Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extended its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemisphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neutral. It was our manifest duty to do so. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent collective economic ruin and the breakdown throughout the world of the industries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if possible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service. In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by a clear perception of international duty, the states of America have become conscious of a new and more vital community of interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sympathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the republics fighting their way to independence in Central and South America when the government of the United States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the South of her as against any encroachments or efforts at political control from the other side of the water; felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them; and I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested Selfgovernment of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose freedom of action we sought to protect, and without provoking serious misconceptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must welcome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, when there is no claim of guardianship or thought of wards but, instead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors, in the interest of all America, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us throughout the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common cause of national independence and of political liberty in America. But that purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves. It is known not to be a selfish purpose. It is known to have in it no thought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or playing its political fortunes for our own benefit. All the governments of America stand, so far as we are concerned, upon a footing of genuine equality and unquestioned independence. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. But we have at least proved that we will not take advantage of her in her distress and undertake to impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. Liberty is often a fierce and intractable thing, to which no bounds can be set, and to which no bounds of a few men's choosing ought ever to be set. Every American who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tradition must subscribe without reservation to the high doctrine of the Virginia Bill of Rights, which in the great days in which our government was set up was everywhere amongst us accepted as the creed of free men. That doctrine is, "That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community"; that "of all the various modes and forms of government, that is the best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, inalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal." We have unhesitatingly applied that heroic principle to the case of Mexico, and now hopefully await the rebirth of the troubled Republic, which had so much of which to purge itself and so little sympathy from any outside quarter in the radical but necessary process. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be sufficient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral is, that the states of America are not hostile rivals but cooperating friends, and that their growing sense of community or interest, alike in matters political and in matters economic, is likely to give them a new significance as factors in international affairs and in the political history of the world. It presents them as in a very deep and true sense a unit in world affairs, spiritual partners, standing together because thinking together, quick with common sympathies and common ideals. Separated they are subject to all the cross currents of the confused politics of a world of hostile rivalries; united in spirit and purpose they cannot be disappointed of their peaceful destiny. This is Pan-Americanism. It has none of the spirit of empire in it. It is the embodiment, the effectual embodiment, of the spirit of law and independence and liberty and mutual service. A very notable body of men recently met in the City of Washington, at the invitation and as the guests of this Government, whose deliberations are likely to be looked back to as marking a memorable turning point in the history of America. They were representative spokesmen of the several independent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to discuss the financial and commercial relations of the republics of the two continents which nature and political fortune have so intimately linked together. I earnestly recommend to your perusal the reports of their proceedings and of the actions of their committees. You will get from them, I think, a fresh conception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which Americans of both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what the material foundations of this hopeful partnership of interest must consist,-of how we should build them and of how necessary it is that we should hasten their building. There is, I venture to point out, an especial significance just now attaching to this whole matter of drawing the Americans together in bonds of honorable partnership and mutual advantage because of the economic readjustments which the world must inevitably witness within the next generation, when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks. In the performance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance of it to command your thought I cannot find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very font of my whole thought as I address you to-day. I mean national defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we demand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We insist upon security in prosecuting our self-chosen lines of national development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. We do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. We feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in these difficult paths of independence and right. From the first we have made common cause with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea, and have deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should be.- have set America aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a people against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments which they have set up to serve them. In our constitutions themselves we have commanded that "the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself, as the farmers rose at Lexington. But war has never been a mere matter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how modern fighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the government must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. The military arm of their government, which they will not allow to direct them, they may properly use to serve them and make their independence secure,-and not their own independence merely but the rights also of those with whom they have made common cause, should they also be put in jeopardy. They must be fitted to play the great role in the world, and particularly in this hemisphere, for which they are qualified by principle and by chastened ambition to play. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the Department of War for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of five thousand and twenty-three officers and one hundred and two thousand nine hundred and eightyfive enlisted men of all services to a strength of seven thousand one hundred and thirty-six officers and one hundred and thirty-four thousand seven hundred and seven enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engineers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides seven hundred and fifty officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, seven hundred and ninety-two noncommissioned officers for service in drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the Quartermaster Corps, the Hospital Corps, the Ordnance Department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the additions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus, and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale, should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of four hundred thousand disciplined citizens, raised in increments of one hundred and thirty-three thousand a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for purposes of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of four hundred thousand men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in association with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year. It would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the country whether they responded to such a call to service or not. It would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether they made it possible for the younger men in their employ to respond under favorable conditions or not. I, for one, do not doubt the patriotic devotion either of our young men or of those who give them employment,--those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact enlist. I would look forward to the success of such an experiment with entire confidence. At least so much by way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now. We cannot do less. The programme which will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Navy is similarly conceived. It involves only a shortening of the time within which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a programme which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the minds of the Committees on Naval Affairs and disclosed in the debates of the two Houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the Congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency and to press that plan to completion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of prudence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime nations. We should now definitely determine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The programme to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gunboats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ships, two fuel oil ships, and one repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet sub marines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two battleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. The Secretary of the Navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of seven thousand five hundred sailors, twenty-five hundred apprentice seamen, and fifteen hundred marines. This increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midshipmen at the Naval academy at Annapolis should be increased by at least three hundred in order that the force of officers should be more rapidly added to; and authority is asked to appoint, for engineering duties only, approved graduates of engineering colleges, and for service in the aviation corps a certain number of men taken from civil life. If this full programme should be carried out we should have built or building in 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of classification followed by the General Board of the Department, an effective navy consisting of twenty-seven battleships of the first line, six battle cruisers, twenty-five battleships of the second line, ten armored cruisers, thirteen scout cruisers, five first class cruisers, three second class cruisers, ten third class cruisers, one hundred and eight destroyers, eighteen fleet submarines, one hundred and fifty-seven coast submarines, six monitors, twenty gunboats, four supply ships, fifteen fuel ships, four transports, three tenders to torpedo vessels, eight vessels of special types, and two ammunition ships. This would be a navy fitted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be considered if we are to provide for the supreme matter of national self-sufficiency and security in all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine. The great merchant fleet we once used to make us rich, that great body of sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag into every sea, and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation, we have almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference and by a hope lessly blind and provincial policy of so-called economic protection. It is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial independence on the seas. For it is a question of independence. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's commerce, our merchants, it seems, are at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independence is provincial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital importance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own,--not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more: creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. They must move constantly back and forth between the Americas. They are the only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy, -comprehension, confidence, and mutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of America for Americans. The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private capital must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it has undertaken and achieved every other like task amongst us in the past, with admirable enterprise, intelligence, and vigor; and it seems to me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may stand in the way of this much to be desired revival of our old independence and should facilitate in every possible way the building, purchase, and American registration of ships. But capital cannot accomplish this great task of a sudden. It must embark upon it by degrees, as the opportunities of trade develop. Something must be done at once; done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped; done to open the arteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run,-especially between the two American continents, where they are, singularly enough, yet to be created and quickened; and it is evident that only the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the initial financial risks. When the risk has passed and private capital begins to find its way in sufficient abundance into these new channels, the government may withdraw. But it cannot omit to begin. It should take the first steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled up at our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily needed on the roads; must not be left without means of transport to any foreign quarter. We must not await the permission of foreign ship-owners and foreign governments to send them where we will. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mutual interest and service, an opportunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present Congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last Congress, but modified in some essential particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested in the particulars of the programme as I am in taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. In this matter, as in all others, a spirit of common counsel should prevail, and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing problem. There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is our policy towards the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our treatment of them and their attitude towards us are manifestly of the first consequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a free hand to perform those duties. We must be free from every unnecessary burden or embarrassment; and there is no better way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfil our promises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of the government of the Philippines and for rendering fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted to the sixty-third Congress. They will be submitted also to you. I need not particularize their details. You are most of you already familiar with them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good, now and always, our right to lead in enterpriscs of peace and good will and economic and political freedom. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense, involve of course very large additional expenditures of money,-expenditures which will considerably exceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the Congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the Congress of measures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the Treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the general fund of the Treasury Of $104,170,105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last Congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the thirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774,535,605-78. The total estimated disbursements for the present fiscal year, including twenty-five millions for the Panama Canal, twelve millions for probable deficiency appropriations, and fifty thousand dollars for miscellaneous debt redemptions, will be $753,891,000; and the balance in the general fund of the Treasury will be reduced to $20,644,605.78. The emergency revenue act, if continued beyond its present time limitation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about forty-one millions. The duty of one cent per pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the first of May, about fifteen millions. These two sums, amounting together to fifty-six millions, if added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the Treasury at the end of the year an available balance Of $76,644,605-78. The additional revenues required to carry out the programme of military and naval preparation of which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated, be for the fiscal year, 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our financial problem for the year 1917. Assuming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the present duty on sugar are to be discontinued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama Canal will again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the Congress, the deficit in the general fund of the Treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hundred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working balance for the Treasury, and twelve millions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the Treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the present fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty millions, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe Treasury balance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to continue all of the present taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing one hundred and twelve millions of new revenue rather than two hundred and ninety-seven millions. How shall we obtain the new revenue? We are frequently reminded that there are many millions of bonds which the Treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the construction of the Panama Canal; and it is true that bonds to the amount of approximately $222,000,000 are now available for that purpose. Prior to 1913, $134,631,980 of these bonds had actually been sold to recoup the expenditures at the Isthmus; and now constitute a considerable item of the public debt. But I, for one, do not believe that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is short-sighted finance. It can be justified only when permanent things are to be accomplished which many generations will certainly benefit by and which it seems hardly fair that a single generation should pay for. The objects we are now proposing to spend money for cannot be so classified, except in the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in the interest of posterity as well as in our own. It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the House of Representatives are expected under the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general terms. We should be following an almost universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step by step throughout the present graduation, the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the Treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making the burden unreasonably or oppressively heavy. The precise reckonings are fully and accurately set out in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which will be immediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the industries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual expenditure. A tax of one cent per gallon on gasoline and naphtha would yield, at the present estimated production, $10,000,000; a tax of fifty cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000,000; a stamp tax on bank cheques, probably $18,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the burdens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you to-day, Gentlemen, upon a single theme, the thorough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other Governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been land may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our Government into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number is not great as compared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stock; but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it necessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt distempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here,that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the Government and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hotbed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actually come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the Government, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the Government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self-possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European conflict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when lie thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards of written law. It comes, of course, from her people, their energy, their success in their undertakings, their free opportunity to use the natural resources of our great home land and of the lands outside our continental borders which look to us for protection, for encouragement, and for assistance in their development; from the organization and freedom and vitality of our economic life. The domestic questions which engaged the attention of the last Congress are more vital to the nation in this its time of test than at any other time. We cannot adequately make ready for any trial of our strength unless we wisely and promptly direct the force of our laws into these all-important fields of domestic action. A matter which it seems to me we should have very much at heart is the creation of the right instrumentalities by which to mobilize our economic resources in any time of national necessity. I take it for granted that I do not need your authority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers of the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among our citizens who are thoroughly familiar, for example, with the transportation facilities of the country and therefore competent to advise how they may be coordinated when the need arises, those who can suggest the best way in which to bring about prompt cooperation among the manufacturers of the country, should it be necessary, and those who could assist to bring the technical skill of the country to the aid of the Government in the solution of particular problems of defense. I only hope that if I should find it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the Congress would be willing to vote the small sum of money that would be needed to defray the expenses that would probably be necessary to give it the clerical and administrative Machinery with which to do serviceable work. What is more important is, that the industries and resources of the country should be available and ready for mobilization. It is the more imperatively necessary, therefore, that we should promptly devise means for doing what we have not yet done: that we should give intelligent federal aid and stimulation to industrial and vocational education, as we have long done in the large field of our agricultural industry; that, at the same time that we safeguard and conserve the natural resources of the country we should put them at the disposal of those who will use them promptly and intelligently, as was sought to be done in the admirable bills submitted to the last Congress from its committees on the public lands, bills which I earnestly recommend in principle to your consideration; that we should put into early operation some provision for rural credits which will add to the extensive borrowing facilities already afforded the farmer by the Reserve Bank Act, adequate instrumentalities by which long credits may be obtained on land mortgages; and that we should study more carefully than they have hitherto been studied the right adaptation of our economic arrangements to changing conditions. Many conditions about which we have repeatedly legislated are being altered from decade to decade, it is evident, under our very eyes, and are likely to change even more rapidly and more radically in the days immediately ahead of us, when peace has returned to the world and the nations of Europe once more take up their tasks of commerce and industry with the energy of those who must bestir themselves to build anew. just what these changes will be no one can certainly foresee or confidently predict. There are no calculable, because no stable, elements in the problem. The most we can do is to make certain that we have the necessary instrumentalities of information constantly at our service so that we may be sure that we know exactly what we are dealing with when we come to act, if it should be necessary to act at all. We must first certainly know what it is that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I may ask the privilege of addressing you more at length on this important matter a little later in your session. In the meantime may I make this suggestion? The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and coordinated I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole question whether our laws as at present framed and administered are as serviceable as they might be' in the solution of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very foundation of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth considering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do anything in the field of federal legislation. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regulation of the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo. It is, whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means, in the very process of regulation, for bettering the conditions under which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful servants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that it might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of coordination and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and opinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it. For what we are seeking now, what in my mind is the single thought of this message, is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius. It is the genius of common men for self-government, industry, justice, liberty and peace. We should see to it that it lacks no instrument, no facility or vigor of law, to make it sufficient to play its part with energy, safety, and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age.
Since I last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extended its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemisphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents a prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neutral. It was our manifest duty to do so. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent collective economic ruin and the breakdown throughout the world of the industries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if possible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service. In this neutrality, to which they were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of Europe but also by a clear perception of international duty, the states of America have become conscious of a new and more vital community of interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly conscious of the many common sympathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the republics fighting their way to independence in Central and South America when the government of the United States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the South of her as against any encroachments or efforts at political control from the other side of the water; felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them; and I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested Selfgovernment of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose freedom of action we sought to protect, and without provoking serious misconceptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must welcome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, when there is no claim of guardianship or thought of wards but, instead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors, in the interest of all America, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us throughout the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common because of national independence and of political liberty in America. But that purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves. It is known not to be a selfish purpose. It is known to have in it no thought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or playing its political fortunes for our own benefit. All the governments of America stand, so far as we are concerned, upon a footing of genuine equality and unquestioned independence. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. But we have at least proved that we will not take advantage of her in her distress and undertake to impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. Liberty is often a fierce and intractable thing, to which no bounds can be set, and to which no bounds of a few men's choosing ought ever to be set. Every American who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tradition must subscribe without reservation to the high doctrine of the Virginia Bill of Rights, which in the great days in which our government was set up was everywhere amongst us accepted as the creed of free men. That doctrine is, "That government is, or ought to be, instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, nation, or community"; that "of all the various modes and forms of government, that is the best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety, and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration; and that, when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes, a majority of the community hath an indubitable, inalienable, and indefeasible right to reform, alter, or abolish it, in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal." We have unhesitatingly applied that heroic principle to the case of Mexico, and now hopefully await the rebirth of the troubled Republic, which had so much of which to purge itself and so little sympathy from any outside quarter in the radical but necessary process. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but we will not coerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be sufficient proof to all America that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral is, that the states of America are not hostile rivals but cooperating friends, and that their growing sense of community or interest, alike in matters political and in matters economic, is likely to give them a new significance as factors in international affairs and in the political history of the world. It presents them as in a very deep and true sense a unit in world affairs, spiritual partners, standing together because thinking together, quick with common sympathies and common ideals. Separated they are subject to all the cross currents of the confused politics of a world of hostile rivalries; united in spirit and purpose they cannot be disappointed of their peaceful destiny. This is Pan-Americanism. It has none of the spirit of empire in it. It is the embodiment, the effectual embodiment, of the spirit of law and independence and liberty and mutual service. A very notable body of men recently met in the City of Washington, at the invitation and as the guests of this Government, whose deliberations are likely to be looked back to as marking a memorable turning point in the history of America. They were representative spokesmen of the several independent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to discuss the financial and commercial relations of the republics of the two continents which nature and political fortune have so intimately linked together. I earnestly recommend to your perusal the reports of their proceedings and of the actions of their committees. You will get from them, I think, a fresh conception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which Americans of both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what the material foundations of this hopeful partnership of interest must consist,-of how we should build them and of how necessary it is that we should hasten their building. There is, I venture to point out, an especial significance just now attaching to this whole matter of drawing the Americans together in bonds of honorable partnership and mutual advantage because of the economic readjustments which the world must inevitably witness within the next generation, when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks. In the performance of these tasks I believe the Americas to be destined to play their parts together. I am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance of it to command your thought I cannot find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very font of my whole thought as I address you to-day. I mean national defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace. Great democracies are not belligerent. They do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we demand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the aggression we ourselves will not practice. We insist upon security in prosecuting our self-chosen lines of national development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. We do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves. We feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in these difficult paths of independence and right. From the first we have made common because with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea, and have deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should be.- have set America aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a people against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army except for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments which they have set up to serve them. In our constitutions themselves we have commanded that "the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself, as the farmers rose at Lexington. But war has never been a mere matter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how modern fighting is done, and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the government must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it. The military arm of their government, which they will not allow to direct them, they may properly use to serve them and make their independence secure,-and not their own independence merely but the rights also of those with whom they have made common because, should they also be put in jeopardy. They must be fitted to play the great role in the world, and particularly in this hemisphere, for which they are qualified by principle and by chastened ambition to play. It is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the Department of War for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of five thousand and twenty-three officers and one hundred and two thousand nine hundred and eightyfive enlisted men of all services to a strength of seven thousand one hundred and thirty-six officers and one hundred and thirty-four thousand seven hundred and seven enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engineers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides seven hundred and fifty officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which I shall presently speak, seven hundred and ninety-two noncommissioned officers for service in drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the Quartermaster Corps, the Hospital Corps, the Ordnance Department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the additions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties, duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the Hawaiian Islands, at the Isthmus, and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale, should occasion arise, the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of four hundred thousand disciplined citizens, raised in increments of one hundred and thirty-three thousand a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for purposes of training for short periods throughout three years, and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional "furlough" period of three years. This force of four hundred thousand men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time. They would be assembled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in association with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year. It would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the country whether they responded to such a call to service or not. It would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether they made it possible for the younger men in their employ to respond under favorable conditions or not. I, for one, do not doubt the patriotic devotion either of our young men or of those who give them employment,--those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact enlist. I would look forward to the success of such an experiment with entire confidence. At least so much by way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now. We cannot do less. The programme which will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Navy is similarly conceived. It involves only a shortening of the time within which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a programme which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the minds of the Committees on Naval Affairs and disclosed in the debates of the two Houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted. It seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the Congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency and to press that plan to completion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of prudence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime nations. We should now definitely determine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The programme to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six battle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gunboats, one hospital ship, two ammunition ships, two fuel oil ships, and one repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fifteen destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten destroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet sub marines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two battleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. The Secretary of the Navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of seven thousand five hundred sailors, twenty-five hundred apprentice seamen, and fifteen hundred marines. This increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midshipmen at the Naval academy at Annapolis should be increased by at least three hundred in order that the force of officers should be more rapidly added to; and authority is asked to appoint, for engineering duties only, approved graduates of engineering colleges, and for service in the aviation corps a certain number of men taken from civil life. If this full programme should be carried out we should have built or building in 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of classification followed by the General Board of the Department, an effective navy consisting of twenty-seven battleships of the first line, six battle cruisers, twenty-five battleships of the second line, ten armored cruisers, thirteen scout cruisers, five first class cruisers, three second class cruisers, ten third class cruisers, one hundred and eight destroyers, eighteen fleet submarines, one hundred and fifty-seven coast submarines, six monitors, twenty gunboats, four supply ships, fifteen fuel ships, four transports, three tenders to torpedo vessels, eight vessels of special types, and two ammunition ships. This would be a navy fitted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be considered if we are to provide for the supreme matter of national self-sufficiency and security in all its aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There is, for example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy. It is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine. The great merchant fleet we once used to make us rich, that great body of sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag into every sea, and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation, we have almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference and by a hope lessly blind and provincial policy of so-called economic protection. It is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial independence on the seas. For it is a question of independence. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's commerce, our merchants, it seems, are at their mercy, to do with as they please. We must use their ships, and use them as they determine. We have not ships enough of our own. We cannot handle our own commerce on the seas. Our independence is provincial, and is only on land and within our own borders. We are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital importance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own,--not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying much more: creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. They must move constantly back and forth between the Americas. They are the only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy, -comprehension, confidence, and mutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of America for Americans. The task of building up an adequate merchant marine for America private capital must ultimately undertake and achieve, as it has undertaken and achieved every other like task amongst us in the past, with admirable enterprise, intelligence, and vigor; and it seems to me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may stand in the way of this much to be desired revival of our old independence and should facilitate in every possible way the building, purchase, and American registration of ships. But capital cannot accomplish this great task of a sudden. It must embark upon it by degrees, as the opportunities of trade develop. Something must be done at once; done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped; done to open the arteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run,-especially between the two American continents, where they are, singularly enough, yet to be created and quickened; and it is evident that only the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the initial financial risks. When the risk has passed and private capital begins to find its way in sufficient abundance into these new channels, the government may withdraw. But it cannot omit to begin. It should take the first steps, and should take them at once. Our goods must not lie piled up at our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily needed on the roads; must not be left without means of transport to any foreign quarter. We must not await the permission of foreign ship-owners and foreign governments to send them where we will. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mutual interest and service, an opportunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present Congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last Congress, but modified in some essential particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much interested in the particulars of the programme as I am in taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. In this matter, as in all others, a spirit of common counsel should prevail, and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing problem. There is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense. That is our policy towards the Philippines and the people of Porto Rico. Our treatment of them and their attitude towards us are manifestly of the first consequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a free hand to perform those duties. We must be free from every unnecessary burden or embarrassment; and there is no better way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfil our promises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost. Bills for the alteration and reform of the government of the Philippines and for rendering fuller political justice to the people of Porto Rico were submitted to the sixty-third Congress. They will be submitted also to you. I need not particularize their details. You are most of you already familiar with them. But I do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good, now and always, our right to lead in enterpriscs of peace and good will and economic and political freedom. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense, involve of course very large additional expenditures of money,-expenditures which will considerably exceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the Congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the Congress of measures which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly of the present state of the Treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the general fund of the Treasury Of $104,170,105.78. The total estimated receipts for the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last Congress will not be extended beyond its present limit, the thirty-first of December, 1915, and that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last and these estimated revenues come, therefore, to a grand total of $774,535,605-78. The total estimated disbursements for the present fiscal year, including twenty-five millions for the Panama Canal, twelve millions for probable deficiency appropriations, and fifty thousand dollars for miscellaneous debt redemptions, will be $753,891,000; and the balance in the general fund of the Treasury will be reduced to $20,644,605.78. The emergency revenue act, if continued beyond its present time limitation, would produce, during the half year then remaining, about forty-one millions. The duty of one cent per pound on sugar, if continued, would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the first of May, about fifteen millions. These two sums, amounting together to fifty-six millions, if added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year, would yield the Treasury at the end of the year an available balance Of $76,644,605-78. The additional revenues required to carry out the programme of military and naval preparation of which I have spoken, would, as at present estimated, be for the fiscal year, 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which I have already given, disclose our financial problem for the year 1917. Assuming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the present duty on sugar are to be discontinued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements for the Panama Canal will again be about twenty-five millions, and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the Congress, the deficit in the general fund of the Treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hundred and thirty-five millions. To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working balance for the Treasury, and twelve millions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the Treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the present fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty millions, or, reckoning in sixty-two millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe Treasury balance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to continue all of the present taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing one hundred and twelve millions of new revenue rather than two hundred and ninety-seven millions. How shall we obtain the new revenue? We are frequently reminded that there are many millions of bonds which the Treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the construction of the Panama Canal; and it is true that bonds to the amount of approximately $222,000,000 are now available for that purpose. Prior to 1913, $134,631,980 of these bonds had actually been sold to recoup the expenditures at the Isthmus; and now constitute a considerable item of the public debt. But I, for one, do not believe that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills. Borrowing money is short-sighted finance. It can be justified only when permanent things are to be accomplished which many generations will certainly benefit by and which it seems hardly fair that a single generation should pay for. The objects we are now proposing to spend money for cannot be so classified, except in the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in the interest of posterity as well as in our own. It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, about to undertake we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills should be paid by internal taxation. To what sources, then, shall we turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the House of Representatives are expected under the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general terms. We should be following an almost universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step by step throughout the present graduation, the surtax itself, the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the Treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making the burden unreasonably or oppressively heavy. The precise reckonings are fully and accurately set out in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury which will be immediately laid before you. And there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the industries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual expenditure. A tax of one cent per gallon on gasoline and naphtha would yield, at the present estimated production, $10,000,000; a tax of fifty cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000,000; a stamp tax on bank cheques, probably $18,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of twenty-five cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the burdens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you to-day, Gentlemen, upon a single theme, the thorough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations. We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other Governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been land may yet turn out to be. I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our Government into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue. Their number is not great as compared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stock; but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it necessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt distempers. America never witnessed anything like this before. It never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship, men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of the best and strongest elements of that little, but how heroic, nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here,that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the Government and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hotbed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation for it. We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actually come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such creatures of passion, disloyalty, and anarchy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the Government, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the Government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self-possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European conflict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach corruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when lie thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards of written law. It comes, of course, from her people, their energy, their success in their undertakings, their free opportunity to use the natural resources of our great home land and of the lands outside our continental borders which look to us for protection, for encouragement, and for assistance in their development; from the organization and freedom and vitality of our economic life. The domestic questions which engaged the attention of the last Congress are more vital to the nation in this its time of test than at any other time. We cannot adequately make ready for any trial of our strength unless we wisely and promptly direct the force of our laws into these all-important fields of domestic action. A matter which it seems to me we should have very much at heart is the creation of the right instrumentalities by which to mobilize our economic resources in any time of national necessity. I take it for granted that I do not need your authority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers of the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among our citizens who are thoroughly familiar, for example, with the transportation facilities of the country and therefore competent to advise how they may be coordinated when the need arises, those who can suggest the best way in which to bring about prompt cooperation among the manufacturers of the country, should it be necessary, and those who could assist to bring the technical skill of the country to the aid of the Government in the solution of particular problems of defense. I only hope that if I should find it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the Congress would be willing to vote the small sum of money that would be needed to defray the expenses that would probably be necessary to give it the clerical and administrative Machinery with which to do serviceable work. What is more important is, that the industries and resources of the country should be available and ready for mobilization. It is the more imperatively necessary, therefore, that we should promptly devise means for doing what we have not yet done: that we should give intelligent federal aid and stimulation to industrial and vocational education, as we have long done in the large field of our agricultural industry; that, at the same time that we safeguard and conserve the natural resources of the country we should put them at the disposal of those who will use them promptly and intelligently, as was sought to be done in the admirable bills submitted to the last Congress from its committees on the public lands, bills which I earnestly recommend in principle to your consideration; that we should put into early operation some provision for rural credits which will add to the extensive borrowing facilities already afforded the farmer by the Reserve Bank Act, adequate instrumentalities by which long credits may be obtained on land mortgages; and that we should study more carefully than they have hitherto been studied the right adaptation of our economic arrangements to changing conditions. Many conditions about which we have repeatedly legislated are being altered from decade to decade, it is evident, under our very eyes, and are likely to change even more rapidly and more radically in the days immediately ahead of us, when peace has returned to the world and the nations of Europe once more take up their tasks of commerce and industry with the energy of those who must bestir themselves to build anew. just what these changes will be no one can certainly foresee or confidently predict. There are no calculable, because no stable, elements in the problem. The most we can do is to make certain that we have the necessary instrumentalities of information constantly at our service so that we may be sure that we know exactly what we are dealing with when we come to act, if it should be necessary to act at all. We must first certainly know what it is that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I may ask the privilege of addressing you more at length on this important matter a little later in your session. In the meantime may I make this suggestion? The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and coordinated I suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole question whether our laws as at present framed and administered are as serviceable as they might be' in the solution of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very foundation of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth considering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do anything in the field of federal legislation. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regulation of the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo. It is, whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means, in the very process of regulation, for bettering the conditions under which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful servants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that it might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of coordination and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and opinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it. For what we are seeking now, what in my mind is the single thought of this message, is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius. It is the genius of common men for self-government, industry, justice, liberty and peace. We should see to it that it lacks no instrument, no facility or vigor of law, to make it sufficient to play its part with energy, safety, and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age.
since i last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the union the war of nations on the other side of the sea which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions has extended its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe not excepting our own hemisphere has altered the whole face of international affairs and now presents a prospect of reorganization and reconstruction such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before we have stood apart studiously neutral it was our manifest duty to do so not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on it was necessary if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive war and that some part of the great family of nations should keep the processes of peace alive if only to prevent collective economic ruin and the breakdown throughout the world of the industries by which its populations are fed and sustained it was manifestly the duty of the nations of this hemisphere to redress if possible the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other if they could do nothing more in the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service in this neutrality to which they were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment from the politics of europe but also by a clear perception of international duty the states of america have become conscious of a new and more vital community of interest and moral partnership in affairs more clearly conscious of the many common sympathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together there was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the republics fighting their way to independence in central and south america when the government of the united states looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the south of her as against any encroachments or efforts at political control from the other side of the water felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them and i think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and disinterested enthusiasm for the freedom of the americas and the unmolested selfgovernment of her independent peoples but it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose freedom of action we sought to protect and without provoking serious misconceptions of our motives and every thoughtful man of affairs must welcome the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand when there is no claim of guardianship or thought of wards but instead a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors in the interest of all america north and south our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of central and south america is not altered we retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us throughout the whole life of our government and which was so frankly put into words by president monroe we still mean always to make a common because of national independence and of political liberty in america but that purpose is now better understood so far as it concerns ourselves it is known not to be a selfish purpose it is known to have in it no thought of taking advantage of any government in this hemisphere or playing its political fortunes for our own benefit all the governments of america stand so far as we are concerned upon a footing of genuine equality and unquestioned independence we have been put to the test in the case of mexico and we have stood the test whether we have benefited mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen her fortunes are in her own hands but we have at least proved that we will not take advantage of her in her distress and undertake to impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing liberty is often a fierce and intractable thing to which no bounds can be set and to which no bounds of a few men choosing ought ever to be set every american who has drunk at the true fountains of principle and tradition must subscribe without reservation to the high doctrine of the virginia bill of rights which in the great days in which our government was set up was everywhere amongst us accepted as the creed of free men that doctrine is that government is or ought to be instituted for the common benefit protection and security of the people nation or community that of all the various modes and forms of government that is the best which is capable of producing the greatest degree of happiness and safety and is most effectually secured against the danger of maladministration and that when any government shall be found inadequate or contrary to these purposes a majority of the community hath an indubitable inalienable and indefeasible right to reform alter or abolish it in such manner as shall be judged most conducive to the public weal we have unhesitatingly applied that heroic principle to the case of mexico and now hopefully await the rebirth of the troubled republic which had so much of which to purge itself and so little sympathy from any outside quarter in the radical but necessary process we will aid and befriend mexico but we will not coerce her and our course with regard to her ought to be sufficient proof to all america that we seek no political suzerainty or selfish control the moral is that the states of america are not hostile rivals but cooperating friends and that their growing sense of community or interest alike in matters political and in matters economic is likely to give them a new significance as factors in international affairs and in the political history of the world it presents them as in a very deep and true sense a unit in world affairs spiritual partners standing together because thinking together quick with common sympathies and common ideals separated they are subject to all the cross currents of the confused politics of a world of hostile rivalries united in spirit and purpose they can not be disappointed of their peaceful destiny this is it has none of the spirit of empire in it it is the embodiment the effectual embodiment of the spirit of law and independence and liberty and mutual service a very notable body of men recently met in the city of washington at the invitation and as the guests of this government whose deliberations are likely to be looked back to as marking a memorable turning point in the history of america they were representative spokesmen of the several independent states of this hemisphere and were assembled to discuss the financial and commercial relations of the republics of the two continents which nature and political fortune have so intimately linked together i earnestly recommend to your perusal the reports of their proceedings and of the actions of their committees you will get from them i think a fresh conception of the ease and intelligence and advantage with which americans of both continents may draw together in practical cooperation and of what the material foundations of this hopeful partnership of interest must consist how we should build them and of how necessary it is that we should hasten their building there is i venture to point out an especial significance just now attaching to this whole matter of drawing the americans together in bonds of honorable partnership and mutual advantage because of the economic readjustments which the world must inevitably witness within the next generation when peace shall have at last resumed its healthful tasks in the performance of these tasks i believe the americas to be destined to play their parts together i am interested to fix your attention on this prospect now because unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance of it to command your thought i can not find the right light in which to set forth the particular matter that lies at the very font of my whole thought as i address you i mean national defense no one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whom we are appointed to speak can fail to perceive that their passion is for peace their genius best displayed in the practice of the arts of peace great democracies are not belligerent they do not seek or desire war their thought is of individual liberty and of the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it conquest and dominion are not in our reckoning or agreeable to our principles but just because we demand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty we resent from whatever quarter it may come the aggression we ourselves will not practice we insist upon security in prosecuting our lines of national development we do more than that we demand it also for others we do not confine our enthusiasm for individual liberty and free national development to the incidents and movements of affairs which affect only ourselves we feel it wherever there is a people that tries to walk in these difficult paths of independence and right from the first we have made common because with all partisans of liberty on this side the sea and have deemed it as important that our neighbors should be free from all outside domination as that we ourselves should have set america aside as a whole for the uses of independent nations and political freemen out of such thoughts grow all our policies we regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a people against aggression and we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dictatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without we will not maintain a standing army except for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continuously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us but we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the governments which they have set up to serve them in our constitutions themselves we have commanded that the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed and our confidence has been that our safety in times of danger would lie in the rising of the nation to take care of itself as the farmers rose at lexington but war has never been a mere matter of men and guns it is a thing of disciplined might if our citizens are ever to fight effectively upon a sudden summons they must know how modern fighting is done and what to do when the summons comes to render themselves immediately available and immediately effective and the government must be their servant in this matter must supply them with the training they need to take care of themselves and of it the military arm of their government which they will not allow to direct them they may properly use to serve them and make their independence secure not their own independence merely but the rights also of those with whom they have made common because should they also be put in jeopardy they must be fitted to play the great role in the world and particularly in this hemisphere for which they are qualified by principle and by chastened ambition to play it is with these ideals in mind that the plans of the department of war for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid before you and which i urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed they seem to me the essential first steps and they seem to me for the present sufficient they contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of five thousand and officers and one hundred and two thousand nine hundred and eightyfive enlisted men of all services to a strength of seven thousand one hundred and officers and one hundred and thousand seven hundred and seven enlisted men or all told all services rank and file by the addition of companies of coast artillery fifteen companies of engineers ten regiments of infantry four regiments of field artillery and four aero squadrons besides seven hundred and fifty officers required for a great variety of extra service especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which i shall presently speak seven hundred and noncommissioned officers for service in drill recruiting and the like and the necessary quota of enlisted men for the quartermaster corps the hospital corps the ordnance department and other similar auxiliary services these are the additions necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties duties which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and borders and at our interior army posts but also in the philippines in the hawaiian islands at the isthmus and in porto rico by way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale should occasion arise the plan also contemplates supplementing the army by a force of four hundred thousand disciplined citizens raised in increments of one hundred and thousand a year throughout a period of three years this it is proposed to do by a process of enlistment under which the serviceable men of the country would be asked to bind themselves to serve with the colors for purposes of training for short periods throughout three years and to come to the colors at call at any time throughout an additional furlough period of three years this force of four hundred thousand men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as enlisted and their equipment for the field made ready to be supplied at any time they would be assembled for training at stated intervals at convenient places in association with suitable units of the regular army their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year it would depend upon the patriotic feeling of the younger men of the country whether they responded to such a call to service or not it would depend upon the patriotic spirit of the employers of the country whether they made it possible for the younger men in their employ to respond under favorable conditions or not i for one do not doubt the patriotic devotion either of our young men or of those who give them employment those for whose benefit and protection they would in fact enlist i would look forward to the success of such an experiment with entire confidence at least so much by way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now we can not do less the programme which will be laid before you by the secretary of the navy is similarly conceived it involves only a shortening of the time within which plans long matured shall be carried out but it does make definite and explicit a programme which has heretofore been only implicit held in the minds of the committees on naval affairs and disclosed in the debates of the two houses but nowhere formulated or formally adopted it seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehensive plan for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and efficiency and to press that plan to completion within the next five years we have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense we have always seen it to be our manifest course of prudence to be strong on the seas year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime nations we should now definitely determine how we shall complete what we have begun and how soon the programme to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships six battle cruisers ten scout cruisers fifty destroyers fifteen fleet submarines coast submarines four gunboats one hospital ship two ammunition ships two fuel oil ships and one repair ship it is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships two battle cruisers three scout cruisers fifteen destroyers five fleet submarines coast submarines two gunboats and one hospital ship the second year two battleships one scout cruiser ten destroyers four fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one gunboat and one fuel oil ship the third year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruisers five destroyers two fleet sub marines and fifteen coast submarines the fourth year two battleships two battle cruisers two scout cruisers ten destroyers two fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one ammunition ship and one fuel oil ship and the fifth year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruisers ten destroyers two fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one gunboat one ammunition ship and one repair ship the secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of seven thousand five hundred sailors hundred apprentice seamen and fifteen hundred marines this increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed within the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918 it is also necessary that the number of midshipmen at the naval academy at annapolis should be increased by at least three hundred in order that the force of officers should be more rapidly added to and authority is asked to appoint for engineering duties only approved graduates of engineering colleges and for service in the aviation corps a certain number of men taken from civil life if this full programme should be carried out we should have built or building in 1921 according to the estimates of survival and standards of classification followed by the general board of the department an effective navy consisting of battleships of the first line six battle cruisers battleships of the second line ten armored cruisers thirteen scout cruisers five first class cruisers three second class cruisers ten third class cruisers one hundred and eight destroyers eighteen fleet submarines one hundred and coast submarines six monitors twenty gunboats four supply ships fifteen fuel ships four transports three tenders to torpedo vessels eight vessels of special types and two ammunition ships this would be a navy fitted to our needs and worthy of our traditions but armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be considered if we are to provide for the supreme matter of national and security in all its aspects there are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not there is for example a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy it is necessary for many weighty reasons of national efficiency and development that we should have a great merchant marine the great merchant fleet we once used to make us rich that great body of sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag into every sea and who were the pride and often the bulwark of the nation we have almost driven out of existence by inexcusable neglect and indifference and by a hope lessly blind and provincial policy of economic protection it is high time we repaired our mistake and resumed our commercial independence on the seas for it is a question of independence if other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other commerce our merchants it seems are at their mercy to do with as they please we must use their ships and use them as they determine we have not ships enough of our own we can not handle our own commerce on the seas our independence is provincial and is only on land and within our own borders we are not likely to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired such a situation is not to be endured it is of capital importance not only that the united states should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant marine would give it but also that the american hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of european affairs without such independence the whole question of our political unity and is very seriously clouded and complicated indeed moreover we can develop no true or effective american policy without ships of our own not ships of war but ships of peace carrying goods and carrying much more creating friendships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water they must move constantly back and forth between the americas they are the only shuttles that can weave the delicate fabric of sympathy confidence and mutual dependence in which we wish to clothe our policy of america for americans the task of building up an adequate merchant marine for america private capital must ultimately undertake and achieve as it has undertaken and achieved every other like task amongst us in the past with admirable enterprise intelligence and vigor and it seems to me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we should promptly remove every legal obstacle that may stand in the way of this much to be desired revival of our old independence and should facilitate in every possible way the building purchase and american registration of ships but capital can not accomplish this great task of a sudden it must embark upon it by degrees as the opportunities of trade develop something must be done at once done to open routes and develop opportunities where they are as yet undeveloped done to open the arteries of trade where the currents have not yet learned to run between the two american continents where they are singularly enough yet to be created and quickened and it is evident that only the government can undertake such beginnings and assume the initial financial risks when the risk has passed and private capital begins to find its way in sufficient abundance into these new channels the government may withdraw but it can not omit to begin it should take the first steps and should take them at once our goods must not lie piled up at our ports and stored upon side tracks in freight cars which are daily needed on the roads must not be left without means of transport to any foreign quarter we must not await the permission of foreign and foreign governments to send them where we will with a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present unparalleled opportunity of linking the two americas together in bonds of mutual interest and service an opportunity which may never return again if we miss it now proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the government similar to those made to the last congress but modified in some essential particulars i recommend these proposals to you for your prompt acceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative that need was then foreseen it is now acutely felt and everywhere realized by those for whom trade is waiting but who can find no conveyance for their goods i am not so much interested in the particulars of the programme as i am in taking immediate advantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency in this matter as in all others a spirit of common counsel should prevail and out of it should come an early solution of this pressing problem there is another matter which seems to me to be very intimately associated with the question of national safety and preparation for defense that is our policy towards the philippines and the people of porto rico our treatment of them and their attitude towards us are manifestly of the first consequence in the development of our duties in the world and in getting a free hand to perform those duties we must be free from every unnecessary burden or embarrassment and there is no better way to be clear of embarrassment than to fulfil our promises and promote the interests of those dependent on us to the utmost bills for the alteration and reform of the government of the philippines and for rendering fuller political justice to the people of porto rico were submitted to the congress they will be submitted also to you i need not particularize their details you are most of you already familiar with them but i do recommend them to your early adoption with the sincere conviction that there are few measures you could adopt which would more serviceably clear the way for the great policies by which we wish to make good now and always our right to lead in enterpriscs of peace and good will and economic and political freedom the plans for the armed forces of the nation which i have outlined and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and defense involve of course very large additional expenditures of money which will considerably exceed the estimated revenues of the government it is made my duty by law whenever the estimates of expenditure exceed the estimates of revenue to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that it may be wise or possible for me to suggest i am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case and i feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the deficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of measures which i myself urge it to adopt allow me therefore to speak briefly of the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which the next year will probably disclose on the thirtieth of june last there was an available balance in the general fund of the treasury of the total estimated receipts for the year 1916 on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be extended beyond its present limit the of december 1915 and that the present duty of one cent per pound on sugar will be discontinued after the first of may 1916 will be the balance of june last and these estimated revenues come therefore to a grand total of the total estimated disbursements for the present fiscal year including millions for the panama canal twelve millions for probable deficiency appropriations and fifty thousand dollars for miscellaneous debt redemptions will be and the balance in the general fund of the treasury will be reduced to the emergency revenue act if continued beyond its present time limitation would produce during the half year then remaining about millions the duty of one cent per pound on sugar if continued would produce during the two months of the fiscal year remaining after the first of may about fifteen millions these two sums amounting together to millions if added to the revenues of the second half of the fiscal year would yield the treasury at the end of the year an available balance of the additional revenues required to carry out the programme of military and naval preparation of which i have spoken would as at present estimated be for the fiscal year 1917 those figures taken with the figures for the present fiscal year which i have already given disclose our financial problem for the year 1917 assuming that the taxes imposed by the emergency revenue act and the present duty on sugar are to be discontinued and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only that the disbursements for the panama canal will again be about millions and that the additional expenditures for the army and navy are authorized by the congress the deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the thirtieth of june 1917 will be nearly two hundred and millions to this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working balance for the treasury and twelve millions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917 and these additions would make a total deficit of some two hundred and millions if the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next however there would be a balance in the treasury of some and a half millions at the end of the present fiscal year and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty millions or reckoning in millions for deficiency appropriations and a safe treasury balance at the end of the year a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions the obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to continue all of the present taxes or their equivalents and confine ourselves to the problem of providing one hundred and twelve millions of new revenue rather than two hundred and millions how shall we obtain the new revenue we are frequently reminded that there are many millions of bonds which the treasury is authorized under existing law to sell to reimburse the sums paid out of current revenues for the construction of the panama canal and it is true that bonds to the amount of approximately are now available for that purpose prior to 1913 of these bonds had actually been sold to recoup the expenditures at the isthmus and now constitute a considerable item of the public debt but i for one do not believe that the people of this country approve of postponing the payment of their bills borrowing money is finance it can be justified only when permanent things are to be accomplished which many generations will certainly benefit by and which it seems hardly fair that a single generation should pay for the objects we are now proposing to spend money for can not be so classified except in the sense that everything wisely done may be said to be done in the interest of posterity as well as in our own it seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now i hope about to undertake we should pay as we go the people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry and to know from the outset now the new bills should be paid by internal taxation to what sources then shall we turn this is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very general terms we should be following an almost universal example of modern governments if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the income taxes by somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed and by increasing step by step throughout the present graduation the surtax itself the income taxes as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making the burden unreasonably or oppressively heavy the precise reckonings are fully and accurately set out in the report of the secretary of the treasury which will be immediately laid before you and there are many additional sources of revenue which can justly be resorted to without hampering the industries of the country or putting any too great charge upon individual expenditure a tax of one cent per gallon on gasoline and naphtha would yield at the present estimated production a tax of fifty cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines a stamp tax on bank cheques probably a tax of cents per ton on pig iron a tax of cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel probably in a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the burdens of taxation without making them anywhere bear too heavily or too exclusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings what is clear is that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation i have spoken to you gentlemen upon a single theme the thorough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it i have had in my mind no thought of any immediate or particular danger arising out of our relations with other nations we are at peace with all the nations of the world and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been land may yet turn out to be i am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders there are citizens of the united states i blush to admit born under other flags but welcomed under our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of america who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our government into contempt to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their vindictive purposes to strike at them and to debase our politics to the uses of foreign intrigue their number is not great as compared with the whole number of those sturdy hosts by which our nation has been enriched in recent generations out of virile foreign stock but it is great enough to have brought deep disgrace upon us and to have made it necessary that we should promptly make use of processes of law by which we may be purged of their corrupt distempers america never witnessed anything like this before it never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own citizenship men drawn out of great free stocks such as supplied some of the best and strongest elements of that little but how heroic nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every entanglement that had darkened the fortunes of the older nations and set up a new standard here that men of such origins and such free choices of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the government and people who had welcomed and nurtured them and seek to make this proud country once more a hotbed of european passion a little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible because it was incredible we made no preparation for it we would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it as if we were suspicious of ourselves our own comrades and neighbors but the ugly and incredible thing has actually come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it i urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so i am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and of the nation such creatures of passion disloyalty and anarchy must be crushed out they are not many but they are infinitely malignant and the hand of our power should close over them at once they have formed plots to destroy property they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the government they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government in order to serve interests alien to our own it is possible to deal with these things very effectually i need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with i wish that it could be said that only a few men misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the governments under which they were born had been guilty of disturbing the and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country during these days of terrible war when it would seem that every man who was truly an american would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own but it can not there are some men among us and many resident abroad who though born and bred in the united states and calling themselves americans have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great european conflict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the united states they also preach and practice disloyalty no laws i suppose can reach corruptions of the mind and heart but i should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every and thoughtfully patriotic american must feel when lie thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing upon us while we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safeguards of written law it comes of course from her people their energy their success in their undertakings their free opportunity to use the natural resources of our great home land and of the lands outside our continental borders which look to us for protection for encouragement and for assistance in their development from the organization and freedom and vitality of our economic life the domestic questions which engaged the attention of the last congress are more vital to the nation in this its time of test than at any other time we can not adequately make ready for any trial of our strength unless we wisely and promptly direct the force of our laws into these fields of domestic action a matter which it seems to me we should have very much at heart is the creation of the right instrumentalities by which to mobilize our economic resources in any time of national necessity i take it for granted that i do not need your authority to call into systematic consultation with the directing officers of the army and navy men of recognized leadership and ability from among our citizens who are thoroughly familiar for example with the transportation facilities of the country and therefore competent to advise how they may be coordinated when the need arises those who can suggest the best way in which to bring about prompt cooperation among the manufacturers of the country should it be necessary and those who could assist to bring the technical skill of the country to the aid of the government in the solution of particular problems of defense i only hope that if i should find it feasible to constitute such an advisory body the congress would be willing to vote the small sum of money that would be needed to defray the expenses that would probably be necessary to give it the clerical and administrative machinery with which to do serviceable work what is more important is that the industries and resources of the country should be available and ready for mobilization it is the more imperatively necessary therefore that we should promptly devise means for doing what we have not yet done that we should give intelligent federal aid and stimulation to industrial and vocational education as we have long done in the large field of our agricultural industry that at the same time that we safeguard and conserve the natural resources of the country we should put them at the disposal of those who will use them promptly and intelligently as was sought to be done in the admirable bills submitted to the last congress from its committees on the public lands bills which i earnestly recommend in principle to your consideration that we should put into early operation some provision for rural credits which will add to the extensive borrowing facilities already afforded the farmer by the reserve bank act adequate instrumentalities by which long credits may be obtained on land mortgages and that we should study more carefully than they have hitherto been studied the right adaptation of our economic arrangements to changing conditions many conditions about which we have repeatedly legislated are being altered from decade to decade it is evident under our very eyes and are likely to change even more rapidly and more radically in the days immediately ahead of us when peace has returned to the world and the nations of europe once more take up their tasks of commerce and industry with the energy of those who must bestir themselves to build anew just what these changes will be no one can certainly foresee or confidently predict there are no calculable because no stable elements in the problem the most we can do is to make certain that we have the necessary instrumentalities of information constantly at our service so that we may be sure that we know exactly what we are dealing with when we come to act if it should be necessary to act at all we must first certainly know what it is that we are seeking to adapt ourselves to i may ask the privilege of addressing you more at length on this important matter a little later in your session in the meantime may i make this suggestion the transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country there has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully as at present equipped and coordinated i suggest that it would be wise to provide for a commission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole question whether our laws as at present framed and administered are as serviceable as they might be in the solution of the problem it is obviously a problem that lies at the very foundation of our efficiency as a people such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth considering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do anything in the field of federal legislation no one i am sure would wish to take any backward step the regulation of the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the hopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed the question is not what should we undo it is whether there is anything else we can do that would supply us with effective means in the very process of regulation for bettering the conditions under which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful servants of the country as a whole it seems to me that it might be the part of wisdom therefore before further legislation in this field is attempted to look at the whole problem of coordination and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and opinion as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it for what we are seeking now what in my mind is the single thought of this message is national efficiency and security we serve a great nation we should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius it is the genius of common men for industry justice liberty and peace we should see to it that it lacks no instrument no facility or vigor of law to make it sufficient to play its part with energy safety and assured success in this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age
since last privilege addressing state union war nations side sea begun disclose portentous proportions extended threatening sinister scope swept within flame portion every quarter globe excepting hemisphere altered whole face international affairs presents prospect reorganization reconstruction statesmen peoples never called upon attempt stood apart studiously neutral manifest duty part interest policies seem brought conflict necessary universal catastrophe avoided limit set sweep destructive war part great family nations keep processes peace alive prevent collective economic ruin breakdown throughout world industries populations fed sustained manifestly duty nations hemisphere redress possible balance economic loss confusion could nothing day readjustment recuperation earnestly hope believe infinite service neutrality bidden separate life habitual detachment politics europe also clear perception international duty states america become conscious new vital community interest moral partnership affairs clearly conscious many common sympathies interests duties bid stand together time early days great nation republics fighting way independence central south america government united states looked upon sort guardian republics south encroachments efforts political control side water felt duty play part even without invitation think claim task undertaken true disinterested enthusiasm freedom americas unmolested selfgovernment independent peoples always difficult maintain role without offense pride peoples whose freedom action sought protect without provoking serious misconceptions motives every thoughtful man affairs must welcome altered circumstances new day whose light stand claim guardianship thought wards instead full honorable association partners neighbors interest america north south concern independence prosperity states central south america altered retain unabated spirit inspired us throughout whole life government frankly put words president monroe still mean always make common national independence political liberty america purpose better understood far concerns known selfish purpose known thought taking advantage government hemisphere playing political fortunes benefit governments america stand far concerned upon footing genuine equality unquestioned independence put test case mexico stood test whether benefited mexico course pursued remains seen fortunes hands least proved take advantage distress undertake impose upon order government choosing liberty often fierce intractable thing bounds set bounds men choosing ought ever set every american drunk true fountains principle tradition must subscribe without reservation high doctrine virginia bill rights great days government set everywhere amongst us accepted creed free men doctrine government ought instituted common benefit protection security people nation community various modes forms government best capable producing greatest degree happiness safety effectually secured danger maladministration government shall found inadequate contrary purposes majority community hath indubitable inalienable indefeasible right reform alter abolish manner shall judged conducive public weal unhesitatingly applied heroic principle case mexico hopefully await rebirth troubled republic much purge little sympathy outside quarter radical necessary process aid befriend mexico coerce course regard ought sufficient proof america seek political suzerainty selfish control moral states america hostile rivals cooperating friends growing sense community interest alike matters political matters economic likely give new significance factors international affairs political history world presents deep true sense unit world affairs spiritual partners standing together thinking together quick common sympathies common ideals separated subject cross currents confused politics world hostile rivalries united spirit purpose disappointed peaceful destiny none spirit empire embodiment effectual embodiment spirit law independence liberty mutual service notable body men recently met city washington invitation guests government whose deliberations likely looked back marking memorable turning point history america representative spokesmen several independent states hemisphere assembled discuss financial commercial relations republics two continents nature political fortune intimately linked together earnestly recommend perusal reports proceedings actions committees get think fresh conception ease intelligence advantage americans continents may draw together practical cooperation material foundations hopeful partnership interest must consist build necessary hasten building venture point especial significance attaching whole matter drawing americans together bonds honorable partnership mutual advantage economic readjustments world must inevitably witness within next generation peace shall last resumed healthful tasks performance tasks believe americas destined play parts together interested fix attention prospect unless take within view permit full significance command thought find right light set forth particular matter lies font whole thought address mean national defense one really comprehends spirit great people appointed speak fail perceive passion peace genius best displayed practice arts peace great democracies belligerent seek desire war thought individual liberty free labor supports life uncensored thought quickens conquest dominion reckoning agreeable principles demand unmolested development undisturbed government lives upon principles right liberty resent whatever quarter may come aggression practice insist upon security prosecuting lines national development demand also others confine enthusiasm individual liberty free national development incidents movements affairs affect feel wherever people tries walk difficult paths independence right first made common partisans liberty side sea deemed important neighbors free outside domination set america aside whole uses independent nations political freemen thoughts grow policies regard war merely means asserting rights people aggression fiercely jealous coercive dictatorial power within nation aggression without maintain standing army except uses necessary times peace times war shall always see military peace establishment larger actually continuously needed uses days enemies move us believe body free citizens ready sufficient take care governments set serve constitutions commanded right people keep bear arms shall infringed confidence safety times danger would lie rising nation take care farmers rose lexington war never mere matter men guns thing disciplined might citizens ever fight effectively upon sudden summons must know modern fighting done summons comes render immediately available immediately effective government must servant matter must supply training need take care military arm government allow direct may properly use serve make independence secure independence merely rights also made common also put jeopardy must fitted play great role world particularly hemisphere qualified principle chastened ambition play ideals mind plans department war adequate national defense conceived laid urge sanction put effect soon properly scrutinized discussed seem essential first steps seem present sufficient contemplate increase standing force regular army present strength five thousand officers one hundred two thousand nine hundred eightyfive enlisted men services strength seven thousand one hundred officers one hundred thousand seven hundred seven enlisted men told services rank file addition companies coast artillery fifteen companies engineers ten regiments infantry four regiments field artillery four aero squadrons besides seven hundred fifty officers required great variety extra service especially important duty training citizen force shall presently speak seven hundred noncommissioned officers service drill recruiting like necessary quota enlisted men quartermaster corps hospital corps ordnance department similar auxiliary services additions necessary render army adequate present duties duties perform upon continental coasts borders interior army posts also philippines hawaiian islands isthmus porto rico way making country ready assert part real power promptly upon larger scale occasion arise plan also contemplates supplementing army force four hundred thousand disciplined citizens raised increments one hundred thousand year throughout period three years proposed process enlistment serviceable men country would asked bind serve colors purposes training short periods throughout three years come colors call time throughout additional furlough period three years force four hundred thousand men would provided personal accoutrements fast enlisted equipment field made ready supplied time would assembled training stated intervals convenient places association suitable units regular army period annual training would necessarily exceed two months year would depend upon patriotic feeling younger men country whether responded call service would depend upon patriotic spirit employers country whether made possible younger men employ respond favorable conditions one doubt patriotic devotion either young men give employment whose benefit protection would fact enlist would look forward success experiment entire confidence least much way preparation defense seems absolutely imperative less programme laid secretary navy similarly conceived involves shortening time within plans long matured shall carried make definite explicit programme heretofore implicit held minds committees naval affairs disclosed debates two houses nowhere formulated formally adopted seems clear advantage country congress adopt comprehensive plan putting navy upon final footing strength efficiency press plan completion within next five years always looked navy country first chief line defense always seen manifest course prudence strong seas year year creating navy ranks high indeed among navies maritime nations definitely determine shall complete begun soon programme laid contemplates construction within five years ten battleships six battle cruisers ten scout cruisers fifty destroyers fifteen fleet submarines coast submarines four gunboats one hospital ship two ammunition ships two fuel oil ships one repair ship proposed number shall first year provide construction two battleships two battle cruisers three scout cruisers fifteen destroyers five fleet submarines coast submarines two gunboats one hospital ship second year two battleships one scout cruiser ten destroyers four fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one gunboat one fuel oil ship third year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruisers five destroyers two fleet sub marines fifteen coast submarines fourth year two battleships two battle cruisers two scout cruisers ten destroyers two fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one ammunition ship one fuel oil ship fifth year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruisers ten destroyers two fleet submarines fifteen coast submarines one gunboat one ammunition ship one repair ship secretary navy asking also immediate addition personnel navy seven thousand five hundred sailors hundred apprentice seamen fifteen hundred marines increase would sufficient care ships completed within fiscal year 1917 also number men must put training man ships completed early 1918 also necessary number midshipmen naval academy annapolis increased least three hundred order force officers rapidly added authority asked appoint engineering duties approved graduates engineering colleges service aviation corps certain number men taken civil life full programme carried built building 1921 according estimates survival standards classification followed general board department effective navy consisting battleships first line six battle cruisers battleships second line ten armored cruisers thirteen scout cruisers five first class cruisers three second class cruisers ten third class cruisers one hundred eight destroyers eighteen fleet submarines one hundred coast submarines six monitors twenty gunboats four supply ships fifteen fuel ships four transports three tenders torpedo vessels eight vessels special types two ammunition ships would navy fitted needs worthy traditions armies instruments war part considered provide supreme matter national security aspects great matters thrust upon attention whether example pressing question trade shipping involved great problem national adequacy necessary many weighty reasons national efficiency development great merchant marine great merchant fleet used make us rich great body sturdy sailors used carry flag every sea pride often bulwark nation almost driven existence inexcusable neglect indifference hope lessly blind provincial policy economic protection high time repaired mistake resumed commercial independence seas question independence nations go war seek hamper commerce merchants seems mercy please must use ships use determine ships enough handle commerce seas independence provincial land within borders likely permitted use even ships nations rivalry trade without means extend commerce even doors wide open goods desired situation endured capital importance united states carrier seas enjoy economic independence adequate merchant marine would give also american hemisphere whole enjoy like independence drawn tangle european affairs without independence whole question political unity seriously clouded complicated indeed moreover develop true effective american policy without ships ships war ships peace carrying goods carrying much creating friendships rendering indispensable services interests side water must move constantly back forth americas shuttles weave delicate fabric sympathy confidence mutual dependence wish clothe policy america americans task building adequate merchant marine america private capital must ultimately undertake achieve undertaken achieved every like task amongst us past admirable enterprise intelligence vigor seems manifest dictate wisdom promptly remove every legal obstacle may stand way much desired revival old independence facilitate every possible way building purchase american registration ships capital accomplish great task sudden must embark upon degrees opportunities trade develop something must done done open routes develop opportunities yet undeveloped done open arteries trade currents yet learned run two american continents singularly enough yet created quickened evident government undertake beginnings assume initial financial risks risk passed private capital begins find way sufficient abundance new channels government may withdraw omit begin take first steps take goods must lie piled ports stored upon side tracks freight cars daily needed roads must left without means transport foreign quarter must await permission foreign foreign governments send view meeting pressing necessities commerce availing earliest possible moment present unparalleled opportunity linking two americas together bonds mutual interest service opportunity may never return miss proposals made present congress purchase construction ships owned directed government similar made last congress modified essential particulars recommend proposals prompt acceptance confidence every month elapsed since former proposals made made necessity action manifestly imperative need foreseen acutely felt everywhere realized trade waiting find conveyance goods much interested particulars programme taking immediate advantage great opportunity awaits us act emergency matter others spirit common counsel prevail come early solution pressing problem another matter seems intimately associated question national safety preparation defense policy towards philippines people porto rico treatment attitude towards us manifestly first consequence development duties world getting free hand perform duties must free every unnecessary burden embarrassment better way clear embarrassment fulfil promises promote interests dependent us utmost bills alteration reform government philippines rendering fuller political justice people porto rico submitted congress submitted also need particularize details already familiar recommend early adoption sincere conviction measures could adopt would serviceably clear way great policies wish make good always right lead enterpriscs peace good economic political freedom plans armed forces nation outlined general policy adequate preparation mobilization defense involve course large additional expenditures money considerably exceed estimated revenues government made duty law whenever estimates expenditure exceed estimates revenue call attention congress fact suggest means meeting deficiency may wise possible suggest ready believe would duty case feel particularly bound speak matter appears deficiency arise directly adoption congress measures urge adopt allow therefore speak briefly present state treasury fiscal problems next year probably disclose thirtieth june last available balance general fund treasury total estimated receipts year 1916 assumption emergency revenue measure passed last congress extended beyond present limit december 1915 present duty one cent per pound sugar discontinued first may 1916 balance june last estimated revenues come therefore grand total total estimated disbursements present fiscal year including millions panama canal twelve millions probable deficiency appropriations fifty thousand dollars miscellaneous debt redemptions balance general fund treasury reduced emergency revenue act continued beyond present time limitation would produce half year remaining millions duty one cent per pound sugar continued would produce two months fiscal year remaining first may fifteen millions two sums amounting together millions added revenues second half fiscal year would yield treasury end year available balance additional revenues required carry programme military naval preparation spoken would present estimated fiscal year 1917 figures taken figures present fiscal year already given disclose financial problem year 1917 assuming taxes imposed emergency revenue act present duty sugar discontinued balance close present fiscal year disbursements panama canal millions additional expenditures army navy authorized congress deficit general fund treasury thirtieth june 1917 nearly two hundred millions sum least fifty millions added represent safe working balance treasury twelve millions include usual deficiency estimates 1917 additions would make total deficit two hundred millions present taxes continued throughout year next however would balance treasury half millions end present fiscal year deficit end next year fifty millions reckoning millions deficiency appropriations safe treasury balance end year total deficit one hundred twelve millions obvious moral figures plain counsel prudence continue present taxes equivalents confine problem providing one hundred twelve millions new revenue rather two hundred millions shall obtain new revenue frequently reminded many millions bonds treasury authorized existing law sell reimburse sums paid current revenues construction panama canal true bonds amount approximately available purpose prior 1913 bonds actually sold recoup expenditures isthmus constitute considerable item public debt one believe people country approve postponing payment bills borrowing money finance justified permanent things accomplished many generations certainly benefit seems hardly fair single generation pay objects proposing spend money classified except sense everything wisely done may said done interest posterity well seems clear dictate prudent statesmanship frank finance hope undertake pay go people country entitled know burdens taxation carry know outset new bills paid internal taxation sources shall turn peculiarly question gentlemen house representatives expected constitution propose answer hardly expect discuss general terms following almost universal example modern governments draw greater part even whole revenues need income taxes somewhat lowering present limits exemption figure surtax shall begin imposed increasing step step throughout present graduation surtax income taxes present apportioned would yield sums sufficient balance books treasury end fiscal year 1917 without anywhere making burden unreasonably oppressively heavy precise reckonings fully accurately set report secretary treasury immediately laid many additional sources revenue justly resorted without hampering industries country putting great charge upon individual expenditure tax one cent per gallon gasoline naphtha would yield present estimated production tax fifty cents per horse power automobiles internal explosion engines stamp tax bank cheques probably tax cents per ton pig iron tax cents per ton fabricated iron steel probably country great industries like ought easy distribute burdens taxation without making anywhere bear heavily exclusively upon one set persons undertakings clear industry generation pay bills generation spoken gentlemen upon single theme thorough preparation nation care security make sure entire freedom play impartial role hemisphere world believe providentially assigned mind thought immediate particular danger arising relations nations peace nations world reason hope question controversy governments lead serious breach amicable relations grave differences attitude policy land may yet turn sorry say gravest threats national peace safety uttered within borders citizens united states blush admit born flags welcomed generous naturalization laws full freedom opportunity america poured poison disloyalty arteries national life sought bring authority good name government contempt destroy industries wherever thought effective vindictive purposes strike debase politics uses foreign intrigue number great compared whole number sturdy hosts nation enriched recent generations virile foreign stock great enough brought deep disgrace upon us made necessary promptly make use processes law may purged corrupt distempers america never witnessed anything like never dreamed possible men sworn citizenship men drawn great free stocks supplied best strongest elements little heroic nation high day old staked life free every entanglement darkened fortunes older nations set new standard men origins free choices allegiance would ever turn malign reaction government people welcomed nurtured seek make proud country hotbed european passion little ago thing would seemed incredible incredible made preparation would almost ashamed prepare suspicious comrades neighbors ugly incredible thing actually come without adequate federal laws deal urge enact laws earliest possible moment feel urging nothing less save honor nation creatures passion disloyalty anarchy must crushed many infinitely malignant hand power close formed plots destroy property entered conspiracies neutrality government sought pry every confidential transaction government order serve interests alien possible deal things effectually need suggest terms may dealt wish could said men misled mistaken sentiments allegiance governments born guilty disturbing misrepresenting temper principles country days terrible war would seem every man truly american would instinctively make duty pride keep scales judgment even prove partisan nation men among us many resident abroad though born bred united states calling americans forgotten honor citizens put passionate sympathy one side great european conflict regard peace dignity united states also preach practice disloyalty laws suppose reach corruptions mind heart speak others without also speaking expressing even deeper humiliation scorn every thoughtfully patriotic american must feel lie thinks discredit daily bringing upon us speak preparation nation make sure security effective power must fall patent error supposing real strength comes armaments mere safeguards written law comes course people energy success undertakings free opportunity use natural resources great home land lands outside continental borders look us protection encouragement assistance development organization freedom vitality economic life domestic questions engaged attention last congress vital nation time test time adequately make ready trial strength unless wisely promptly direct force laws fields domestic action matter seems much heart creation right instrumentalities mobilize economic resources time national necessity take granted need authority call systematic consultation directing officers army navy men recognized leadership ability among citizens thoroughly familiar example transportation facilities country therefore competent advise may coordinated need arises suggest best way bring prompt cooperation among manufacturers country necessary could assist bring technical skill country aid government solution particular problems defense hope find feasible constitute advisory body congress would willing vote small sum money would needed defray expenses would probably necessary give clerical administrative machinery serviceable work important industries resources country available ready mobilization imperatively necessary therefore promptly devise means yet done give intelligent federal aid stimulation industrial vocational education long done large field agricultural industry time safeguard conserve natural resources country put disposal use promptly intelligently sought done admirable bills submitted last congress committees public lands bills earnestly recommend principle consideration put early operation provision rural credits add extensive borrowing facilities already afforded farmer reserve bank act adequate instrumentalities long credits may obtained land mortgages study carefully hitherto studied right adaptation economic arrangements changing conditions many conditions repeatedly legislated altered decade decade evident eyes likely change even rapidly radically days immediately ahead us peace returned world nations europe take tasks commerce industry energy must bestir build anew changes one certainly foresee confidently predict calculable stable elements problem make certain necessary instrumentalities information constantly service may sure know exactly dealing come act necessary act must first certainly know seeking adapt may ask privilege addressing length important matter little later session meantime may make suggestion transportation problem exceedingly serious pressing one country time time late reason fear railroads would much longer able cope successfully present equipped coordinated suggest would wise provide commission inquiry ascertain thorough canvass whole question whether laws present framed administered serviceable might solution problem obviously problem lies foundation efficiency people inquiry ought draw every circumstance opinion worth considering need know sides matter mean anything field federal legislation one sure would wish take backward step regulation railways country federal commission admirable results fully justified hopes expectations policy regulation originally proposed question undo whether anything else would supply us effective means process regulation bettering conditions railroads operated making useful servants country whole seems might part wisdom therefore legislation field attempted look whole problem coordination efficiency full light fresh assessment circumstance opinion guide dealing several parts seeking mind single thought message national efficiency security serve great nation serve spirit peculiar genius genius common men industry justice liberty peace see lacks instrument facility vigor law make sufficient play part energy safety assured success partisans heralds prophets new age
since last privilege address state union war nation side sea begin disclose portentous proportion extend threaten sinister scope sweep within flame portion every quarter globe except hemisphere alter whole face international affair present prospect reorganization reconstruction statesman people never call upon attempt stand apart studiously neutral manifest duty part interest policy seem bring conflict necessary universal catastrophe avoid limit set sweep destructive war part great family nation keep process peace alive prevent collective economic ruin breakdown throughout world industry population feed sustain manifestly duty nation hemisphere redress possible balance economic loss confusion could nothing day readjustment recuperation earnestly hope believe infinite service neutrality bidden separate life habitual detachment politics europe also clear perception international duty state america become conscious new vital community interest moral partnership affair clearly conscious many common sympathy interest duty bid stand together time early day great nation republic fight way independence central south america government unite state look upon sort guardian republic south encroachment effort political control side water felt duty play part even without invitation think claim task undertaken true disinterested enthusiasm freedom americas unmolested selfgovernment independent people always difficult maintain role without offense pride people whose freedom action seek protect without provoke serious misconception motif every thoughtful man affair must welcome altered circumstance new day whose light stand claim guardianship think ward instead full honorable association partner neighbor interest america north south concern independence prosperity state central south america alter retain unabated spirit inspire u throughout whole life government frankly put word president monroe still mean always make common national independence political liberty america purpose good understood far concern know selfish purpose know think take advantage government hemisphere play political fortune benefit government america stand far concern upon foot genuine equality unquestioned independence put test case mexico stand test whether benefit mexico course pursue remain see fortune hand least proved take advantage distress undertake impose upon order government choose liberty often fierce intractable thing bound set bound men choose ought ever set every american drunk true fountains principle tradition must subscribe without reservation high doctrine virginia bill right great day government set everywhere amongst u accept creed free men doctrine government ought institute common benefit protection security people nation community various mode forms government best capable produce great degree happiness safety effectually secure danger maladministration government shall find inadequate contrary purpose majority community hath indubitable inalienable indefeasible right reform alter abolish manner shall judge conducive public weal unhesitatingly apply heroic principle case mexico hopefully await rebirth trouble republic much purge little sympathy outside quarter radical necessary process aid befriend mexico coerce course regard ought sufficient proof america seek political suzerainty selfish control moral state america hostile rival cooperate friend grow sense community interest alike matter political matter economic likely give new significance factor international affair political history world present deep true sense unit world affair spiritual partner stand together think together quick common sympathy common ideal separate subject cross current confuse politics world hostile rivalry unite spirit purpose disappointed peaceful destiny none spirit empire embodiment effectual embodiment spirit law independence liberty mutual service notable body men recently meet city washington invitation guest government whose deliberation likely look back mark memorable turn point history america representative spokesman several independent state hemisphere assemble discuss financial commercial relation republic two continent nature political fortune intimately link together earnestly recommend perusal report proceeding action committee get think fresh conception ease intelligence advantage americans continent may draw together practical cooperation material foundation hopeful partnership interest must consist build necessary hasten building venture point especial significance attach whole matter draw american together bond honorable partnership mutual advantage economic readjustment world must inevitably witness within next generation peace shall last resumed healthful task performance task believe america destine play part together interested fix attention prospect unless take within view permit full significance command think find right light set forth particular matter lie font whole thought address mean national defense one really comprehend spirit great people appoint speak fail perceive passion peace genius best displayed practice art peace great democracy belligerent seek desire war think individual liberty free labor support life uncensored thought quickens conquest dominion reckon agreeable principle demand unmolested development undisturbed government live upon principle right liberty resent whatever quarter may come aggression practice insist upon security prosecute line national development demand also others confine enthusiasm individual liberty free national development incident movement affair affect feel wherever people try walk difficult path independence right first make common partisan liberty side sea deem important neighbor free outside domination set america aside whole us independent nation political freeman thought grow policy regard war merely mean assert right people aggression fiercely jealous coercive dictatorial power within nation aggression without maintain stand army except us necessary time peace time war shall always see military peace establishment large actually continuously need use day enemy move u believe body free citizen ready sufficient take care government set serve constitution command right people keep bear arm shall infringe confidence safety time danger would lie rise nation take care farmer rise lexington war never mere matter men gun thing discipline might citizen ever fight effectively upon sudden summons must know modern fight do summons come render immediately available immediately effective government must servant matter must supply train need take care military arm government allow direct may properly use serve make independence secure independence merely right also make common also put jeopardy must fit play great role world particularly hemisphere qualify principle chasten ambition play ideal mind plans department war adequate national defense conceive laid urge sanction put effect soon properly scrutinize discuss seem essential first step seem present sufficient contemplate increase stand force regular army present strength five thousand officer one hundred two thousand nine hundred eightyfive enlist men service strength seven thousand one hundred officer one hundred thousand seven hundred seven enlist men tell service rank file addition company coast artillery fifteen company engineer ten regiment infantry four regiment field artillery four aero squadron besides seven hundred fifty officer require great variety extra service especially important duty training citizen force shall presently speak seven hundred noncommissioned officer service drill recruit like necessary quota enlist men quartermaster corps hospital corp ordnance department similar auxiliary service addition necessary render army adequate present duty duty perform upon continental coast border interior army post also philippines hawaiian island isthmus porto rico way make country ready assert part real power promptly upon large scale occasion arise plan also contemplate supplement army force four hundred thousand discipline citizen raise increment one hundred thousand year throughout period three year propose process enlistment serviceable men country would ask bind serve color purpose train short period throughout three year come color call time throughout additional furlough period three year force four hundred thousand men would provide personal accoutrement fast enlisted equipment field make ready supplied time would assemble training state interval convenient place association suitable unit regular army period annual training would necessarily exceed two month year would depend upon patriotic feeling young men country whether respond call service would depend upon patriotic spirit employer country whether make possible young men employ respond favorable condition one doubt patriotic devotion either young men give employment whose benefit protection would fact enlist would look forward success experiment entire confidence least much way preparation defense seem absolutely imperative less programme laid secretary navy similarly conceive involve shorten time within plan long mature shall carry make definite explicit programme heretofore implicit hold mind committee naval affair disclose debate two house nowhere formulate formally adopt seem clear advantage country congress adopt comprehensive plan put navy upon final footing strength efficiency press plan completion within next five year always look navy country first chief line defense always see manifest course prudence strong sea year year create navy rank high indeed among navy maritime nation definitely determine shall complete begin soon programme laid contemplate construction within five year ten battleship six battle cruiser ten scout cruiser fifty destroyer fifteen fleet submarine coast submarine four gunboat one hospital ship two ammunition ship two fuel oil ship one repair ship propose number shall first year provide construction two battleship two battle cruiser three scout cruiser fifteen destroyer five fleet submarine coast submarine two gunboat one hospital ship second year two battleships one scout cruiser ten destroyer four fleet submarine fifteen coast submarine one gunboat one fuel oil ship third year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruiser five destroyer two fleet sub marine fifteen coast submarine fourth year two battleship two battle cruiser two scout cruiser ten destroyer two fleet submarine fifteen coast submarine one ammunition ship one fuel oil ship fifth year two battleships one battle cruiser two scout cruiser ten destroyer two fleet submarine fifteen coast submarine one gunboat one ammunition ship one repair ship secretary navy ask also immediate addition personnel navy seven thousand five hundred sailor hundred apprentice seaman fifteen hundred marine increase would sufficient care ship complete within fiscal year 1917 also number men must put train man ship complete early 1918 also necessary number midshipman naval academy annapolis increase least three hundred order force officer rapidly add authority ask appoint engineering duty approve graduate engineering college service aviation corp certain number men take civil life full programme carry build building 1921 accord estimate survival standard classification follow general board department effective navy consist battleship first line six battle cruiser battleships second line ten armored cruiser thirteen scout cruiser five first class cruiser three second class cruiser ten third class cruiser one hundred eight destroyer eighteen fleet submarine one hundred coast submarine six monitor twenty gunboat four supply ship fifteen fuel ship four transport three tender torpedo vessel eight vessel special type two ammunition ship would navy fit need worthy tradition army instrument war part consider provide supreme matter national security aspects great matter thrust upon attention whether example press question trade shipping involve great problem national adequacy necessary many weighty reason national efficiency development great merchant marine great merchant fleet use make u rich great body sturdy sailor use carry flag every sea pride often bulwark nation almost drive existence inexcusable neglect indifference hope lessly blind provincial policy economic protection high time repair mistake resume commercial independence seas question independence nation go war seek hamper commerce merchant seem mercy please must use ship use determine ship enough handle commerce sea independence provincial land within border likely permit use even ship nation rivalry trade without mean extend commerce even door wide open good desire situation endure capital importance united state carrier sea enjoy economic independence adequate merchant marine would give also american hemisphere whole enjoy like independence draw tangle european affair without independence whole question political unity seriously cloud complicate indeed moreover develop true effective american policy without ship ship war ship peace carry good carry much create friendship render indispensable service interest side water must move constantly back forth america shuttle weave delicate fabric sympathy confidence mutual dependence wish clothe policy america americans task build adequate merchant marine america private capital must ultimately undertake achieve undertaken achieve every like task amongst u past admirable enterprise intelligence vigor seem manifest dictate wisdom promptly remove every legal obstacle may stand way much desire revival old independence facilitate every possible way build purchase american registration ship capital accomplish great task sudden must embark upon degree opportunity trade develop something must do do open route develop opportunity yet undeveloped do open artery trade current yet learn run two american continent singularly enough yet create quicken evident government undertake beginning assume initial financial risk risk pass private capital begin find way sufficient abundance new channel government may withdraw omit begin take first step take good must lie piled port store upon side track freight car daily need road must leave without mean transport foreign quarter must await permission foreign foreign government send view meeting press necessity commerce avail early possible moment present unparalleled opportunity link two americas together bond mutual interest service opportunity may never return miss proposal make present congress purchase construction ship own directed government similar make last congress modify essential particular recommend proposal prompt acceptance confidence every month elapse since former proposal make make necessity action manifestly imperative need foreseen acutely felt everywhere realize trade wait find conveyance good much interested particular programme take immediate advantage great opportunity await u act emergency matter others spirit common counsel prevail come early solution press problem another matter seem intimately associate question national safety preparation defense policy towards philippines people porto rico treatment attitude towards u manifestly first consequence development duty world get free hand perform duty must free every unnecessary burden embarrassment well way clear embarrassment fulfil promise promote interest dependent u utmost bill alteration reform government philippine render fuller political justice people porto rico submit congress submit also need particularize detail already familiar recommend early adoption sincere conviction measure could adopt would serviceably clear way great policy wish make good always right lead enterpriscs peace good economic political freedom plan arm force nation outline general policy adequate preparation mobilization defense involve course large additional expenditure money considerably exceed estimate revenue government make duty law whenever estimate expenditure exceed estimate revenue call attention congress fact suggest mean meeting deficiency may wise possible suggest ready believe would duty case feel particularly bind speak matter appear deficiency arise directly adoption congress measure urge adopt allow therefore speak briefly present state treasury fiscal problem next year probably disclose thirtieth june last available balance general fund treasury total estimate receipt year 1916 assumption emergency revenue measure pass last congress extend beyond present limit december 1915 present duty one cent per pound sugar discontinue first may 1916 balance june last estimate revenue come therefore grand total total estimate disbursement present fiscal year include million panama canal twelve million probable deficiency appropriation fifty thousand dollar miscellaneous debt redemption balance general fund treasury reduce emergency revenue act continue beyond present time limitation would produce half year remain million duty one cent per pound sugar continue would produce two month fiscal year remain first may fifteen million two sum amount together million add revenue second half fiscal year would yield treasury end year available balance additional revenue require carry programme military naval preparation speak would present estimate fiscal year 1917 figure take figure present fiscal year already give disclose financial problem year 1917 assuming tax impose emergency revenue act present duty sugar discontinue balance close present fiscal year disbursement panama canal million additional expenditure army navy authorize congress deficit general fund treasury thirtieth june 1917 nearly two hundred million sum least fifty million add represent safe work balance treasury twelve million include usual deficiency estimate 1917 addition would make total deficit two hundred million present tax continue throughout year next however would balance treasury half million end present fiscal year deficit end next year fifty million reckon million deficiency appropriation safe treasury balance end year total deficit one hundred twelve million obvious moral figure plain counsel prudence continue present tax equivalent confine problem provide one hundred twelve million new revenue rather two hundred million shall obtain new revenue frequently remind many million bond treasury authorize exist law sell reimburse sum pay current revenue construction panama canal true bond amount approximately available purpose prior 1913 bond actually sell recoup expenditures isthmus constitute considerable item public debt one believe people country approve postpone payment bill borrow money finance justify permanent thing accomplish many generation certainly benefit seem hardly fair single generation pay object propose spend money classify except sense everything wisely do may say do interest posterity well seem clear dictate prudent statesmanship frank finance hope undertake pay go people country entitle know burden taxation carry know outset new bill pay internal taxation source shall turn peculiarly question gentleman house representative expect constitution propose answer hardly expect discuss general term follow almost universal example modern government draw great part even whole revenue need income tax somewhat lower present limit exemption figure surtax shall begin imposed increase step step throughout present graduation surtax income tax present apportion would yield sums sufficient balance book treasury end fiscal year 1917 without anywhere make burden unreasonably oppressively heavy precise reckoning fully accurately set report secretary treasury immediately lay many additional source revenue justly resort without hamper industry country put great charge upon individual expenditure tax one cent per gallon gasoline naphtha would yield present estimate production tax fifty cent per horse power automobile internal explosion engine stamp tax bank cheque probably tax cent per ton pig iron tax cent per ton fabricate iron steel probably country great industry like ought easy distribute burden taxation without make anywhere bear heavily exclusively upon one set person undertaking clear industry generation pay bill generation speak gentleman upon single theme thorough preparation nation care security make sure entire freedom play impartial role hemisphere world believe providentially assign mind thought immediate particular danger arise relation nation peace nation world reason hope question controversy government lead serious breach amicable relation grave difference attitude policy land may yet turn sorry say grave threat national peace safety utter within border citizen united state blush admit bear flag welcome generous naturalization law full freedom opportunity america pour poison disloyalty arteries national life seek bring authority good name government contempt destroy industry wherever think effective vindictive purpose strike debase politics use foreign intrigue number great compare whole number sturdy host nation enrich recent generation virile foreign stock great enough brought deep disgrace upon u make necessary promptly make use process law may purge corrupt distemper america never witness anything like never dream possible men swear citizenship men draw great free stock supply best strong element little heroic nation high day old stake life free every entanglement darken fortune old nation set new standard men origins free choice allegiance would ever turn malign reaction government people welcome nurtured seek make proud country hotbed european passion little ago thing would seem incredible incredible make preparation would almost ashamed prepare suspicious comrade neighbor ugly incredible thing actually come without adequate federal law deal urge enact law earliest possible moment feel urge nothing less save honor nation creatures passion disloyalty anarchy must crush many infinitely malignant hand power close form plot destroy property enter conspiracy neutrality government seek pry every confidential transaction government order serve interest alien possible deal thing effectually need suggest term may deal wish could say men mislead mistaken sentiment allegiance government bear guilty disturb misrepresent temper principle country day terrible war would seem every man truly american would instinctively make duty pride keep scale judgment even prove partisan nation men among u many resident abroad though born breed united state call american forget honor citizen put passionate sympathy one side great european conflict regard peace dignity united state also preach practice disloyalty law suppose reach corruption mind heart speak others without also speak express even deep humiliation scorn every thoughtfully patriotic american must feel lie think discredit daily bring upon u speak preparation nation make sure security effective power must fall patent error suppose real strength come armament mere safeguard write law come course people energy success undertaking free opportunity use natural resource great home land land outside continental border look u protection encouragement assistance development organization freedom vitality economic life domestic question engage attention last congress vital nation time test time adequately make ready trial strength unless wisely promptly direct force law field domestic action matter seem much heart creation right instrumentality mobilize economic resource time national necessity take grant need authority call systematic consultation direct officer army navy men recognize leadership ability among citizen thoroughly familiar example transportation facility country therefore competent advise may coordinate need arises suggest best way bring prompt cooperation among manufacturer country necessary could assist bring technical skill country aid government solution particular problem defense hope find feasible constitute advisory body congress would willing vote small sum money would need defray expense would probably necessary give clerical administrative machinery serviceable work important industry resource country available ready mobilization imperatively necessary therefore promptly devise mean yet do give intelligent federal aid stimulation industrial vocational education long do large field agricultural industry time safeguard conserve natural resource country put disposal use promptly intelligently seek do admirable bill submit last congress committee public land bill earnestly recommend principle consideration put early operation provision rural credit add extensive borrowing facility already afford farmer reserve bank act adequate instrumentality long credit may obtain land mortgage study carefully hitherto study right adaptation economic arrangement change condition many condition repeatedly legislate altered decade decade evident eye likely change even rapidly radically day immediately ahead u peace returned world nation europe take task commerce industry energy must bestir build anew change one certainly foresee confidently predict calculable stable element problem make certain necessary instrumentality information constantly service may sure know exactly deal come act necessary act must first certainly know seek adapt may ask privilege address length important matter little late session meantime may make suggestion transportation problem exceedingly serious press one country time time late reason fear railroad would much longer able cope successfully present equip coordinated suggest would wise provide commission inquiry ascertain thorough canvas whole question whether law present frame administer serviceable might solution problem obviously problem lie foundation efficiency people inquiry ought draw every circumstance opinion worth consider need know side matter mean anything field federal legislation one sure would wish take backward step regulation railways country federal commission admirable result fully justified hope expectation policy regulation originally propose question undo whether anything else would supply u effective mean process regulation better condition railroad operate make useful servant country whole seem might part wisdom therefore legislation field attempt look whole problem coordination efficiency full light fresh assessment circumstance opinion guide deal several part seek mind single think message national efficiency security serve great nation serve spirit peculiar genius genius common men industry justice liberty peace see lack instrument facility vigor law make sufficient play part energy safety assure success partisan herald prophet new age