the public service, at the same time that greater satisfaction and more equal justice would be secured to the public officers generally. The accompanying report of the Secretary of War will put you in possession of the operations of the Department confided to his care in all its diversified relations during the past year. I am gratified in being able to inform you that no occurrence has required any movement of the military force, except such as is common to a state of peace. The services of the Army have been limited to their usual duties at the various garrisons upon the Atlantic and inland frontier, with the exceptions stated by the Secretary of War. Our small military establishment appears to be adequate to the purposes for which it is maintained, and it forms a nucleus around which any additional force may be collected should the public exigencies unfortunately require any increase of our military means. The various acts of Congress which have been recently passed in relation to the Army have improved its condition, and have rendered its organization more useful and efficient. It is at all times in a state for prompt and vigorous action, and it contains within itself the power of extension to any useful limit, while at the same time it preserves that knowledge, both theoretical and practical, which education and experience alone can give, and which, if not acquired and preserved in time of peace, must be sought under great disadvantages in time of war. The duties of the Engineer Corps press heavily upon that branch of the service, and the public interest requires an addition to its strength. The nature of the works in which the officers are engaged renders necessary professional knowledge and experience, and there is no economy in committing to them more duties than they can perform or in assigning these to other persons temporarily employed, and too often of necessity without all the qualifications which such service demands. I recommend this subject to your attention, and also the proposition submitted at the last session of Congress and now renewed, for a reorganization of the Topographical Corps. This reorganization can be effected without any addition to the present expenditure and with much advantage to the public service. The branch of duties which devolves upon these officers is at all times interesting to the community, and the information furnished by them is useful in peace and war. Much loss and inconvenience have been experienced in consequence of the failure of the bill containing the ordinary appropriations for fortifications which passed one branch of the National Legislature at the last session, but was lost in the other. This failure was the more regretted not only because it necessarily interrupted and delayed the progress of a system of national defense, projected immediately after the last war and since steadily pursued, but also because it contained a contingent appropriation, inserted in accordance with the views of the Executive, in aid of this important object and other branches of the national defense, some portions of which might have been most usefully applied during the past season. I invite your early attention to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to this subject, and recommend an appropriation sufficiently liberal to accelerate the armament of the fortifications agreeably to the proposition submitted by him, and to place our whole Atlantic seaboard in a complete state of defense. A just regard to the permanent interests of the country evidently requires this measure, but there are also other reasons which at the present juncture give it peculiar force and make it my duty to call to the subject your special consideration. The present system of military education has been in operation sufficiently long to test its usefulness, and it has given to the Army a valuable body of officers. It is not alone in the improvement, discipline, and operation of the troops that these officers are employed. They are also extensively engaged in the administrative and fiscal concerns of the various matters confided to the War Department; in the execution of the staff duties usually appertaining to military organization; in the removal of the Indians and in the disbursement of the various expenditures growing out of our Indian relations; in the formation of roads and in the improvement of harbors and rivers; in the construction of fortifications, in the fabrication of much of the matériel required for the public defense, and in the preservation, distribution, and accountability of the whole, and in other miscellaneous duties not admitting of classification. These diversified functions embrace very heavy expenditures of public money, and require fidelity, science, and business habits in their execution, and a system which shall secure these qualifications is demanded by the public interest. That this object has been in a great measure obtained by the Military Academy is shewn by the state of the service and by the prompt accountability which has generally followed the necessary advances. Like all other political systems, the present mode of military education no doubt has its imperfections, both of principle and practice; but I trust these can be improved by rigid inspections and by legislative scrutiny without destroying the institution itself. Occurrences to which we as well as all other nations are liable, both in our internal and external relations, point to the necessity of an efficient organization of the militia. I am again induced by the importance of the subject to bring it to your attention. To suppress domestic violence and to repel foreign invasion, should these calamities overtake us, we must rely in the first instance upon the great body of the community whose will has instituted and whose power must support the Government. A large standing military force is not consonant to the spirit of our institutions nor to the feelings of our countrymen, and the lessons of former days and those also of our own times shew the danger as well as the enormous expense of these permanent and extensive military organizations. That just medium which avoids an inadequate preparation on one hand and the danger and expense of a large force on the other is what our constituents have a right to expect from their Government. This object can be attained only by the maintenance of a small military force and by such an organization of the physical strength of the country as may bring this power into operation whenever its services are required. A classification of the population offers the most obvious means of effecting this organization. Such a division may be made as will be just to all by transferring each at a proper period of life from one class to another and by calling first for the services of that class, whether for instruction or action, which from age is qualified for the duty and may be called to perform it with least injury to themselves or to the public. Should the danger ever become so imminent as to require additional force, the other classes in succession would be ready for the call. And if in addition to this organization voluntary associations were encouraged and inducements held out for their formation, our militia would be in a state of efficient service. Now, when we are at peace, is the proper time to digest and establish a practicable system. The object is certainly worth the experiment and worth the expense. No one appreciating the blessings of a republican government can object to his share of the burden which such a plan may impose. Indeed, a moderate portion of the national funds could scarcely be better applied than in carrying into effect and continuing such an arrangement, and in giving the necessary elementary instruction. We are happily at peace with all the world. A sincere desire to continue so and a fixed determination to give no just because of offense to other nations furnish, unfortunately, no certain grounds of expectation that this relation will be uninterrupted. With this determination to give no offense is associated a resolution, equally decided, tamely to submit to none. The armor and the attitude of defense afford the best security against those collisions which the ambition, or interest, or some other passion of nations not more justifiable is liable to produce. In many countries it is considered unsafe to put arms into the hands of the people and to instruct them in the elements of military knowledge. That fear can have no place here when it is recollected that the people are the sovereign power. Our Government was instituted and is supported by the ballot box, not by the musket. Whatever changes await it, still greater changes must be made in our social institutions before our political system can yield to physical force. In every aspect, therefore, in which I can view the subject I am impressed with the importance of a prompt and efficient organization of the militia. The plan of removing the aboriginal people who yet remain within the settled portions of the United States to the country west of the Mississippi River approaches its consummation. It was adopted on the most mature consideration of the condition of this race, and ought to be persisted in till the object is accomplished, and prosecuted with as much vigor as a just regard to their circumstances will permit, and as fast as their consent can be obtained. All preceding experiments for the improvement of the Indians have failed. It seems now to be an established fact that they can not live in contact with a civilized community and prosper. Ages of fruitless endeavors have at length brought us to a knowledge of this principle of intercommunication with them. The past we can not recall, but the future we can provide for. Independently of the treaty stipulations into which we have entered with the various tribes for the usufructuary rights they have ceded to us, no one can doubt the moral duty of the Government of the United States to protect and if possible to preserve and perpetuate the scattered remnants of this race which are left within our borders. In the discharge of this duty an extensive region in the West has been assigned for their permanent residence. It has been divided into districts and allotted among them. Many have already removed and others are preparing to go, and with the exception of two small bands living in Ohio and Indiana, not exceeding 1,500 persons, and of the Cherokees, all the tribes on the east side of the Mississippi, and extending from Lake Michigan to Florida, have entered into engagements which will lead to their transplantation. The plan for their removal and reestablishment is founded upon the knowledge we have gained of their character and habits, and has been dictated by a spirit of enlarged liberality. A territory exceeding in extent that relinquished has been granted to each tribe. Of its climate, fertility, and capacity to support an Indian population the representations are highly favorable. To these districts the Indians are removed at the expense of the United States, and with certain supplies of clothing, arms, ammunition, and other indispensable articles; they are also furnished gratuitously with provisions for the period of a year after their arrival at their new homes. In that time, from the nature of the country and of the products raised by them, they can subsist themselves by agricultural labor, if they choose to resort to that mode of life; if they do not they are upon the skirts of the great prairies, where countless herds of buffalo roam, and a short time suffices to adapt their own habits to the changes which a change of the animals destined for their food may require. Ample arrangements have also been made for the support of schools; in some instances council houses and churches are to be erected, dwellings constructed for the chiefs, and mills for common use. Funds have been set apart for the maintenance of the poor; the most necessary mechanical arts have been introduced, and blacksmiths, gunsmiths, wheelwrights, millwrights, etc., are supported among them. Steel and iron, and sometimes salt, are purchased for them, and plows and other farming utensils, domestic animals, looms, spinning wheels, cards, etc., are presented to them. And besides these beneficial arrangements, annuities are in all cases paid, amounting in some instances to more than $30 for each individual of the tribe, and in all cases sufficiently great, if justly divided and prudently expended, to enable them, in addition to their own exertions, to live comfortably. And as a stimulus for exertion, it is now provided by law that "in all cases of the appointment of interpreters or other persons employed for the benefit of the Indians a preference shall be given to persons of Indian descent, if such can be found who are properly qualified for the discharge of the duties." Such are the arrangements for the physical comfort and for the moral improvement of the Indians. The necessary measures for their political advancement and for their separation from our citizens have not been neglected. The pledge of the United States has been given by Congress that the country destined for the residence of this people shall be forever "secured and guaranteed to them." A country west of Missouri and Arkansas has been assigned to them, into which the white settlements are not to be pushed. No political communities can be formed in that extensive region, except those which are established by the Indians themselves or by the United States for them and with their concurrence. A barrier has thus been raised for their protection against the encroachment of our citizens, and guarding the Indians as far as possible from those evils which have brought them to their present condition. Summary authority has been given by law to destroy all ardent spirits found in their country, without waiting the doubtful result and slow process of a legal seizure. I consider the absolute and unconditional interdiction of this article among these people as the first and great step in their melioration. Halfway measures will answer no purpose. These can not successfully contend against the cupidity of the seller and the overpowering appetite of the buyer. And the destructive effects of the traffic are marked in every page of the history of our Indian intercourse. Some general legislation seems necessary for the regulation of the relations which will exist in this new state of things between the Government and people of the United States and these transplanted Indian tribes, and for the establishment among the latter, and with their own consent, of some principles of intercommunication which their juxtaposition will call for; that moral may be substituted for physical force, the authority of a few and simple laws for the tomahawk, and that an end may be put to those bloody wars whose prosecution seems to have made part of their social system. After the further details of this arrangement are completed, with a very general supervision over them, they ought to be left to the progress of events. These, I indulge the hope, will secure their prosperity and improvement, and a large portion of the moral debt we owe them will then be paid. The report from the Secretary of the Navy, shewing the condition of that branch of the public service, is recommended to your special attention. It appears from it that our naval force at present in commission, with all the activity which can be given to it, is inadequate to the protection of our rapidly increasing commerce. This consideration and the more general one which regards this arm of the national defense as our best security against foreign aggressions strongly urge the continuance of the measures which promote its gradual enlargement and a speedy increase of the force which has been heretofore employed abroad and at home. You will perceive from the estimates which appear in the report of the Secretary of the Navy that the expenditures necessary to this increase of its force, though of considerable amount, are small compared with the benefits which they will secure to the country. As a means of strengthening this national arm I also recommend to your particular attention the propriety of the suggestion which attracted the consideration of Congress at its last session, respecting the enlistment of boys at a suitable age in the service. In this manner a nursery of skillful and able-bodied seamen can be established, which will be of the greatest importance. Next to the capacity to put afloat and arm the requisite number of ships is the possession of the means to man them efficiently, and nothing seems better calculated to aid this object than the measure proposed. As an auxiliary to the advantages derived from our extensive commercial marine, it would furnish us with a resource ample enough for all the exigencies which can be anticipated. Considering the state of our resources, it can not be doubted that whatever provision the liberality and wisdom of Congress may now adopt with a view to the perfect organization of this branch of our service will meet the approbation of all classes of our citizens. By the report of the Postmaster-General it appears that the revenue of the Department during the year ending on the 30th day of June last exceeded its accruing responsibilities $236,206, and that the surplus of the present fiscal year is estimated at $476,227. It further appears that the debt of the Department on the 1st day of July last, including the amount due to contractors for the quarter then just expired, was about $1,064,381, exceeding the available means about $23,700; and that on the 1st instant about $597,077 of this debt had been paid--$409,991 out of postages accruing before July and $187,086 out of postages accruing since. In these payments are included $67,000 of the old debt due to banks. After making these payments the Department had $73,000 in bank on the 1st instant. The pleasing assurance is given that the Department is entirely free from embarrassment, and that by collection of outstanding balances and using the current surplus the remaining portion of the bank debt and most of the other debt will probably be paid in April next, leaving thereafter a heavy amount to be applied in extending the mail facilities of the country. Reserving a considerable sum for the improvement of existing mail routes, it is stated that the Department will be able to sustain with perfect convenience an annual charge of $300,000 for the support of new routes, to commence as soon as they can be established and put in operation. The measures adopted by the Postmaster-General to bring the means of the Department into action and to effect a speedy extinguishment of its debt, as well as to produce an efficient administration of its affairs, will be found detailed at length in his able and luminous report. Aided by a reorganization on the principles suggested and such salutary provisions in the laws regulating its administrative duties as the wisdom of Congress may devise or approve, that important Department will soon attain a degree of usefulness proportioned to the increase of our population and the extension of our settlements. Particular attention is solicited to that portion of the report of the Postmaster-General which relates to the carriage of the mails of the United States upon railroads constructed by private corporations under the authority of the several States. The reliance which the General Government can place on those roads as a means of carrying on its operations and the principles on which the use of them is to be obtained can not too soon be considered and settled. Already does the spirit of monopoly begin to exhibit its natural propensities in attempts to exact from the public, for services which it supposes can not be obtained on other terms, the most extravagant compensation. If these claims be persisted in, the question may arise whether a combination of citizens, acting under charters of incorporation from the States, can, by a direct refusal or the demand of an exorbitant price, exclude the United States from the use of the established channels of communication between the different sections of the country, and whether the United States can not, without transcending their constitutional powers, secure to the Post-Office Department the use of those roads by an act of Congress which shall provide within itself some equitable mode of adjusting the amount of compensation. To obviate, if possible, the necessity of considering this question, it is suggested whether it be not expedient to fix by law the amounts which shall be offered to railroad companies for the conveyance of the mails, graduated according to their average weight, to be ascertained and declared by the Postmaster-General. It is probable that a liberal proposition of that sort would be accepted. In connection with these provisions in relation to the Post-Office Department, I must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the South by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves, in prints and in various sorts of publications, calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and to produce all the horrors of a servile war. There is doubtless no respectable portion of our countrymen who can be so far misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret at conduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country, and so repugnant to the principles of our national compact and to the dictates of humanity and religion. Our happiness and prosperity essentially depend upon peace within our borders, and peace depends upon the maintenance in good faith of those compromises of the Constitution upon which the Union is founded. It is fortunate for the country that the good sense, the generous feeling, and the deep-rooted attachment of the people of the nonslaveholding States to the Union and to their fellow-citizens of the same blood in the South have given so strong and impressive a tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and wicked attempts, and especially against the emissaries from foreign parts who have dared to interfere in this matter, as to authorize the hope that those attempts will no longer be persisted in. But if these expressions of the public will shall not be sufficient to effect so desirable a result, not a doubt can be entertained that the nonslaveholding States, so far from countenancing the slightest interference with the constitutional rights of the South, will be prompt to exercise their authority in suppressing so far as in them lies whatever is calculated to produce this evil. In leaving the care of other branches of this interesting subject to the State authorities, to whom they properly belong, it is nevertheless proper for Congress to take such measures as will prevent the Post-Office Department, which was designed to foster an amicable intercourse and correspondence between all the members of the Confederacy, from being used as an instrument of an opposite character. The General Government, to which the great trust is confided of preserving inviolate the relations created among the States by the Constitution, is especially bound to avoid in its own action anything that may disturb them. I would therefore call the special attention of Congress to the subject, and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit, under severe penalties, the circulation in the Southern States, through the mail, of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection. I felt it to be my duty in the first message which I communicated to Congress to urge upon its attention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution which provides for the election of the President and the Vice-President of the United States. The leading object which I had in view was the adoption of some new provisions which would secure to the people the performance of this high duty without any intermediate agency. In my annual communications since I have enforced the same views, from a sincere conviction that the best interests of the country would be promoted by their adoption. If the subject were an ordinary one, I should have regarded the failure of Congress to act upon it as an indication of their judgment that the disadvantages which belong to the present system were not so great as those which would result from any attainable substitute that had been submitted to their consideration. Recollecting, however, that propositions to introduce a new feature in our fundamental laws can not be too patiently examined, and ought not to be received with favor until the great body of the people are thoroughly impressed with their necessity and value as a remedy for real evils, I feel that in renewing the recommendation I have heretofore made on this subject I am not transcending the bounds of a just deference to the sense of Congress or to the disposition of the people. However much we may differ in the choice of the measures which should guide the administration of the Government, there can be but little doubt in the minds of those who are really friendly to the republican features of our system that one of its most important securities consists in the separation of the legislative and executive powers at the same time that each is held responsible to the great source of authority, which is acknowledged to be supreme, in the will of the people constitutionally expressed. My reflection and experience satisfy me that the framers of the Constitution, although they were anxious to mark this feature as a settled and fixed principle in the structure of the Government, did not adopt all the precautions that were necessary to secure its practical observance, and that we can not be said to have carried into complete effect their intentions until the evils which arise from this organic defect are remedied. Considering the great extent of our Confederacy, the rapid increase of its population, and the diversity of their interests and pursuits, it can not be disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the Legislature is to form itself into an electoral college can not become one of ordinary occurrence without producing incalculable mischief. What was intended as the medicine of the Constitution in extreme cases can not be frequently used without changing its character and sooner or later producing incurable disorder. Every election by the House of Representatives is calculated to lessen the force of that security which is derived from the distinct and separate character of the legislative and executive functions, and while it exposes each to temptations adverse to their efficiency as organs of the Constitution and laws, its tendency will be to unite both in resisting the will of the people, and thus give a direction to the Government antirepublican and dangerous. All history tells us that a free people should be watchful of delegated power, and should never acquiesce in a practice which will diminish their control over it. This obligation, so universal in its application to all the principles of a republic, is peculiarly so in ours, where the formation of parties founded on sectional interests is so much fostered by the extent of our territory. These interests, represented by candidates for the Presidency, are constantly prone, in the zeal of party and selfish objects, to generate influences unmindful of the general good and forgetful of the restraints which the great body of the people would enforce if they were in no contingency to lose the right of expressing their will. The experience of our country from the formation of the Government to the present day demonstrates that the people can not too soon adopt some stronger safeguard for their right to elect the highest officers known to the Constitution than is contained in that sacred instrument as it now stands. It is my duty to call the particular attention of Congress to the present condition of the District of Columbia. From whatever because the great depression has arisen which now exists in the pecuniary concerns of this District, it is proper that its situation should be fully understood and such relief or remedies provided as are consistent with the powers of Congress. I earnestly recommend the extension of every political right to the citizens of this District which their true interests require, and which does not conflict with the provisions of the Constitution. It is believed that the laws for the government of the District require revisal and amendment, and that much good may be done by modifying the penal code so as to give uniformity to its provisions. Your attention is also invited to the defects which exist in the judicial system of the United States. As at present organized the States of the Union derive unequal advantages from the Federal judiciary, which have been so often pointed out that I deem it unnecessary to repeat them here. It is hoped that the present Congress will extend to all the States that equality in respect to the benefits of the laws of the Union which can only be secured by the uniformity and efficiency of the judicial system. With these observations on the topics of general interest which are deemed worthy of your consideration, I leave them to your care, trusting that the legislative measures they call for will be met as the wants and the best interests of our beloved country demand.
in the discharge of my official duty the task again devolves upon me of communicating with a new congress the reflection that the representation of the union has been recently renewed and that the constitutional term of its service will expire with my own heightens the solicitude with which i shall attempt to lay before it the state of our national concerns and the devout hope which i cherish that its labors to improve them may be crowned with success you are assembled at a period of profound interest to the american patriot the unexampled growth and prosperity of our country having given us a rank in the scale of nations which removes all apprehension of danger to our integrity and independence from external foes the career of freedom is before us with an earnest from the past that if true to ourselves there can be no formidable obstacle in the future to its peaceful and uninterrupted pursuit yet in proportion to the disappearance of those apprehensions which attended our weakness as once contrasted with the power of some of the states of the old world should we now be solicitous as to those which belong to the conviction that it is to our own conduct we must look for the preservation of those causes on which depend the excellence and the duration of our happy system of government in the example of other systems founded on the will of the people we trace to internal dissension the influences which have so often blasted the hopes of the friends of freedom the social elements which were strong and successful when united against external danger failed in the more difficult task of properly adjusting their own internal organization and thus gave way the great principle of let us trust that this admonition will never be forgotten by the government or the people of the united states and that the testimony which our experience thus far holds out to the great human family of the practicability and the blessings of free government will be confirmed in all time to come we have but to look at the state of our agriculture manufactures and commerce and the unexampled increase of our population to feel the magnitude of the trust committed to us never in any former period of our history have we had greater reason than we now have to be thankful to divine providence for the blessings of health and general prosperity every branch of labor we see crowned with the most abundant rewards in every element of national resources and wealth and of individual comfort we witness the most rapid and solid improvements with no interruptions to this pleasing prospect at home which will not yield to the spirit of harmony and good will that so strikingly pervades the mass of the people in every quarter amidst all the diversity of interest and pursuits to which they are attached and with no because of solicitude in regard to our external affairs which will not it is hoped disappear before the principles of simple justice and the forbearance that mark our intercourse with foreign powers we have every reason to feel proud of our beloved country the general state of our foreign relations has not materially changed since my last annual message in the settlement of the question of the northeastern boundary little progress has been made great britain has declined acceding to the proposition of the united states presented in accordance with the resolution of the senate unless certain preliminary conditions were admitted which i deemed incompatible with a satisfactory and rightful adjustment of the controversy waiting for some distinct proposal from the government of great britain which has been invited i can only repeat the expression of my confidence that with the strong mutual disposition which i believe exists to make a just arrangement this perplexing question can be settled with a due regard to the pretensions and pacific policy of all the parties to it events are frequently occurring on the northeastern frontier of a character to impress upon all the necessity of a speedy and definitive termination of the dispute this consideration added to the desire common to both to relieve the liberal and friendly relations so happily existing between the two countries from all embarrassment will no doubt have its just influence upon both our diplomatic intercourse with portugal has been renewed and it is expected that the claims of our citizens partially paid will be fully satisfied as soon as the condition of the queen government will permit the proper attention to the subject of them that government has i am happy to inform you manifested a determination to act upon the liberal principles which have marked our commercial policy the happiest effects upon the future trade between the united states and portugal are anticipated from it and the time is not thought to be remote when a system of perfect reciprocity will be established the installments due under the convention with the king of the two sicilies have been paid with that scrupulous fidelity by which his whole conduct has been characterized and the hope is indulged that the adjustment of the vexed question of our claims will be followed by a more extended and mutually beneficial intercourse between the two countries the internal contest still continues in spain distinguished as this struggle has unhappily been by incidents of the most sanguinary character the obligations of the late treaty of indemnification with us have been nevertheless faithfully executed by the spanish government no provision having been made at the last session of congress for the ascertainment of the claims to be paid and the apportionment of the funds under the convention made with spain i invite your early attention to the subject the public evidences of the debt have according to the terms of the convention and in the forms prescribed by it been placed in the possession of the united states and the interest as it fell due has been regularly paid upon them our commercial intercourse with cuba stands as regulated by the act of congress no recent information has been received as to the disposition of the government of madrid on this subject and the lamented death of our recently appointed minister on his way to spain with the pressure of their affairs at home renders it scarcely probable that any change is to be looked for during the coming year further portions of the florida archives have been sent to the united states although the death of one of the commissioners at a critical moment embarrassed the progress of the delivery of them the higher officers of the local government have recently shewn an anxious desire in compliance with the orders from the parent government to facilitate the selection and delivery of all we have a right to claim negotiations have been opened at madrid for the establishment of a lasting peace between spain and such of the spanish american governments of this hemisphere as have availed themselves of the intimation given to all of them of the disposition of spain to treat upon the basis of their entire independence it is to be regretted that simultaneous appointments by all of ministers to negotiate with spain had not been made the negotiation itself would have been simplified and this dispute spreading over a large portion of the world would have been brought to a more speedy conclusion our political and commercial relations with austria prussia sweden and denmark stand on the usual favorable bases one of the articles of our treaty with russia in relation to the trade on the northwest coast of america having expired instructions have been given to our minister at petersburg to negotiate a renewal of it the long and unbroken amity between the two governments gives every reason for supposing the article will be renewed if stronger motives do not exist to prevent it than with our view of the subject can be anticipated here i ask your attention to the message of my predecessor at the opening of the second session of the nineteenth congress relative to our commercial intercourse with holland and to the documents connected with that subject communicated to the house of representatives on the 10th of january 1825 and 18th of january 1827 coinciding in the opinion of my predecessor that holland is not under the regulations of her present system entitled to have her vessels and their cargoes received into the united states on the footing of american vessels and cargoes as regards duties of tonnage and impost a respect for his reference of it to the legislature has alone prevented me from acting on the subject i should still have waited without comment for the action of congress but recently a claim has been made by belgian subjects to admission into our ports for their ships and cargoes on the same footing as american with the allegation we could not dispute that our vessels received in their ports the identical treatment shewn to them in the ports of holland upon whose vessels no discrimination is made in the ports of the united states giving the same privileges the belgians expected the same benefits that were in fact enjoyed when belgium and holland were united under one government satisfied with the justice of their pretension to be placed on the same footing with holland i could not nevertheless without disregard to the principle of our laws admit their claim to be treated as americans and at the same time a respect for congress to whom the subject had long since been referred has prevented me from producing a just equality by taking from the vessels of holland privileges conditionally granted by acts of congress although the condition upon which the grant was made has in my judgment failed since 1822 i recommend therefore a review of the act of 1824 and such a modification of it as will produce an equality on such terms as congress shall think best comports with our settled policy and the obligations of justice to two friendly powers with the sublime porte and all the governments on the coast of barbary our relations continue to be friendly the proper steps have been taken to renew our treaty with morocco the argentine republic has again promised to send within the current year a minister to the united states a convention with mexico for extending the time for the appointment of commissioners to run the boundary line has been concluded and will be submitted to the senate recent events in that country have awakened the liveliest solicitude in the united states aware of the strong temptations existing and powerful inducements held out to the citizens of the united states to mingle in the dissensions of our immediate neighbors instructions have been given to the district attorneys of the united states where indications warranted it to prosecute without respect to persons all who might attempt to violate the obligations of our neutrality while at the same time it has been thought necessary to apprise the government of mexico that we should require the integrity of our territory to be scrupulously respected by both parties from our diplomatic agents in brazil chile peru central america venezuela and new granada constant assurances are received of the continued good understanding with the governments to which they are severally accredited with those governments upon which our citizens have valid and accumulating claims scarcely an advance toward a settlement of them is made owing mainly to their distracted state or to the pressure of imperative domestic questions our patience has been and will probably be still further severely tried but our whose interests are involved may confide in the determination of the government to obtain for them eventually ample retribution unfortunately many of the nations of this hemisphere are still by domestic dissensions revolution succeeds revolution injuries are committed upon foreigners engaged in lawful pursuits much time elapses before a government sufficiently stable is erected to justify expectation of redress ministers are sent and received and before the discussions of past injuries are fairly begun fresh troubles arise but too frequently new injuries are added to the old to be discussed together with the existing government after it has proved its ability to sustain the assaults made upon it or with its successor if overthrown if this unhappy condition of things continues much longer other nations will be under the painful necessity of deciding whether justice to their suffering citizens does not require a prompt redress of injuries by their own power without waiting for the establishment of a government competent and enduring enough to discuss and to make satisfaction for them since the last session of congress the validity of our claims upon france as liquidated by the treaty of 1831 has been acknowledged by both branches of her legislature and the money has been appropriated for their discharge but the payment is i regret to inform you still withheld a brief recapitulation of the most important incidents in this protracted controversy will shew how utterly untenable are the grounds upon which this course is attempted to be justified on entering upon the duties of my station i found the united states an unsuccessful applicant to the justice of france for the satisfaction of claims the validity of which was never questionable and has now been most solemnly admitted by france herself the antiquity of these claims their high justice and the aggravating circumstances out of which they arose are too familiar to the american people to require description it is sufficient to say that for a period of ten years and upward our commerce was with but little interruption the subject of constant aggressions on the part of france aggressions the ordinary features of which were condemnations of vessels and cargoes under arbitrary decrees adopted in contravention as well of the laws of nations as of treaty stipulations burnings on the high seas and seizures and confiscations under special imperial rescripts in the ports of other nations occupied by the armies or under the control of france such it is now conceded is the character of the wrongs we suffered wrongs in many cases so flagrant that even their authors never denied our right to reparation of the extent of these injuries some conception may be formed from the fact that after the burning of a large amount at sea and the necessary deterioration in other cases by long detention the american property so seized and sacrificed at forced sales excluding what was adjudged to privateers before or without condemnation brought into the french treasury upward of francs besides large duties the subject had already been an affair of twenty years uninterrupted negotiation except for a short time when france was overwhelmed by the military power of united europe during this period whilst other nations were extorting from her payment of their claims at the point of the bayonet the united states intermitted their demand for justice out of respect to the oppressed condition of a gallant people to whom they felt under obligations for fraternal assistance in their own days of suffering and of peril the bad effects of these protracted and unavailing discussions as well upon our relations with france as upon our national character were obvious and the line of duty was to my mind equally so this was either to insist upon the adjustment of our claims within a reasonable period or to abandon them altogether i could not doubt that by this course the interests and honor of both countries would be best consulted instructions were therefore given in this spirit to the minister who was sent out once more to demand reparation upon the meeting of congress in december 1829 i felt it my duty to speak of these claims and the delays of france in terms calculated to call the serious attention of both countries to the subject the then french ministry took exception to the message on the ground of its containing a menace under which it was not agreeable to the french government to negotiate the american minister of his own accord refuted the construction which was attempted to be put upon the message and at the same time called to the recollection of the french ministry that the president message was a communication addressed not to foreign governments but to the congress of the united states in which it was enjoined upon him by the constitution to lay before that body information of the state of the union comprehending its foreign as well as its domestic relations and that if in the discharge of this duty he felt it incumbent upon him to summon the attention of congress in due time to what might be the possible consequences of existing difficulties with any foreign government he might fairly be supposed to do so under a sense of what was due from him in a frank communication with another branch of his own government and not from any intention of holding a menace over a foreign power the views taken by him received my approbation the french government was satisfied and the negotiation was continued it terminated in the treaty of july 4 1831 recognizing the justice of our claims in part and promising payment to the amount of francs in six annual installments the ratifications of this treaty were exchanged at washington on the 2d of february 1832 and in five days thereafter it was laid before congress who immediately passed the acts necessary on our part to secure to france the commercial advantages conceded to her in the compact the treaty had previously been solemnly ratified by the king of the french in terms which are certainly not mere matters of form and of which the translation is as follows we approving the above convention in all and each of the dispositions which are contained in it do declare by ourselves as well as by our heirs and successors that it is accepted approved ratified and confirmed and by these presents signed by our hand we do accept approve ratify and confirm it promising on the faith and word of a king to observe it and to because it to be observed inviolably without ever contravening it or suffering it to be contravened directly or indirectly for any because or under any pretense whatsoever official information of the exchange of ratifications in the united states reached paris whilst the chambers were in session the extraordinary and to us injurious delays of the french government in their action upon the subject of its fulfillment have been heretofore stated to congress and i have no disposition to enlarge upon them here it is sufficient to observe that the then pending session was allowed to expire without even an effort to obtain the necessary appropriations that the two succeeding ones were also suffered to pass away without anything like a serious attempt to obtain a decision upon the subject and that it was not until the fourth session almost three years after the conclusion of the treaty and more than two years after the exchange of ratifications that the bill for the execution of the treaty was pressed to a vote and rejected in the meantime the government of the united states having full confidence that a treaty entered into and so solemnly ratified by the french king would be executed in good faith and not doubting that provision would be made for the payment of the first installment which was to become due on the 2d day of february 1833 negotiated a draft for the amount through the bank of the united states when this draft was presented by the holder with the credentials required by the treaty to authorize him to receive the money the government of france allowed it to be protested in addition to the injury in the nonpayment of the money by france conformably to her engagement the united states were exposed to a heavy claim on the part of the bank under pretense of damages in satisfaction of which that institution seized upon and still retains an equal amount of the public money congress was in session when the decision of the chambers reached washington and an immediate communication of this apparently final decision of france not to fulfill the stipulations of the treaty was the course naturally to be expected from the president the deep tone of dissatisfaction which pervaded the public mind and the correspondent excitement produced in congress by only a general knowledge of the result rendered it more than probable that a resort to immediate measures of redress would be the consequence of calling the attention of that body to the subject sincerely desirous of preserving the pacific relations which had so long existed between the two countries i was anxious to avoid this course if i could be satisfied that by doing so neither the interests nor the honor of my country would be compromitted without the fullest assurances upon that point i could not hope to acquit myself of the responsibility to be incurred in suffering congress to adjourn without laying the subject before them those received by me were believed to be of that character that the feelings produced in the united states by the news of the rejection of the appropriation would be such as i have described them to have been was foreseen by the french government and prompt measures were taken by it to prevent the consequences the king in person expressed through our minister at paris his profound regret at the decision of the chambers and promised to send forthwith a national ship with dispatches to his minister here authorizing him to give such assurances as would satisfy the government and people of the united states that the treaty would yet be faithfully executed by france the national ship arrived and the minister received his instructions claiming to act under the authority derived from them he gave to this government in the name of his the most solemn assurances that as soon after the new elections as the charter would permit the french chambers would be convened and the attempt to procure the necessary appropriations renewed that all the constitutional powers of the king and his ministers should be put in requisition to accomplish the object and he was understood and so expressly informed by this government at the time to engage that the question should be pressed to a decision at a period sufficiently early to permit information of the result to be communicated to congress at the commencement of their next session relying upon these assurances i incurred the responsibility great as i regarded it to be of suffering congress to separate without communicating with them upon the subject the expectations justly founded upon the promises thus solemnly made to this government by that of france were not realized the french chambers met on the 31st of july 1834 soon after the election and although our minister in paris urged the french ministry to bring the subject before them they declined doing so he next insisted that the chambers if prorogued without acting on the subject should be reassembled at a period so early that their action on the treaty might be known in washington prior to the meeting of congress this reasonable request was not only declined but the chambers were prorogued to the 29th of december a day so late that their decision however urgently pressed could not in all probability be obtained in time to reach washington before the necessary adjournment of congress by the constitution the reasons given by the ministry for refusing to convoke the chambers at an earlier period were afterwards shewn not to be insuperable by their actual convocation on the 1st of december under a special call for domestic purposes which fact however did not become known to this government until after the commencement of the last session of congress thus disappointed in our just expectations it became my imperative duty to consult with congress in regard to the expediency of a resort to retaliatory measures in case the stipulations of the treaty should not be speedily complied with and to recommend such as in my judgment the occasion called for to this end an unreserved communication of the case in all its aspects became indispensable to have shrunk in making it from saying all that was necessary to its correct understanding and that the truth would justify for fear of giving offense to others would have been unworthy of us to have gone on the other hand a single step further for the purpose of wounding the pride of a government and people with whom we had so many motives for cultivating relations of amity and reciprocal advantage would have been unwise and improper admonished by the past of the difficulty of making even the simplest statement of our wrongs without disturbing the sensibilities of those who had by their position become responsible for their redress and earnestly desirous of preventing further obstacles from that source i went out of my way to preclude a construction of the message by which the recommendation that was made to congress might be regarded as a menace to france in not only disavowing such a design but in declaring that her pride and her power were too well known to expect anything from her fears the message did not reach paris until more than a month after the chambers had been in session and such was the insensibility of the ministry to our rightful claims and just expectations that our minister had been informed that the matter when introduced would not be pressed as a cabinet measure although the message was not officially communicated to the french government and notwithstanding the declaration to the contrary which it contained the french ministry decided to consider the conditional recommendation of reprisals a menace and an insult which the honor of the nation made it incumbent on them to resent the measures resorted to by them to evince their sense of the supposed indignity were the immediate recall of their minister at washington the offer of passports to the american minister at paris and a public notice to the legislative chambers that all diplomatic intercourse with the united states had been suspended having in this manner vindicated the dignity of france they next proceeded to illustrate her justice to this end a bill was immediately introduced into the chamber of deputies proposing to make the appropriations necessary to carry into effect the treaty as this bill subsequently passed into a law the provisions of which now constitute the main subject of difficulty between the two nations it becomes my duty in order to place the subject before you in a clear light to trace the history of its passage and to refer with some particularity to the proceedings and discussions in regard to it the minister of finance in his opening speech alluded to the measures which had been adopted to resent the supposed indignity and recommended the execution of the treaty as a measure required by the honor and justice of france he as the organ of the ministry declared the message so long as it had not received the sanction of congress a mere expression of the personal opinion of the president for which neither the government nor people of the united states were responsible and that an engagement had been entered into for the fulfillment of which the honor of france was pledged entertaining these views the single condition which the french ministry proposed to annex to the payment of the money was that it should not be made until it was ascertained that the government of the united states had done nothing to injure the interests of france or in other words that no steps had been authorized by congress of a hostile character toward france what the disposition or action of congress might be was then unknown to the french cabinet but on the 14th of january the senate resolved that it was at that time inexpedient to adopt any legislative measures in regard to the state of affairs between the united states and france and no action on the subject had occurred in the house of representatives these facts were known in paris prior to the 28th of march 1835 when the committee to whom the bill of indemnification had been referred reported it to the chamber of deputies that committee substantially reechoed the sentiments of the ministry declared that congress had set aside the proposition of the president and recommended the passage of the bill without any other restriction than that originally proposed thus was it known to the french ministry and chambers that if the position assumed by them and which had been so frequently and solemnly announced as the only one compatible with the honor of france was maintained and the bill passed as originally proposed the money would be paid and there would be an end of this unfortunate controversy but this cheering prospect was soon destroyed by an amendment introduced into the bill at the moment of its passage providing that the money should not be paid until the french government had received satisfactory explanations of the president message of the 2d december 1834 and what is still more extraordinary the president of the council of ministers adopted this amendment and consented to its incorporation in the bill in regard to a supposed insult which had been formally resented by the recall of their minister and the offer of passports to ours they now for the first time proposed to ask explanations sentiments and propositions which they had declared could not justly be imputed to the government or people of the united states are set up as obstacles to the performance of an act of conceded justice to that government and people they had declared that the honor of france required the fulfillment of the engagement into which the king had entered unless congress adopted the recommendations of the message they ascertained that congress did not adopt them and yet that fulfillment is refused unless they first obtain from the president explanations of an opinion characterized by themselves as personal and inoperative the conception that it was my intention to menace or insult the government of france is as unfounded as the attempt to extort from the fears of that nation what her sense of justice may deny would be vain and ridiculous but the constitution of the united states imposes on the president the duty of laying before congress the condition of the country in its foreign and domestic relations and of recommending such measures as may in his opinion be required by its interests from the performance of this duty he can not be deterred by the fear of wounding the sensibilities of the people or government of whom it may become necessary to speak and the american people are incapable of submitting to an interference by any government on earth however powerful with the free performance of the domestic duties which the constitution has imposed on their public functionaries the discussions which intervene between the several departments of our government belong to ourselves and for anything said in them our public servants are only responsible to their own constituents and to each other if in the course of their consultations facts are erroneously stated or unjust deductions are made they require no other inducement to correct them however informed of their error than their love of justice and what is due to their own character but they can never submit to be interrogated upon the subject as a matter of right by a foreign power when our discussions terminate in acts our responsibility to foreign powers commences not as individuals but as a nation the principle which calls in question the president for the language of his message would equally justify a foreign power in demanding explanation of the language used in the report of a committee or by a member in debate this is not the first time that the government of france has taken exception to the messages of american presidents president washington and the first president adams in the performance of their duties to the american people fell under the animadversions of the french directory the objection taken by the ministry of charles x and removed by the explanations made by our minister upon the spot has already been adverted to when it was understood that the ministry of the present king took exception to my message of last year putting a construction upon it which was disavowed on its face our late minister at paris in answer to the note which first announced a dissatisfaction with the language used in the message made a communication to the french government under date of the 29th of january 1835 calculated to remove all impressions which an unreasonable susceptibility had created he repeated and called the attention of the french government to the disavowal contained in the message itself of any intention to intimidate by menace he truly declared that it contained and was intended to contain no charge of ill faith against the king of the french and properly distinguished between the right to complain in unexceptionable terms of the omission to execute an agreement and an accusation of bad motives in withholding such execution and demonstrated that the necessary use of that right ought not to be considered as an offensive imputation although this communication was made without instructions and entirely on the minister own responsibility yet it was afterwards made the act of this government by my full approbation and that approbation was officially made known on the 25th of april 1835 to the french government it however failed to have any effect the law after this friendly explanation passed with the obnoxious amendment supported by the king ministers and was finally approved by the king the people of the united states are justly attached to a pacific system in their intercourse with foreign nations it is proper therefore that they should know whether their government has adhered to it in the present instance it has been carried to the utmost extent that was consistent with a becoming the note of the 29th of january to which i have before alluded was not the only one which our minister took upon himself the responsibility of presenting on the same subject and in the same spirit finding that it was intended to make the payment of a just debt dependent on the performance of a condition which he knew could never be complied with he thought it a duty to make another attempt to convince the french government that whilst and regard to the dignity of other nations would always prevent us from using any language that ought to give offense yet we could never admit a right in any foreign government to ask explanations of or to interfere in any manner in the communications which one branch of our public councils made with another that in the present case no such language had been used and that this had in a former note been fully and voluntarily stated before it was contemplated to make the explanation a condition and that there might be no misapprehension he stated the terms used in that note and he officially informed them that it had been approved by the president and that therefore every explanation which could reasonably be asked or honorably given had been already made that the contemplated measure had been anticipated by a voluntary and friendly declaration and was therefore not only useless but might be deemed offensive and certainly would not be complied with if annexed as a condition when this latter communication to which i especially invite the attention of congress was laid before me i entertained the hope that the means it was obviously intended to afford of an honorable and speedy adjustment of the difficulties between the two nations would have been accepted and i therefore did not hesitate to give it my sanction and full approbation this was due to the minister who had made himself responsible for the act and it was published to the people of the united states and is now laid before their representatives to shew how far their executive has gone in its endeavors to restore a good understanding between the two countries it would have been at any time communicated to the government of france had it been officially requested the french government having received all the explanation which honor and principle permitted and which could in reason be asked it was hoped it would no longer hesitate to pay the installments now due the agent authorized to receive the money was instructed to inform the french minister of his readiness to do so in reply to this notice he was told that the money could not then be paid because the formalities required by the act of the chambers had not been arranged not having received any official information of the intentions of the french government and anxious to bring as far as practicable this unpleasant affair to a close before the meeting of congress that you might have the whole subject before you i caused our chargé at paris to be instructed to ask for the final determination of the french government and in the event of their refusal to pay the installments now due without further explanations to return to the united states the result of this last application has not yet reached us but is daily expected that it may be favorable is my sincere wish france having now through all the branches of her government acknowledged the validity of our claims and the obligation of the treaty of 1831 and there really existing no adequate because for further delay will at length it may be hoped adopt the course which the interests of both nations not less than the principles of justice so imperiously require the treaty being once executed on her part little will remain to disturb the friendly relations of the two countries nothing indeed which will not yield to the suggestions of a pacific and enlightened policy and to the influence of that mutual good will and of those generous recollections which we may confidently expect will then be revived in all their ancient force in any event however the principle involved in the new aspect which has been given to the controversy is so vitally important to the independent administration of the government that it can neither be surrendered nor compromitted without national degradation i hope it is unnecessary for me to say that such a sacrifice will not be made through any agency of mine the honor of my country shall never be stained by an apology from me for the statement of truth and the performance of duty nor can i give any explanation of my official acts except such as is due to integrity and justice and consistent with the principles on which our institutions have been framed this determination will i am confident be approved by my constituents i have indeed studied their character to but little purpose if the sum of francs will have the weight of a feather in the estimation of what appertains to their national independence and if unhappily a different impression should at any time obtain in any quarter they will i am sure rally round the government of their choice with alacrity and unanimity and silence forever the degrading imputation having thus frankly presented to you the circumstances which since the last session of congress have occurred in this interesting and important matter with the views of the executive in regard to them it is at this time only necessary to add that whenever the advices now daily expected from our chargé shall have been received they will be made the subject of a special communication the condition of the public finances was never more flattering than at the present period since my last annual communication all the remains of the public debt have been redeemed or money has been placed in deposit for this purpose whenever the creditors choose to receive it all the other pecuniary engagements of the government have been honorably and promptly fulfilled and there will be a balance in the treasury at the close of the present year of about it is believed that after meeting all outstanding and unexpended appropriations there will remain near eleven millions to be applied to any new objects which congress may designate or to the more rapid execution of the works already in progress in aid of these objects and to satisfy the current expenditures of the ensuing year it is estimated that there will be received from various sources twenty millions more in 1836 should congress make new appropriations in conformity with the estimates which will be submitted from the proper departments amounting to about millions still the available surplus at the close of the next year after deducting all unexpended appropriations will probably not be less than six millions this sum can in my judgment be now usefully applied to proposed improvements in our and to new national works which are not enumerated in the present estimates or to the more rapid completion of those already begun either would be constitutional and useful and would render unnecessary any attempt in our present peculiar condition to divide the surplus revenue or to reduce it any faster than will be effected by the existing laws in any event as the annual report from the secretary of the treasury will enter into details shewing the probability of some decrease in the revenue during the next seven years and a very considerable deduction in 1842 it is not recommended that congress should undertake to modify the present tariff so as to disturb the principles on which the compromise act was passed taxation on some of the articles of general consumption which are not in competition with our own productions may be no doubt so diminished as to lessen to some extent the source of this revenue and the same object can also be assisted by more liberal provisions for the subjects of public defense which in the present state of our prosperity and wealth may be expected to engage your attention if however after satisfying all the demands which can arise from these sources the unexpended balance in the treasury should still continue to increase it would be better to bear with the evil until the great changes contemplated in our tariff laws have occurred and shall enable us to revise the system with that care and circumspection which are due to so delicate and important a subject it is certainly our duty to diminish as far as we can the burdens of taxation and to regard all the restrictions which are imposed on the trade and navigation of our citizens as evils which we shall mitigate whenever we are not prevented by the adverse legislation and policy of foreign nations or those primary duties which the defense and independence of our country enjoin upon us that we have accomplished much toward the relief of our citizens by the changes which have accompanied the payment of the public debt and the adoption of the present revenue laws is manifest from the fact that compared with 1833 there is a diminution of near millions in the last two years and that our expenditures independently of those for the public debt have been reduced near nine millions during the same period let us trust that by the continued observance of economy and by harmonizing the great interests of agriculture manufactures and commerce much more may be accomplished to diminish the burdens of government and to increase still further the enterprise and the patriotic affection of all classes of our citizens and all the members of our happy confederacy as the data which the secretary of the treasury will lay before you in regard to our financial resources are full and extended and will afford a safe guide in your future calculations i think it unnecessary to offer any further observations on that subject here among the evidences of the increasing prosperity of the country not the least gratifying is that afforded by the receipts from the sales of the public lands which amount in the present year to the unexpected sum of this circumstance attests the rapidity with which agriculture the first and most important occupation of man advances and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory being still of the opinion that it is our best policy as far as we can consistently with the obligations under which those lands were ceded to the united states to promote their speedy settlement i beg leave to call the attention of the present congress to the suggestions i have offered respecting it in my former messages the extraordinary receipts from the sales of the public lands invite you to consider what improvements the land system and particularly the condition of the general land office may require at the time this institution was organized near a quarter of a century ago it would probably have been thought extravagant to anticipate for this period such an addition to its business as has been produced by the vast increase of those sales during the past and present years it may also be observed that since the year 1812 the land offices and surveying districts have been greatly multiplied and that numerous legislative enactments from year to year since that time have imposed a great amount of new and additional duties upon that office while the want of a timely application of force commensurate with the care and labor required has caused the increasing embarrassment of accumulated arrears in the different branches of the establishment these impediments to the expedition of much duty in the general land office induce me to submit to your judgment whether some modification of the laws relating to its organization or an organization of a new character be not called for at the present juncture to enable the office to accomplish all the ends of its institution with a greater degree of facility and promptitude than experience has proved to be practicable under existing regulations the variety of the concerns and the magnitude and complexity of the details occupying and dividing the attention of the commissioner appear to render it difficult if not impracticable for that officer by any possible assiduity to bestow on all the multifarious subjects upon which he is called to act the ready and careful attention due to their respective importance unless the legislature shall assist him by a law providing or enabling him to provide for a more regular and economical distribution of labor with the incident responsibility among those employed under his direction the mere manual operation of affixing his signature to the vast number of documents issuing from his office subtracts so largely from the time and attention claimed by the weighty and complicated subjects daily accumulating in that branch of the public service as to indicate the strong necessity of revising the organic law of the establishment it will be easy for congress hereafter to proportion the expenditure on account of this branch of the service to its real wants by abolishing from time to time the offices which can be dispensed with the extinction of the public debt having taken place there is no longer any use for the offices of commissioners of loans and of the sinking fund i recommend therefore that they be abolished and that proper measures be taken for the transfer to the treasury department of any funds books and papers connected with the operations of those offices and that the proper power be given to that department for closing finally any portion of their business which may remain to be settled it is also incumbent on congress in guarding the pecuniary interests of the country to discontinue by such a law as was passed in 1812 the receipt of the bills of the bank of the united states in payment of the public revenue and to provide for the designation of an agent whose duty it shall be to take charge of the books and stock of the united states in that institution and to close all connection with it after the 3d of march 1836 when its charter expires in making provision in regard to the disposition of this stock it will be essential to define clearly and strictly the duties and powers of the officer charged with that branch of the public service it will be seen from the correspondence which the secretary of the treasury will lay before you that notwithstanding the large amount of the stock which the united states hold in that institution no information has yet been communicated which will enable the government to anticipate when it can receive any dividends or derive any benefit from it connected with the condition of the finances and the flourishing state of the country in all its branches of industry it is pleasing to witness the advantages which have been already derived from the recent laws regulating the value of the gold coinage these advantages will be more apparent in the course of the next year when the branch mints authorized to be established in north carolina georgia and louisiana shall have gone into operation aided as it is hoped they will be by further reforms in the banking systems of the states and by judicious regulations on the part of congress in relation to the custody of the public moneys it may be confidently anticipated that the use of gold and silver as a circulating medium will become general in the ordinary transactions connected with the labor of the country the great desideratum in modern times is an efficient check upon the power of banks preventing that excessive issue of paper whence arise those fluctuations in the standard of value which render uncertain the rewards of labor it was supposed by those who established the bank of the united states that from the credit given to it by the custody of the public moneys and other privileges and the precautions taken to guard against the evils which the country had suffered in the bankruptcy of many of the state institutions of that period we should derive from that institution all the security and benefits of a sound currency and every good end that was attainable under that provision of the constitution which authorizes congress alone to coin money and regulate the value thereof but it is scarcely necessary now to say that these anticipations have not been realized after the extensive embarrassment and distress recently produced by the bank of the united states from which the country is now recovering aggravated as they were by pretensions to power which defied the public authority and which if acquiesced in by the people would have changed the whole character of our government every candid and intelligent individual must admit that for the attainment of the great advantages of a sound currency we must look to a course of legislation radically different from that which created such an institution in considering the means of obtaining so important an end we must set aside all calculations of temporary convenience and be influenced by those only which are in harmony with the true character and the permanent interests of the republic we must recur to first principles and see what it is that has prevented the legislation of congress and the states on the subject of currency from satisfying the public expectation and realizing results corresponding to those which have attended the action of our system when truly consistent with the great principle of equality upon which it rests and with that spirit of forbearance and mutual concession and generous patriotism which was originally and must ever continue to be the vital element of our union on this subject i am sure that i can not be mistaken in ascribing our want of success to the undue countenance which has been afforded to the spirit of monopoly all the serious dangers which our system has yet encountered may be traced to the resort to implied powers and the use of corporations clothed with privileges the effect of which is to advance the interests of the few at the expense of the many we have felt but one class of these dangers exhibited in the contest waged by the bank of the united states against the government for the last four years happily they have been obviated for the present by the indignant resistance of the people but we should recollect that the principle whence they sprung is an one which will not fail to renew its efforts in the same and in other forms so long as there is a hope of success founded either on the inattention of the people or the treachery of their representatives to the subtle progress of its influence the bank is in fact but one of the fruits of a system at war with the genius of all our institutions a system founded upon a political creed the fundamental principle of which is a distrust of the popular will as a safe regulator of political power and whose great ultimate object and inevitable result should it prevail is the consolidation of all power in our system in one central government lavish public disbursements and corporations with exclusive privileges would be its substitutes for the original and as yet sound checks and balances of the constitution the means by whose silent and secret operation a control would be exercised by the few over the political conduct of the many by first acquiring that control over the labor and earnings of the great body of the people wherever this spirit has effected an alliance with political power tyranny and despotism have been the fruit if it is ever used for the ends of government it has to be incessantly watched or it corrupts the sources of the public virtue and agitates the country with questions unfavorable to the harmonious and steady pursuit of its true interests we are now to see whether in the present favorable condition of the country we can not take an effectual stand against this spirit of monopoly and practically prove in respect to the currency as well as other important interests that there is no necessity for so extensive a resort to it as that which has been heretofore practiced the experience of another year has confirmed the utter fallacy of the idea that the bank of the united states was necessary as a fiscal agent of the government without its aid as such indeed in despite of all the embarrassment it was in its power to create the revenue has been paid with punctuality by our citizens the business of exchange both foreign and domestic has been conducted with convenience and the circulating medium has been greatly improved by the use of the state banks which do not derive their charters from the general government and are not controlled by its authority it is ascertained that the moneys of the united states can be collected and disbursed without loss or inconvenience and that all the wants of the community in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as they have ever been before if under circumstances the most unfavorable to the steadiness of the money market it has been found that the considerations on which the bank of the united states rested its claims to the public favor were imaginary and groundless it can not be doubted that the experience of the future will be more decisive against them it has been seen that without the agency of a great moneyed monopoly the revenue can be collected and conveniently and safely applied to all the purposes of the public expenditure it is also ascertained that instead of being necessarily made to promote the evils of an unchecked paper system the management of the revenue can be made auxiliary to the reform which the legislatures of several of the states have already commenced in regard to the suppression of small bills and which has only to be fostered by proper regulations on the part of congress to secure a practical return to the extent required for the security of the currency to the constitutional medium severed from the government as political engines and not susceptible of dangerous extension and combination the state banks will not be tempted nor will they have the power which we have seen exercised to divert the public funds from the legitimate purposes of the government the collection and custody of the revenue being on the contrary a source of credit to them will increase the security which the states provide for a faithful execution of their trusts by multiplying the scrutinies to which their operations and accounts will be subjected thus disposed as well from interest as the obligations of their charters it can not be doubted that such conditions as congress may see fit to adopt respecting the deposits in these institutions with a view to the gradual disuse of the small bills will be cheerfully complied with and that we shall soon gain in place of the bank of the united states a practical reform in the whole paper system of the country if by this policy we can ultimately witness the suppression of all bank bills below 20 it is apparent that gold and silver will take their place and become the principal circulating medium in the common business of the farmers and mechanics of the country the attainment of such a result will form an era in the history of our country which will be dwelt upon with delight by every true friend of its liberty and independence it will lighten the great tax which our paper system has so long collected from the earnings of labor and do more to revive and perpetuate those habits of economy and simplicity which are so congenial to the character of republicans than all the legislation which has yet been attempted to this subject i feel that i can not too earnestly invite the special attention of congress without the exercise of whose authority the opportunity to accomplish so much public good must pass unimproved deeply impressed with its vital importance the executive has taken all the steps within his constitutional power to guard the public revenue and defeat the expectation which the bank of the united states indulged of renewing and perpetuating its monopoly on the ground of its necessity as a fiscal agent and as affording a sounder currency than could be obtained without such an institution in the performance of this duty much responsibility was incurred which would have been gladly avoided if the stake which the public had in the question could have been otherwise preserved although clothed with the legal authority and supported by precedent i was aware that there was in the act of the removal of the deposits a liability to excite that sensitiveness to executive power which it is the characteristic and the duty of freemen to indulge but i relied on this feeling also directed by patriotism and intelligence to vindicate the conduct which in the end would appear to have been called for by the best interests of my country the apprehensions natural to this feeling that there may have been a desire through the instrumentality of that measure to extend the executive influence or that it may have been prompted by motives not sufficiently free from ambition were not overlooked under the operation of our institutions the public servant who is called on to take a step of high responsibility should feel in the freedom which gives rise to such apprehensions his highest security when unfounded the attention which they arouse and the discussions they excite deprive those who indulge them of the power to do harm when just they but hasten the certainty with which the great body of our citizens never fail to repel an attempt to procure their sanction to any exercise of power inconsistent with the jealous maintenance of their rights under such convictions and entertaining no doubt that my constitutional obligations demanded the steps which were taken in reference to the removal of the deposits it was impossible for me to be deterred from the path of duty by a fear that my motives could be misjudged or that political prejudices could defeat the just consideration of the merits of my conduct the result has shewn how safe is this reliance upon the patriotic temper and enlightened discernment of the people that measure has now been before them and has stood the test of all the severe analysis which its general importance the interests it affected and the apprehensions it excited were calculated to produce and it now remains for congress to consider what legislation has become necessary in consequence i need only add to what i have on former occasions said on this subject generally that in the regulations which congress may prescribe respecting the custody of the public moneys it is desirable that as little discretion as may be deemed consistent with their should be given to the executive agents no one can be more deeply impressed than i am with the soundness of the doctrine which restrains and limits by specific provisions executive discretion as far as it can be done consistently with the preservation of its constitutional character in respect to the control over the public money this doctrine is peculiarly applicable and is in harmony with the great principle which i felt i was sustaining in the controversy with the bank of the united states which has resulted in severing to some extent a dangerous connection between a moneyed and political power the duty of the legislature to define by clear and positive enactments the nature and extent of the action which it belongs to the executive to superintend springs out of a policy analogous to that which enjoins upon all the branches of the federal government an abstinence from the exercise of powers not clearly granted in such a government possessing only limited and specific powers the spirit of its general administration can not be wise or just when it opposes the reference of all doubtful points to the great source of authority the states and the people whose number and diversified relations securing them against the influences and excitements which may mislead their agents make them the safest depository of power in its application to the executive with reference to the legislative branch of the government the same rule of action should make the president ever anxious to avoid the exercise of any discretionary authority which can be regulated by congress the biases which may operate upon him will not be so likely to extend to the representatives of the people in that body in my former messages to congress i have repeatedly urged the propriety of lessening the discretionary authority lodged in the various departments but it has produced no effect as yet except the discontinuance of extra allowances in the army and navy and the substitution of fixed salaries in the latter it is believed that the same principles could be advantageously applied in all cases and would promote the efficiency and economy of the public service at the same time that greater satisfaction and more equal justice would be secured to the public officers generally the accompanying report of the secretary of war will put you in possession of the operations of the department confided to his care in all its diversified relations during the past year i am gratified in being able to inform you that no occurrence has required any movement of the military force except such as is common to a state of peace the services of the army have been limited to their usual duties at the various garrisons upon the atlantic and inland frontier with the exceptions stated by the secretary of war our small military establishment appears to be adequate to the purposes for which it is maintained and it forms a nucleus around which any additional force may be collected should the public exigencies unfortunately require any increase of our military means the various acts of congress which have been recently passed in relation to the army have improved its condition and have rendered its organization more useful and efficient it is at all times in a state for prompt and vigorous action and it contains within itself the power of extension to any useful limit while at the same time it preserves that knowledge both theoretical and practical which education and experience alone can give and which if not acquired and preserved in time of peace must be sought under great disadvantages in time of war the duties of the engineer corps press heavily upon that branch of the service and the public interest requires an addition to its strength the nature of the works in which the officers are engaged renders necessary professional knowledge and experience and there is no economy in committing to them more duties than they can perform or in assigning these to other persons temporarily employed and too often of necessity without all the qualifications which such service demands i recommend this subject to your attention and also the proposition submitted at the last session of congress and now renewed for a reorganization of the topographical corps this reorganization can be effected without any addition to the present expenditure and with much advantage to the public service the branch of duties which devolves upon these officers is at all times interesting to the community and the information furnished by them is useful in peace and war much loss and inconvenience have been experienced in consequence of the failure of the bill containing the ordinary appropriations for fortifications which passed one branch of the national legislature at the last session but was lost in the other this failure was the more regretted not only because it necessarily interrupted and delayed the progress of a system of national defense projected immediately after the last war and since steadily pursued but also because it contained a contingent appropriation inserted in accordance with the views of the executive in aid of this important object and other branches of the national defense some portions of which might have been most usefully applied during the past season i invite your early attention to that part of the report of the secretary of war which relates to this subject and recommend an appropriation sufficiently liberal to accelerate the armament of the fortifications agreeably to the proposition submitted by him and to place our whole atlantic seaboard in a complete state of defense a just regard to the permanent interests of the country evidently requires this measure but there are also other reasons which at the present juncture give it peculiar force and make it my duty to call to the subject your special consideration the present system of military education has been in operation sufficiently long to test its usefulness and it has given to the army a valuable body of officers it is not alone in the improvement discipline and operation of the troops that these officers are employed they are also extensively engaged in the administrative and fiscal concerns of the various matters confided to the war department in the execution of the staff duties usually appertaining to military organization in the removal of the indians and in the disbursement of the various expenditures growing out of our indian relations in the formation of roads and in the improvement of harbors and rivers in the construction of fortifications in the fabrication of much of the matériel required for the public defense and in the preservation distribution and accountability of the whole and in other miscellaneous duties not admitting of classification these diversified functions embrace very heavy expenditures of public money and require fidelity science and business habits in their execution and a system which shall secure these qualifications is demanded by the public interest that this object has been in a great measure obtained by the military academy is shewn by the state of the service and by the prompt accountability which has generally followed the necessary advances like all other political systems the present mode of military education no doubt has its imperfections both of principle and practice but i trust these can be improved by rigid inspections and by legislative scrutiny without destroying the institution itself occurrences to which we as well as all other nations are liable both in our internal and external relations point to the necessity of an efficient organization of the militia i am again induced by the importance of the subject to bring it to your attention to suppress domestic violence and to repel foreign invasion should these calamities overtake us we must rely in the first instance upon the great body of the community whose will has instituted and whose power must support the government a large standing military force is not consonant to the spirit of our institutions nor to the feelings of our countrymen and the lessons of former days and those also of our own times shew the danger as well as the enormous expense of these permanent and extensive military organizations that just medium which avoids an inadequate preparation on one hand and the danger and expense of a large force on the other is what our constituents have a right to expect from their government this object can be attained only by the maintenance of a small military force and by such an organization of the physical strength of the country as may bring this power into operation whenever its services are required a classification of the population offers the most obvious means of effecting this organization such a division may be made as will be just to all by transferring each at a proper period of life from one class to another and by calling first for the services of that class whether for instruction or action which from age is qualified for the duty and may be called to perform it with least injury to themselves or to the public should the danger ever become so imminent as to require additional force the other classes in succession would be ready for the call and if in addition to this organization voluntary associations were encouraged and inducements held out for their formation our militia would be in a state of efficient service now when we are at peace is the proper time to digest and establish a practicable system the object is certainly worth the experiment and worth the expense no one appreciating the blessings of a republican government can object to his share of the burden which such a plan may impose indeed a moderate portion of the national funds could scarcely be better applied than in carrying into effect and continuing such an arrangement and in giving the necessary elementary instruction we are happily at peace with all the world a sincere desire to continue so and a fixed determination to give no just because of offense to other nations furnish unfortunately no certain grounds of expectation that this relation will be uninterrupted with this determination to give no offense is associated a resolution equally decided tamely to submit to none the armor and the attitude of defense afford the best security against those collisions which the ambition or interest or some other passion of nations not more justifiable is liable to produce in many countries it is considered unsafe to put arms into the hands of the people and to instruct them in the elements of military knowledge that fear can have no place here when it is recollected that the people are the sovereign power our government was instituted and is supported by the ballot box not by the musket whatever changes await it still greater changes must be made in our social institutions before our political system can yield to physical force in every aspect therefore in which i can view the subject i am impressed with the importance of a prompt and efficient organization of the militia the plan of removing the aboriginal people who yet remain within the settled portions of the united states to the country west of the mississippi river approaches its consummation it was adopted on the most mature consideration of the condition of this race and ought to be persisted in till the object is accomplished and prosecuted with as much vigor as a just regard to their circumstances will permit and as fast as their consent can be obtained all preceding experiments for the improvement of the indians have failed it seems now to be an established fact that they can not live in contact with a civilized community and prosper ages of fruitless endeavors have at length brought us to a knowledge of this principle of intercommunication with them the past we can not recall but the future we can provide for independently of the treaty stipulations into which we have entered with the various tribes for the usufructuary rights they have ceded to us no one can doubt the moral duty of the government of the united states to protect and if possible to preserve and perpetuate the scattered remnants of this race which are left within our borders in the discharge of this duty an extensive region in the west has been assigned for their permanent residence it has been divided into districts and allotted among them many have already removed and others are preparing to go and with the exception of two small bands living in ohio and indiana not exceeding persons and of the cherokees all the tribes on the east side of the mississippi and extending from lake michigan to florida have entered into engagements which will lead to their transplantation the plan for their removal and reestablishment is founded upon the knowledge we have gained of their character and habits and has been dictated by a spirit of enlarged liberality a territory exceeding in extent that relinquished has been granted to each tribe of its climate fertility and capacity to support an indian population the representations are highly favorable to these districts the indians are removed at the expense of the united states and with certain supplies of clothing arms ammunition and other indispensable articles they are also furnished gratuitously with provisions for the period of a year after their arrival at their new homes in that time from the nature of the country and of the products raised by them they can subsist themselves by agricultural labor if they choose to resort to that mode of life if they do not they are upon the skirts of the great prairies where countless herds of buffalo roam and a short time suffices to adapt their own habits to the changes which a change of the animals destined for their food may require ample arrangements have also been made for the support of schools in some instances council houses and churches are to be erected dwellings constructed for the chiefs and mills for common use funds have been set apart for the maintenance of the poor the most necessary mechanical arts have been introduced and blacksmiths gunsmiths wheelwrights millwrights are supported among them steel and iron and sometimes salt are purchased for them and plows and other farming utensils domestic animals looms spinning wheels cards are presented to them and besides these beneficial arrangements annuities are in all cases paid amounting in some instances to more than 30 for each individual of the tribe and in all cases sufficiently great if justly divided and prudently expended to enable them in addition to their own exertions to live comfortably and as a stimulus for exertion it is now provided by law that in all cases of the appointment of interpreters or other persons employed for the benefit of the indians a preference shall be given to persons of indian descent if such can be found who are properly qualified for the discharge of the duties such are the arrangements for the physical comfort and for the moral improvement of the indians the necessary measures for their political advancement and for their separation from our citizens have not been neglected the pledge of the united states has been given by congress that the country destined for the residence of this people shall be forever secured and guaranteed to them a country west of missouri and arkansas has been assigned to them into which the white settlements are not to be pushed no political communities can be formed in that extensive region except those which are established by the indians themselves or by the united states for them and with their concurrence a barrier has thus been raised for their protection against the encroachment of our citizens and guarding the indians as far as possible from those evils which have brought them to their present condition summary authority has been given by law to destroy all ardent spirits found in their country without waiting the doubtful result and slow process of a legal seizure i consider the absolute and unconditional interdiction of this article among these people as the first and great step in their melioration halfway measures will answer no purpose these can not successfully contend against the cupidity of the seller and the overpowering appetite of the buyer and the destructive effects of the traffic are marked in every page of the history of our indian intercourse some general legislation seems necessary for the regulation of the relations which will exist in this new state of things between the government and people of the united states and these transplanted indian tribes and for the establishment among the latter and with their own consent of some principles of intercommunication which their juxtaposition will call for that moral may be substituted for physical force the authority of a few and simple laws for the tomahawk and that an end may be put to those bloody wars whose prosecution seems to have made part of their social system after the further details of this arrangement are completed with a very general supervision over them they ought to be left to the progress of events these i indulge the hope will secure their prosperity and improvement and a large portion of the moral debt we owe them will then be paid the report from the secretary of the navy shewing the condition of that branch of the public service is recommended to your special attention it appears from it that our naval force at present in commission with all the activity which can be given to it is inadequate to the protection of our rapidly increasing commerce this consideration and the more general one which regards this arm of the national defense as our best security against foreign aggressions strongly urge the continuance of the measures which promote its gradual enlargement and a speedy increase of the force which has been heretofore employed abroad and at home you will perceive from the estimates which appear in the report of the secretary of the navy that the expenditures necessary to this increase of its force though of considerable amount are small compared with the benefits which they will secure to the country as a means of strengthening this national arm i also recommend to your particular attention the propriety of the suggestion which attracted the consideration of congress at its last session respecting the enlistment of boys at a suitable age in the service in this manner a nursery of skillful and seamen can be established which will be of the greatest importance next to the capacity to put afloat and arm the requisite number of ships is the possession of the means to man them efficiently and nothing seems better calculated to aid this object than the measure proposed as an auxiliary to the advantages derived from our extensive commercial marine it would furnish us with a resource ample enough for all the exigencies which can be anticipated considering the state of our resources it can not be doubted that whatever provision the liberality and wisdom of congress may now adopt with a view to the perfect organization of this branch of our service will meet the approbation of all classes of our citizens by the report of the it appears that the revenue of the department during the year ending on the 30th day of june last exceeded its accruing responsibilities and that the surplus of the present fiscal year is estimated at it further appears that the debt of the department on the 1st day of july last including the amount due to contractors for the quarter then just expired was about exceeding the available means about and that on the 1st instant about of this debt had been paid out of postages accruing before july and out of postages accruing since in these payments are included of the old debt due to banks after making these payments the department had in bank on the 1st instant the pleasing assurance is given that the department is entirely free from embarrassment and that by collection of outstanding balances and using the current surplus the remaining portion of the bank debt and most of the other debt will probably be paid in april next leaving thereafter a heavy amount to be applied in extending the mail facilities of the country reserving a considerable sum for the improvement of existing mail routes it is stated that the department will be able to sustain with perfect convenience an annual charge of for the support of new routes to commence as soon as they can be established and put in operation the measures adopted by the to bring the means of the department into action and to effect a speedy extinguishment of its debt as well as to produce an efficient administration of its affairs will be found detailed at length in his able and luminous report aided by a reorganization on the principles suggested and such salutary provisions in the laws regulating its administrative duties as the wisdom of congress may devise or approve that important department will soon attain a degree of usefulness proportioned to the increase of our population and the extension of our settlements particular attention is solicited to that portion of the report of the which relates to the carriage of the mails of the united states upon railroads constructed by private corporations under the authority of the several states the reliance which the general government can place on those roads as a means of carrying on its operations and the principles on which the use of them is to be obtained can not too soon be considered and settled already does the spirit of monopoly begin to exhibit its natural propensities in attempts to exact from the public for services which it supposes can not be obtained on other terms the most extravagant compensation if these claims be persisted in the question may arise whether a combination of citizens acting under charters of incorporation from the states can by a direct refusal or the demand of an exorbitant price exclude the united states from the use of the established channels of communication between the different sections of the country and whether the united states can not without transcending their constitutional powers secure to the department the use of those roads by an act of congress which shall provide within itself some equitable mode of adjusting the amount of compensation to obviate if possible the necessity of considering this question it is suggested whether it be not expedient to fix by law the amounts which shall be offered to railroad companies for the conveyance of the mails graduated according to their average weight to be ascertained and declared by the it is probable that a liberal proposition of that sort would be accepted in connection with these provisions in relation to the department i must also invite your attention to the painful excitement produced in the south by attempts to circulate through the mails inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the slaves in prints and in various sorts of publications calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and to produce all the horrors of a servile war there is doubtless no respectable portion of our countrymen who can be so far misled as to feel any other sentiment than that of indignant regret at conduct so destructive of the harmony and peace of the country and so repugnant to the principles of our national compact and to the dictates of humanity and religion our happiness and prosperity essentially depend upon peace within our borders and peace depends upon the maintenance in good faith of those compromises of the constitution upon which the union is founded it is fortunate for the country that the good sense the generous feeling and the attachment of the people of the nonslaveholding states to the union and to their of the same blood in the south have given so strong and impressive a tone to the sentiments entertained against the proceedings of the misguided persons who have engaged in these unconstitutional and wicked attempts and especially against the emissaries from foreign parts who have dared to interfere in this matter as to authorize the hope that those attempts will no longer be persisted in but if these expressions of the public will shall not be sufficient to effect so desirable a result not a doubt can be entertained that the nonslaveholding states so far from countenancing the slightest interference with the constitutional rights of the south will be prompt to exercise their authority in suppressing so far as in them lies whatever is calculated to produce this evil in leaving the care of other branches of this interesting subject to the state authorities to whom they properly belong it is nevertheless proper for congress to take such measures as will prevent the department which was designed to foster an amicable intercourse and correspondence between all the members of the confederacy from being used as an instrument of an opposite character the general government to which the great trust is confided of preserving inviolate the relations created among the states by the constitution is especially bound to avoid in its own action anything that may disturb them i would therefore call the special attention of congress to the subject and respectfully suggest the propriety of passing such a law as will prohibit under severe penalties the circulation in the southern states through the mail of incendiary publications intended to instigate the slaves to insurrection i felt it to be my duty in the first message which i communicated to congress to urge upon its attention the propriety of amending that part of the constitution which provides for the election of the president and the of the united states the leading object which i had in view was the adoption of some new provisions which would secure to the people the performance of this high duty without any intermediate agency in my annual communications since i have enforced the same views from a sincere conviction that the best interests of the country would be promoted by their adoption if the subject were an ordinary one i should have regarded the failure of congress to act upon it as an indication of their judgment that the disadvantages which belong to the present system were not so great as those which would result from any attainable substitute that had been submitted to their consideration recollecting however that propositions to introduce a new feature in our fundamental laws can not be too patiently examined and ought not to be received with favor until the great body of the people are thoroughly impressed with their necessity and value as a remedy for real evils i feel that in renewing the recommendation i have heretofore made on this subject i am not transcending the bounds of a just deference to the sense of congress or to the disposition of the people however much we may differ in the choice of the measures which should guide the administration of the government there can be but little doubt in the minds of those who are really friendly to the republican features of our system that one of its most important securities consists in the separation of the legislative and executive powers at the same time that each is held responsible to the great source of authority which is acknowledged to be supreme in the will of the people constitutionally expressed my reflection and experience satisfy me that the framers of the constitution although they were anxious to mark this feature as a settled and fixed principle in the structure of the government did not adopt all the precautions that were necessary to secure its practical observance and that we can not be said to have carried into complete effect their intentions until the evils which arise from this organic defect are remedied considering the great extent of our confederacy the rapid increase of its population and the diversity of their interests and pursuits it can not be disguised that the contingency by which one branch of the legislature is to form itself into an electoral college can not become one of ordinary occurrence without producing incalculable mischief what was intended as the medicine of the constitution in extreme cases can not be frequently used without changing its character and sooner or later producing incurable disorder every election by the house of representatives is calculated to lessen the force of that security which is derived from the distinct and separate character of the legislative and executive functions and while it exposes each to temptations adverse to their efficiency as organs of the constitution and laws its tendency will be to unite both in resisting the will of the people and thus give a direction to the government antirepublican and dangerous all history tells us that a free people should be watchful of delegated power and should never acquiesce in a practice which will diminish their control over it this obligation so universal in its application to all the principles of a republic is peculiarly so in ours where the formation of parties founded on sectional interests is so much fostered by the extent of our territory these interests represented by candidates for the presidency are constantly prone in the zeal of party and selfish objects to generate influences unmindful of the general good and forgetful of the restraints which the great body of the people would enforce if they were in no contingency to lose the right of expressing their will the experience of our country from the formation of the government to the present day demonstrates that the people can not too soon adopt some stronger safeguard for their right to elect the highest officers known to the constitution than is contained in that sacred instrument as it now stands it is my duty to call the particular attention of congress to the present condition of the district of columbia from whatever because the great depression has arisen which now exists in the pecuniary concerns of this district it is proper that its situation should be fully understood and such relief or remedies provided as are consistent with the powers of congress i earnestly recommend the extension of every political right to the citizens of this district which their true interests require and which does not conflict with the provisions of the constitution it is believed that the laws for the government of the district require revisal and amendment and that much good may be done by modifying the penal code so as to give uniformity to its provisions your attention is also invited to the defects which exist in the judicial system of the united states as at present organized the states of the union derive unequal advantages from the federal judiciary which have been so often pointed out that i deem it unnecessary to repeat them here it is hoped that the present congress will extend to all the states that equality in respect to the benefits of the laws of the union which can only be secured by the uniformity and efficiency of the judicial system with these observations on the topics of general interest which are deemed worthy of your consideration i leave them to your care trusting that the legislative measures they call for will be met as the wants and the best interests of our beloved country demand
discharge official duty task devolves upon communicating new congress reflection representation union recently renewed constitutional term service expire heightens solicitude shall attempt lay state national concerns devout hope cherish labors improve may crowned success assembled period profound interest american patriot unexampled growth prosperity country given us rank scale nations removes apprehension danger integrity independence external foes career freedom us earnest past true formidable obstacle future peaceful uninterrupted pursuit yet proportion disappearance apprehensions attended weakness contrasted power states old world solicitous belong conviction conduct must look preservation causes depend excellence duration happy system government example systems founded people trace internal dissension influences often blasted hopes friends freedom social elements strong successful united external danger failed difficult task properly adjusting internal organization thus gave way great principle let us trust admonition never forgotten government people united states testimony experience thus far holds great human family practicability blessings free government confirmed time come look state agriculture manufactures commerce unexampled increase population feel magnitude trust committed us never former period history greater reason thankful divine providence blessings health general prosperity every branch labor see crowned abundant rewards every element national resources wealth individual comfort witness rapid solid improvements interruptions pleasing prospect home yield spirit harmony good strikingly pervades mass people every quarter amidst diversity interest pursuits attached solicitude regard external affairs hoped disappear principles simple justice forbearance mark intercourse foreign powers every reason feel proud beloved country general state foreign relations materially changed since last annual message settlement question northeastern boundary little progress made great britain declined acceding proposition united states presented accordance resolution senate unless certain preliminary conditions admitted deemed incompatible satisfactory rightful adjustment controversy waiting distinct proposal government great britain invited repeat expression confidence strong mutual disposition believe exists make arrangement perplexing question settled due regard pretensions pacific policy parties events frequently occurring northeastern frontier character impress upon necessity speedy definitive termination dispute consideration added desire common relieve liberal friendly relations happily existing two countries embarrassment doubt influence upon diplomatic intercourse portugal renewed expected claims citizens partially paid fully satisfied soon condition queen government permit proper attention subject government happy inform manifested determination act upon liberal principles marked commercial policy happiest effects upon future trade united states portugal anticipated time thought remote system perfect reciprocity established installments due convention king two sicilies paid scrupulous fidelity whole conduct characterized hope indulged adjustment vexed question claims followed extended mutually beneficial intercourse two countries internal contest still continues spain distinguished struggle unhappily incidents sanguinary character obligations late treaty indemnification us nevertheless faithfully executed spanish government provision made last session congress ascertainment claims paid apportionment funds convention made spain invite early attention subject public evidences debt according terms convention forms prescribed placed possession united states interest fell due regularly paid upon commercial intercourse cuba stands regulated act congress recent information received disposition government madrid subject lamented death recently appointed minister way spain pressure affairs home renders scarcely probable change looked coming year portions florida archives sent united states although death one commissioners critical moment embarrassed progress delivery higher officers local government recently shewn anxious desire compliance orders parent government facilitate selection delivery right claim negotiations opened madrid establishment lasting peace spain spanish american governments hemisphere availed intimation given disposition spain treat upon basis entire independence regretted simultaneous appointments ministers negotiate spain made negotiation would simplified dispute spreading large portion world would brought speedy conclusion political commercial relations austria prussia sweden denmark stand usual favorable bases one articles treaty russia relation trade northwest coast america expired instructions given minister petersburg negotiate renewal long unbroken amity two governments gives every reason supposing article renewed stronger motives exist prevent view subject anticipated ask attention message predecessor opening second session nineteenth congress relative commercial intercourse holland documents connected subject communicated house representatives 10th january 1825 18th january 1827 coinciding opinion predecessor holland regulations present system entitled vessels cargoes received united states footing american vessels cargoes regards duties tonnage impost respect reference legislature alone prevented acting subject still waited without comment action congress recently claim made belgian subjects admission ports ships cargoes footing american allegation could dispute vessels received ports identical treatment shewn ports holland upon whose vessels discrimination made ports united states giving privileges belgians expected benefits fact enjoyed belgium holland united one government satisfied justice pretension placed footing holland could nevertheless without disregard principle laws admit claim treated americans time respect congress subject long since referred prevented producing equality taking vessels holland privileges conditionally granted acts congress although condition upon grant made judgment failed since 1822 recommend therefore review act 1824 modification produce equality terms congress shall think best comports settled policy obligations justice two friendly powers sublime porte governments coast barbary relations continue friendly proper steps taken renew treaty morocco argentine republic promised send within current year minister united states convention mexico extending time appointment commissioners run boundary line concluded submitted senate recent events country awakened liveliest solicitude united states aware strong temptations existing powerful inducements held citizens united states mingle dissensions immediate neighbors instructions given district attorneys united states indications warranted prosecute without respect persons might attempt violate obligations neutrality time thought necessary apprise government mexico require integrity territory scrupulously respected parties diplomatic agents brazil chile peru central america venezuela new granada constant assurances received continued good understanding governments severally accredited governments upon citizens valid accumulating claims scarcely advance toward settlement made owing mainly distracted state pressure imperative domestic questions patience probably still severely tried whose interests involved may confide determination government obtain eventually ample retribution unfortunately many nations hemisphere still domestic dissensions revolution succeeds revolution injuries committed upon foreigners engaged lawful pursuits much time elapses government sufficiently stable erected justify expectation redress ministers sent received discussions past injuries fairly begun fresh troubles arise frequently new injuries added old discussed together existing government proved ability sustain assaults made upon successor overthrown unhappy condition things continues much longer nations painful necessity deciding whether justice suffering citizens require prompt redress injuries power without waiting establishment government competent enduring enough discuss make satisfaction since last session congress validity claims upon france liquidated treaty 1831 acknowledged branches legislature money appropriated discharge payment regret inform still withheld brief recapitulation important incidents protracted controversy shew utterly untenable grounds upon course attempted justified entering upon duties station found united states unsuccessful applicant justice france satisfaction claims validity never questionable solemnly admitted france antiquity claims high justice aggravating circumstances arose familiar american people require description sufficient say period ten years upward commerce little interruption subject constant aggressions part france aggressions ordinary features condemnations vessels cargoes arbitrary decrees adopted contravention well laws nations treaty stipulations burnings high seas seizures confiscations special imperial rescripts ports nations occupied armies control france conceded character wrongs suffered wrongs many cases flagrant even authors never denied right reparation extent injuries conception may formed fact burning large amount sea necessary deterioration cases long detention american property seized sacrificed forced sales excluding adjudged privateers without condemnation brought french treasury upward francs besides large duties subject already affair twenty years uninterrupted negotiation except short time france overwhelmed military power united europe period whilst nations extorting payment claims point bayonet united states intermitted demand justice respect oppressed condition gallant people felt obligations fraternal assistance days suffering peril bad effects protracted unavailing discussions well upon relations france upon national character obvious line duty mind equally either insist upon adjustment claims within reasonable period abandon altogether could doubt course interests honor countries would best consulted instructions therefore given spirit minister sent demand reparation upon meeting congress december 1829 felt duty speak claims delays france terms calculated call serious attention countries subject french ministry took exception message ground containing menace agreeable french government negotiate american minister accord refuted construction attempted put upon message time called recollection french ministry president message communication addressed foreign governments congress united states enjoined upon constitution lay body information state union comprehending foreign well domestic relations discharge duty felt incumbent upon summon attention congress due time might possible consequences existing difficulties foreign government might fairly supposed sense due frank communication another branch government intention holding menace foreign power views taken received approbation french government satisfied negotiation continued terminated treaty july 4 1831 recognizing justice claims part promising payment amount francs six annual installments ratifications treaty exchanged washington 2d february 1832 five days thereafter laid congress immediately passed acts necessary part secure france commercial advantages conceded compact treaty previously solemnly ratified king french terms certainly mere matters form translation follows approving convention dispositions contained declare well heirs successors accepted approved ratified confirmed presents signed hand accept approve ratify confirm promising faith word king observe observed inviolably without ever contravening suffering contravened directly indirectly pretense whatsoever official information exchange ratifications united states reached paris whilst chambers session extraordinary us injurious delays french government action upon subject fulfillment heretofore stated congress disposition enlarge upon sufficient observe pending session allowed expire without even effort obtain necessary appropriations two succeeding ones also suffered pass away without anything like serious attempt obtain decision upon subject fourth session almost three years conclusion treaty two years exchange ratifications bill execution treaty pressed vote rejected meantime government united states full confidence treaty entered solemnly ratified french king would executed good faith doubting provision would made payment first installment become due 2d day february 1833 negotiated draft amount bank united states draft presented holder credentials required treaty authorize receive money government france allowed protested addition injury nonpayment money france conformably engagement united states exposed heavy claim part bank pretense damages satisfaction institution seized upon still retains equal amount public money congress session decision chambers reached washington immediate communication apparently final decision france fulfill stipulations treaty course naturally expected president deep tone dissatisfaction pervaded public mind correspondent excitement produced congress general knowledge result rendered probable resort immediate measures redress would consequence calling attention body subject sincerely desirous preserving pacific relations long existed two countries anxious avoid course could satisfied neither interests honor country would compromitted without fullest assurances upon point could hope acquit responsibility incurred suffering congress adjourn without laying subject received believed character feelings produced united states news rejection appropriation would described foreseen french government prompt measures taken prevent consequences king person expressed minister paris profound regret decision chambers promised send forthwith national ship dispatches minister authorizing give assurances would satisfy government people united states treaty would yet faithfully executed france national ship arrived minister received instructions claiming act authority derived gave government name solemn assurances soon new elections charter would permit french chambers would convened attempt procure necessary appropriations renewed constitutional powers king ministers put requisition accomplish object understood expressly informed government time engage question pressed decision period sufficiently early permit information result communicated congress commencement next session relying upon assurances incurred responsibility great regarded suffering congress separate without communicating upon subject expectations justly founded upon promises thus solemnly made government france realized french chambers met 31st july 1834 soon election although minister paris urged french ministry bring subject declined next insisted chambers prorogued without acting subject reassembled period early action treaty might known washington prior meeting congress reasonable request declined chambers prorogued 29th december day late decision however urgently pressed could probability obtained time reach washington necessary adjournment congress constitution reasons given ministry refusing convoke chambers earlier period afterwards shewn insuperable actual convocation 1st december special call domestic purposes fact however become known government commencement last session congress thus disappointed expectations became imperative duty consult congress regard expediency resort retaliatory measures case stipulations treaty speedily complied recommend judgment occasion called end unreserved communication case aspects became indispensable shrunk making saying necessary correct understanding truth would justify fear giving offense others would unworthy us gone hand single step purpose wounding pride government people many motives cultivating relations amity reciprocal advantage would unwise improper admonished past difficulty making even simplest statement wrongs without disturbing sensibilities position become responsible redress earnestly desirous preventing obstacles source went way preclude construction message recommendation made congress might regarded menace france disavowing design declaring pride power well known expect anything fears message reach paris month chambers session insensibility ministry rightful claims expectations minister informed matter introduced would pressed cabinet measure although message officially communicated french government notwithstanding declaration contrary contained french ministry decided consider conditional recommendation reprisals menace insult honor nation made incumbent resent measures resorted evince sense supposed indignity immediate recall minister washington offer passports american minister paris public notice legislative chambers diplomatic intercourse united states suspended manner vindicated dignity france next proceeded illustrate justice end bill immediately introduced chamber deputies proposing make appropriations necessary carry effect treaty bill subsequently passed law provisions constitute main subject difficulty two nations becomes duty order place subject clear light trace history passage refer particularity proceedings discussions regard minister finance opening speech alluded measures adopted resent supposed indignity recommended execution treaty measure required honor justice france organ ministry declared message long received sanction congress mere expression personal opinion president neither government people united states responsible engagement entered fulfillment honor france pledged entertaining views single condition french ministry proposed annex payment money made ascertained government united states done nothing injure interests france words steps authorized congress hostile character toward france disposition action congress might unknown french cabinet 14th january senate resolved time inexpedient adopt legislative measures regard state affairs united states france action subject occurred house representatives facts known paris prior 28th march 1835 committee bill indemnification referred reported chamber deputies committee substantially reechoed sentiments ministry declared congress set aside proposition president recommended passage bill without restriction originally proposed thus known french ministry chambers position assumed frequently solemnly announced one compatible honor france maintained bill passed originally proposed money would paid would end unfortunate controversy cheering prospect soon destroyed amendment introduced bill moment passage providing money paid french government received satisfactory explanations president message 2d december 1834 still extraordinary president council ministers adopted amendment consented incorporation bill regard supposed insult formally resented recall minister offer passports first time proposed ask explanations sentiments propositions declared could justly imputed government people united states set obstacles performance act conceded justice government people declared honor france required fulfillment engagement king entered unless congress adopted recommendations message ascertained congress adopt yet fulfillment refused unless first obtain president explanations opinion characterized personal inoperative conception intention menace insult government france unfounded attempt extort fears nation sense justice may deny would vain ridiculous constitution united states imposes president duty laying congress condition country foreign domestic relations recommending measures may opinion required interests performance duty deterred fear wounding sensibilities people government may become necessary speak american people incapable submitting interference government earth however powerful free performance domestic duties constitution imposed public functionaries discussions intervene several departments government belong anything said public servants responsible constituents course consultations facts erroneously stated unjust deductions made require inducement correct however informed error love justice due character never submit interrogated upon subject matter right foreign power discussions terminate acts responsibility foreign powers commences individuals nation principle calls question president language message would equally justify foreign power demanding explanation language used report committee member debate first time government france taken exception messages american presidents president washington first president adams performance duties american people fell animadversions french directory objection taken ministry charles x removed explanations made minister upon spot already adverted understood ministry present king took exception message last year putting construction upon disavowed face late minister paris answer note first announced dissatisfaction language used message made communication french government date 29th january 1835 calculated remove impressions unreasonable susceptibility created repeated called attention french government disavowal contained message intention intimidate menace truly declared contained intended contain charge ill faith king french properly distinguished right complain unexceptionable terms omission execute agreement accusation bad motives withholding execution demonstrated necessary use right ought considered offensive imputation although communication made without instructions entirely minister responsibility yet afterwards made act government full approbation approbation officially made known 25th april 1835 french government however failed effect law friendly explanation passed obnoxious amendment supported king ministers finally approved king people united states justly attached pacific system intercourse foreign nations proper therefore know whether government adhered present instance carried utmost extent consistent becoming note 29th january alluded one minister took upon responsibility presenting subject spirit finding intended make payment debt dependent performance condition knew could never complied thought duty make another attempt convince french government whilst regard dignity nations would always prevent us using language ought give offense yet could never admit right foreign government ask explanations interfere manner communications one branch public councils made another present case language used former note fully voluntarily stated contemplated make explanation condition might misapprehension stated terms used note officially informed approved president therefore every explanation could reasonably asked honorably given already made contemplated measure anticipated voluntary friendly declaration therefore useless might deemed offensive certainly would complied annexed condition latter communication especially invite attention congress laid entertained hope means obviously intended afford honorable speedy adjustment difficulties two nations would accepted therefore hesitate give sanction full approbation due minister made responsible act published people united states laid representatives shew far executive gone endeavors restore good understanding two countries would time communicated government france officially requested french government received explanation honor principle permitted could reason asked hoped would longer hesitate pay installments due agent authorized receive money instructed inform french minister readiness reply notice told money could paid formalities required act chambers arranged received official information intentions french government anxious bring far practicable unpleasant affair close meeting congress might whole subject caused chargé paris instructed ask final determination french government event refusal pay installments due without explanations return united states result last application yet reached us daily expected may favorable sincere wish france branches government acknowledged validity claims obligation treaty 1831 really existing adequate delay length may hoped adopt course interests nations less principles justice imperiously require treaty executed part little remain disturb friendly relations two countries nothing indeed yield suggestions pacific enlightened policy influence mutual good generous recollections may confidently expect revived ancient force event however principle involved new aspect given controversy vitally important independent administration government neither surrendered compromitted without national degradation hope unnecessary say sacrifice made agency mine honor country shall never stained apology statement truth performance duty give explanation official acts except due integrity justice consistent principles institutions framed determination confident approved constituents indeed studied character little purpose sum francs weight feather estimation appertains national independence unhappily different impression time obtain quarter sure rally round government choice alacrity unanimity silence forever degrading imputation thus frankly presented circumstances since last session congress occurred interesting important matter views executive regard time necessary add whenever advices daily expected chargé shall received made subject special communication condition public finances never flattering present period since last annual communication remains public debt redeemed money placed deposit purpose whenever creditors choose receive pecuniary engagements government honorably promptly fulfilled balance treasury close present year believed meeting outstanding unexpended appropriations remain near eleven millions applied new objects congress may designate rapid execution works already progress aid objects satisfy current expenditures ensuing year estimated received various sources twenty millions 1836 congress make new appropriations conformity estimates submitted proper departments amounting millions still available surplus close next year deducting unexpended appropriations probably less six millions sum judgment usefully applied proposed improvements new national works enumerated present estimates rapid completion already begun either would constitutional useful would render unnecessary attempt present peculiar condition divide surplus revenue reduce faster effected existing laws event annual report secretary treasury enter details shewing probability decrease revenue next seven years considerable deduction 1842 recommended congress undertake modify present tariff disturb principles compromise act passed taxation articles general consumption competition productions may doubt diminished lessen extent source revenue object also assisted liberal provisions subjects public defense present state prosperity wealth may expected engage attention however satisfying demands arise sources unexpended balance treasury still continue increase would better bear evil great changes contemplated tariff laws occurred shall enable us revise system care circumspection due delicate important subject certainly duty diminish far burdens taxation regard restrictions imposed trade navigation citizens evils shall mitigate whenever prevented adverse legislation policy foreign nations primary duties defense independence country enjoin upon us accomplished much toward relief citizens changes accompanied payment public debt adoption present revenue laws manifest fact compared 1833 diminution near millions last two years expenditures independently public debt reduced near nine millions period let us trust continued observance economy harmonizing great interests agriculture manufactures commerce much may accomplished diminish burdens government increase still enterprise patriotic affection classes citizens members happy confederacy data secretary treasury lay regard financial resources full extended afford safe guide future calculations think unnecessary offer observations subject among evidences increasing prosperity country least gratifying afforded receipts sales public lands amount present year unexpected sum circumstance attests rapidity agriculture first important occupation man advances contributes wealth power extended territory still opinion best policy far consistently obligations lands ceded united states promote speedy settlement beg leave call attention present congress suggestions offered respecting former messages extraordinary receipts sales public lands invite consider improvements land system particularly condition general land office may require time institution organized near quarter century ago would probably thought extravagant anticipate period addition business produced vast increase sales past present years may also observed since year 1812 land offices surveying districts greatly multiplied numerous legislative enactments year year since time imposed great amount new additional duties upon office want timely application force commensurate care labor required caused increasing embarrassment accumulated arrears different branches establishment impediments expedition much duty general land office induce submit judgment whether modification laws relating organization organization new character called present juncture enable office accomplish ends institution greater degree facility promptitude experience proved practicable existing regulations variety concerns magnitude complexity details occupying dividing attention commissioner appear render difficult impracticable officer possible assiduity bestow multifarious subjects upon called act ready careful attention due respective importance unless legislature shall assist law providing enabling provide regular economical distribution labor incident responsibility among employed direction mere manual operation affixing signature vast number documents issuing office subtracts largely time attention claimed weighty complicated subjects daily accumulating branch public service indicate strong necessity revising organic law establishment easy congress hereafter proportion expenditure account branch service real wants abolishing time time offices dispensed extinction public debt taken place longer use offices commissioners loans sinking fund recommend therefore abolished proper measures taken transfer treasury department funds books papers connected operations offices proper power given department closing finally portion business may remain settled also incumbent congress guarding pecuniary interests country discontinue law passed 1812 receipt bills bank united states payment public revenue provide designation agent whose duty shall take charge books stock united states institution close connection 3d march 1836 charter expires making provision regard disposition stock essential define clearly strictly duties powers officer charged branch public service seen correspondence secretary treasury lay notwithstanding large amount stock united states hold institution information yet communicated enable government anticipate receive dividends derive benefit connected condition finances flourishing state country branches industry pleasing witness advantages already derived recent laws regulating value gold coinage advantages apparent course next year branch mints authorized established north carolina georgia louisiana shall gone operation aided hoped reforms banking systems states judicious regulations part congress relation custody public moneys may confidently anticipated use gold silver circulating medium become general ordinary transactions connected labor country great desideratum modern times efficient check upon power banks preventing excessive issue paper whence arise fluctuations standard value render uncertain rewards labor supposed established bank united states credit given custody public moneys privileges precautions taken guard evils country suffered bankruptcy many state institutions period derive institution security benefits sound currency every good end attainable provision constitution authorizes congress alone coin money regulate value thereof scarcely necessary say anticipations realized extensive embarrassment distress recently produced bank united states country recovering aggravated pretensions power defied public authority acquiesced people would changed whole character government every candid intelligent individual must admit attainment great advantages sound currency must look course legislation radically different created institution considering means obtaining important end must set aside calculations temporary convenience influenced harmony true character permanent interests republic must recur first principles see prevented legislation congress states subject currency satisfying public expectation realizing results corresponding attended action system truly consistent great principle equality upon rests spirit forbearance mutual concession generous patriotism originally must ever continue vital element union subject sure mistaken ascribing want success undue countenance afforded spirit monopoly serious dangers system yet encountered may traced resort implied powers use corporations clothed privileges effect advance interests expense many felt one class dangers exhibited contest waged bank united states government last four years happily obviated present indignant resistance people recollect principle whence sprung one fail renew efforts forms long hope success founded either inattention people treachery representatives subtle progress influence bank fact one fruits system war genius institutions system founded upon political creed fundamental principle distrust popular safe regulator political power whose great ultimate object inevitable result prevail consolidation power system one central government lavish public disbursements corporations exclusive privileges would substitutes original yet sound checks balances constitution means whose silent secret operation control would exercised political conduct many first acquiring control labor earnings great body people wherever spirit effected alliance political power tyranny despotism fruit ever used ends government incessantly watched corrupts sources public virtue agitates country questions unfavorable harmonious steady pursuit true interests see whether present favorable condition country take effectual stand spirit monopoly practically prove respect currency well important interests necessity extensive resort heretofore practiced experience another year confirmed utter fallacy idea bank united states necessary fiscal agent government without aid indeed despite embarrassment power create revenue paid punctuality citizens business exchange foreign domestic conducted convenience circulating medium greatly improved use state banks derive charters general government controlled authority ascertained moneys united states collected disbursed without loss inconvenience wants community relation exchange currency supplied well ever circumstances unfavorable steadiness money market found considerations bank united states rested claims public favor imaginary groundless doubted experience future decisive seen without agency great moneyed monopoly revenue collected conveniently safely applied purposes public expenditure also ascertained instead necessarily made promote evils unchecked paper system management revenue made auxiliary reform legislatures several states already commenced regard suppression small bills fostered proper regulations part congress secure practical return extent required security currency constitutional medium severed government political engines susceptible dangerous extension combination state banks tempted power seen exercised divert public funds legitimate purposes government collection custody revenue contrary source credit increase security states provide faithful execution trusts multiplying scrutinies operations accounts subjected thus disposed well interest obligations charters doubted conditions congress may see fit adopt respecting deposits institutions view gradual disuse small bills cheerfully complied shall soon gain place bank united states practical reform whole paper system country policy ultimately witness suppression bank bills 20 apparent gold silver take place become principal circulating medium common business farmers mechanics country attainment result form era history country dwelt upon delight every true friend liberty independence lighten great tax paper system long collected earnings labor revive perpetuate habits economy simplicity congenial character republicans legislation yet attempted subject feel earnestly invite special attention congress without exercise whose authority opportunity accomplish much public good must pass unimproved deeply impressed vital importance executive taken steps within constitutional power guard public revenue defeat expectation bank united states indulged renewing perpetuating monopoly ground necessity fiscal agent affording sounder currency could obtained without institution performance duty much responsibility incurred would gladly avoided stake public question could otherwise preserved although clothed legal authority supported precedent aware act removal deposits liability excite sensitiveness executive power characteristic duty freemen indulge relied feeling also directed patriotism intelligence vindicate conduct end would appear called best interests country apprehensions natural feeling may desire instrumentality measure extend executive influence may prompted motives sufficiently free ambition overlooked operation institutions public servant called take step high responsibility feel freedom gives rise apprehensions highest security unfounded attention arouse discussions excite deprive indulge power harm hasten certainty great body citizens never fail repel attempt procure sanction exercise power inconsistent jealous maintenance rights convictions entertaining doubt constitutional obligations demanded steps taken reference removal deposits impossible deterred path duty fear motives could misjudged political prejudices could defeat consideration merits conduct result shewn safe reliance upon patriotic temper enlightened discernment people measure stood test severe analysis general importance interests affected apprehensions excited calculated produce remains congress consider legislation become necessary consequence need add former occasions said subject generally regulations congress may prescribe respecting custody public moneys desirable little discretion may deemed consistent given executive agents one deeply impressed soundness doctrine restrains limits specific provisions executive discretion far done consistently preservation constitutional character respect control public money doctrine peculiarly applicable harmony great principle felt sustaining controversy bank united states resulted severing extent dangerous connection moneyed political power duty legislature define clear positive enactments nature extent action belongs executive superintend springs policy analogous enjoins upon branches federal government abstinence exercise powers clearly granted government possessing limited specific powers spirit general administration wise opposes reference doubtful points great source authority states people whose number diversified relations securing influences excitements may mislead agents make safest depository power application executive reference legislative branch government rule action make president ever anxious avoid exercise discretionary authority regulated congress biases may operate upon likely extend representatives people body former messages congress repeatedly urged propriety lessening discretionary authority lodged various departments produced effect yet except discontinuance extra allowances army navy substitution fixed salaries latter believed principles could advantageously applied cases would promote efficiency economy public service time greater satisfaction equal justice would secured public officers generally accompanying report secretary war put possession operations department confided care diversified relations past year gratified able inform occurrence required movement military force except common state peace services army limited usual duties various garrisons upon atlantic inland frontier exceptions stated secretary war small military establishment appears adequate purposes maintained forms nucleus around additional force may collected public exigencies unfortunately require increase military means various acts congress recently passed relation army improved condition rendered organization useful efficient times state prompt vigorous action contains within power extension useful limit time preserves knowledge theoretical practical education experience alone give acquired preserved time peace must sought great disadvantages time war duties engineer corps press heavily upon branch service public interest requires addition strength nature works officers engaged renders necessary professional knowledge experience economy committing duties perform assigning persons temporarily employed often necessity without qualifications service demands recommend subject attention also proposition submitted last session congress renewed reorganization topographical corps reorganization effected without addition present expenditure much advantage public service branch duties devolves upon officers times interesting community information furnished useful peace war much loss inconvenience experienced consequence failure bill containing ordinary appropriations fortifications passed one branch national legislature last session lost failure regretted necessarily interrupted delayed progress system national defense projected immediately last war since steadily pursued also contained contingent appropriation inserted accordance views executive aid important object branches national defense portions might usefully applied past season invite early attention part report secretary war relates subject recommend appropriation sufficiently liberal accelerate armament fortifications agreeably proposition submitted place whole atlantic seaboard complete state defense regard permanent interests country evidently requires measure also reasons present juncture give peculiar force make duty call subject special consideration present system military education operation sufficiently long test usefulness given army valuable body officers alone improvement discipline operation troops officers employed also extensively engaged administrative fiscal concerns various matters confided war department execution staff duties usually appertaining military organization removal indians disbursement various expenditures growing indian relations formation roads improvement harbors rivers construction fortifications fabrication much matériel required public defense preservation distribution accountability whole miscellaneous duties admitting classification diversified functions embrace heavy expenditures public money require fidelity science business habits execution system shall secure qualifications demanded public interest object great measure obtained military academy shewn state service prompt accountability generally followed necessary advances like political systems present mode military education doubt imperfections principle practice trust improved rigid inspections legislative scrutiny without destroying institution occurrences well nations liable internal external relations point necessity efficient organization militia induced importance subject bring attention suppress domestic violence repel foreign invasion calamities overtake us must rely first instance upon great body community whose instituted whose power must support government large standing military force consonant spirit institutions feelings countrymen lessons former days also times shew danger well enormous expense permanent extensive military organizations medium avoids inadequate preparation one hand danger expense large force constituents right expect government object attained maintenance small military force organization physical strength country may bring power operation whenever services required classification population offers obvious means effecting organization division may made transferring proper period life one class another calling first services class whether instruction action age qualified duty may called perform least injury public danger ever become imminent require additional force classes succession would ready call addition organization voluntary associations encouraged inducements held formation militia would state efficient service peace proper time digest establish practicable system object certainly worth experiment worth expense one appreciating blessings republican government object share burden plan may impose indeed moderate portion national funds could scarcely better applied carrying effect continuing arrangement giving necessary elementary instruction happily peace world sincere desire continue fixed determination give offense nations furnish unfortunately certain grounds expectation relation uninterrupted determination give offense associated resolution equally decided tamely submit none armor attitude defense afford best security collisions ambition interest passion nations justifiable liable produce many countries considered unsafe put arms hands people instruct elements military knowledge fear place recollected people sovereign power government instituted supported ballot box musket whatever changes await still greater changes must made social institutions political system yield physical force every aspect therefore view subject impressed importance prompt efficient organization militia plan removing aboriginal people yet remain within settled portions united states country west mississippi river approaches consummation adopted mature consideration condition race ought persisted till object accomplished prosecuted much vigor regard circumstances permit fast consent obtained preceding experiments improvement indians failed seems established fact live contact civilized community prosper ages fruitless endeavors length brought us knowledge principle intercommunication past recall future provide independently treaty stipulations entered various tribes usufructuary rights ceded us one doubt moral duty government united states protect possible preserve perpetuate scattered remnants race left within borders discharge duty extensive region west assigned permanent residence divided districts allotted among many already removed others preparing go exception two small bands living ohio indiana exceeding persons cherokees tribes east side mississippi extending lake michigan florida entered engagements lead transplantation plan removal reestablishment founded upon knowledge gained character habits dictated spirit enlarged liberality territory exceeding extent relinquished granted tribe climate fertility capacity support indian population representations highly favorable districts indians removed expense united states certain supplies clothing arms ammunition indispensable articles also furnished gratuitously provisions period year arrival new homes time nature country products raised subsist agricultural labor choose resort mode life upon skirts great prairies countless herds buffalo roam short time suffices adapt habits changes change animals destined food may require ample arrangements also made support schools instances council houses churches erected dwellings constructed chiefs mills common use funds set apart maintenance poor necessary mechanical arts introduced blacksmiths gunsmiths wheelwrights millwrights supported among steel iron sometimes salt purchased plows farming utensils domestic animals looms spinning wheels cards presented besides beneficial arrangements annuities cases paid amounting instances 30 individual tribe cases sufficiently great justly divided prudently expended enable addition exertions live comfortably stimulus exertion provided law cases appointment interpreters persons employed benefit indians preference shall given persons indian descent found properly qualified discharge duties arrangements physical comfort moral improvement indians necessary measures political advancement separation citizens neglected pledge united states given congress country destined residence people shall forever secured guaranteed country west missouri arkansas assigned white settlements pushed political communities formed extensive region except established indians united states concurrence barrier thus raised protection encroachment citizens guarding indians far possible evils brought present condition summary authority given law destroy ardent spirits found country without waiting doubtful result slow process legal seizure consider absolute unconditional interdiction article among people first great step melioration halfway measures answer purpose successfully contend cupidity seller overpowering appetite buyer destructive effects traffic marked every page history indian intercourse general legislation seems necessary regulation relations exist new state things government people united states transplanted indian tribes establishment among latter consent principles intercommunication juxtaposition call moral may substituted physical force authority simple laws tomahawk end may put bloody wars whose prosecution seems made part social system details arrangement completed general supervision ought left progress events indulge hope secure prosperity improvement large portion moral debt owe paid report secretary navy shewing condition branch public service recommended special attention appears naval force present commission activity given inadequate protection rapidly increasing commerce consideration general one regards arm national defense best security foreign aggressions strongly urge continuance measures promote gradual enlargement speedy increase force heretofore employed abroad home perceive estimates appear report secretary navy expenditures necessary increase force though considerable amount small compared benefits secure country means strengthening national arm also recommend particular attention propriety suggestion attracted consideration congress last session respecting enlistment boys suitable age service manner nursery skillful seamen established greatest importance next capacity put afloat arm requisite number ships possession means man efficiently nothing seems better calculated aid object measure proposed auxiliary advantages derived extensive commercial marine would furnish us resource ample enough exigencies anticipated considering state resources doubted whatever provision liberality wisdom congress may adopt view perfect organization branch service meet approbation classes citizens report appears revenue department year ending 30th day june last exceeded accruing responsibilities surplus present fiscal year estimated appears debt department 1st day july last including amount due contractors quarter expired exceeding available means 1st instant debt paid postages accruing july postages accruing since payments included old debt due banks making payments department bank 1st instant pleasing assurance given department entirely free embarrassment collection outstanding balances using current surplus remaining portion bank debt debt probably paid april next leaving thereafter heavy amount applied extending mail facilities country reserving considerable sum improvement existing mail routes stated department able sustain perfect convenience annual charge support new routes commence soon established put operation measures adopted bring means department action effect speedy extinguishment debt well produce efficient administration affairs found detailed length able luminous report aided reorganization principles suggested salutary provisions laws regulating administrative duties wisdom congress may devise approve important department soon attain degree usefulness proportioned increase population extension settlements particular attention solicited portion report relates carriage mails united states upon railroads constructed private corporations authority several states reliance general government place roads means carrying operations principles use obtained soon considered settled already spirit monopoly begin exhibit natural propensities attempts exact public services supposes obtained terms extravagant compensation claims persisted question may arise whether combination citizens acting charters incorporation states direct refusal demand exorbitant price exclude united states use established channels communication different sections country whether united states without transcending constitutional powers secure department use roads act congress shall provide within equitable mode adjusting amount compensation obviate possible necessity considering question suggested whether expedient fix law amounts shall offered railroad companies conveyance mails graduated according average weight ascertained declared probable liberal proposition sort would accepted connection provisions relation department must also invite attention painful excitement produced south attempts circulate mails inflammatory appeals addressed passions slaves prints various sorts publications calculated stimulate insurrection produce horrors servile war doubtless respectable portion countrymen far misled feel sentiment indignant regret conduct destructive harmony peace country repugnant principles national compact dictates humanity religion happiness prosperity essentially depend upon peace within borders peace depends upon maintenance good faith compromises constitution upon union founded fortunate country good sense generous feeling attachment people nonslaveholding states union blood south given strong impressive tone sentiments entertained proceedings misguided persons engaged unconstitutional wicked attempts especially emissaries foreign parts dared interfere matter authorize hope attempts longer persisted expressions public shall sufficient effect desirable result doubt entertained nonslaveholding states far countenancing slightest interference constitutional rights south prompt exercise authority suppressing far lies whatever calculated produce evil leaving care branches interesting subject state authorities properly belong nevertheless proper congress take measures prevent department designed foster amicable intercourse correspondence members confederacy used instrument opposite character general government great trust confided preserving inviolate relations created among states constitution especially bound avoid action anything may disturb would therefore call special attention congress subject respectfully suggest propriety passing law prohibit severe penalties circulation southern states mail incendiary publications intended instigate slaves insurrection felt duty first message communicated congress urge upon attention propriety amending part constitution provides election president united states leading object view adoption new provisions would secure people performance high duty without intermediate agency annual communications since enforced views sincere conviction best interests country would promoted adoption subject ordinary one regarded failure congress act upon indication judgment disadvantages belong present system great would result attainable substitute submitted consideration recollecting however propositions introduce new feature fundamental laws patiently examined ought received favor great body people thoroughly impressed necessity value remedy real evils feel renewing recommendation heretofore made subject transcending bounds deference sense congress disposition people however much may differ choice measures guide administration government little doubt minds really friendly republican features system one important securities consists separation legislative executive powers time held responsible great source authority acknowledged supreme people constitutionally expressed reflection experience satisfy framers constitution although anxious mark feature settled fixed principle structure government adopt precautions necessary secure practical observance said carried complete effect intentions evils arise organic defect remedied considering great extent confederacy rapid increase population diversity interests pursuits disguised contingency one branch legislature form electoral college become one ordinary occurrence without producing incalculable mischief intended medicine constitution extreme cases frequently used without changing character sooner later producing incurable disorder every election house representatives calculated lessen force security derived distinct separate character legislative executive functions exposes temptations adverse efficiency organs constitution laws tendency unite resisting people thus give direction government antirepublican dangerous history tells us free people watchful delegated power never acquiesce practice diminish control obligation universal application principles republic peculiarly formation parties founded sectional interests much fostered extent territory interests represented candidates presidency constantly prone zeal party selfish objects generate influences unmindful general good forgetful restraints great body people would enforce contingency lose right expressing experience country formation government present day demonstrates people soon adopt stronger safeguard right elect highest officers known constitution contained sacred instrument stands duty call particular attention congress present condition district columbia whatever great depression arisen exists pecuniary concerns district proper situation fully understood relief remedies provided consistent powers congress earnestly recommend extension every political right citizens district true interests require conflict provisions constitution believed laws government district require revisal amendment much good may done modifying penal code give uniformity provisions attention also invited defects exist judicial system united states present organized states union derive unequal advantages federal judiciary often pointed deem unnecessary repeat hoped present congress extend states equality respect benefits laws union secured uniformity efficiency judicial system observations topics general interest deemed worthy consideration leave care trusting legislative measures call met wants best interests beloved country demand
discharge official duty task devolve upon communicate new congress reflection representation union recently renew constitutional term service expire heighten solicitude shall attempt lay state national concern devout hope cherish labor improve may crown success assembled period profound interest american patriot unexampled growth prosperity country give u rank scale nation remove apprehension danger integrity independence external foe career freedom u earnest past true formidable obstacle future peaceful uninterrupted pursuit yet proportion disappearance apprehension attend weakness contrast power state old world solicitous belong conviction conduct must look preservation cause depend excellence duration happy system government example system found people trace internal dissension influence often blast hope friend freedom social element strong successful united external danger fail difficult task properly adjust internal organization thus give way great principle let u trust admonition never forgotten government people united state testimony experience thus far hold great human family practicability blessing free government confirm time come look state agriculture manufacture commerce unexampled increase population feel magnitude trust commit u never former period history great reason thankful divine providence blessing health general prosperity every branch labor see crown abundant reward every element national resource wealth individual comfort witness rapid solid improvement interruption please prospect home yield spirit harmony good strikingly pervade mass people every quarter amidst diversity interest pursuit attach solicitude regard external affair hop disappear principle simple justice forbearance mark intercourse foreign power every reason feel proud beloved country general state foreign relation materially change since last annual message settlement question northeastern boundary little progress make great britain decline accede proposition united state present accordance resolution senate unless certain preliminary condition admit deem incompatible satisfactory rightful adjustment controversy wait distinct proposal government great britain invite repeat expression confidence strong mutual disposition believe exists make arrangement perplex question settle due regard pretension pacific policy party event frequently occur northeastern frontier character impress upon necessity speedy definitive termination dispute consideration add desire common relieve liberal friendly relation happily exist two country embarrassment doubt influence upon diplomatic intercourse portugal renew expect claim citizen partially pay fully satisfied soon condition queen government permit proper attention subject government happy inform manifest determination act upon liberal principle mark commercial policy happy effect upon future trade united state portugal anticipated time think remote system perfect reciprocity establish installment due convention king two sicily pay scrupulous fidelity whole conduct characterize hope indulge adjustment vexed question claim follow extend mutually beneficial intercourse two country internal contest still continue spain distinguished struggle unhappily incident sanguinary character obligation late treaty indemnification u nevertheless faithfully execute spanish government provision make last session congress ascertainment claim pay apportionment fund convention make spain invite early attention subject public evidence debt accord term convention form prescribe placed possession united state interest fell due regularly pay upon commercial intercourse cuba stand regulate act congress recent information receive disposition government madrid subject lament death recently appoint minister way spain pressure affair home render scarcely probable change look coming year portion florida archive send united state although death one commissioners critical moment embarrass progress delivery high officer local government recently shew anxious desire compliance order parent government facilitate selection delivery right claim negotiation open madrid establishment last peace spain spanish american government hemisphere avail intimation give disposition spain treat upon basis entire independence regret simultaneous appointment minister negotiate spain make negotiation would simplify dispute spread large portion world would bring speedy conclusion political commercial relation austria prussia sweden denmark stand usual favorable base one article treaty russia relation trade northwest coast america expire instruction give minister petersburg negotiate renewal long unbroken amity two government give every reason suppose article renew strong motif exist prevent view subject anticipate ask attention message predecessor open second session nineteenth congress relative commercial intercourse holland document connect subject communicate house representative 10th january 1825 18th january 1827 coincide opinion predecessor holland regulation present system entitle vessel cargo receive united state foot american vessel cargo regard duty tonnage impost respect reference legislature alone prevent act subject still wait without comment action congress recently claim make belgian subject admission port ship cargo foot american allegation could dispute vessel receive port identical treatment shewn port holland upon whose vessel discrimination make port united state give privilege belgian expect benefit fact enjoy belgium holland unite one government satisfy justice pretension place footing holland could nevertheless without disregard principle law admit claim treat american time respect congress subject long since refer prevent produce equality take vessel holland privilege conditionally grant act congress although condition upon grant make judgment fail since 1822 recommend therefore review act 1824 modification produce equality term congress shall think best comports settle policy obligation justice two friendly power sublime porte government coast barbary relation continue friendly proper step take renew treaty morocco argentine republic promise send within current year minister unite state convention mexico extend time appointment commissioner run boundary line conclude submit senate recent event country awaken lively solicitude united state aware strong temptation exist powerful inducement hold citizen united state mingle dissension immediate neighbor instruction give district attorney united state indication warrant prosecute without respect person might attempt violate obligation neutrality time think necessary apprise government mexico require integrity territory scrupulously respect party diplomatic agent brazil chile peru central america venezuela new granada constant assurance receive continued good understanding government severally accredit government upon citizen valid accumulate claim scarcely advance toward settlement make owe mainly distract state pressure imperative domestic question patience probably still severely tried whose interest involve may confide determination government obtain eventually ample retribution unfortunately many nation hemisphere still domestic dissension revolution succeed revolution injury commit upon foreigner engage lawful pursuit much time elapse government sufficiently stable erect justify expectation redress minister send received discussion past injury fairly begin fresh trouble arise frequently new injury add old discuss together exist government prove ability sustain assault make upon successor overthrow unhappy condition thing continue much long nation painful necessity decide whether justice suffer citizen require prompt redress injury power without wait establishment government competent endure enough discus make satisfaction since last session congress validity claim upon france liquidate treaty 1831 acknowledge branch legislature money appropriate discharge payment regret inform still withhold brief recapitulation important incident protract controversy shew utterly untenable ground upon course attempt justified enter upon duty station find united state unsuccessful applicant justice france satisfaction claim validity never questionable solemnly admit france antiquity claim high justice aggravate circumstance arose familiar american people require description sufficient say period ten year upward commerce little interruption subject constant aggression part france aggression ordinary feature condemnation vessel cargo arbitrary decree adopt contravention well law nation treaty stipulation burning high sea seizures confiscation special imperial rescript port nation occupied army control france concede character wrong suffer wrong many case flagrant even author never deny right reparation extent injury conception may form fact burn large amount sea necessary deterioration case long detention american property seize sacrificed forced sale exclude adjudge privateer without condemnation bring french treasury upward franc besides large duty subject already affair twenty year uninterrupted negotiation except short time france overwhelm military power unite europe period whilst nation extort payment claim point bayonet united state intermit demand justice respect oppress condition gallant people felt obligation fraternal assistance day suffer peril bad effect protract unavailing discussion well upon relation france upon national character obvious line duty mind equally either insist upon adjustment claim within reasonable period abandon altogether could doubt course interest honor country would best consult instruction therefore give spirit minister send demand reparation upon meet congress december 1829 felt duty speak claim delay france term calculate call serious attention country subject french ministry take exception message ground contain menace agreeable french government negotiate american minister accord refute construction attempt put upon message time call recollection french ministry president message communication address foreign government congress united state enjoin upon constitution lay body information state union comprehend foreign well domestic relation discharge duty felt incumbent upon summon attention congress due time might possible consequence exist difficulty foreign government might fairly suppose sense due frank communication another branch government intention hold menace foreign power view take received approbation french government satisfy negotiation continue terminate treaty july 4 1831 recognize justice claim part promise payment amount franc six annual installment ratification treaty exchange washington 2d february 1832 five day thereafter lay congress immediately pass act necessary part secure france commercial advantage concede compact treaty previously solemnly ratified king french term certainly mere matter form translation follow approve convention disposition contain declare well heirs successor accept approve ratify confirmed present sign hand accept approve ratify confirm promise faith word king observe observe inviolably without ever contravene suffer contravene directly indirectly pretense whatsoever official information exchange ratification united state reach paris whilst chamber session extraordinary u injurious delay french government action upon subject fulfillment heretofore state congress disposition enlarge upon sufficient observe pending session allow expire without even effort obtain necessary appropriation two succeed one also suffer pas away without anything like serious attempt obtain decision upon subject fourth session almost three year conclusion treaty two year exchange ratification bill execution treaty pressed vote reject meantime government unite state full confidence treaty enter solemnly ratified french king would execute good faith doubt provision would make payment first installment become due 2d day february 1833 negotiate draft amount bank united state draft present holder credential require treaty authorize receive money government france allow protested addition injury nonpayment money france conformably engagement united state expose heavy claim part bank pretense damage satisfaction institution seize upon still retain equal amount public money congress session decision chamber reach washington immediate communication apparently final decision france fulfill stipulation treaty course naturally expect president deep tone dissatisfaction pervade public mind correspondent excitement produce congress general knowledge result render probable resort immediate measure redress would consequence call attention body subject sincerely desirous preserve pacific relation long exist two country anxious avoid course could satisfy neither interest honor country would compromitted without full assurance upon point could hope acquit responsibility incur suffer congress adjourn without lay subject receive believed character feeling produce united state news rejection appropriation would describe foreseen french government prompt measure take prevent consequence king person express minister paris profound regret decision chamber promise send forthwith national ship dispatch minister authorize give assurance would satisfy government people united state treaty would yet faithfully execute france national ship arrive minister receive instruction claim act authority derive give government name solemn assurance soon new election charter would permit french chamber would convene attempt procure necessary appropriation renew constitutional power king minister put requisition accomplish object understood expressly informed government time engage question press decision period sufficiently early permit information result communicate congress commencement next session rely upon assurance incur responsibility great regard suffer congress separate without communicate upon subject expectation justly found upon promise thus solemnly made government france realize french chamber meet 31st july 1834 soon election although minister paris urge french ministry bring subject decline next insisted chamber prorogue without act subject reassemble period early action treaty might know washington prior meet congress reasonable request decline chamber prorogue 29th december day late decision however urgently press could probability obtained time reach washington necessary adjournment congress constitution reason give ministry refuse convoke chamber earlier period afterwards shewn insuperable actual convocation 1st december special call domestic purpose fact however become known government commencement last session congress thus disappointed expectation become imperative duty consult congress regard expediency resort retaliatory measure case stipulation treaty speedily comply recommend judgment occasion call end unreserved communication case aspects become indispensable shrunk make say necessary correct understand truth would justify fear give offense others would unworthy u go hand single step purpose wound pride government people many motif cultivate relation amity reciprocal advantage would unwise improper admonish past difficulty make even simple statement wrong without disturb sensibility position become responsible redress earnestly desirous prevent obstacle source go way preclude construction message recommendation make congress might regard menace france disavow design declare pride power well know expect anything fears message reach paris month chamber session insensibility ministry rightful claim expectation minister inform matter introduce would press cabinet measure although message officially communicate french government notwithstanding declaration contrary contain french ministry decide consider conditional recommendation reprisal menace insult honor nation make incumbent resent measure resort evince sense suppose indignity immediate recall minister washington offer passports american minister paris public notice legislative chamber diplomatic intercourse united state suspend manner vindicated dignity france next proceeded illustrate justice end bill immediately introduce chamber deputy propose make appropriation necessary carry effect treaty bill subsequently pass law provision constitute main subject difficulty two nation become duty order place subject clear light trace history passage refer particularity proceeding discussion regard minister finance open speech allude measure adopt resent suppose indignity recommend execution treaty measure require honor justice france organ ministry declare message long receive sanction congress mere expression personal opinion president neither government people united state responsible engagement enter fulfillment honor france pledge entertaining view single condition french ministry propose annex payment money make ascertained government unite state do nothing injure interest france word step authorize congress hostile character toward france disposition action congress might unknown french cabinet 14th january senate resolve time inexpedient adopt legislative measure regard state affair united state france action subject occur house representative facts known paris prior 28th march 1835 committee bill indemnification refer report chamber deputy committee substantially reecho sentiment ministry declare congress set aside proposition president recommend passage bill without restriction originally propose thus know french ministry chamber position assume frequently solemnly announce one compatible honor france maintain bill pass originally propose money would pay would end unfortunate controversy cheer prospect soon destroy amendment introduce bill moment passage provide money pay french government receive satisfactory explanation president message 2d december 1834 still extraordinary president council minister adopt amendment consent incorporation bill regard suppose insult formally resent recall minister offer passports first time propose ask explanation sentiment proposition declare could justly imputed government people united state set obstacle performance act concede justice government people declare honor france require fulfillment engagement king enter unless congress adopt recommendation message ascertain congress adopt yet fulfillment refuse unless first obtain president explanation opinion characterize personal inoperative conception intention menace insult government france unfounded attempt extort fear nation sense justice may deny would vain ridiculous constitution united state imposes president duty lay congress condition country foreign domestic relation recommend measure may opinion require interest performance duty deter fear wounding sensibility people government may become necessary speak american people incapable submit interference government earth however powerful free performance domestic duty constitution impose public functionary discussion intervene several department government belong anything say public servant responsible constituent course consultation facts erroneously state unjust deduction make require inducement correct however inform error love justice due character never submit interrogated upon subject matter right foreign power discussion terminate act responsibility foreign power commences individual nation principle call question president language message would equally justify foreign power demand explanation language use report committee member debate first time government france take exception message american president president washington first president adam performance duty american people fell animadversion french directory objection take ministry charles x remove explanation make minister upon spot already advert understood ministry present king take exception message last year put construction upon disavowed face late minister paris answer note first announce dissatisfaction language use message make communication french government date 29th january 1835 calculate remove impression unreasonable susceptibility create repeat call attention french government disavowal contain message intention intimidate menace truly declare contain intended contain charge ill faith king french properly distinguish right complain unexceptionable term omission execute agreement accusation bad motif withhold execution demonstrate necessary use right ought consider offensive imputation although communication make without instruction entirely minister responsibility yet afterwards make act government full approbation approbation officially make know 25th april 1835 french government however fail effect law friendly explanation pass obnoxious amendment support king minister finally approve king people united state justly attach pacific system intercourse foreign nation proper therefore know whether government adhere present instance carry utmost extent consistent become note 29th january allude one minister take upon responsibility present subject spirit finding intend make payment debt dependent performance condition know could never comply thought duty make another attempt convince french government whilst regard dignity nation would always prevent u use language ought give offense yet could never admit right foreign government ask explanation interfere manner communication one branch public council make another present case language use former note fully voluntarily state contemplated make explanation condition might misapprehension state term use note officially inform approve president therefore every explanation could reasonably ask honorably give already make contemplated measure anticipate voluntary friendly declaration therefore useless might deem offensive certainly would comply annexed condition latter communication especially invite attention congress lay entertain hope mean obviously intend afford honorable speedy adjustment difficulty two nation would accept therefore hesitate give sanction full approbation due minister make responsible act publish people united state lay representative shew far executive go endeavor restore good understand two country would time communicated government france officially request french government receive explanation honor principle permit could reason ask hop would longer hesitate pay installment due agent authorize receive money instruct inform french minister readiness reply notice tell money could pay formality require act chamber arrange receive official information intention french government anxious bring far practicable unpleasant affair close meet congress might whole subject cause chargé paris instruct ask final determination french government event refusal pay installment due without explanation return united state result last application yet reach u daily expect may favorable sincere wish france branch government acknowledge validity claim obligation treaty 1831 really exist adequate delay length may hop adopt course interest nation less principle justice imperiously require treaty execute part little remain disturb friendly relation two country nothing indeed yield suggestion pacific enlighten policy influence mutual good generous recollection may confidently expect revive ancient force event however principle involved new aspect give controversy vitally important independent administration government neither surrender compromitted without national degradation hope unnecessary say sacrifice make agency mine honor country shall never stain apology statement truth performance duty give explanation official act except due integrity justice consistent principle institution frame determination confident approve constituent indeed study character little purpose sum franc weight feather estimation appertain national independence unhappily different impression time obtain quarter sure rally round government choice alacrity unanimity silence forever degrade imputation thus frankly present circumstance since last session congress occur interesting important matter view executive regard time necessary add whenever advice daily expect chargé shall receive make subject special communication condition public finance never flatter present period since last annual communication remain public debt redeem money place deposit purpose whenever creditor choose receive pecuniary engagement government honorably promptly fulfil balance treasury close present year believe meeting outstanding unexpended appropriation remain near eleven million apply new object congress may designate rapid execution work already progress aid object satisfy current expenditure ensue year estimate receive various source twenty million 1836 congress make new appropriation conformity estimate submit proper department amount million still available surplus close next year deducting unexpended appropriation probably less six million sum judgment usefully apply proposed improvement new national work enumerate present estimate rapid completion already begin either would constitutional useful would render unnecessary attempt present peculiar condition divide surplus revenue reduce faster effect exist law event annual report secretary treasury enter detail shew probability decrease revenue next seven year considerable deduction 1842 recommend congress undertake modify present tariff disturb principle compromise act pass taxation article general consumption competition production may doubt diminished lessen extent source revenue object also assist liberal provision subject public defense present state prosperity wealth may expect engage attention however satisfy demand arise source unexpended balance treasury still continue increase would better bear evil great change contemplate tariff law occur shall enable u revise system care circumspection due delicate important subject certainly duty diminish far burden taxation regard restriction impose trade navigation citizen evils shall mitigate whenever prevented adverse legislation policy foreign nation primary duty defense independence country enjoin upon u accomplish much toward relief citizen change accompany payment public debt adoption present revenue law manifest fact compare 1833 diminution near million last two year expenditures independently public debt reduce near nine million period let u trust continue observance economy harmonize great interest agriculture manufacture commerce much may accomplish diminish burden government increase still enterprise patriotic affection class citizens member happy confederacy data secretary treasury lay regard financial resource full extend afford safe guide future calculation think unnecessary offer observation subject among evidence increase prosperity country least gratify afforded receipt sale public land amount present year unexpected sum circumstance attests rapidity agriculture first important occupation man advance contribute wealth power extend territory still opinion best policy far consistently obligation land ceded united state promote speedy settlement beg leave call attention present congress suggestion offer respect former message extraordinary receipt sale public land invite consider improvement land system particularly condition general land office may require time institution organize near quarter century ago would probably think extravagant anticipate period addition business produce vast increase sale past present year may also observe since year 1812 land office survey district greatly multiply numerous legislative enactment year year since time impose great amount new additional duty upon office want timely application force commensurate care labor require cause increase embarrassment accumulate arrears different branch establishment impediment expedition much duty general land office induce submit judgment whether modification law relate organization organization new character call present juncture enable office accomplish end institution great degree facility promptitude experience prove practicable existing regulation variety concern magnitude complexity detail occupy divide attention commissioner appear render difficult impracticable officer possible assiduity bestow multifarious subject upon call act ready careful attention due respective importance unless legislature shall assist law provide enable provide regular economical distribution labor incident responsibility among employed direction mere manual operation affix signature vast number document issue office subtracts largely time attention claim weighty complicate subject daily accumulate branch public service indicate strong necessity revise organic law establishment easy congress hereafter proportion expenditure account branch service real want abolish time time office dispense extinction public debt take place longer use office commissioner loan sink fund recommend therefore abolish proper measure take transfer treasury department fund book paper connect operation office proper power give department close finally portion business may remain settle also incumbent congress guard pecuniary interest country discontinue law pass 1812 receipt bill bank united state payment public revenue provide designation agent whose duty shall take charge book stock unite state institution close connection 3d march 1836 charter expire make provision regard disposition stock essential define clearly strictly duties power officer charge branch public service see correspondence secretary treasury lay notwithstanding large amount stock unite state hold institution information yet communicate enable government anticipate receive dividend derive benefit connect condition finance flourish state country branch industry please witness advantage already derive recent law regulate value gold coinage advantage apparent course next year branch mint authorize establish north carolina georgia louisiana shall go operation aid hop reform bank system state judicious regulation part congress relation custody public money may confidently anticipate use gold silver circulate medium become general ordinary transaction connect labor country great desideratum modern time efficient check upon power bank prevent excessive issue paper whence arise fluctuation standard value render uncertain reward labor suppose established bank unite state credit give custody public money privilege precaution take guard evils country suffer bankruptcy many state institution period derive institution security benefit sound currency every good end attainable provision constitution authorize congress alone coin money regulate value thereof scarcely necessary say anticipation realize extensive embarrassment distress recently produce bank united state country recover aggravate pretension power defy public authority acquiesce people would change whole character government every candid intelligent individual must admit attainment great advantage sound currency must look course legislation radically different create institution consider mean obtain important end must set aside calculation temporary convenience influence harmony true character permanent interest republic must recur first principle see prevented legislation congress state subject currency satisfy public expectation realize result correspond attended action system truly consistent great principle equality upon rest spirit forbearance mutual concession generous patriotism originally must ever continue vital element union subject sure mistake ascribe want success undue countenance afford spirit monopoly serious danger system yet encounter may trace resort implied power use corporation clothe privilege effect advance interest expense many felt one class danger exhibit contest waged bank united states government last four year happily obviate present indignant resistance people recollect principle whence spring one fail renew effort form long hope success found either inattention people treachery representative subtle progress influence bank fact one fruit system war genius institution system found upon political creed fundamental principle distrust popular safe regulator political power whose great ultimate object inevitable result prevail consolidation power system one central government lavish public disbursement corporation exclusive privilege would substitute original yet sound check balance constitution mean whose silent secret operation control would exercise political conduct many first acquire control labor earnings great body people wherever spirit effected alliance political power tyranny despotism fruit ever use ends government incessantly watch corrupts source public virtue agitates country question unfavorable harmonious steady pursuit true interest see whether present favorable condition country take effectual stand spirit monopoly practically prove respect currency well important interest necessity extensive resort heretofore practice experience another year confirm utter fallacy idea bank united state necessary fiscal agent government without aid indeed despite embarrassment power create revenue pay punctuality citizen business exchange foreign domestic conduct convenience circulate medium greatly improve use state bank derive charter general government control authority ascertain money united state collect disburse without loss inconvenience want community relation exchange currency supply well ever circumstance unfavorable steadiness money market find consideration bank united state rest claim public favor imaginary groundless doubt experience future decisive see without agency great moneyed monopoly revenue collect conveniently safely applied purpose public expenditure also ascertain instead necessarily make promote evils unchecked paper system management revenue make auxiliary reform legislatures several state already commence regard suppression small bill foster proper regulation part congress secure practical return extent require security currency constitutional medium severed government political engine susceptible dangerous extension combination state bank tempt power see exercise divert public fund legitimate purpose government collection custody revenue contrary source credit increase security state provide faithful execution trust multiply scrutiny operation account subject thus dispose well interest obligation charter doubt condition congress may see fit adopt respect deposit institution view gradual disuse small bill cheerfully comply shall soon gain place bank united state practical reform whole paper system country policy ultimately witness suppression bank bill 20 apparent gold silver take place become principal circulating medium common business farmer mechanic country attainment result form era history country dwell upon delight every true friend liberty independence lighten great tax paper system long collected earnings labor revive perpetuate habit economy simplicity congenial character republican legislation yet attempt subject feel earnestly invite special attention congress without exercise whose authority opportunity accomplish much public good must pass unimproved deeply impressed vital importance executive take step within constitutional power guard public revenue defeat expectation bank united state indulge renew perpetuate monopoly ground necessity fiscal agent afford sounder currency could obtain without institution performance duty much responsibility incur would gladly avoided stake public question could otherwise preserve although clothed legal authority support precedent aware act removal deposit liability excite sensitiveness executive power characteristic duty freeman indulge rely feeling also direct patriotism intelligence vindicate conduct end would appear call best interest country apprehension natural feeling may desire instrumentality measure extend executive influence may prompt motif sufficiently free ambition overlook operation institution public servant call take step high responsibility feel freedom give rise apprehension high security unfounded attention arouse discussion excite deprive indulge power harm hasten certainty great body citizen never fail repel attempt procure sanction exercise power inconsistent jealous maintenance right conviction entertain doubt constitutional obligation demand step take reference removal deposit impossible deterred path duty fear motif could misjudge political prejudice could defeat consideration merit conduct result shewn safe reliance upon patriotic temper enlighten discernment people measure stand test severe analysis general importance interest affect apprehension excite calculated produce remain congress consider legislation become necessary consequence need add former occasion say subject generally regulation congress may prescribe respect custody public money desirable little discretion may deem consistent give executive agent one deeply impressed soundness doctrine restrain limit specific provision executive discretion far do consistently preservation constitutional character respect control public money doctrine peculiarly applicable harmony great principle felt sustain controversy bank united state result sever extent dangerous connection moneyed political power duty legislature define clear positive enactment nature extent action belongs executive superintend spring policy analogous enjoin upon branch federal government abstinence exercise power clearly granted government possess limit specific power spirit general administration wise oppose reference doubtful point great source authority state people whose number diversified relation secure influence excitement may mislead agent make safe depository power application executive reference legislative branch government rule action make president ever anxious avoid exercise discretionary authority regulate congress bias may operate upon likely extend representative people body former message congress repeatedly urge propriety lessen discretionary authority lodge various department produce effect yet except discontinuance extra allowance army navy substitution fix salary latter believe principle could advantageously apply case would promote efficiency economy public service time great satisfaction equal justice would secure public officer generally accompany report secretary war put possession operation department confide care diversified relation past year gratify able inform occurrence require movement military force except common state peace service army limit usual duty various garrison upon atlantic inland frontier exception state secretary war small military establishment appear adequate purpose maintain form nucleus around additional force may collect public exigency unfortunately require increase military mean various act congress recently pass relation army improve condition render organization useful efficient time state prompt vigorous action contains within power extension useful limit time preserve knowledge theoretical practical education experience alone give acquire preserved time peace must seek great disadvantage time war duty engineer corps press heavily upon branch service public interest require addition strength nature work officer engage render necessary professional knowledge experience economy commit duty perform assign person temporarily employ often necessity without qualification service demand recommend subject attention also proposition submit last session congress renew reorganization topographical corp reorganization effect without addition present expenditure much advantage public service branch duties devolve upon officer time interest community information furnish useful peace war much loss inconvenience experience consequence failure bill contain ordinary appropriation fortification pass one branch national legislature last session lose failure regret necessarily interrupt delay progress system national defense project immediately last war since steadily pursue also contain contingent appropriation insert accordance view executive aid important object branch national defense portion might usefully apply past season invite early attention part report secretary war relate subject recommend appropriation sufficiently liberal accelerate armament fortification agreeably proposition submit place whole atlantic seaboard complete state defense regard permanent interest country evidently require measure also reason present juncture give peculiar force make duty call subject special consideration present system military education operation sufficiently long test usefulness give army valuable body officer alone improvement discipline operation troop officer employ also extensively engage administrative fiscal concern various matter confide war department execution staff duty usually appertain military organization removal indians disbursement various expenditure grow indian relation formation road improvement harbor river construction fortification fabrication much matériel require public defense preservation distribution accountability whole miscellaneous duty admit classification diversify function embrace heavy expenditure public money require fidelity science business habit execution system shall secure qualification demand public interest object great measure obtain military academy shewn state service prompt accountability generally follow necessary advance like political system present mode military education doubt imperfection principle practice trust improve rigid inspection legislative scrutiny without destroy institution occurrence well nation liable internal external relation point necessity efficient organization militia induce importance subject bring attention suppress domestic violence repel foreign invasion calamity overtake u must rely first instance upon great body community whose institute whose power must support government large stand military force consonant spirit institution feeling countryman lesson former day also time shew danger well enormous expense permanent extensive military organization medium avoids inadequate preparation one hand danger expense large force constituent right expect government object attain maintenance small military force organization physical strength country may bring power operation whenever service require classification population offer obvious mean effect organization division may make transfer proper period life one class another call first service class whether instruction action age qualify duty may call perform least injury public danger ever become imminent require additional force class succession would ready call addition organization voluntary association encourage inducement hold formation militia would state efficient service peace proper time digest establish practicable system object certainly worth experiment worth expense one appreciating blessing republican government object share burden plan may impose indeed moderate portion national fund could scarcely better apply carry effect continue arrangement give necessary elementary instruction happily peace world sincere desire continue fix determination give offense nation furnish unfortunately certain ground expectation relation uninterrupted determination give offense associate resolution equally decide tamely submit none armor attitude defense afford best security collision ambition interest passion nation justifiable liable produce many country consider unsafe put arm hand people instruct element military knowledge fear place recollect people sovereign power government institute support ballot box musket whatever change await still great change must make social institution political system yield physical force every aspect therefore view subject impress importance prompt efficient organization militia plan remove aboriginal people yet remain within settled portion united state country west mississippi river approach consummation adopt mature consideration condition race ought persist till object accomplish prosecuted much vigor regard circumstance permit fast consent obtain precede experiment improvement indian fail seem establish fact live contact civilize community prosper age fruitless endeavor length bring u knowledge principle intercommunication past recall future provide independently treaty stipulation enter various tribe usufructuary right cede u one doubt moral duty government unite state protect possible preserve perpetuate scatter remnant race leave within border discharge duty extensive region west assign permanent residence divide district allot among many already remove others prepare go exception two small band live ohio indiana exceed person cherokee tribes east side mississippi extend lake michigan florida enter engagement lead transplantation plan removal reestablishment found upon knowledge gain character habit dictate spirit enlarge liberality territory exceed extent relinquish grant tribe climate fertility capacity support indian population representation highly favorable district indians removed expense united state certain supply clothe arm ammunition indispensable article also furnish gratuitously provision period year arrival new home time nature country product raise subsist agricultural labor choose resort mode life upon skirt great prairie countless herd buffalo roam short time suffices adapt habit change change animal destine food may require ample arrangement also make support school instance council house church erect dwelling construct chief mill common use fund set apart maintenance poor necessary mechanical art introduce blacksmiths gunsmith wheelwright millwright support among steel iron sometimes salt purchased plow farm utensils domestic animal loom spin wheel card present besides beneficial arrangement annuity case pay amount instance 30 individual tribe case sufficiently great justly divide prudently expend enable addition exertion live comfortably stimulus exertion provide law case appointment interpreter person employ benefit indian preference shall give person indian descent find properly qualify discharge duty arrangements physical comfort moral improvement indian necessary measure political advancement separation citizen neglect pledge united state give congress country destine residence people shall forever secure guaranteed country west missouri arkansas assign white settlement push political community form extensive region except establish indian united state concurrence barrier thus raise protection encroachment citizen guard indian far possible evil bring present condition summary authority give law destroy ardent spirit find country without wait doubtful result slow process legal seizure consider absolute unconditional interdiction article among people first great step melioration halfway measure answer purpose successfully contend cupidity seller overpower appetite buyer destructive effect traffic mark every page history indian intercourse general legislation seem necessary regulation relation exist new state thing government people united state transplant indian tribes establishment among latter consent principle intercommunication juxtaposition call moral may substitute physical force authority simple law tomahawk end may put bloody war whose prosecution seem make part social system detail arrangement complete general supervision ought leave progress event indulge hope secure prosperity improvement large portion moral debt owe pay report secretary navy shew condition branch public service recommend special attention appear naval force present commission activity give inadequate protection rapidly increase commerce consideration general one regard arm national defense best security foreign aggression strongly urge continuance measure promote gradual enlargement speedy increase force heretofore employ abroad home perceive estimate appear report secretary navy expenditure necessary increase force though considerable amount small compare benefit secure country mean strengthen national arm also recommend particular attention propriety suggestion attract consideration congress last session respect enlistment boy suitable age service manner nursery skillful seaman establish great importance next capacity put afloat arm requisite number ship possession mean man efficiently nothing seem well calculate aid object measure propose auxiliary advantage derive extensive commercial marine would furnish u resource ample enough exigency anticipate consider state resource doubt whatever provision liberality wisdom congress may adopt view perfect organization branch service meet approbation class citizen report appear revenue department year end 30th day june last exceed accrue responsibility surplus present fiscal year estimate appear debt department 1st day july last include amount due contractor quarter expire exceed available mean 1st instant debt pay postages accrue july postage accrue since payment include old debt due bank make payment department bank 1st instant please assurance give department entirely free embarrassment collection outstanding balance use current surplus remain portion bank debt debt probably pay april next leaving thereafter heavy amount apply extend mail facility country reserve considerable sum improvement exist mail route state department able sustain perfect convenience annual charge support new route commence soon establish put operation measure adopt bring mean department action effect speedy extinguishment debt well produce efficient administration affair find detailed length able luminous report aid reorganization principle suggest salutary provision law regulate administrative duty wisdom congress may devise approve important department soon attain degree usefulness proportion increase population extension settlement particular attention solicit portion report relate carriage mail united state upon railroad construct private corporation authority several state reliance general government place road mean carry operation principle use obtain soon consider settle already spirit monopoly begin exhibit natural propensity attempt exact public service supposes obtain term extravagant compensation claim persist question may arise whether combination citizen act charter incorporation state direct refusal demand exorbitant price exclude united state use establish channel communication different section country whether united state without transcend constitutional power secure department use road act congress shall provide within equitable mode adjust amount compensation obviate possible necessity consider question suggest whether expedient fix law amount shall offer railroad company conveyance mail graduate accord average weight ascertain declare probable liberal proposition sort would accept connection provision relation department must also invite attention painful excitement produce south attempt circulate mail inflammatory appeal address passion slave print various sort publication calculate stimulate insurrection produce horror servile war doubtless respectable portion countryman far mislead feel sentiment indignant regret conduct destructive harmony peace country repugnant principle national compact dictate humanity religion happiness prosperity essentially depend upon peace within border peace depend upon maintenance good faith compromise constitution upon union found fortunate country good sense generous feeling attachment people nonslaveholding state union blood south give strong impressive tone sentiment entertain proceeding misguide person engage unconstitutional wicked attempt especially emissary foreign part dare interfere matter authorize hope attempt longer persisted expression public shall sufficient effect desirable result doubt entertain nonslaveholding state far countenance slight interference constitutional right south prompt exercise authority suppress far lie whatever calculated produce evil leave care branch interest subject state authority properly belong nevertheless proper congress take measure prevent department design foster amicable intercourse correspondence member confederacy used instrument opposite character general government great trust confide preserve inviolate relation create among state constitution especially bind avoid action anything may disturb would therefore call special attention congress subject respectfully suggest propriety passing law prohibit severe penalty circulation southern state mail incendiary publication intend instigate slave insurrection felt duty first message communicate congress urge upon attention propriety amend part constitution provide election president united state lead object view adoption new provision would secure people performance high duty without intermediate agency annual communication since enforce view sincere conviction best interest country would promote adoption subject ordinary one regard failure congress act upon indication judgment disadvantage belong present system great would result attainable substitute submit consideration recollect however proposition introduce new feature fundamental law patiently examine ought receive favor great body people thoroughly impressed necessity value remedy real evil feel renew recommendation heretofore make subject transcend bound deference sense congress disposition people however much may differ choice measure guide administration government little doubt mind really friendly republican feature system one important security consist separation legislative executive power time hold responsible great source authority acknowledge supreme people constitutionally express reflection experience satisfy framer constitution although anxious mark feature settle fixed principle structure government adopt precaution necessary secure practical observance say carried complete effect intention evils arise organic defect remedied consider great extent confederacy rapid increase population diversity interest pursuit disguise contingency one branch legislature form electoral college become one ordinary occurrence without produce incalculable mischief intend medicine constitution extreme case frequently use without change character sooner later produce incurable disorder every election house representative calculate lessen force security derive distinct separate character legislative executive function expose temptation adverse efficiency organ constitution law tendency unite resist people thus give direction government antirepublican dangerous history tell u free people watchful delegated power never acquiesce practice diminish control obligation universal application principle republic peculiarly formation party found sectional interest much foster extent territory interest represent candidate presidency constantly prone zeal party selfish object generate influence unmindful general good forgetful restraint great body people would enforce contingency lose right express experience country formation government present day demonstrate people soon adopt strong safeguard right elect high officer know constitution contain sacred instrument stand duty call particular attention congress present condition district columbia whatever great depression arisen exist pecuniary concern district proper situation fully understood relief remedy provide consistent power congress earnestly recommend extension every political right citizen district true interest require conflict provision constitution believe law government district require revisal amendment much good may do modify penal code give uniformity provision attention also invite defect exist judicial system united state present organize state union derive unequal advantage federal judiciary often point deem unnecessary repeat hop present congress extend state equality respect benefit law union secure uniformity efficiency judicial system observation topic general interest deem worthy consideration leave care trust legislative measure call meet want best interest beloved country demand