Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year. The general health of the country has been excellent, our harvests have been unusually plentiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the land. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe from the past events in our history that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our progress, but on each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the moment it appeared ready to burst upon our head, and the danger to our institutions has passed away. May we ever be under the divine guidance and protection. Whilst it is the duty of the President "from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the Union," I shall not refer in detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at Harpers Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in themselves, derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slavery in the South. Whilst for myself I entertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning to us all to beware of the approach of danger. Our Union is a stake of such inestimable value as to demand our constant and watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and South, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual forbearance and good will toward each other and strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land. This advice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose service commenced in the last generation, among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful. We ought to reflect that in this age, and especially in this country, there is an incessant flux and reflux of public opinion. Questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect have now nearly gone from the memory of men. They are "volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoria of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sustaining corn." Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the Constitution. If this course be pursued, the existing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day and give place to other and less threatening controversies. Public opinion in this country is all-powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auspicious result at the present crisis we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his own teachings. Those who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the Constitution and the Union must not be surprised should their heated partisans advance one step further and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines into practical effect. In this view of the subject, it ought never to be forgotten that however great may have been the political advantages resulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these would all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they can not be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the Confederacy. If the peace of the domestic fireside throughout these States should ever be invaded, if the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children before the morning, it would be vain to recount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from the Union. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature, and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in no such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events at Harpers Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means under Providence of allaying the existing excitement and preventing further outbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitution and the Union shall not be endangered by rash counsels, knowing that should "the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken at the fountain" human power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments. I cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the Supreme Court of the United States of the question of slavery in the Territories, which had presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of my Administration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind, including slaves, into the common Territories belonging equally to all the States of the Confederacy, and to have it protected there under the Federal Constitution. Neither Congress nor a Territorial legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this vested right. The supreme judicial tribunal of the country, which is a coordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and affirmed these principles of constitutional law, so manifestly just in themselves and so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the States. It is a striking proof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people that the property in slaves has never been disturbed, to my knowledge, in any of the Territories. Even throughout the late troubles in Kansas there has not been any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to interfere in a single instance with the right of the master. Had any such attempt been made, the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do this hereafter, it will then be time enough to strengthen their hands by further legislation. Had it been decided that either Congress or the Territorial legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable. In the latter event there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the legislature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of property held under the Federal Constitution would depend for the time being on the result. The agitation would thus be rendered incessant whilst the Territorial condition remained, and its baneful influence would keep alive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several States. Thus has the status of a Territory during the intermediate period from its first settlement until it shall become a State been irrevocably fixed by the final decision of the Supreme Court. Fortunate has this been for the prosperity of the Territories, as well as the tranquillity of the States. Now emigrants from the North and the South, the East and the West, will meet in the Territories on a common platform, having brought with them that species of property best adapted, in their own opinion, to promote their welfare. From natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon virtually settle itself, and before the Territory is prepared for admission as a State into the Union this decision, one way or the other, will have been a foregone conclusion. Meanwhile the settlement of the new Territory will proceed without serious interruption, and its progress and prosperity will not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles. When in the progress of events the inhabitants of any Territory shall have reached the number required to form a State, they will then proceed in a regular manner and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty to form a constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. After this has been done, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebraska act, they "shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." This sound principle has happily been recognized in some form or other by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses of the last Congress. All lawful means at my command have been employed, and shall continue to be employed, to execute the laws against the African slave trade. After a most careful and rigorous examination of our coasts and a thorough investigation of the subject, we have not been able to discover that any slaves have been imported into the United States except the cargo by the Wanderer, numbering between three and four hundred. Those engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecuted, but not with as much success as their crimes have deserved. A number of them are still under prosecution. Our history proves that the fathers of the Republic, in advance of all other nations, condemned the African slave trade. It was, notwithstanding, deemed expedient by the framers of the Constitution to deprive Congress of the power to prohibit "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit" "prior to the year 1808." It will be seen that this restriction on the power of Congress was confined to such States only as might think proper to admit the importation of slaves. It did not extend to other States or to the trade carried on abroad. Accordingly, we find that so early as the 22d March, 1794, Congress passed an act imposing severe penalties and punishments upon citizens and residents of the United States who should engage in this trade between foreign nations. The provisions of this act were extended and enforced by the act of 10th May, 1800. Again, the States themselves had a clear right to waive the constitutional privilege intended for their benefit, and to prohibit by their own laws this trade at any time they thought proper previous to 1808. Several of them exercised this right before that period, and among them some containing the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Congress the immediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they themselves had removed the constitutional barrier. Congress accordingly passed an act on 28th February, 1803, "to prevent the importation of certain persons into certain States where by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited." In this manner the importation of African slaves into the United States was to a great extent prohibited some years in advance of 1808. As the year 1808 approached Congress determined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it. On the 2d of March, 1807, they passed an act, to take effect "from and after the 1st day of January, 1808," prohibiting the importation of African slaves into the United States. This was followed by subsequent acts of a similar character, to which I need not specially refer. Such were the principles and such the practice of our ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard to the African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered patriots who had been delegates to the Convention, and afterwards became members of Congress, that in passing these laws they had violated the Constitution which they had framed with so much care and deliberation. They supposed that to prohibit Congress in express terms from exercising a specified power before an appointed day necessarily involved the right to exercise this power after that day had arrived. If this were not the case, the framers of the Constitution had expended much labor in vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no power to prohibit the trade either before or after 1808, they would not have taken so much care to protect the States against the exercise of this power before that period. Nay, more, they would not have attached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of future repeal or amendment, to which other portions of the Constitution were exposed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to ingraft on the fifth article of the Constitution, prescribing the mode of its own future amendment, the proviso "that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect" the provision in the Constitution securing to the States the right to admit the importation of African slaves previous to that period. According to the adverse construction, the clause itself, on which so much care and discussion had been employed by the members of the Convention, was an absolute nullity from the beginning, and all that has since been done under it a mere usurpation. It was well and wise to confer this power on Congress, because had it been left to the States its efficient exercise would have been impossible. In that event any one State could have effectually continued the trade, not only for itself, but for all the other slave States, though never so much against their will. And why? Because African slaves, when once brought within the limits of any one State in accordance with its laws, can not practically be excluded from any State where slavery exists. And even if all the States had separately passed laws prohibiting the importation of slaves, these laws would have failed of effect for want of a naval force to capture the slavers and to guard the coast. Such a force no State can employ in time of peace without the consent of Congress. These acts of Congress, it is believed, have, with very rare and insignificant exceptions, accomplished their purpose. For a period of more than half a century there has been no perceptible addition to the number of our domestic slaves. During this period their advancement in civilization has far surpassed that of any other portion of the African race. The light and the blessings of Christianity have been extended to them, and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly improved. Reopen the trade and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect would be more deleterious on the interests of the master or on those of the native-born slave. Of the evils to the master, the one most to be dreaded would be the introduction of wild, heathen, and ignorant barbarians among the sober, orderly, and quiet slaves whose ancestors have been on the soil for several generations. This might tend to barbarize, demoralize, and exasperate the whole mass and produce most deplorable consequences. The effect upon the existing slave would, if possible, be still more deplorable. At present he is treated with kindness and humanity. He is well fed, well clothed, and not overworked. His condition is incomparably better than that of the coolies which modern nations of high civilization have employed as a substitute for African slaves. Both the philanthropy and the self-interest of the master have combined to produce this humane result. But let this trade be reopened and what will be the effect? The same to a considerable extent as on a neighboring island, the only spot now on earth where the African slave trade is openly tolerated, and this in defiance of solemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any moment to enforce their execution. There the master, intent upon present gain, extorts from the slave as much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring, knowing that when death comes to his relief his place can be supplied at a price reduced to the lowest point by the competition of rival African slave traders. Should this ever be the case in our country, which I do not deem possible, the present useful character of the domestic institution, wherein those too old and too young to work are provided for with care and humanity and those capable of labor are not overtasked, would undergo an unfortunate change. The feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment which now exists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and hostility. But we are obliged as a Christian and moral nation to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should reopen the slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had, even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the American market. All hopes of African civilization would thus be ended. On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade,we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom. The wisdom of the course pursued by this Government toward China has been vindicated by the event. Whilst we sustained a neutral position in the war waged by Great Britain and France against the Chinese Empire, our late minister, in obedience to his instructions, judiciously cooperated with the ministers of these powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the just concessions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce. The result is that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with China by the respective ministers of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia. Our "treaty, or general convention, of peace, amity, and commerce" with that Empire was concluded at Tien-tsin on the 18th June, 1858, and was ratified by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the 21st December following. On the 15th December, 1858, John E. Ward, a distinguished citizen of Georgia, was duly commissioned as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to China. He left the United States for the place of his destination on the 5th of February, 1859, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and arrived at Shanghai on the 28th May. From thence he proceeded to Peking on the 16th June, but did not arrive in that city until the 27th July. According to the terms of the treaty, the ratifications were to be exchanged on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his control, not necessary to detail; but still it is due to the Chinese authorities at Shanghai to state that they always assured him no advantage should be taken of the delay, and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed. On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Peking he requested an audience of the Emperor to present his letter of credence. This he did not obtain, in consequence of his very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating ceremonies required by the etiquette of this strange people in approaching their sovereign. Nevertheless, the interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spirit and with all due regard to his personal feelings and the honor of his country. When a presentation to His Majesty was found to be impossible, the letter of credence from the President was received with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, "the Emperor's prime minister and the second man in the Empire to the Emperor himself." The ratifications of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August, exchanged in proper form at Peit-sang. As the exchange did not take place until after the day prescribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper before its publication again to submit it to the Senate. It is but simple justice to the Chinese authorities to observe that throughout the whole transaction they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit toward the United States. It is true this has been done after their own peculiar fashion; but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years, so far as this may be consistent with our own national honor. The conduct of our minister on the occasion has received my entire approbation. In order to carry out the spirit of this treaty and to give it full effect it became necessary to conclude two supplemental conventions, the one for the adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens and the other to fix the tariff on imports and exports and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with China. This duty was satisfactorily performed by our late minister. These conventions bear date at Shanghai on the 8th November, 1858. Having been considered in the light of binding agreements subsidiary to the principal treaty, and to be carried into execution without delay, they do not provide for any formal ratification or exchange of ratifications by the contracting parties. This was not deemed necessary by the Chinese, who are already proceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens and, it is hoped, to carry out the other provisions of the conventions. Still, I thought it was proper to submit them to the Senate by which they were ratified on the 3d of March, 1859. The ratified copies, however, did not reach Shanghai until after the departure of our minister to Peking, and these conventions could not, therefore, be exchanged at the same time with the principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the Chinese Government should this be thought advisable; but under the circumstances presented I shall consider them binding engagements from their date on both parties, and cause them to be published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese Empire. It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted. It happily did not become necessary to employ the force for this purpose which Congress had placed at my command under the joint resolution of 2d June, 1858. On the contrary, the President of that Republic, in a friendly spirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the Government of the United States. Our commissioner arrived at Assumption, the capital of the Republic, on the 25th of January, 1859, and left it on the 17th of February, having in three weeks ably and successfully accomplished all the objects of his mission. The treaties which he has concluded will be immediately submitted to the Senate. In the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become necessary to obtain "just satisfaction" from Paraguay, a strong naval force was concentrated in the waters of the La Plata to await contingencies whilst our commissioner ascended the rivers to Assumption. The Navy Department is entitled to great credit for the promptness, efficiency, and economy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted. It consisted of 19 armed vessels, great and small, carrying 200 guns and 2,500 men, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Shubrick. The entire expenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary appropriations for the naval service, except the sum of $289,000, applied to the purchase of seven of the steamers constituting a part of it, under the authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3d March last. It is believed that these steamers are worth more than their cost, and they are all now usefully and actively employed in the naval service. The appearance of so large a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far-distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of our country throughout all that remote portion of the world. Our relations with the great Empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, unless we may except that of Spain, happily continue to be of the most friendly character. In my last annual message I presented a statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our relations with Spain, and I regret to say that this has not materially improved. Without special reference to other claims, even the "Cuban claims," the payment of which has been ably urged by our ministers, and in which more than a hundred of our citizens are directly interested, remain unsatisfied, notwithstanding both their justice and their amount ($128,635.54) had been recognized and ascertained by the Spanish Government itself. I again recommend that an appropriation be made "to be paid to the Spanish Government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the Amistad case." In common with two of my predecessors, I entertain no doubt that this is required by our treaty with Spain of the 27th October, 1795. The failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet of Madrid as a reason against the settlement of our claims. I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in favor of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure remain unchanged. I therefore again invite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recognition of this policy on their part it will be almost impossible to institute negotiations with any reasonable prospect of success. Until a recent period there was good reason to believe that I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties with Great Britain arising out of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty had been finally adjusted in a manner alike honorable and satisfactory to both parties. From causes, however, which the British Government had not anticipated, they have not yet completed treaty arrangements with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two Governments. It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished. Whilst indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could disturb the good understanding between the two countries, the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the island of San Juan, under the Oregon treaty of the 15th June, 1846, suddenly assumed a threatening prominence. In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that remote frontier, the late Secretary of State, on the 17th July, 1855, addressed a note to Mr. Crampton, then British minister at Washington, communicating to him a copy of the instructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had given on the 14th July to Governor Stevens, of Washington Territory, having a special reference to an "apprehended conflict between our citizens and the British subjects on the island of San Juan." To prevent this the governor was instructed "that the officers of the Territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of Great Britain of an exclusive right over the premises. The title ought to be settled before either party should attempt to exclude the other by force or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits." In acknowledging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Marcy's note the British minister expressed his entire concurrence "in the propriety of the course recommended to the governor of Washington Territory by your [Mr. Marcy's] instructions to that officer," and stating that he had "lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the Governor-General of British North America" and had "earnestly recommended to His Excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure on the part of the British local authorities and the inhabitants of the neighborhood of the line in question the exercise of the same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you [Mr. Marcy] on the authorities and citizens of the United States." Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement until the 9th July last, when General Harney paid a visit to the island. He found upon it twenty-five American residents with their families, and also an establishment of the Hudsons Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep. A short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal belonging to the company whilst trespassing upon his premises, for which, however, he offered to pay twice its value, but that was refused. Soon after "the chief factor of the company at Victoria, Mr. Dalles, son-in-law of Governor Douglas, came to the island in the British sloop of war Satellite and threatened to take this American [Mr. Cutler] by force to Victoria to answer for the trespass he had committed. The American seized his rifle and told Mr. Dalles if any such attempt was made he would kill him upon the spot. The affair then ended." Under these circumstances the American settlers presented a petition to the General "through the United States inspector of customs, Mr. Hubbs, to place a force upon the island to protect them from the Indians as well as the oppressive interference of the authorities of the Hudsons Bay Company at Victoria with their rights as American citizens." The General immediately responded to this petition, and ordered Captain George E. Pickett, Ninth Infantry, "to establish his company on Bellevue, or San Juan Island, on some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern extremity." This order was promptly obeyed and a military post was established at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island amounted in the aggregate to 691 men. Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of the British colonial authorities contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that I should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Captain Pickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouvers Island from exercising jurisdiction over American residents on the island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the incursions of the Indians. Much excitement prevailed for some time throughout that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended. The British had a large naval force in the vicinity, and it is but an act of simple justice to the admiral on that station to state that he wisely and discreetly forbore to commit any hostile act, but determined to refer the whole affair to his Government and await their instructions. This aspect of the matter, in my opinion, demanded serious attention. It would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been precipitated into acts of hostility, not on the question of title to the island, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the intervening period whilst the two Governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs. For this reason Lieutenant-General Scott was dispatched, on the 17th of September last, to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pacific Coast, should he deem this necessary. The main object of his mission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late Secretary of State and the British minister, and thus to preserve the peace and prevent collision between the British and American authorities pending the negotiations between the two Governments. Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add that in any event American citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favorable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Captain Pickett's company should remain on the island. It is proper to observe that, considering the distance from the scene of action and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the General's arrival, it was necessary to leave much to his discretion; and I am happy to state the event has proven that this discretion could not have been intrusted to more competent hands. General Scott has recently returned from his mission, having successfully accomplished its objects, and there is no longer any good reason to apprehend a collision between the forces of the two countries during the pendency of the existing negotiations. I regret to inform you that there has been no improvement in the affairs of Mexico since my last annual message, and I am again obliged to ask the earnest attention of Congress to the unhappy condition of that Republic. The constituent Congress of Mexico, which adjourned on the 17th February, 1857, adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election. This took place in the following July (1857), and General Comonfort was chosen President almost without opposition. At the same election a new Congress was chosen, whose first session commenced on the 16th of September (1857). By the constitution of 1857 the Presidential term was to begin on the 1st of December (1857) and continue for four years. On that day General Comonfort appeared before the assembled Congress in the City of Mexico, took the oath to support the new constitution, and was duly inaugurated as President. Within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the Republic to General Zuloaga. The constitution provided that in the absence of the President his office should devolve upon the chief justice of the supreme court; and General Comonfort having left the country, this functionary, General Juarez, proceeded to form at Guanajuato a constitutional Government. Before this was officially known, however, at the capital the Government of Zuloaga had been recognized by the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister of the United States, as the de facto Government of Mexico. The constitutional President, nevertheless, maintained his position with firmness, and was soon established, with his cabinet, at Vera Cruz. Meanwhile the Government of Zuloaga was earnestly resisted in many parts of the Republic, and even in the capital, a portion of the army having pronounced against it, its functions were declared terminated, and an assembly of citizens was invited for the choice of a new President. This assembly elected General Miramort, but that officer repudiated the plan under which he was chosen, and Zuloaga was thus restored to his previous position. He assumed it, however, only to withdraw from it; and Miramon, having become by his appointment "President substitute," continues with that title at the head of the insurgent party. In my last annual message I communicated to Congress the circumstances under which the late minister of the United States suspended his official relations with the central Government and withdrew from the country. It was impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a government like that at the capital, under whose usurped authority wrongs were constantly committed, but never redressed. Had this been an established government, with its power extending by the consent of the people over the whole of Mexico, a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite justifiable, and, indeed, necessary. But the country was a prey to civil war, and it was hoped that the success of the constitutional President might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United States. This success became so probable that in January last I employed a reliable agent to visit Mexico and report to me the actual condition and prospects of the contending parties. In consequence of his report and from information which reached me from other sources favorable to the prospects of the constitutional cause, I felt justified in appointing a new minister to Mexico, who might embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring our diplomatic relations with that Republic. For this purpose a distinguished citizen of Maryland was selected, who proceeded on his mission on the 8th of March last, with discretionary authority to recognize the Government of President Juarez if on his arrival in Mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition according to the established practice of the United States. On the 7th of April following Mr. McLane presented his credentials to President Juarez, having no hesitation "in pronouncing the Government of Juarez to be the only existing government of the Republic." He was cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and they have ever since manifested the most friendly disposition toward the United States. Unhappily, however, the constitutional Government has not been able to establish its power over the whole Republic. It is supported by a large majority of the people and the States, but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience. General Miramon maintains himself at the capital, and in some of the distant Provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees of either Government. In the meantime the excesses which always attend upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst description are committed both upon persons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace with that Republic, but "so far as the interests of our commerce, or of our citizens who have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters, or in other capacities, are concerned, we might as well have been at war." Life has been insecure, property unprotected, and trade impossible except at a risk of loss which prudent men can not be expected to incur. Important contracts, involving large expenditures, entered into by the central Government, have been set at defiance by the local governments. Peaceful American residents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been suddenly expelled the country, in defiance of treaties and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not been safe from control, and a recent decree of Miramort permits the intervention of Government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the United States have been seized without law, and a consular officer who protested against such seizure has been fined and imprisoned for disrespect to the authorities. Military contributions have been levied in violation of every principle of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand has had his property forcibly taken away and has been himself banished. From a conflict of authority in different parts of the country tariff duties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again in another place. Large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity for a hearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury, and without any hope of redress. The wholesale massacre of Crabbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the house of an American upon the soil of the United States, was communicated to Congress at its last session. Murders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the authority of Miramon's Government, during the present year. Some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age, and if they had not been dearly proven would have seemed impossible in a country which claims to be civilized. Of this description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of General Marquez, of three American physicians who were seized in the hospital at Tacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties, and without trial, as without crime, were hurried away to speedy execution. Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th of August by order of the same Mexican general, not only without a trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the cause of his arrest. He is represented as a young man of good character and intelligence, who had made numerous friends in Tepic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions; and his death was as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages might be enumerated, but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico. In all these cases our ministers have been constant and faithful in their demands for redress, but both they and this Government, which they have successively represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective. Their testimony in this respect and in reference to the only remedy which in their judgments would meet the exigency has been both uniform and emphatic. "Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the United States," wrote our late minister in 1856, "and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here is that there is nothing to be apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that local Mexican officials can commit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity." "I hope the President," wrote our present minister in August last, "will feel authorized to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military forces of the United States at the call of the constitutional authorities, in order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the United States. Unless such a power is conferred upon him, neither the one nor the other will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and the outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised; and, as I assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige of order and government disappears from the country." I have been reluctantly led to the same opinion, and in justice to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from Mexico and who may still suffer them I feel bound to announce this conclusion to Congress. The case presented, however, is not merely a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount; nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the few Americans who may still remain in Mexico, although the life and property of every American citizen ought to be sacredly protected in every quarter of the world; but it is a question which relates to the future as well as to the present and the past, and which involves, indirectly at least, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring State. The exercise of the power of the United States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens is none the less to be desired because efficient and necessary aid may thus be rendered at the same time to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the accomplishment of this result the people of the United States must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to be a rich and prosperous and powerful Republic. She possesses an extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an important position between the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce. Is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for its rescue and its safety? Will the commercial nations of the world, which have so many interests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to such a result? Can the United States especially, which ought to share most largely in its commercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itself and injure them? Yet without support from some quarter it is impossible to perceive how Mexico can resume her position among nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which she requires, and which the interests of all commercial countries require that she should have, it belongs to this Government to render, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue also of our established policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention of any European power in the domestic concerns of that Republic. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world and must deeply impress every American citizen. A government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional Government at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the seacoasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the City of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the constitutional Government. The most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that Government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights secured by treaty would not be the less imperative. For these reasons I recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the decision of Congress. I would merely observe that should volunteers be selected such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citizens in Mexico and with the unhappy condition of that Republic. Such an accession to the forces of the constitutional Government would enable it soon to reach the City of Mexico and extend its power over the whole Republic. In that event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them. The constitutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire to do justice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. It may be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the domestic concerns of foreign nations. But does not the present case fairly constitute an exception? An adjoining Republic is in a state of anarchy and confusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself. She is entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders or to prevent the incursions of banditti into our territory. In her fate and in her fortune, in her power to establish and maintain a settled government, we have a far deeper interest, socially, commercially, and politically, than any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is impelled by different factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty, for the maintenance of our established policy. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary military posts across the Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where these may be necessary to protect the lives and property of American and Mexican citizens against the incursions and depredations of the Indians, as well as of lawless rovers, on that remote region. The establishment of one such post at a point called Arispe, in Sonora, in a country now almost depopulated by the hostile inroads of the Indians from our side of the line, would, it is believed, have prevented much injury and many cruelties during the past season. A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that distant frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. The population of Arizona, now numbering more than 10,000 souls, are practically destitute of government, of laws, or of any regular administration of justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes are committed with impunity. I therefore again call the attention of Congress to the necessity for establishing a Territorial government over Arizona. The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th of February, 1857, to which I referred in my last annual message, failed to receive the ratification of the Government of that Republic, for reasons which I need not enumerate. A similar treaty has been since concluded between the parties, bearing date on the 16th March, 1859, which has already been ratified by the Nicaraguan Congress. This will be immediately submitted to the Senate for their ratification. Its provisions can not, I think, fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries. Our claims against the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredressed, though they are pressed in an earnest manner and not without hope of success. I deem it to be my duty once more earnestly to recommend to Congress the passage of a law authorizing the President to employ the naval force at his command for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens passing in transit across the Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec routes against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations. I shall not repeat the arguments employed in former messages in support of this measure. Suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people and the security of vast amounts of treasure passing and repassing over one or more of these routes between the Atlantic and Pacific may be deeply involved in the action of Congress on this subject. I would also again recommend to Congress that authority be given to the President to employ the naval force to protect American merchant vessels, their crews and cargoes, against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the Spanish American States when these countries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary condition. The mere knowledge that such an authority had been conferred, as I have already stated, would of itself in a great degree prevent the evil. Neither would this require any additional appropriation for the naval service. The chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is that Congress by conferring it would violate the Constitution; that it would be a transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speaking, the war-declaring, power to the Executive. If this were well rounded, it would, of course, be conclusive. A very brief examination, however, will place this objection at rest. Congress possess the sole and exclusive power under the Constitution "to declare war." They alone can"raise and support armies" and "provide and maintain a navy." But after Congress shall have declared war and provided the force necessary to carry it on the President, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy. This is the plain language, and history proves that it was the well-known intention of the framers, of the Constitution. It will not be denied that the general "power to declare war" is without limitation and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war, and, in short, every species of hostility, however confined or limited. Without the authority of Congress the President can not fire a hostile gun in any case except to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under this power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorize the President to employ the force at his command to seize a vessel belonging to an American citizen which had been illegally and unjustly captured in a foreign port and restore it to its owner. But can Congress only act after the fact, after the mischief has been done? Have they no power to confer upon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur? Must they wait until the mischief has been done, and can they apply the remedy only when it is too late? To confer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified is as clearly within the war-declaring power as such an authority conferred upon the President by act of Congress after the deed had been done. In the progress of a great nation many exigencies must arise imperatively requiring that Congress should authorize the President to act promptly on certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise. Our history has already presented a number of such cases. I shall refer only to the latest. Under the resolution of June 2, 1858, "for the adjustment of difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay," the President is "authorized to adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgment may be necessary and advisable in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the Government of Paraguay." "Just satisfaction" for what? For "the attack on the United States steamer Water Witch" and "other matters referred to in the annual message of the President." Here the power is expressly granted upon the condition that the Government of Paraguay shall refuse to render this "just satisfaction." In this and other similar cases Congress have conferred upon the President power in advance to employ the Army and Navy upon the happening of contingent future events; and this most certainly is embraced within the power to declare war. Now, if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally conferred upon the President in the case of Paraguay, why may it not be conferred for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in passing over the transit routes to and from California or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a foreign port? To deny this power is to render the Navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and property of American citizens in countries where neither protection nor redress can be otherwise obtained. The Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on the 3d of March, 1859, without having passed the "act making appropriations for the service of the Post-Office Department during the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1860," This act also contained an appropriation "to supply deficiencies in the revenue of the Post-Office Department for the year ending 30th June, 1859." I believe this is the first instance since the origin of the Federal Government, now more than seventy years ago, when any Congress went out of existence without having passed all the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the Government until the regular period for the meeting of a new Congress. This event imposed on the Executive a grave responsibility. It presented a choice of evils. Had this omission of duty occurred at the first session of the last Congress, the remedy would have been plain. I might then have instantly recalled them to complete their work, and this without expense to the Government. But on the 4th of March last there were fifteen of the thirty-three States which had not elected any Representatives to the present Congress. Had Congress been called together immediately, these States would have been virtually disfranchised. If an intermediate period had been selected, several of the States would have been compelled to hold extra sessions of their legislatures, at great inconvenience and expense, to provide for elections at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law. In the regular course ten of these States would not elect until after the beginning of August, and five of these ten not until October and November. On the other hand, when I came to examine carefully the condition of the Post-Office Department, I did not meet as many or as great difficulties as I had apprehended. Had the bill which failed been confined to appropriations for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June next, there would have been no reason of pressing importance for the call of an extra session. Nothing would become due on contracts (those with railroad companies only excepted) for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing on the 1st of July, until the 1st of December--less than one week before the meeting of the present Congress. The reason is that the mail contractors for this and the current year did not complete their first quarter's service until the 30th September last, and by the terms of their contracts sixty days more are allowed for the settlement of their accounts before the Department could be called upon for payment. The great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1859. The Department had entered into contracts, in obedience to existing laws, for the service of that fiscal year, and the contractors were fairly entitled to their compensation as it became due. The deficiency as stated in the bill amounted to $3,838,728, but after a careful settlement of all these accounts it has been ascertained that it amounts to $4,296,009. With the scanty means at his command the Postmaster-General has managed to pay that portion of this deficiency which occurred in the first two quarters of the past fiscal year, ending on the 31st December last. In the meantime the contractors themselves, under these trying circumstances, have behaved in a manner worthy of all commendation. They had one resource in the midst of their embarrassments. After the amount due to each of them had been ascertained and finally settled according to law, this became a specific debt of record against the United States, which enabled them to borrow money on this unquestionable security. Still, they were obliged to pay interest in consequence of the default of Congress, and on every principle of justice ought to receive interest from the Government. This interest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for the payment of the principal had an appropriation been made for this purpose. Calculated up to the 1st December, it will not exceed $96,660--a sum not to be taken into account when contrasted with the great difficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character, both to the people and the States, which would have resulted from convening and holding a special session of Congress. For these reasons I recommend the passage of a bill at as early a day as may be practicable to provide for the payment of the amount, with interest, due to these last-mentioned contractors, as well as to make the necessary appropriations for the service of the Post-Office Department for the current fiscal year. The failure to pass the Post-Office bill necessarily gives birth to serious reflections. Congress, by refusing to pass the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the Government, may not only arrest its action, but might even destroy its existence. The Army, the Navy, the judiciary, in short, every department of the Government, can no longer perform their functions if Congress refuse the money necessary for their support. If this failure should teach the country the necessity of electing a full Congress in sufficient time to enable the President to convene them in any emergency, even immediately after the old Congress has expired, it will have been productive of great good. In a time of sudden and alarming danger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must expect to encounter in their progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of Congress without delay. If under such circumstances the President should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at the close of the last Congress, with nearly half the States of the Union destitute of representatives, the consequences might he disastrous. I therefore recommend to Congress to carry into effect the provisions of the Constitution on this subject, and to pass a law appointing some day previous to the 4th March in each year of odd number for the election of Representatives throughout all the States. They have already appointed a day for the election of electors for President and Vice-President, and this measure has been approved by the country. I would again express a most decided opinion in favor of the construction of a Pacific railroad, for the reasons stated in my two last annual messages. When I reflect upon what would be the defenseless condition of our States and Territories west of the Rocky Mountains in case of a war with a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with them by the routes across the Isthmus, I am still more convinced than ever of the vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the constitutional competency of Congress to provide for its construction, but this exclusively under the war-making power. Besides, the Constitution expressly requires as an imperative duty that "the United States shall protect each of them [the States] against invasion." I am at a loss to conceive how this protection can be afforded to California and Oregon against such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opinion contained in my last annual message that it would be inexpedient for the Government to undertake this great work by agents of its own appointment and under its direct and exclusive control. This would increase the patronage of the Executive to a dangerous extent and would foster a system of jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of Federal officials could prevent. The construction of this road ought, therefore, to be intrusted to incorporated companies or other agencies who would exercise that active and vigilant supervision over it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and individual interest. I venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting troops, munitions of war, and necessary supplies for the Army across the vast intervening plains to our possessions on the Pacific Coast would be greater in such a war than the whole amount required to construct the road. And yet this resort would after all be inadequate for their defense and protection. We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure produced by our overflowing Treasury during several years prior to the commencement of my Administration. The financial reverses which we have since experienced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our expenditures with the greatest vigilance and to reduce them to the lowest possible point. The Executive Departments of the Government have devoted themselves to the accomplishment of this object with considerable success, as will appear from their different reports and estimates. To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for the purpose of reducing them still lower, if this be practicable consistent with the great public interests of the country. In aid of the policy of retrenchment, I pledge myself to examine closely the bills appropriating lands or money, so that if any of these should inadvertently pass both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I may afford them an opportunity for reconsideration. At the same time, we ought never to forget that true public economy consists not in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects confided to us by the Constitution, but in taking care that the money appropriated for these purposes shall be faithfully and frugally expended. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that it is extremely doubtful, to say the least, whether we shall be able to pass through the present and the next fiscal year without providing additional revenue. This can only be accomplished by strictly confining the appropriations within the estimates of the different Departments, without making an allowance for any additional expenditures which Congress may think proper, in their discretion, to authorize, and without providing for the redemption of any portion of the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes which have been already issued. In the event of a deficiency, which I consider probable, this ought never to be supplied by a resort to additional loans. It would be a ruinous practice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government. This policy would cripple our resources and impair our credit in case the existence of war should render it necessary to borrow money. Should such a deficiency occur as I apprehend, I would recommend that the necessary revenue be raised by an increase of our present duties on imports. I need not repeat the opinions expressed in my last annual message as to the best mode and manner of accomplishing this object, and shall now merely observe that these have since undergone no change. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain in detail the operations of that Department of the Government. The receipts into the Treasury from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, including the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858, and the issues of Treasury notes authorized by existing laws, were $81,692,471.01, which sum, with the balance of $6,398,316.10 remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of that fiscal year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of $88,090,787.11. The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, amounted to $83,751,511.57. Of this sum $17,405,285.44 were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of Treasury notes. The expenditures for all other branches of the public service during that fiscal year were therefore $66,346,226.13. The balance remaining in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, being the commencement of the present fiscal year, was $4,339,275.54. The receipts into the Treasury during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing July 1, 1859, were $20,618,865.85. Of this amount $3,821,300 was received on account of the loan and the issue of Treasury notes, the amount of $16,797,565.85 having been received during the quarter from the ordinary sources of public revenue. The estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year, to June 30, 1860, are $50,426,400. Of this amount it is estimated that $5,756,400 will be received for Treasury notes which may be reissued under the fifth section of the act of 3d March last, and $1,170,000 on account of the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858, making $6,926,400 from these extraordinary sources, and $43,500,000 from the ordinary sources of the public revenue, making an aggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, of $75,384,541.89 for the estimated means of the present fiscal year, ending June 30, 1860. The expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were $20,007,174.76. Four million six hundred and sixty-four thousand three hundred and sixty-six dollars and seventy-six cents of this sum were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of Treasury notes, and the remainder, being $15,342,808, were applied to ordinary expenditures during the quarter. The estimated expenditures during the remaining three quarters, to June 30, 1860, are $40,995,558.23, of which sum $2,886,621.34 are estimated for the interest on the public debt. The ascertained and estimated expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1860, on account of the public debt are accordingly $7,550,988.10, and for the ordinary expenditures of the Government $53,451,744.89, making an aggregate of $61,002,732.99, leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury on June 30, 1860, of $14,381,808.40. The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year, ending June 30, 1861, are $66,225,000, which, with the balance estimated, as before stated, as remaining in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1860, will make an aggregate for the service of the next fiscal year of $80,606,808.40. The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,714,928.79. Of this amount $3,386,621.34 will be required to pay the interest on the public debt, leaving the sum of $63,328,307.45 for the estimated ordinary expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861. Upon these estimates a balance will be left in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, of $13,891,879.61. But this balance, as well as that estimated to remain in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1860, will be reduced by such appropriations as shall be made by law to carry into effect certain Indian treaties during the present fiscal year, asked for by the Secretary of the Interior, to the amount of $539,350; and upon the estimates of the postmaster-General for the service of his Department the last fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting to $4,296,009, together with the further estimate of that officer for the service of the present fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1860, being $5,526,324, making an aggregate of $10,361,683. Should these appropriations be made as requested by the proper Departments, the balance in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, will not, it is estimated, exceed $3,530,196.61. I transmit herewith the reports of the Secretaries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and of the postmaster-General. They each contain valuable information and important recommendations well worthy of the serious consideration of Congress. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of War that the Army expenditures have been materially reduced by a system of rigid economy, which in his opinion offers every guaranty that the reduction will be permanent. The estimates of the Department for the next have been reduced nearly $2,000,000 below the estimates for the present fiscal year and $500,000 below the amount granted for this year at the last session of Congress. The expenditures of the Post-Office Department during the past fiscal year, ending on the 30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail service specially provided for by Congress out of the general Treasury, amounted to $14,964,493.33 and its receipts to $7,968,484.07, showing a deficiency to be supplied from the Treasury of $6,996,009.26, against $5,235,677.15 for the year ending 30th June, 1858. The increased cost of transportation, growing out of the expansion of the service required by Congress, explains this rapid augmentation of the expenditures. It is gratifying, however, to observe an increase of receipts for the year ending on the 30th of June, 1859, equal to $481,691.21 compared with those in the year ending on the 30th June, 1858. It is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year will be $5,988,424.04, but that for the year ending 30th June, 1861, it will not exceed $1,342,473.90 should Congress adopt the measures of reform proposed and urged by the Postmaster-General. Since the month of March retrenchments have been made in the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471 annually, which, however, did not take effect until after the commencement of the present fiscal year. The period seems to have arrived for determining the question whether this Department shall become a permanent and ever-increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining policy which had so long controlled its administration. The course of legislation recommended by the Postmaster-General for the relief of the Department from its present embarrassments and for restoring it to its original independence is deserving of your early and earnest consideration. In conclusion I would again commend to the just liberality of Congress the local interests of the District of Columbia. Surely the city bearing the name of Washington, and destined, I trust, for ages to be the capital of our united, free, and prosperous Confederacy, has strong claims on our favorable regard.
Our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that Almighty Power which has bestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year. The general health of the country has been excellent, our harvests have been unusually plentiful, and prosperity smiles throughout the land. Indeed, notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe from the past events in our history that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation. We have been exposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our progress, but on each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the moment it appeared ready to burst upon our head, and the danger to our institutions has passed away. May we ever be under the divine guidance and protection. Whilst it is the duty of the President "from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the Union," I shall not refer in detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at Harpers Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in themselves, derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slavery in the South. Whilst for myself I entertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning to us all to beware of the approach of danger. Our Union is a stake of such inestimable value as to demand our constant and watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this view, let me implore my countrymen, North and South, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual forbearance and good will toward each other and strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land. This advice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose service commenced in the last generation, among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful. We ought to reflect that in this age, and especially in this country, there is an incessant flux and reflux of public opinion. Questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect have now nearly gone from the memory of men. They are "volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoria of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheering vine, and the sustaining corn." Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the Constitution. If this course be pursued, the existing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day and give place to other and less threatening controversies. Public opinion in this country is all-powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auspicious result at the present crisis we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his own teachings. Those who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the Constitution and the Union must not be surprised should their heated partisans advance one step further and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines into practical effect. In this view of the subject, it ought never to be forgotten that however great may have been the political advantages resulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these would all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they can not be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the Confederacy. If the peace of the domestic fireside throughout these States should ever be invaded, if the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children before the morning, it would be vain to recount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from the Union. Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature, and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in no such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events at Harpers Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions, will be the means under Providence of allaying the existing excitement and preventing further outbreaks of a similar character. They will resolve that the Constitution and the Union shall not be endangered by rash counsels, knowing that should "the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken at the fountain" human power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments. I cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the Supreme Court of the United States of the question of slavery in the Territories, which had presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of my Administration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind, including slaves, into the common Territories belonging equally to all the States of the Confederacy, and to have it protected there under the Federal Constitution. Neither Congress nor a Territorial legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this vested right. The supreme judicial tribunal of the country, which is a coordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and affirmed these principles of constitutional law, so manifestly just in themselves and so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the States. It is a striking proof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people that the property in slaves has never been disturbed, to my knowledge, in any of the Territories. Even throughout the late troubles in Kansas there has not been any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to interfere in a single instance with the right of the master. Had any such attempt been made, the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do this hereafter, it will then be time enough to strengthen their hands by further legislation. Had it been decided that either Congress or the Territorial legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable. In the latter event there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the legislature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of property held under the Federal Constitution would depend for the time being on the result. The agitation would thus be rendered incessant whilst the Territorial condition remained, and its baneful influence would keep alive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several States. Thus has the status of a Territory during the intermediate period from its first settlement until it shall become a State been irrevocably fixed by the final decision of the Supreme Court. Fortunate has this been for the prosperity of the Territories, as well as the tranquillity of the States. Now emigrants from the North and the South, the East and the West, will meet in the Territories on a common platform, having brought with them that species of property best adapted, in their own opinion, to promote their welfare. From natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon virtually settle itself, and before the Territory is prepared for admission as a State into the Union this decision, one way or the other, will have been a foregone conclusion. Meanwhile the settlement of the new Territory will proceed without serious interruption, and its progress and prosperity will not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles. When in the progress of events the inhabitants of any Territory shall have reached the number required to form a State, they will then proceed in a regular manner and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty to form a constitution preparatory to admission into the Union. After this has been done, to employ the language of the Kansas and Nebraska act, they "shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission." This sound principle has happily been recognized in some form or other by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses of the last Congress. All lawful means at my command have been employed, and shall continue to be employed, to execute the laws against the African slave trade. After a most careful and rigorous examination of our coasts and a thorough investigation of the subject, we have not been able to discover that any slaves have been imported into the United States except the cargo by the Wanderer, numbering between three and four hundred. Those engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecuted, but not with as much success as their crimes have deserved. A number of them are still under prosecution. Our history proves that the fathers of the Republic, in advance of all other nations, condemned the African slave trade. It was, notwithstanding, deemed expedient by the framers of the Constitution to deprive Congress of the power to prohibit "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit" "prior to the year 1808." It will be seen that this restriction on the power of Congress was confined to such States only as might think proper to admit the importation of slaves. It did not extend to other States or to the trade carried on abroad. Accordingly, we find that so early as the 22d March, 1794, Congress passed an act imposing severe penalties and punishments upon citizens and residents of the United States who should engage in this trade between foreign nations. The provisions of this act were extended and enforced by the act of 10th May, 1800. Again, the States themselves had a clear right to waive the constitutional privilege intended for their benefit, and to prohibit by their own laws this trade at any time they thought proper previous to 1808. Several of them exercised this right before that period, and among them some containing the greatest number of slaves. This gave to Congress the immediate power to act in regard to all such States, because they themselves had removed the constitutional barrier. Congress accordingly passed an act on 28th February, 1803, "to prevent the importation of certain persons into certain States where by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited." In this manner the importation of African slaves into the United States was to a great extent prohibited some years in advance of 1808. As the year 1808 approached Congress determined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it. On the 2d of March, 1807, they passed an act, to take effect "from and after the 1st day of January, 1808," prohibiting the importation of African slaves into the United States. This was followed by subsequent acts of a similar character, to which I need not specially refer. Such were the principles and such the practice of our ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard to the African slave trade. It did not occur to the revered patriots who had been delegates to the Convention, and afterwards became members of Congress, that in passing these laws they had violated the Constitution which they had framed with so much care and deliberation. They supposed that to prohibit Congress in express terms from exercising a specified power before an appointed day necessarily involved the right to exercise this power after that day had arrived. If this were not the case, the framers of the Constitution had expended much labor in vain. Had they imagined that Congress would possess no power to prohibit the trade either before or after 1808, they would not have taken so much care to protect the States against the exercise of this power before that period. Nay, more, they would not have attached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of future repeal or amendment, to which other portions of the Constitution were exposed. It would, then, have been wholly unnecessary to ingraft on the fifth article of the Constitution, prescribing the mode of its own future amendment, the proviso "that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect" the provision in the Constitution securing to the States the right to admit the importation of African slaves previous to that period. According to the adverse construction, the clause itself, on which so much care and discussion had been employed by the members of the Convention, was an absolute nullity from the beginning, and all that has since been done under it a mere usurpation. It was well and wise to confer this power on Congress, because had it been left to the States its efficient exercise would have been impossible. In that event any one State could have effectually continued the trade, not only for itself, but for all the other slave States, though never so much against their will. And why? Because African slaves, when once brought within the limits of any one State in accordance with its laws, can not practically be excluded from any State where slavery exists. And even if all the States had separately passed laws prohibiting the importation of slaves, these laws would have failed of effect for want of a naval force to capture the slavers and to guard the coast. Such a force no State can employ in time of peace without the consent of Congress. These acts of Congress, it is believed, have, with very rare and insignificant exceptions, accomplished their purpose. For a period of more than half a century there has been no perceptible addition to the number of our domestic slaves. During this period their advancement in civilization has far surpassed that of any other portion of the African race. The light and the blessings of Christianity have been extended to them, and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly improved. Reopen the trade and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect would be more deleterious on the interests of the master or on those of the native-born slave. Of the evils to the master, the one most to be dreaded would be the introduction of wild, heathen, and ignorant barbarians among the sober, orderly, and quiet slaves whose ancestors have been on the soil for several generations. This might tend to barbarize, demoralize, and exasperate the whole mass and produce most deplorable consequences. The effect upon the existing slave would, if possible, be still more deplorable. At present he is treated with kindness and humanity. He is well fed, well clothed, and not overworked. His condition is incomparably better than that of the coolies which modern nations of high civilization have employed as a substitute for African slaves. Both the philanthropy and the self-interest of the master have combined to produce this humane result. But let this trade be reopened and what will be the effect? The same to a considerable extent as on a neighboring island, the only spot now on earth where the African slave trade is openly tolerated, and this in defiance of solemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any moment to enforce their execution. There the master, intent upon present gain, extorts from the slave as much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring, knowing that when death comes to his relief his place can be supplied at a price reduced to the lowest point by the competition of rival African slave traders. Should this ever be the case in our country, which I do not deem possible, the present useful character of the domestic institution, wherein those too old and too young to work are provided for with care and humanity and those capable of labor are not overtasked, would undergo an unfortunate change. The feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment which now exists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and hostility. But we are obliged as a Christian and moral nation to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy Africa itself if we should reopen the slave trade. This would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had, even in its palmiest days. The numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect pandemonium, for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of God and man. Its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the American market. All hopes of African civilization would thus be ended. On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade,we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa. The chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no longer any demand for slaves. The resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce. In this manner Christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom. The wisdom of the course pursued by this Government toward China has been vindicated by the event. Whilst we sustained a neutral position in the war waged by Great Britain and France against the Chinese Empire, our late minister, in obedience to his instructions, judiciously cooperated with the ministers of these powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the just concessions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce. The result is that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with China by the respective ministers of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Russia. Our "treaty, or general convention, of peace, amity, and commerce" with that Empire was concluded at Tien-tsin on the 18th June, 1858, and was ratified by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the 21st December following. On the 15th December, 1858, John E. Ward, a distinguished citizen of Georgia, was duly commissioned as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to China. He left the United States for the place of his destination on the 5th of February, 1859, bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty, and arrived at Shanghai on the 28th May. From thence he proceeded to Peking on the 16th June, but did not arrive in that city until the 27th July. According to the terms of the treaty, the ratifications were to be exchanged on or before the 18th June, 1859. This was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his control, not necessary to detail; but still it is due to the Chinese authorities at Shanghai to state that they always assured him no advantage should be taken of the delay, and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed. On the arrival of Mr. Ward at Peking he requested an audience of the Emperor to present his letter of credence. This he did not obtain, in consequence of his very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating ceremonies required by the etiquette of this strange people in approaching their sovereign. Nevertheless, the interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spirit and with all due regard to his personal feelings and the honor of his country. When a presentation to His Majesty was found to be impossible, the letter of credence from the President was received with peculiar honors by Kweiliang, "the Emperor's prime minister and the second man in the Empire to the Emperor himself." The ratifications of the treaty were afterwards, on the 16th of August, exchanged in proper form at Peit-sang. As the exchange did not take place until after the day prescribed by the treaty, it is deemed proper before its publication again to submit it to the Senate. It is but simple justice to the Chinese authorities to observe that throughout the whole transaction they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit toward the United States. It is true this has been done after their own peculiar fashion; but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years, so far as this may be consistent with our own national honor. The conduct of our minister on the occasion has received my entire approbation. In order to carry out the spirit of this treaty and to give it full effect it became necessary to conclude two supplemental conventions, the one for the adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens and the other to fix the tariff on imports and exports and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with China. This duty was satisfactorily performed by our late minister. These conventions bear date at Shanghai on the 8th November, 1858. Having been considered in the light of binding agreements subsidiary to the principal treaty, and to be carried into execution without delay, they do not provide for any formal ratification or exchange of ratifications by the contracting parties. This was not deemed necessary by the Chinese, who are already proceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens and, it is hoped, to carry out the other provisions of the conventions. Still, I thought it was proper to submit them to the Senate by which they were ratified on the 3d of March, 1859. The ratified copies, however, did not reach Shanghai until after the departure of our minister to Peking, and these conventions could not, therefore, be exchanged at the same time with the principal treaty. No doubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the Chinese Government should this be thought advisable; but under the circumstances presented I shall consider them binding engagements from their date on both parties, and because them to be published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the Chinese Empire. It affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted. It happily did not become necessary to employ the force for this purpose which Congress had placed at my command under the joint resolution of 2d June, 1858. On the contrary, the President of that Republic, in a friendly spirit, acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the Government of the United States. Our commissioner arrived at Assumption, the capital of the Republic, on the 25th of January, 1859, and left it on the 17th of February, having in three weeks ably and successfully accomplished all the objects of his mission. The treaties which he has concluded will be immediately submitted to the Senate. In the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become necessary to obtain "just satisfaction" from Paraguay, a strong naval force was concentrated in the waters of the La Plata to await contingencies whilst our commissioner ascended the rivers to Assumption. The Navy Department is entitled to great credit for the promptness, efficiency, and economy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted. It consisted of 19 armed vessels, great and small, carrying 200 guns and 2,500 men, all under the command of the veteran and gallant Shubrick. The entire expenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary appropriations for the naval service, except the sum of $289,000, applied to the purchase of seven of the steamers constituting a part of it, under the authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3d March last. It is believed that these steamers are worth more than their cost, and they are all now usefully and actively employed in the naval service. The appearance of so large a force, fitted out in such a prompt manner, in the far-distant waters of the La Plata, and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it, have had a happy effect in favor of our country throughout all that remote portion of the world. Our relations with the great Empires of France and Russia, as well as with all other governments on the continent of Europe, unless we may except that of Spain, happily continue to be of the most friendly character. In my last annual message I presented a statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our relations with Spain, and I regret to say that this has not materially improved. Without special reference to other claims, even the "Cuban claims," the payment of which has been ably urged by our ministers, and in which more than a hundred of our citizens are directly interested, remain unsatisfied, notwithstanding both their justice and their amount ($128,635.54) had been recognized and ascertained by the Spanish Government itself. I again recommend that an appropriation be made "to be paid to the Spanish Government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the Amistad case." In common with two of my predecessors, I entertain no doubt that this is required by our treaty with Spain of the 27th October, 1795. The failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet of Madrid as a reason against the settlement of our claims. I need not repeat the arguments which I urged in my last annual message in favor of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase. My opinions on that measure remain unchanged. I therefore again invite the serious attention of Congress to this important subject. Without a recognition of this policy on their part it will be almost impossible to institute negotiations with any reasonable prospect of success. Until a recent period there was good reason to believe that I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties with Great Britain arising out of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty had been finally adjusted in a manner alike honorable and satisfactory to both parties. From causes, however, which the British Government had not anticipated, they have not yet completed treaty arrangements with the Republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two Governments. It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished. Whilst indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could disturb the good understanding between the two countries, the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the island of San Juan, under the Oregon treaty of the 15th June, 1846, suddenly assumed a threatening prominence. In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that remote frontier, the late Secretary of State, on the 17th July, 1855, addressed a note to Mr. Crampton, then British minister at Washington, communicating to him a copy of the instructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had given on the 14th July to Governor Stevens, of Washington Territory, having a special reference to an "apprehended conflict between our citizens and the British subjects on the island of San Juan." To prevent this the governor was instructed "that the officers of the Territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of Great Britain of an exclusive right over the premises. The title ought to be settled before either party should attempt to exclude the other by force or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits." In acknowledging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Marcy's note the British minister expressed his entire concurrence "in the propriety of the course recommended to the governor of Washington Territory by your [Mr. Marcy's] instructions to that officer," and stating that he had "lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the Governor-General of British North America" and had "earnestly recommended to His Excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure on the part of the British local authorities and the inhabitants of the neighborhood of the line in question the exercise of the same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you [Mr. Marcy] on the authorities and citizens of the United States." Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement until the 9th July last, when General Harney paid a visit to the island. He found upon it twenty-five American residents with their families, and also an establishment of the Hudsons Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep. A short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal belonging to the company whilst trespassing upon his premises, for which, however, he offered to pay twice its value, but that was refused. Soon after "the chief factor of the company at Victoria, Mr. Dalles, son-in-law of Governor Douglas, came to the island in the British sloop of war Satellite and threatened to take this American [Mr. Cutler] by force to Victoria to answer for the trespass he had committed. The American seized his rifle and told Mr. Dalles if any such attempt was made he would kill him upon the spot. The affair then ended." Under these circumstances the American settlers presented a petition to the General "through the United States inspector of customs, Mr. Hubbs, to place a force upon the island to protect them from the Indians as well as the oppressive interference of the authorities of the Hudsons Bay Company at Victoria with their rights as American citizens." The General immediately responded to this petition, and ordered Captain George E. Pickett, Ninth Infantry, "to establish his company on Bellevue, or San Juan Island, on some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern extremity." This order was promptly obeyed and a military post was established at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island amounted in the aggregate to 691 men. Whilst I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of the British colonial authorities contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that I should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Captain Pickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouvers Island from exercising jurisdiction over American residents on the island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the incursions of the Indians. Much excitement prevailed for some time throughout that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended. The British had a large naval force in the vicinity, and it is but an act of simple justice to the admiral on that station to state that he wisely and discreetly forbore to commit any hostile act, but determined to refer the whole affair to his Government and await their instructions. This aspect of the matter, in my opinion, demanded serious attention. It would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been precipitated into acts of hostility, not on the question of title to the island, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the intervening period whilst the two Governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs. For this reason Lieutenant-General Scott was dispatched, on the 17th of September last, to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pacific Coast, should he deem this necessary. The main object of his mission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late Secretary of State and the British minister, and thus to preserve the peace and prevent collision between the British and American authorities pending the negotiations between the two Governments. Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add that in any event American citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favorable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Captain Pickett's company should remain on the island. It is proper to observe that, considering the distance from the scene of action and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the General's arrival, it was necessary to leave much to his discretion; and I am happy to state the event has proven that this discretion could not have been intrusted to more competent hands. General Scott has recently returned from his mission, having successfully accomplished its objects, and there is no longer any good reason to apprehend a collision between the forces of the two countries during the pendency of the existing negotiations. I regret to inform you that there has been no improvement in the affairs of Mexico since my last annual message, and I am again obliged to ask the earnest attention of Congress to the unhappy condition of that Republic. The constituent Congress of Mexico, which adjourned on the 17th February, 1857, adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election. This took place in the following July (1857), and General Comonfort was chosen President almost without opposition. At the same election a new Congress was chosen, whose first session commenced on the 16th of September (1857). By the constitution of 1857 the Presidential term was to begin on the 1st of December (1857) and continue for four years. On that day General Comonfort appeared before the assembled Congress in the City of Mexico, took the oath to support the new constitution, and was duly inaugurated as President. Within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the Republic to General Zuloaga. The constitution provided that in the absence of the President his office should devolve upon the chief justice of the supreme court; and General Comonfort having left the country, this functionary, General Juarez, proceeded to form at Guanajuato a constitutional Government. Before this was officially known, however, at the capital the Government of Zuloaga had been recognized by the entire diplomatic corps, including the minister of the United States, as the de facto Government of Mexico. The constitutional President, nevertheless, maintained his position with firmness, and was soon established, with his cabinet, at Vera Cruz. Meanwhile the Government of Zuloaga was earnestly resisted in many parts of the Republic, and even in the capital, a portion of the army having pronounced against it, its functions were declared terminated, and an assembly of citizens was invited for the choice of a new President. This assembly elected General Miramort, but that officer repudiated the plan under which he was chosen, and Zuloaga was thus restored to his previous position. He assumed it, however, only to withdraw from it; and Miramon, having become by his appointment "President substitute," continues with that title at the head of the insurgent party. In my last annual message I communicated to Congress the circumstances under which the late minister of the United States suspended his official relations with the central Government and withdrew from the country. It was impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a government like that at the capital, under whose usurped authority wrongs were constantly committed, but never redressed. Had this been an established government, with its power extending by the consent of the people over the whole of Mexico, a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite justifiable, and, indeed, necessary. But the country was a prey to civil war, and it was hoped that the success of the constitutional President might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the United States. This success became so probable that in January last I employed a reliable agent to visit Mexico and report to me the actual condition and prospects of the contending parties. In consequence of his report and from information which reached me from other sources favorable to the prospects of the constitutional because, I felt justified in appointing a new minister to Mexico, who might embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring our diplomatic relations with that Republic. For this purpose a distinguished citizen of Maryland was selected, who proceeded on his mission on the 8th of March last, with discretionary authority to recognize the Government of President Juarez if on his arrival in Mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition according to the established practice of the United States. On the 7th of April following Mr. McLane presented his credentials to President Juarez, having no hesitation "in pronouncing the Government of Juarez to be the only existing government of the Republic." He was cordially received by the authorities at Vera Cruz, and they have ever since manifested the most friendly disposition toward the United States. Unhappily, however, the constitutional Government has not been able to establish its power over the whole Republic. It is supported by a large majority of the people and the States, but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience. General Miramon maintains himself at the capital, and in some of the distant Provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees of either Government. In the meantime the excesses which always attend upon civil war, especially in Mexico, are constantly recurring. Outrages of the worst description are committed both upon persons and property. There is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in Mexico during the last few years. We have been nominally at peace with that Republic, but "so far as the interests of our commerce, or of our citizens who have visited the country as merchants, shipmasters, or in other capacities, are concerned, we might as well have been at war." Life has been insecure, property unprotected, and trade impossible except at a risk of loss which prudent men can not be expected to incur. Important contracts, involving large expenditures, entered into by the central Government, have been set at defiance by the local governments. Peaceful American residents, occupying their rightful possessions, have been suddenly expelled the country, in defiance of treaties and by the mere force of arbitrary power. Even the course of justice has not been safe from control, and a recent decree of Miramort permits the intervention of Government in all suits where either party is a foreigner. Vessels of the United States have been seized without law, and a consular officer who protested against such seizure has been fined and imprisoned for disrespect to the authorities. Military contributions have been levied in violation of every principle of right, and the American who resisted the lawless demand has had his property forcibly taken away and has been himself banished. From a conflict of authority in different parts of the country tariff duties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again in another place. Large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity for a hearing, and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury, and without any hope of redress. The wholesale massacre of Crabbe and his associates without trial in Sonora, as well as the seizure and murder of four sick Americans who had taken shelter in the house of an American upon the soil of the United States, was communicated to Congress at its last session. Murders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in the very heart of Mexico, under the authority of Miramon's Government, during the present year. Some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age, and if they had not been dearly proven would have seemed impossible in a country which claims to be civilized. Of this description was the brutal massacre in April last, by order of General Marquez, of three American physicians who were seized in the hospital at Tacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties, and without trial, as without crime, were hurried away to speedy execution. Little less shocking was the recent fate of Ormond Chase, who was shot in Tepic on the 7th of August by order of the same Mexican general, not only without a trial, but without any conjecture by his friends of the because of his arrest. He is represented as a young man of good character and intelligence, who had made numerous friends in Tepic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions; and his death was as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community. Other outrages might be enumerated, but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in Mexico. In all these cases our ministers have been constant and faithful in their demands for redress, but both they and this Government, which they have successively represented, have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective. Their testimony in this respect and in reference to the only remedy which in their judgments would meet the exigency has been both uniform and emphatic. "Nothing but a manifestation of the power of the Government of the United States," wrote our late minister in 1856, "and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail. I assure you that the universal belief here is that there is nothing to be apprehended from the Government of the United States, and that local Mexican officials can commit these outrages upon American citizens with absolute impunity." "I hope the President," wrote our present minister in August last, "will feel authorized to ask from Congress the power to enter Mexico with the military forces of the United States at the call of the constitutional authorities, in order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the United States. Unless such a power is conferred upon him, neither the one nor the other will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder, and the outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised; and, as I assured you in my No. 23, all these evils must increase until every vestige of order and government disappears from the country." I have been reluctantly led to the same opinion, and in justice to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from Mexico and who may still suffer them I feel bound to announce this conclusion to Congress. The case presented, however, is not merely a case of individual claims, although our just claims against Mexico have reached a very large amount; nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the few Americans who may still remain in Mexico, although the life and property of every American citizen ought to be sacredly protected in every quarter of the world; but it is a question which relates to the future as well as to the present and the past, and which involves, indirectly at least, the whole subject of our duty to Mexico as a neighboring State. The exercise of the power of the United States in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens is none the less to be desired because efficient and necessary aid may thus be rendered at the same time to restore peace and order to Mexico itself. In the accomplishment of this result the people of the United States must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest. Mexico ought to be a rich and prosperous and powerful Republic. She possesses an extensive territory, a fertile soil, and an incalculable store of mineral wealth. She occupies an important position between the Gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce. Is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for its rescue and its safety? Will the commercial nations of the world, which have so many interests connected with it, remain wholly indifferent to such a result? Can the United States especially, which ought to share most largely in its commercial intercourse, allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itself and injure them? Yet without support from some quarter it is impossible to perceive how Mexico can resume her position among nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results. The aid which she requires, and which the interests of all commercial countries require that she should have, it belongs to this Government to render, not only by virtue of our neighborhood to Mexico, along whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles, but by virtue also of our established policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention of any European power in the domestic concerns of that Republic. The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world and must deeply impress every American citizen. A government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional Government at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the seacoasts of the Republic, its power does not extend to the City of Mexico and the States in its vicinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the constitutional Government. The most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that Government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights secured by treaty would not be the less imperative. For these reasons I recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future. I purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers, or both. This question may be most appropriately left to the decision of Congress. I would merely observe that should volunteers be selected such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate fellow-citizens in Mexico and with the unhappy condition of that Republic. Such an accession to the forces of the constitutional Government would enable it soon to reach the City of Mexico and extend its power over the whole Republic. In that event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them. The constitutional Government have ever evinced a strong desire to do justice, and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty. It may be said that these measures will, at least indirectly, be inconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the domestic concerns of foreign nations. But does not the present case fairly constitute an exception? An adjoining Republic is in a state of anarchy and confusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself. She is entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders or to prevent the incursions of banditti into our territory. In her fate and in her fortune, in her power to establish and maintain a settled government, we have a far deeper interest, socially, commercially, and politically, than any other nation. She is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is impelled by different factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty, for the maintenance of our established policy. I repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message that authority may be given to the President to establish one or more temporary military posts across the Mexican line in Sonora and Chihuahua, where these may be necessary to protect the lives and property of American and Mexican citizens against the incursions and depredations of the Indians, as well as of lawless rovers, on that remote region. The establishment of one such post at a point called Arispe, in Sonora, in a country now almost depopulated by the hostile inroads of the Indians from our side of the line, would, it is believed, have prevented much injury and many cruelties during the past season. A state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that distant frontier. Life and property are there wholly insecure. The population of Arizona, now numbering more than 10,000 souls, are practically destitute of government, of laws, or of any regular administration of justice. Murder, rapine, and other crimes are committed with impunity. I therefore again call the attention of Congress to the necessity for establishing a Territorial government over Arizona. The treaty with Nicaragua of the 16th of February, 1857, to which I referred in my last annual message, failed to receive the ratification of the Government of that Republic, for reasons which I need not enumerate. A similar treaty has been since concluded between the parties, bearing date on the 16th March, 1859, which has already been ratified by the Nicaraguan Congress. This will be immediately submitted to the Senate for their ratification. Its provisions can not, I think, fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries. Our claims against the Governments of Costa Rica and Nicaragua remain unredressed, though they are pressed in an earnest manner and not without hope of success. I deem it to be my duty once more earnestly to recommend to Congress the passage of a law authorizing the President to employ the naval force at his command for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens passing in transit across the Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec routes against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations. I shall not repeat the arguments employed in former messages in support of this measure. Suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people and the security of vast amounts of treasure passing and repassing over one or more of these routes between the Atlantic and Pacific may be deeply involved in the action of Congress on this subject. I would also again recommend to Congress that authority be given to the President to employ the naval force to protect American merchant vessels, their crews and cargoes, against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports of Mexico and the Spanish American States when these countries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary condition. The mere knowledge that such an authority had been conferred, as I have already stated, would of itself in a great degree prevent the evil. Neither would this require any additional appropriation for the naval service. The chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is that Congress by conferring it would violate the Constitution; that it would be a transfer of the war-making, or, strictly speaking, the war-declaring, power to the Executive. If this were well rounded, it would, of course, be conclusive. A very brief examination, however, will place this objection at rest. Congress possess the sole and exclusive power under the Constitution "to declare war." They alone can"raise and support armies" and "provide and maintain a navy." But after Congress shall have declared war and provided the force necessary to carry it on the President, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy. This is the plain language, and history proves that it was the well-known intention of the framers, of the Constitution. It will not be denied that the general "power to declare war" is without limitation and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations term a public or perfect war, but also an imperfect war, and, in short, every species of hostility, however confined or limited. Without the authority of Congress the President can not fire a hostile gun in any case except to repel the attacks of an enemy. It will not be doubted that under this power Congress could, if they thought proper, authorize the President to employ the force at his command to seize a vessel belonging to an American citizen which had been illegally and unjustly captured in a foreign port and restore it to its owner. But can Congress only act after the fact, after the mischief has been done? Have they no power to confer upon the President the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur? Must they wait until the mischief has been done, and can they apply the remedy only when it is too late? To confer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified is as clearly within the war-declaring power as such an authority conferred upon the President by act of Congress after the deed had been done. In the progress of a great nation many exigencies must arise imperatively requiring that Congress should authorize the President to act promptly on certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise. Our history has already presented a number of such cases. I shall refer only to the latest. Under the resolution of June 2, 1858, "for the adjustment of difficulties with the Republic of Paraguay," the President is "authorized to adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgment may be necessary and advisable in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the Government of Paraguay." "Just satisfaction" for what? For "the attack on the United States steamer Water Witch" and "other matters referred to in the annual message of the President." Here the power is expressly granted upon the condition that the Government of Paraguay shall refuse to render this "just satisfaction." In this and other similar cases Congress have conferred upon the President power in advance to employ the Army and Navy upon the happening of contingent future events; and this most certainly is embraced within the power to declare war. Now, if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally conferred upon the President in the case of Paraguay, why may it not be conferred for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of American citizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in passing over the transit routes to and from California or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a foreign port? To deny this power is to render the Navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and property of American citizens in countries where neither protection nor redress can be otherwise obtained. The Thirty-fifth Congress terminated on the 3d of March, 1859, without having passed the "act making appropriations for the service of the Post-Office Department during the fiscal year ending the 30th of June, 1860," This act also contained an appropriation "to supply deficiencies in the revenue of the Post-Office Department for the year ending 30th June, 1859." I believe this is the first instance since the origin of the Federal Government, now more than seventy years ago, when any Congress went out of existence without having passed all the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the Government until the regular period for the meeting of a new Congress. This event imposed on the Executive a grave responsibility. It presented a choice of evils. Had this omission of duty occurred at the first session of the last Congress, the remedy would have been plain. I might then have instantly recalled them to complete their work, and this without expense to the Government. But on the 4th of March last there were fifteen of the thirty-three States which had not elected any Representatives to the present Congress. Had Congress been called together immediately, these States would have been virtually disfranchised. If an intermediate period had been selected, several of the States would have been compelled to hold extra sessions of their legislatures, at great inconvenience and expense, to provide for elections at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law. In the regular course ten of these States would not elect until after the beginning of August, and five of these ten not until October and November. On the other hand, when I came to examine carefully the condition of the Post-Office Department, I did not meet as many or as great difficulties as I had apprehended. Had the bill which failed been confined to appropriations for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June next, there would have been no reason of pressing importance for the call of an extra session. Nothing would become due on contracts (those with railroad companies only excepted) for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing on the 1st of July, until the 1st of December--less than one week before the meeting of the present Congress. The reason is that the mail contractors for this and the current year did not complete their first quarter's service until the 30th September last, and by the terms of their contracts sixty days more are allowed for the settlement of their accounts before the Department could be called upon for payment. The great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1859. The Department had entered into contracts, in obedience to existing laws, for the service of that fiscal year, and the contractors were fairly entitled to their compensation as it became due. The deficiency as stated in the bill amounted to $3,838,728, but after a careful settlement of all these accounts it has been ascertained that it amounts to $4,296,009. With the scanty means at his command the Postmaster-General has managed to pay that portion of this deficiency which occurred in the first two quarters of the past fiscal year, ending on the 31st December last. In the meantime the contractors themselves, under these trying circumstances, have behaved in a manner worthy of all commendation. They had one resource in the midst of their embarrassments. After the amount due to each of them had been ascertained and finally settled according to law, this became a specific debt of record against the United States, which enabled them to borrow money on this unquestionable security. Still, they were obliged to pay interest in consequence of the default of Congress, and on every principle of justice ought to receive interest from the Government. This interest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for the payment of the principal had an appropriation been made for this purpose. Calculated up to the 1st December, it will not exceed $96,660--a sum not to be taken into account when contrasted with the great difficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character, both to the people and the States, which would have resulted from convening and holding a special session of Congress. For these reasons I recommend the passage of a bill at as early a day as may be practicable to provide for the payment of the amount, with interest, due to these last-mentioned contractors, as well as to make the necessary appropriations for the service of the Post-Office Department for the current fiscal year. The failure to pass the Post-Office bill necessarily gives birth to serious reflections. Congress, by refusing to pass the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the Government, may not only arrest its action, but might even destroy its existence. The Army, the Navy, the judiciary, in short, every department of the Government, can no longer perform their functions if Congress refuse the money necessary for their support. If this failure should teach the country the necessity of electing a full Congress in sufficient time to enable the President to convene them in any emergency, even immediately after the old Congress has expired, it will have been productive of great good. In a time of sudden and alarming danger, foreign or domestic, which all nations must expect to encounter in their progress, the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of Congress without delay. If under such circumstances the President should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at the close of the last Congress, with nearly half the States of the Union destitute of representatives, the consequences might he disastrous. I therefore recommend to Congress to carry into effect the provisions of the Constitution on this subject, and to pass a law appointing some day previous to the 4th March in each year of odd number for the election of Representatives throughout all the States. They have already appointed a day for the election of electors for President and Vice-President, and this measure has been approved by the country. I would again express a most decided opinion in favor of the construction of a Pacific railroad, for the reasons stated in my two last annual messages. When I reflect upon what would be the defenseless condition of our States and Territories west of the Rocky Mountains in case of a war with a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with them by the routes across the Isthmus, I am still more convinced than ever of the vast importance of this railroad. I have never doubted the constitutional competency of Congress to provide for its construction, but this exclusively under the war-making power. Besides, the Constitution expressly requires as an imperative duty that "the United States shall protect each of them [the States] against invasion." I am at a loss to conceive how this protection can be afforded to California and Oregon against such a naval power by any other means. I repeat the opinion contained in my last annual message that it would be inexpedient for the Government to undertake this great work by agents of its own appointment and under its direct and exclusive control. This would increase the patronage of the Executive to a dangerous extent and would foster a system of jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of Federal officials could prevent. The construction of this road ought, therefore, to be intrusted to incorporated companies or other agencies who would exercise that active and vigilant supervision over it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and individual interest. I venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting troops, munitions of war, and necessary supplies for the Army across the vast intervening plains to our possessions on the Pacific Coast would be greater in such a war than the whole amount required to construct the road. And yet this resort would after all be inadequate for their defense and protection. We have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure produced by our overflowing Treasury during several years prior to the commencement of my Administration. The financial reverses which we have since experienced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our expenditures with the greatest vigilance and to reduce them to the lowest possible point. The Executive Departments of the Government have devoted themselves to the accomplishment of this object with considerable success, as will appear from their different reports and estimates. To these I invite the scrutiny of Congress, for the purpose of reducing them still lower, if this be practicable consistent with the great public interests of the country. In aid of the policy of retrenchment, I pledge myself to examine closely the bills appropriating lands or money, so that if any of these should inadvertently pass both Houses, as must sometimes be the case, I may afford them an opportunity for reconsideration. At the same time, we ought never to forget that true public economy consists not in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects confided to us by the Constitution, but in taking care that the money appropriated for these purposes shall be faithfully and frugally expended. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of the Treasury that it is extremely doubtful, to say the least, whether we shall be able to pass through the present and the next fiscal year without providing additional revenue. This can only be accomplished by strictly confining the appropriations within the estimates of the different Departments, without making an allowance for any additional expenditures which Congress may think proper, in their discretion, to authorize, and without providing for the redemption of any portion of the $20,000,000 of Treasury notes which have been already issued. In the event of a deficiency, which I consider probable, this ought never to be supplied by a resort to additional loans. It would be a ruinous practice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the Government. This policy would cripple our resources and impair our credit in case the existence of war should render it necessary to borrow money. Should such a deficiency occur as I apprehend, I would recommend that the necessary revenue be raised by an increase of our present duties on imports. I need not repeat the opinions expressed in my last annual message as to the best mode and manner of accomplishing this object, and shall now merely observe that these have since undergone no change. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury will explain in detail the operations of that Department of the Government. The receipts into the Treasury from all sources during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, including the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858, and the issues of Treasury notes authorized by existing laws, were $81,692,471.01, which sum, with the balance of $6,398,316.10 remaining in the Treasury at the commencement of that fiscal year, made an aggregate for the service of the year of $88,090,787.11. The public expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1859, amounted to $83,751,511.57. Of this sum $17,405,285.44 were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of Treasury notes. The expenditures for all other branches of the public service during that fiscal year were therefore $66,346,226.13. The balance remaining in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, being the commencement of the present fiscal year, was $4,339,275.54. The receipts into the Treasury during the first quarter of the present fiscal year, commencing July 1, 1859, were $20,618,865.85. Of this amount $3,821,300 was received on account of the loan and the issue of Treasury notes, the amount of $16,797,565.85 having been received during the quarter from the ordinary sources of public revenue. The estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year, to June 30, 1860, are $50,426,400. Of this amount it is estimated that $5,756,400 will be received for Treasury notes which may be reissued under the fifth section of the act of 3d March last, and $1,170,000 on account of the loan authorized by the act of June 14, 1858, making $6,926,400 from these extraordinary sources, and $43,500,000 from the ordinary sources of the public revenue, making an aggregate, with the balance in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1859, of $75,384,541.89 for the estimated means of the present fiscal year, ending June 30, 1860. The expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were $20,007,174.76. Four million six hundred and sixty-four thousand three hundred and sixty-six dollars and seventy-six cents of this sum were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of Treasury notes, and the remainder, being $15,342,808, were applied to ordinary expenditures during the quarter. The estimated expenditures during the remaining three quarters, to June 30, 1860, are $40,995,558.23, of which sum $2,886,621.34 are estimated for the interest on the public debt. The ascertained and estimated expenditures for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1860, on account of the public debt are accordingly $7,550,988.10, and for the ordinary expenditures of the Government $53,451,744.89, making an aggregate of $61,002,732.99, leaving an estimated balance in the Treasury on June 30, 1860, of $14,381,808.40. The estimated receipts during the next fiscal year, ending June 30, 1861, are $66,225,000, which, with the balance estimated, as before stated, as remaining in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1860, will make an aggregate for the service of the next fiscal year of $80,606,808.40. The estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1861, are $66,714,928.79. Of this amount $3,386,621.34 will be required to pay the interest on the public debt, leaving the sum of $63,328,307.45 for the estimated ordinary expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th June, 1861. Upon these estimates a balance will be left in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, of $13,891,879.61. But this balance, as well as that estimated to remain in the Treasury on the 1st July, 1860, will be reduced by such appropriations as shall be made by law to carry into effect certain Indian treaties during the present fiscal year, asked for by the Secretary of the Interior, to the amount of $539,350; and upon the estimates of the postmaster-General for the service of his Department the last fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1859, amounting to $4,296,009, together with the further estimate of that officer for the service of the present fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1860, being $5,526,324, making an aggregate of $10,361,683. Should these appropriations be made as requested by the proper Departments, the balance in the Treasury on the 30th June, 1861, will not, it is estimated, exceed $3,530,196.61. I transmit herewith the reports of the Secretaries of War, of the Navy, of the Interior, and of the postmaster-General. They each contain valuable information and important recommendations well worthy of the serious consideration of Congress. It will appear from the report of the Secretary of War that the Army expenditures have been materially reduced by a system of rigid economy, which in his opinion offers every guaranty that the reduction will be permanent. The estimates of the Department for the next have been reduced nearly $2,000,000 below the estimates for the present fiscal year and $500,000 below the amount granted for this year at the last session of Congress. The expenditures of the Post-Office Department during the past fiscal year, ending on the 30th June, 1859, exclusive of payments for mail service specially provided for by Congress out of the general Treasury, amounted to $14,964,493.33 and its receipts to $7,968,484.07, showing a deficiency to be supplied from the Treasury of $6,996,009.26, against $5,235,677.15 for the year ending 30th June, 1858. The increased cost of transportation, growing out of the expansion of the service required by Congress, explains this rapid augmentation of the expenditures. It is gratifying, however, to observe an increase of receipts for the year ending on the 30th of June, 1859, equal to $481,691.21 compared with those in the year ending on the 30th June, 1858. It is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year will be $5,988,424.04, but that for the year ending 30th June, 1861, it will not exceed $1,342,473.90 should Congress adopt the measures of reform proposed and urged by the Postmaster-General. Since the month of March retrenchments have been made in the expenditures amounting to $1,826,471 annually, which, however, did not take effect until after the commencement of the present fiscal year. The period seems to have arrived for determining the question whether this Department shall become a permanent and ever-increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining policy which had so long controlled its administration. The course of legislation recommended by the Postmaster-General for the relief of the Department from its present embarrassments and for restoring it to its original independence is deserving of your early and earnest consideration. In conclusion I would again commend to the just liberality of Congress the local interests of the District of Columbia. Surely the city bearing the name of Washington, and destined, I trust, for ages to be the capital of our united, free, and prosperous Confederacy, has strong claims on our favorable regard.
our deep and heartfelt gratitude is due to that almighty power which has bestowed upon us such varied and numerous blessings throughout the past year the general health of the country has been excellent our harvests have been unusually plentiful and prosperity smiles throughout the land indeed notwithstanding our demerits we have much reason to believe from the past events in our history that we have enjoyed the special protection of divine providence ever since our origin as a nation we have been exposed to many threatening and alarming difficulties in our progress but on each successive occasion the impending cloud has been dissipated at the moment it appeared ready to burst upon our head and the danger to our institutions has passed away may we ever be under the divine guidance and protection whilst it is the duty of the president from time to time to give to congress information of the state of the union i shall not refer in detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at harpers ferry still it is proper to observe that these events however bad and cruel in themselves derive their chief importance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind which may break out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open war by the north to abolish slavery in the south whilst for myself i entertain no such apprehension they ought to afford a solemn warning to us all to beware of the approach of danger our union is a stake of such inestimable value as to demand our constant and watchful vigilance for its preservation in this view let me implore my countrymen north and south to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual forbearance and good will toward each other and strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land this advice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose service commenced in the last generation among the wise and conservative statesmen of that day now nearly all passed away and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tranquil prosperous united and powerful we ought to reflect that in this age and especially in this country there is an incessant flux and reflux of public opinion questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect have now nearly gone from the memory of men they are volcanoes burnt out and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoria of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive the cheering vine and the sustaining corn such in my opinion will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the constitution if this course be pursued the existing agitation on the subject of domestic slavery like everything human will have its day and give place to other and less threatening controversies public opinion in this country is and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits still to hasten this auspicious result at the present crisis we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his own teachings those who announce abstract doctrines subversive of the constitution and the union must not be surprised should their heated partisans advance one step further and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines into practical effect in this view of the subject it ought never to be forgotten that however great may have been the political advantages resulting from the union to every portion of our common country these would all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they can not be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the confederacy if the peace of the domestic fireside throughout these states should ever be invaded if the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children before the morning it would be vain to recount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from the union is the first instinct of nature and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people must at last become intolerable but i indulge in no such gloomy forebodings on the contrary i firmly believe that the events at harpers ferry by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril to their cherished institutions will be the means under providence of allaying the existing excitement and preventing further outbreaks of a similar character they will resolve that the constitution and the union shall not be endangered by rash counsels knowing that should the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be broken at the fountain human power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments i cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the supreme court of the united states of the question of slavery in the territories which had presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of my administration the right has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind including slaves into the common territories belonging equally to all the states of the confederacy and to have it protected there under the federal constitution neither congress nor a territorial legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this vested right the supreme judicial tribunal of the country which is a coordinate branch of the government has sanctioned and affirmed these principles of constitutional law so manifestly just in themselves and so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the states it is a striking proof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people that the property in slaves has never been disturbed to my knowledge in any of the territories even throughout the late troubles in kansas there has not been any attempt as i am credibly informed to interfere in a single instance with the right of the master had any such attempt been made the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy should they fail to do this hereafter it will then be time enough to strengthen their hands by further legislation had it been decided that either congress or the territorial legislature possess the power to annul or impair the right to property in slaves the evil would be intolerable in the latter event there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the legislature at each successive election and the sacred rights of property held under the federal constitution would depend for the time being on the result the agitation would thus be rendered incessant whilst the territorial condition remained and its baneful influence would keep alive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several states thus has the status of a territory during the intermediate period from its first settlement until it shall become a state been irrevocably fixed by the final decision of the supreme court fortunate has this been for the prosperity of the territories as well as the tranquillity of the states now emigrants from the north and the south the east and the west will meet in the territories on a common platform having brought with them that species of property best adapted in their own opinion to promote their welfare from natural causes the slavery question will in each case soon virtually settle itself and before the territory is prepared for admission as a state into the union this decision one way or the other will have been a foregone conclusion meanwhile the settlement of the new territory will proceed without serious interruption and its progress and prosperity will not be endangered or retarded by violent political struggles when in the progress of events the inhabitants of any territory shall have reached the number required to form a state they will then proceed in a regular manner and in the exercise of the rights of popular sovereignty to form a constitution preparatory to admission into the union after this has been done to employ the language of the kansas and nebraska act they shall be received into the union with or without slavery as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission this sound principle has happily been recognized in some form or other by an almost unanimous vote of both houses of the last congress all lawful means at my command have been employed and shall continue to be employed to execute the laws against the african slave trade after a most careful and rigorous examination of our coasts and a thorough investigation of the subject we have not been able to discover that any slaves have been imported into the united states except the cargo by the wanderer numbering between three and four hundred those engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecuted but not with as much success as their crimes have deserved a number of them are still under prosecution our history proves that the fathers of the republic in advance of all other nations condemned the african slave trade it was notwithstanding deemed expedient by the framers of the constitution to deprive congress of the power to prohibit the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit prior to the year 1808 it will be seen that this restriction on the power of congress was confined to such states only as might think proper to admit the importation of slaves it did not extend to other states or to the trade carried on abroad accordingly we find that so early as the 22d march 1794 congress passed an act imposing severe penalties and punishments upon citizens and residents of the united states who should engage in this trade between foreign nations the provisions of this act were extended and enforced by the act of 10th may 1800 again the states themselves had a clear right to waive the constitutional privilege intended for their benefit and to prohibit by their own laws this trade at any time they thought proper previous to 1808 several of them exercised this right before that period and among them some containing the greatest number of slaves this gave to congress the immediate power to act in regard to all such states because they themselves had removed the constitutional barrier congress accordingly passed an act on 28th february 1803 to prevent the importation of certain persons into certain states where by the laws thereof their admission is prohibited in this manner the importation of african slaves into the united states was to a great extent prohibited some years in advance of 1808 as the year 1808 approached congress determined not to suffer this trade to exist even for a single day after they had the power to abolish it on the 2d of march 1807 they passed an act to take effect from and after the 1st day of january 1808 prohibiting the importation of african slaves into the united states this was followed by subsequent acts of a similar character to which i need not specially refer such were the principles and such the practice of our ancestors more than fifty years ago in regard to the african slave trade it did not occur to the revered patriots who had been delegates to the convention and afterwards became members of congress that in passing these laws they had violated the constitution which they had framed with so much care and deliberation they supposed that to prohibit congress in express terms from exercising a specified power before an appointed day necessarily involved the right to exercise this power after that day had arrived if this were not the case the framers of the constitution had expended much labor in vain had they imagined that congress would possess no power to prohibit the trade either before or after 1808 they would not have taken so much care to protect the states against the exercise of this power before that period nay more they would not have attached such vast importance to this provision as to have excluded it from the possibility of future repeal or amendment to which other portions of the constitution were exposed it would then have been wholly unnecessary to ingraft on the fifth article of the constitution prescribing the mode of its own future amendment the proviso that no amendment which may be made prior to the year 1808 shall in any manner affect the provision in the constitution securing to the states the right to admit the importation of african slaves previous to that period according to the adverse construction the clause itself on which so much care and discussion had been employed by the members of the convention was an absolute nullity from the beginning and all that has since been done under it a mere usurpation it was well and wise to confer this power on congress because had it been left to the states its efficient exercise would have been impossible in that event any one state could have effectually continued the trade not only for itself but for all the other slave states though never so much against their will and why because african slaves when once brought within the limits of any one state in accordance with its laws can not practically be excluded from any state where slavery exists and even if all the states had separately passed laws prohibiting the importation of slaves these laws would have failed of effect for want of a naval force to capture the slavers and to guard the coast such a force no state can employ in time of peace without the consent of congress these acts of congress it is believed have with very rare and insignificant exceptions accomplished their purpose for a period of more than half a century there has been no perceptible addition to the number of our domestic slaves during this period their advancement in civilization has far surpassed that of any other portion of the african race the light and the blessings of christianity have been extended to them and both their moral and physical condition has been greatly improved reopen the trade and it would be difficult to determine whether the effect would be more deleterious on the interests of the master or on those of the slave of the evils to the master the one most to be dreaded would be the introduction of wild heathen and ignorant barbarians among the sober orderly and quiet slaves whose ancestors have been on the soil for several generations this might tend to barbarize demoralize and exasperate the whole mass and produce most deplorable consequences the effect upon the existing slave would if possible be still more deplorable at present he is treated with kindness and humanity he is well fed well clothed and not overworked his condition is incomparably better than that of the coolies which modern nations of high civilization have employed as a substitute for african slaves both the philanthropy and the of the master have combined to produce this humane result but let this trade be reopened and what will be the effect the same to a considerable extent as on a neighboring island the only spot now on earth where the african slave trade is openly tolerated and this in defiance of solemn treaties with a power abundantly able at any moment to enforce their execution there the master intent upon present gain extorts from the slave as much labor as his physical powers are capable of enduring knowing that when death comes to his relief his place can be supplied at a price reduced to the lowest point by the competition of rival african slave traders should this ever be the case in our country which i do not deem possible the present useful character of the domestic institution wherein those too old and too young to work are provided for with care and humanity and those capable of labor are not overtasked would undergo an unfortunate change the feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment which now exists between master and slave would be converted into mutual distrust and hostility but we are obliged as a christian and moral nation to consider what would be the effect upon unhappy africa itself if we should reopen the slave trade this would give the trade an impulse and extension which it has never had even in its palmiest days the numerous victims required to supply it would convert the whole slave coast into a perfect pandemonium for which this country would be held responsible in the eyes both of god and man its petty tribes would then be constantly engaged in predatory wars against each other for the purpose of seizing slaves to supply the american market all hopes of african civilization would thus be ended on the other hand when a market for african slaves shall no longer be furnished in cuba and thus all the world be closed against this trade we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of africa the chief motive of war among the tribes will cease whenever there is no longer any demand for slaves the resources of that fertile but miserable country might then be developed by the hand of industry and afford subjects for legitimate foreign and domestic commerce in this manner christianity and civilization may gradually penetrate the existing gloom the wisdom of the course pursued by this government toward china has been vindicated by the event whilst we sustained a neutral position in the war waged by great britain and france against the chinese empire our late minister in obedience to his instructions judiciously cooperated with the ministers of these powers in all peaceful measures to secure by treaty the just concessions demanded by the interests of foreign commerce the result is that satisfactory treaties have been concluded with china by the respective ministers of the united states great britain france and russia our treaty or general convention of peace amity and commerce with that empire was concluded at on the 18th june 1858 and was ratified by the president by and with the advice and consent of the senate on the 21st december following on the 15th december 1858 john ward a distinguished citizen of georgia was duly commissioned as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to china he left the united states for the place of his destination on the 5th of february 1859 bearing with him the ratified copy of this treaty and arrived at shanghai on the 28th may from thence he proceeded to peking on the 16th june but did not arrive in that city until the 27th july according to the terms of the treaty the ratifications were to be exchanged on or before the 18th june 1859 this was rendered impossible by reasons and events beyond his control not necessary to detail but still it is due to the chinese authorities at shanghai to state that they always assured him no advantage should be taken of the delay and this pledge has been faithfully redeemed on the arrival of ward at peking he requested an audience of the emperor to present his letter of credence this he did not obtain in consequence of his very proper refusal to submit to the humiliating ceremonies required by the etiquette of this strange people in approaching their sovereign nevertheless the interviews on this question were conducted in the most friendly spirit and with all due regard to his personal feelings and the honor of his country when a presentation to his majesty was found to be impossible the letter of credence from the president was received with peculiar honors by kweiliang the emperor prime minister and the second man in the empire to the emperor himself the ratifications of the treaty were afterwards on the 16th of august exchanged in proper form at as the exchange did not take place until after the day prescribed by the treaty it is deemed proper before its publication again to submit it to the senate it is but simple justice to the chinese authorities to observe that throughout the whole transaction they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit toward the united states it is true this has been done after their own peculiar fashion but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years so far as this may be consistent with our own national honor the conduct of our minister on the occasion has received my entire approbation in order to carry out the spirit of this treaty and to give it full effect it became necessary to conclude two supplemental conventions the one for the adjustment and satisfaction of the claims of our citizens and the other to fix the tariff on imports and exports and to regulate the transit duties and trade of our merchants with china this duty was satisfactorily performed by our late minister these conventions bear date at shanghai on the 8th november 1858 having been considered in the light of binding agreements subsidiary to the principal treaty and to be carried into execution without delay they do not provide for any formal ratification or exchange of ratifications by the contracting parties this was not deemed necessary by the chinese who are already proceeding in good faith to satisfy the claims of our citizens and it is hoped to carry out the other provisions of the conventions still i thought it was proper to submit them to the senate by which they were ratified on the 3d of march 1859 the ratified copies however did not reach shanghai until after the departure of our minister to peking and these conventions could not therefore be exchanged at the same time with the principal treaty no doubt is entertained that they will be ratified and exchanged by the chinese government should this be thought advisable but under the circumstances presented i shall consider them binding engagements from their date on both parties and because them to be published as such for the information and guidance of our merchants trading with the chinese empire it affords me much satisfaction to inform you that all our difficulties with the republic of paraguay have been satisfactorily adjusted it happily did not become necessary to employ the force for this purpose which congress had placed at my command under the joint resolution of 2d june 1858 on the contrary the president of that republic in a friendly spirit acceded promptly to the just and reasonable demands of the government of the united states our commissioner arrived at assumption the capital of the republic on the 25th of january 1859 and left it on the 17th of february having in three weeks ably and successfully accomplished all the objects of his mission the treaties which he has concluded will be immediately submitted to the senate in the view that the employment of other than peaceful means might become necessary to obtain just satisfaction from paraguay a strong naval force was concentrated in the waters of the la plata to await contingencies whilst our commissioner ascended the rivers to assumption the navy department is entitled to great credit for the promptness efficiency and economy with which this expedition was fitted out and conducted it consisted of 19 armed vessels great and small carrying 200 guns and men all under the command of the veteran and gallant shubrick the entire expenses of the expedition have been defrayed out of the ordinary appropriations for the naval service except the sum of applied to the purchase of seven of the steamers constituting a part of it under the authority of the naval appropriation act of the 3d march last it is believed that these steamers are worth more than their cost and they are all now usefully and actively employed in the naval service the appearance of so large a force fitted out in such a prompt manner in the waters of the la plata and the admirable conduct of the officers and men employed in it have had a happy effect in favor of our country throughout all that remote portion of the world our relations with the great empires of france and russia as well as with all other governments on the continent of europe unless we may except that of spain happily continue to be of the most friendly character in my last annual message i presented a statement of the unsatisfactory condition of our relations with spain and i regret to say that this has not materially improved without special reference to other claims even the cuban claims the payment of which has been ably urged by our ministers and in which more than a hundred of our citizens are directly interested remain unsatisfied notwithstanding both their justice and their amount had been recognized and ascertained by the spanish government itself i again recommend that an appropriation be made to be paid to the spanish government for the purpose of distribution among the claimants in the amistad case in common with two of my predecessors i entertain no doubt that this is required by our treaty with spain of the 27th october 1795 the failure to discharge this obligation has been employed by the cabinet of madrid as a reason against the settlement of our claims i need not repeat the arguments which i urged in my last annual message in favor of the acquisition of cuba by fair purchase my opinions on that measure remain unchanged i therefore again invite the serious attention of congress to this important subject without a recognition of this policy on their part it will be almost impossible to institute negotiations with any reasonable prospect of success until a recent period there was good reason to believe that i should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties with great britain arising out of the clayton and bulwer treaty had been finally adjusted in a manner alike honorable and satisfactory to both parties from causes however which the british government had not anticipated they have not yet completed treaty arrangements with the republics of honduras and nicaragua in pursuance of the understanding between the two governments it is nevertheless confidently expected that this good work will ere long be accomplished whilst indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could disturb the good understanding between the two countries the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the island of san juan under the oregon treaty of the 15th june 1846 suddenly assumed a threatening prominence in order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that remote frontier the late secretary of state on the 17th july 1855 addressed a note to crampton then british minister at washington communicating to him a copy of the instructions which he marcy had given on the 14th july to governor stevens of washington territory having a special reference to an apprehended conflict between our citizens and the british subjects on the island of san juan to prevent this the governor was instructed that the officers of the territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of great britain of an exclusive right over the premises the title ought to be settled before either party should attempt to exclude the other by force or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits in acknowledging the receipt on the next day of marcy note the british minister expressed his entire concurrence in the propriety of the course recommended to the governor of washington territory by your marcy instructions to that officer and stating that he had lost no time in transmitting a copy of that document to the of british north america and had earnestly recommended to his excellency to take such measures as to him may appear best calculated to secure on the part of the british local authorities and the inhabitants of the neighborhood of the line in question the exercise of the same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you marcy on the authorities and citizens of the united states thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement until the 9th july last when general harney paid a visit to the island he found upon it american residents with their families and also an establishment of the hudsons bay company for the purpose of raising sheep a short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal belonging to the company whilst trespassing upon his premises for which however he offered to pay twice its value but that was refused soon after the chief factor of the company at victoria dalles of governor douglas came to the island in the british sloop of war satellite and threatened to take this american cutler by force to victoria to answer for the trespass he had committed the american seized his rifle and told dalles if any such attempt was made he would kill him upon the spot the affair then ended under these circumstances the american settlers presented a petition to the general through the united states inspector of customs hubbs to place a force upon the island to protect them from the indians as well as the oppressive interference of the authorities of the hudsons bay company at victoria with their rights as american citizens the general immediately responded to this petition and ordered captain george pickett ninth infantry to establish his company on bellevue or san juan island on some suitable position near the harbor at the southeastern extremity this order was promptly obeyed and a military post was established at the place designated the force was afterwards increased so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island amounted in the aggregate to 691 men whilst i do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of the british colonial authorities contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant general acted it was due to him that i should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to captain pickett from these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the british authorities on vancouvers island from exercising jurisdiction over american residents on the island of san juan as well as to protect them against the incursions of the indians much excitement prevailed for some time throughout that region and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended the british had a large naval force in the vicinity and it is but an act of simple justice to the admiral on that station to state that he wisely and discreetly forbore to commit any hostile act but determined to refer the whole affair to his government and await their instructions this aspect of the matter in my opinion demanded serious attention it would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been precipitated into acts of hostility not on the question of title to the island but merely concerning what should be its condition during the intervening period whilst the two governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs for this reason scott was dispatched on the 17th of september last to washington territory to take immediate command of the united states forces on the pacific coast should he deem this necessary the main object of his mission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late secretary of state and the british minister and thus to preserve the peace and prevent collision between the british and american authorities pending the negotiations between the two governments entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title i need scarcely add that in any event american citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favorable as that of british subjects it being understood that captain pickett company should remain on the island it is proper to observe that considering the distance from the scene of action and in ignorance of what might have transpired on the spot before the general arrival it was necessary to leave much to his discretion and i am happy to state the event has proven that this discretion could not have been intrusted to more competent hands general scott has recently returned from his mission having successfully accomplished its objects and there is no longer any good reason to apprehend a collision between the forces of the two countries during the pendency of the existing negotiations i regret to inform you that there has been no improvement in the affairs of mexico since my last annual message and i am again obliged to ask the earnest attention of congress to the unhappy condition of that republic the constituent congress of mexico which adjourned on the 17th february 1857 adopted a constitution and provided for a popular election this took place in the following july 1857 and general comonfort was chosen president almost without opposition at the same election a new congress was chosen whose first session commenced on the 16th of september 1857 by the constitution of 1857 the presidential term was to begin on the 1st of december 1857 and continue for four years on that day general comonfort appeared before the assembled congress in the city of mexico took the oath to support the new constitution and was duly inaugurated as president within a month afterwards he had been driven from the capital and a military rebellion had assigned the supreme power of the republic to general zuloaga the constitution provided that in the absence of the president his office should devolve upon the chief justice of the supreme court and general comonfort having left the country this functionary general juarez proceeded to form at guanajuato a constitutional government before this was officially known however at the capital the government of zuloaga had been recognized by the entire diplomatic corps including the minister of the united states as the de facto government of mexico the constitutional president nevertheless maintained his position with firmness and was soon established with his cabinet at vera cruz meanwhile the government of zuloaga was earnestly resisted in many parts of the republic and even in the capital a portion of the army having pronounced against it its functions were declared terminated and an assembly of citizens was invited for the choice of a new president this assembly elected general miramort but that officer repudiated the plan under which he was chosen and zuloaga was thus restored to his previous position he assumed it however only to withdraw from it and miramon having become by his appointment president substitute continues with that title at the head of the insurgent party in my last annual message i communicated to congress the circumstances under which the late minister of the united states suspended his official relations with the central government and withdrew from the country it was impossible to maintain friendly intercourse with a government like that at the capital under whose usurped authority wrongs were constantly committed but never redressed had this been an established government with its power extending by the consent of the people over the whole of mexico a resort to hostilities against it would have been quite justifiable and indeed necessary but the country was a prey to civil war and it was hoped that the success of the constitutional president might lead to a condition of things less injurious to the united states this success became so probable that in january last i employed a reliable agent to visit mexico and report to me the actual condition and prospects of the contending parties in consequence of his report and from information which reached me from other sources favorable to the prospects of the constitutional because i felt justified in appointing a new minister to mexico who might embrace the earliest suitable opportunity of restoring our diplomatic relations with that republic for this purpose a distinguished citizen of maryland was selected who proceeded on his mission on the 8th of march last with discretionary authority to recognize the government of president juarez if on his arrival in mexico he should find it entitled to such recognition according to the established practice of the united states on the 7th of april following mclane presented his credentials to president juarez having no hesitation in pronouncing the government of juarez to be the only existing government of the republic he was cordially received by the authorities at vera cruz and they have ever since manifested the most friendly disposition toward the united states unhappily however the constitutional government has not been able to establish its power over the whole republic it is supported by a large majority of the people and the states but there are important parts of the country where it can enforce no obedience general miramon maintains himself at the capital and in some of the distant provinces there are military governors who pay little respect to the decrees of either government in the meantime the excesses which always attend upon civil war especially in mexico are constantly recurring outrages of the worst description are committed both upon persons and property there is scarcely any form of injury which has not been suffered by our citizens in mexico during the last few years we have been nominally at peace with that republic but so far as the interests of our commerce or of our citizens who have visited the country as merchants shipmasters or in other capacities are concerned we might as well have been at war life has been insecure property unprotected and trade impossible except at a risk of loss which prudent men can not be expected to incur important contracts involving large expenditures entered into by the central government have been set at defiance by the local governments peaceful american residents occupying their rightful possessions have been suddenly expelled the country in defiance of treaties and by the mere force of arbitrary power even the course of justice has not been safe from control and a recent decree of miramort permits the intervention of government in all suits where either party is a foreigner vessels of the united states have been seized without law and a consular officer who protested against such seizure has been fined and imprisoned for disrespect to the authorities military contributions have been levied in violation of every principle of right and the american who resisted the lawless demand has had his property forcibly taken away and has been himself banished from a conflict of authority in different parts of the country tariff duties which have been paid in one place have been exacted over again in another place large numbers of our citizens have been arrested and imprisoned without any form of examination or any opportunity for a hearing and even when released have only obtained their liberty after much suffering and injury and without any hope of redress the wholesale massacre of crabbe and his associates without trial in sonora as well as the seizure and murder of four sick americans who had taken shelter in the house of an american upon the soil of the united states was communicated to congress at its last session murders of a still more atrocious character have been committed in the very heart of mexico under the authority of miramon government during the present year some of these were only worthy of a barbarous age and if they had not been dearly proven would have seemed impossible in a country which claims to be civilized of this description was the brutal massacre in april last by order of general marquez of three american physicians who were seized in the hospital at tacubaya while attending upon the sick and the dying of both parties and without trial as without crime were hurried away to speedy execution little less shocking was the recent fate of ormond chase who was shot in tepic on the 7th of august by order of the same mexican general not only without a trial but without any conjecture by his friends of the because of his arrest he is represented as a young man of good character and intelligence who had made numerous friends in tepic by the courage and humanity which he had displayed on several trying occasions and his death was as unexpected as it was shocking to the whole community other outrages might be enumerated but these are sufficient to illustrate the wretched state of the country and the unprotected condition of the persons and property of our citizens in mexico in all these cases our ministers have been constant and faithful in their demands for redress but both they and this government which they have successively represented have been wholly powerless to make their demands effective their testimony in this respect and in reference to the only remedy which in their judgments would meet the exigency has been both uniform and emphatic nothing but a manifestation of the power of the government of the united states wrote our late minister in 1856 and of its purpose to punish these wrongs will avail i assure you that the universal belief here is that there is nothing to be apprehended from the government of the united states and that local mexican officials can commit these outrages upon american citizens with absolute impunity i hope the president wrote our present minister in august last will feel authorized to ask from congress the power to enter mexico with the military forces of the united states at the call of the constitutional authorities in order to protect the citizens and the treaty rights of the united states unless such a power is conferred upon him neither the one nor the other will be respected in the existing state of anarchy and disorder and the outrages already perpetrated will never be chastised and as i assured you in my no 23 all these evils must increase until every vestige of order and government disappears from the country i have been reluctantly led to the same opinion and in justice to my countrymen who have suffered wrongs from mexico and who may still suffer them i feel bound to announce this conclusion to congress the case presented however is not merely a case of individual claims although our just claims against mexico have reached a very large amount nor is it merely the case of protection to the lives and property of the few americans who may still remain in mexico although the life and property of every american citizen ought to be sacredly protected in every quarter of the world but it is a question which relates to the future as well as to the present and the past and which involves indirectly at least the whole subject of our duty to mexico as a neighboring state the exercise of the power of the united states in that country to redress the wrongs and protect the rights of our own citizens is none the less to be desired because efficient and necessary aid may thus be rendered at the same time to restore peace and order to mexico itself in the accomplishment of this result the people of the united states must necessarily feel a deep and earnest interest mexico ought to be a rich and prosperous and powerful republic she possesses an extensive territory a fertile soil and an incalculable store of mineral wealth she occupies an important position between the gulf and the ocean for transit routes and for commerce is it possible that such a country as this can be given up to anarchy and ruin without an effort from any quarter for its rescue and its safety will the commercial nations of the world which have so many interests connected with it remain wholly indifferent to such a result can the united states especially which ought to share most largely in its commercial intercourse allow their immediate neighbor thus to destroy itself and injure them yet without support from some quarter it is impossible to perceive how mexico can resume her position among nations and enter upon a career which promises any good results the aid which she requires and which the interests of all commercial countries require that she should have it belongs to this government to render not only by virtue of our neighborhood to mexico along whose territory we have a continuous frontier of nearly a thousand miles but by virtue also of our established policy which is inconsistent with the intervention of any european power in the domestic concerns of that republic the wrongs which we have suffered from mexico are before the world and must deeply impress every american citizen a government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties the difficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the remedy we may in vain apply to the constitutional government at vera cruz although it is well disposed to do us justice for adequate redress whilst its authority is acknowledged in all the important ports and throughout the seacoasts of the republic its power does not extend to the city of mexico and the states in its vicinity where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on american citizens we must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the constitutional government the most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that government their consent and their aid might i believe be obtained but if not our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights secured by treaty would not be the less imperative for these reasons i recommend to congress to pass a law authorizing the president under such conditions as they may deem expedient to employ a sufficient military force to enter mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future i purposely refrain from any suggestion as to whether this force shall consist of regular troops or volunteers or both this question may be most appropriately left to the decision of congress i would merely observe that should volunteers be selected such a force could be easily raised in this country among those who sympathize with the sufferings of our unfortunate in mexico and with the unhappy condition of that republic such an accession to the forces of the constitutional government would enable it soon to reach the city of mexico and extend its power over the whole republic in that event there is no reason to doubt that the just claims of our citizens would be satisfied and adequate redress obtained for the injuries inflicted upon them the constitutional government have ever evinced a strong desire to do justice and this might be secured in advance by a preliminary treaty it may be said that these measures will at least indirectly be inconsistent with our wise and settled policy not to interfere in the domestic concerns of foreign nations but does not the present case fairly constitute an exception an adjoining republic is in a state of anarchy and confusion from which she has proved wholly unable to extricate herself she is entirely destitute of the power to maintain peace upon her borders or to prevent the incursions of banditti into our territory in her fate and in her fortune in her power to establish and maintain a settled government we have a far deeper interest socially commercially and politically than any other nation she is now a wreck upon the ocean drifting about as she is impelled by different factions as a good neighbor shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her if we do not it would not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task and thus force us to interfere at last under circumstances of increased difficulty for the maintenance of our established policy i repeat the recommendation contained in my last annual message that authority may be given to the president to establish one or more temporary military posts across the mexican line in sonora and chihuahua where these may be necessary to protect the lives and property of american and mexican citizens against the incursions and depredations of the indians as well as of lawless rovers on that remote region the establishment of one such post at a point called arispe in sonora in a country now almost depopulated by the hostile inroads of the indians from our side of the line would it is believed have prevented much injury and many cruelties during the past season a state of lawlessness and violence prevails on that distant frontier life and property are there wholly insecure the population of arizona now numbering more than souls are practically destitute of government of laws or of any regular administration of justice murder rapine and other crimes are committed with impunity i therefore again call the attention of congress to the necessity for establishing a territorial government over arizona the treaty with nicaragua of the 16th of february 1857 to which i referred in my last annual message failed to receive the ratification of the government of that republic for reasons which i need not enumerate a similar treaty has been since concluded between the parties bearing date on the 16th march 1859 which has already been ratified by the nicaraguan congress this will be immediately submitted to the senate for their ratification its provisions can not i think fail to be acceptable to the people of both countries our claims against the governments of costa rica and nicaragua remain unredressed though they are pressed in an earnest manner and not without hope of success i deem it to be my duty once more earnestly to recommend to congress the passage of a law authorizing the president to employ the naval force at his command for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of american citizens passing in transit across the panama nicaragua and tehuantepec routes against sudden and lawless outbreaks and depredations i shall not repeat the arguments employed in former messages in support of this measure suffice it to say that the lives of many of our people and the security of vast amounts of treasure passing and repassing over one or more of these routes between the atlantic and pacific may be deeply involved in the action of congress on this subject i would also again recommend to congress that authority be given to the president to employ the naval force to protect american merchant vessels their crews and cargoes against violent and lawless seizure and confiscation in the ports of mexico and the spanish american states when these countries may be in a disturbed and revolutionary condition the mere knowledge that such an authority had been conferred as i have already stated would of itself in a great degree prevent the evil neither would this require any additional appropriation for the naval service the chief objection urged against the grant of this authority is that congress by conferring it would violate the constitution that it would be a transfer of the or strictly speaking the power to the executive if this were well rounded it would of course be conclusive a very brief examination however will place this objection at rest congress possess the sole and exclusive power under the constitution to declare war they alone can raise and support armies and provide and maintain a navy but after congress shall have declared war and provided the force necessary to carry it on the president as commander in chief of the army and navy can alone employ this force in making war against the enemy this is the plain language and history proves that it was the intention of the framers of the constitution it will not be denied that the general power to declare war is without limitation and embraces within itself not only what writers on the law of nations term a public or perfect war but also an imperfect war and in short every species of hostility however confined or limited without the authority of congress the president can not fire a hostile gun in any case except to repel the attacks of an enemy it will not be doubted that under this power congress could if they thought proper authorize the president to employ the force at his command to seize a vessel belonging to an american citizen which had been illegally and unjustly captured in a foreign port and restore it to its owner but can congress only act after the fact after the mischief has been done have they no power to confer upon the president the authority in advance to furnish instant redress should such a case afterwards occur must they wait until the mischief has been done and can they apply the remedy only when it is too late to confer this authority to meet future cases under circumstances strictly specified is as clearly within the power as such an authority conferred upon the president by act of congress after the deed had been done in the progress of a great nation many exigencies must arise imperatively requiring that congress should authorize the president to act promptly on certain conditions which may or may not afterwards arise our history has already presented a number of such cases i shall refer only to the latest under the resolution of june 2 1858 for the adjustment of difficulties with the republic of paraguay the president is authorized to adopt such measures and use such force as in his judgment may be necessary and advisable in the event of a refusal of just satisfaction by the government of paraguay just satisfaction for what for the attack on the united states steamer water witch and other matters referred to in the annual message of the president here the power is expressly granted upon the condition that the government of paraguay shall refuse to render this just satisfaction in this and other similar cases congress have conferred upon the president power in advance to employ the army and navy upon the happening of contingent future events and this most certainly is embraced within the power to declare war now if this conditional and contingent power could be constitutionally conferred upon the president in the case of paraguay why may it not be conferred for the purpose of protecting the lives and property of american citizens in the event that they may be violently and unlawfully attacked in passing over the transit routes to and from california or assailed by the seizure of their vessels in a foreign port to deny this power is to render the navy in a great degree useless for the protection of the lives and property of american citizens in countries where neither protection nor redress can be otherwise obtained the congress terminated on the 3d of march 1859 without having passed the act making appropriations for the service of the department during the fiscal year ending the 30th of june 1860 this act also contained an appropriation to supply deficiencies in the revenue of the department for the year ending 30th june 1859 i believe this is the first instance since the origin of the federal government now more than seventy years ago when any congress went out of existence without having passed all the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the government until the regular period for the meeting of a new congress this event imposed on the executive a grave responsibility it presented a choice of evils had this omission of duty occurred at the first session of the last congress the remedy would have been plain i might then have instantly recalled them to complete their work and this without expense to the government but on the 4th of march last there were fifteen of the states which had not elected any representatives to the present congress had congress been called together immediately these states would have been virtually disfranchised if an intermediate period had been selected several of the states would have been compelled to hold extra sessions of their legislatures at great inconvenience and expense to provide for elections at an earlier day than that previously fixed by law in the regular course ten of these states would not elect until after the beginning of august and five of these ten not until october and november on the other hand when i came to examine carefully the condition of the department i did not meet as many or as great difficulties as i had apprehended had the bill which failed been confined to appropriations for the fiscal year ending on the 30th june next there would have been no reason of pressing importance for the call of an extra session nothing would become due on contracts those with railroad companies only excepted for carrying the mail for the first quarter of the present fiscal year commencing on the 1st of july until the 1st of december less than one week before the meeting of the present congress the reason is that the mail contractors for this and the current year did not complete their first quarter service until the 30th september last and by the terms of their contracts sixty days more are allowed for the settlement of their accounts before the department could be called upon for payment the great difficulty and the great hardship consisted in the failure to provide for the payment of the deficiency in the fiscal year ending the 30th june 1859 the department had entered into contracts in obedience to existing laws for the service of that fiscal year and the contractors were fairly entitled to their compensation as it became due the deficiency as stated in the bill amounted to but after a careful settlement of all these accounts it has been ascertained that it amounts to with the scanty means at his command the has managed to pay that portion of this deficiency which occurred in the first two quarters of the past fiscal year ending on the 31st december last in the meantime the contractors themselves under these trying circumstances have behaved in a manner worthy of all commendation they had one resource in the midst of their embarrassments after the amount due to each of them had been ascertained and finally settled according to law this became a specific debt of record against the united states which enabled them to borrow money on this unquestionable security still they were obliged to pay interest in consequence of the default of congress and on every principle of justice ought to receive interest from the government this interest should commence from the date when a warrant would have issued for the payment of the principal had an appropriation been made for this purpose calculated up to the 1st december it will not exceed a sum not to be taken into account when contrasted with the great difficulties and embarrassments of a public and private character both to the people and the states which would have resulted from convening and holding a special session of congress for these reasons i recommend the passage of a bill at as early a day as may be practicable to provide for the payment of the amount with interest due to these contractors as well as to make the necessary appropriations for the service of the department for the current fiscal year the failure to pass the bill necessarily gives birth to serious reflections congress by refusing to pass the general appropriation bills necessary to carry on the government may not only arrest its action but might even destroy its existence the army the navy the judiciary in short every department of the government can no longer perform their functions if congress refuse the money necessary for their support if this failure should teach the country the necessity of electing a full congress in sufficient time to enable the president to convene them in any emergency even immediately after the old congress has expired it will have been productive of great good in a time of sudden and alarming danger foreign or domestic which all nations must expect to encounter in their progress the very salvation of our institutions may be staked upon the assembling of congress without delay if under such circumstances the president should find himself in the condition in which he was placed at the close of the last congress with nearly half the states of the union destitute of representatives the consequences might he disastrous i therefore recommend to congress to carry into effect the provisions of the constitution on this subject and to pass a law appointing some day previous to the 4th march in each year of odd number for the election of representatives throughout all the states they have already appointed a day for the election of electors for president and and this measure has been approved by the country i would again express a most decided opinion in favor of the construction of a pacific railroad for the reasons stated in my two last annual messages when i reflect upon what would be the defenseless condition of our states and territories west of the rocky mountains in case of a war with a naval power sufficiently strong to interrupt all intercourse with them by the routes across the isthmus i am still more convinced than ever of the vast importance of this railroad i have never doubted the constitutional competency of congress to provide for its construction but this exclusively under the power besides the constitution expressly requires as an imperative duty that the united states shall protect each of them the states against invasion i am at a loss to conceive how this protection can be afforded to california and oregon against such a naval power by any other means i repeat the opinion contained in my last annual message that it would be inexpedient for the government to undertake this great work by agents of its own appointment and under its direct and exclusive control this would increase the patronage of the executive to a dangerous extent and would foster a system of jobbing and corruption which no vigilance on the part of federal officials could prevent the construction of this road ought therefore to be intrusted to incorporated companies or other agencies who would exercise that active and vigilant supervision over it which can be inspired alone by a sense of corporate and individual interest i venture to assert that the additional cost of transporting troops munitions of war and necessary supplies for the army across the vast intervening plains to our possessions on the pacific coast would be greater in such a war than the whole amount required to construct the road and yet this resort would after all be inadequate for their defense and protection we have yet scarcely recovered from the habits of extravagant expenditure produced by our overflowing treasury during several years prior to the commencement of my administration the financial reverses which we have since experienced ought to teach us all to scrutinize our expenditures with the greatest vigilance and to reduce them to the lowest possible point the executive departments of the government have devoted themselves to the accomplishment of this object with considerable success as will appear from their different reports and estimates to these i invite the scrutiny of congress for the purpose of reducing them still lower if this be practicable consistent with the great public interests of the country in aid of the policy of retrenchment i pledge myself to examine closely the bills appropriating lands or money so that if any of these should inadvertently pass both houses as must sometimes be the case i may afford them an opportunity for reconsideration at the same time we ought never to forget that true public economy consists not in withholding the means necessary to accomplish important national objects confided to us by the constitution but in taking care that the money appropriated for these purposes shall be faithfully and frugally expended it will appear from the report of the secretary of the treasury that it is extremely doubtful to say the least whether we shall be able to pass through the present and the next fiscal year without providing additional revenue this can only be accomplished by strictly confining the appropriations within the estimates of the different departments without making an allowance for any additional expenditures which congress may think proper in their discretion to authorize and without providing for the redemption of any portion of the of treasury notes which have been already issued in the event of a deficiency which i consider probable this ought never to be supplied by a resort to additional loans it would be a ruinous practice in the days of peace and prosperity to go on increasing the national debt to meet the ordinary expenses of the government this policy would cripple our resources and impair our credit in case the existence of war should render it necessary to borrow money should such a deficiency occur as i apprehend i would recommend that the necessary revenue be raised by an increase of our present duties on imports i need not repeat the opinions expressed in my last annual message as to the best mode and manner of accomplishing this object and shall now merely observe that these have since undergone no change the report of the secretary of the treasury will explain in detail the operations of that department of the government the receipts into the treasury from all sources during the fiscal year ending june 30 1859 including the loan authorized by the act of june 14 1858 and the issues of treasury notes authorized by existing laws were which sum with the balance of remaining in the treasury at the commencement of that fiscal year made an aggregate for the service of the year of the public expenditures during the fiscal year ending june 30 1859 amounted to of this sum were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes the expenditures for all other branches of the public service during that fiscal year were therefore the balance remaining in the treasury on the 1st july 1859 being the commencement of the present fiscal year was the receipts into the treasury during the first quarter of the present fiscal year commencing july 1 1859 were of this amount was received on account of the loan and the issue of treasury notes the amount of having been received during the quarter from the ordinary sources of public revenue the estimated receipts for the remaining three quarters of the present fiscal year to june 30 1860 are of this amount it is estimated that will be received for treasury notes which may be reissued under the fifth section of the act of 3d march last and on account of the loan authorized by the act of june 14 1858 making from these extraordinary sources and from the ordinary sources of the public revenue making an aggregate with the balance in the treasury on the 1st july 1859 of for the estimated means of the present fiscal year ending june 30 1860 the expenditures during the first quarter of the present fiscal year were four million six hundred and thousand three hundred and dollars and cents of this sum were applied to the payment of interest on the public debt and the redemption of the issues of treasury notes and the remainder being were applied to ordinary expenditures during the quarter the estimated expenditures during the remaining three quarters to june 30 1860 are of which sum are estimated for the interest on the public debt the ascertained and estimated expenditures for the fiscal year ending june 30 1860 on account of the public debt are accordingly and for the ordinary expenditures of the government making an aggregate of leaving an estimated balance in the treasury on june 30 1860 of the estimated receipts during the next fiscal year ending june 30 1861 are which with the balance estimated as before stated as remaining in the treasury on the 30th june 1860 will make an aggregate for the service of the next fiscal year of the estimated expenditures during the next fiscal year ending 30th june 1861 are of this amount will be required to pay the interest on the public debt leaving the sum of for the estimated ordinary expenditures during the fiscal year ending 30th june 1861 upon these estimates a balance will be left in the treasury on the 30th june 1861 of but this balance as well as that estimated to remain in the treasury on the 1st july 1860 will be reduced by such appropriations as shall be made by law to carry into effect certain indian treaties during the present fiscal year asked for by the secretary of the interior to the amount of and upon the estimates of the for the service of his department the last fiscal year ending 30th june 1859 amounting to together with the further estimate of that officer for the service of the present fiscal year ending 30th june 1860 being making an aggregate of should these appropriations be made as requested by the proper departments the balance in the treasury on the 30th june 1861 will not it is estimated exceed i transmit herewith the reports of the secretaries of war of the navy of the interior and of the they each contain valuable information and important recommendations well worthy of the serious consideration of congress it will appear from the report of the secretary of war that the army expenditures have been materially reduced by a system of rigid economy which in his opinion offers every guaranty that the reduction will be permanent the estimates of the department for the next have been reduced nearly below the estimates for the present fiscal year and below the amount granted for this year at the last session of congress the expenditures of the department during the past fiscal year ending on the 30th june 1859 exclusive of payments for mail service specially provided for by congress out of the general treasury amounted to and its receipts to showing a deficiency to be supplied from the treasury of against for the year ending 30th june 1858 the increased cost of transportation growing out of the expansion of the service required by congress explains this rapid augmentation of the expenditures it is gratifying however to observe an increase of receipts for the year ending on the 30th of june 1859 equal to compared with those in the year ending on the 30th june 1858 it is estimated that the deficiency for the current fiscal year will be but that for the year ending 30th june 1861 it will not exceed should congress adopt the measures of reform proposed and urged by the since the month of march retrenchments have been made in the expenditures amounting to annually which however did not take effect until after the commencement of the present fiscal year the period seems to have arrived for determining the question whether this department shall become a permanent and charge upon the treasury or shall be permitted to resume the policy which had so long controlled its administration the course of legislation recommended by the for the relief of the department from its present embarrassments and for restoring it to its original independence is deserving of your early and earnest consideration in conclusion i would again commend to the just liberality of congress the local interests of the district of columbia surely the city bearing the name of washington and destined i trust for ages to be the capital of our united free and prosperous confederacy has strong claims on our favorable regard
deep heartfelt gratitude due almighty power bestowed upon us varied numerous blessings throughout past year general health country excellent harvests unusually plentiful prosperity smiles throughout land indeed notwithstanding demerits much reason believe past events history enjoyed special protection divine providence ever since origin nation exposed many threatening alarming difficulties progress successive occasion impending cloud dissipated moment appeared ready burst upon head danger institutions passed away may ever divine guidance protection whilst duty president time time give congress information state union shall refer detail recent sad bloody occurrences harpers ferry still proper observe events however bad cruel derive chief importance apprehension symptoms incurable disease public mind may break still dangerous outrages terminate last open war north abolish slavery south whilst entertain apprehension ought afford solemn warning us beware approach danger union stake inestimable value demand constant watchful vigilance preservation view let implore countrymen north south cultivate ancient feelings mutual forbearance good toward strive allay demon spirit sectional hatred strife alive land advice proceeds heart old public functionary whose service commenced last generation among wise conservative statesmen day nearly passed away whose first dearest earthly wish leave country tranquil prosperous united powerful ought reflect age especially country incessant flux reflux public opinion questions day assumed threatening aspect nearly gone memory men volcanoes burnt lava ashes squalid scoria old eruptions grow peaceful olive cheering vine sustaining corn opinion prove fate present sectional excitement wisely seek apply remedy continue always confine efforts within pale constitution course pursued existing agitation subject domestic slavery like everything human day give place less threatening controversies public opinion country reaches dangerous excess upon question good sense people furnish corrective bring back within safe limits still hasten auspicious result present crisis ought remember every rational creature must presumed intend natural consequences teachings announce abstract doctrines subversive constitution union must surprised heated partisans advance one step attempt violence carry doctrines practical effect view subject ought never forgotten however great may political advantages resulting union every portion common country would prove nothing time ever arrive enjoyed without serious danger personal safety people fifteen members confederacy peace domestic fireside throughout states ever invaded mothers families within extensive region able retire rest night without suffering dreadful apprehensions may fate children morning would vain recount people political benefits result union first instinct nature therefore state society sword time suspended heads people must last become intolerable indulge gloomy forebodings contrary firmly believe events harpers ferry causing people pause reflect upon possible peril cherished institutions means providence allaying existing excitement preventing outbreaks similar character resolve constitution union shall endangered rash counsels knowing silver cord loosed golden bowl broken fountain human power could never reunite scattered hostile fragments cordially congratulate upon final settlement supreme court united states question slavery territories presented aspect truly formidable commencement administration right established every citizen take property kind including slaves common territories belonging equally states confederacy protected federal constitution neither congress territorial legislature human power authority annul impair vested right supreme judicial tribunal country coordinate branch government sanctioned affirmed principles constitutional law manifestly well calculated promote peace harmony among states striking proof sense justice inherent people property slaves never disturbed knowledge territories even throughout late troubles kansas attempt credibly informed interfere single instance right master attempt made judiciary would doubtless afforded adequate remedy fail hereafter time enough strengthen hands legislation decided either congress territorial legislature possess power annul impair right property slaves evil would intolerable latter event would struggle majority members legislature successive election sacred rights property held federal constitution would depend time result agitation would thus rendered incessant whilst territorial condition remained baneful influence would keep alive dangerous excitement among people several states thus status territory intermediate period first settlement shall become state irrevocably fixed final decision supreme court fortunate prosperity territories well tranquillity states emigrants north south east west meet territories common platform brought species property best adapted opinion promote welfare natural causes slavery question case soon virtually settle territory prepared admission state union decision one way foregone conclusion meanwhile settlement new territory proceed without serious interruption progress prosperity endangered retarded violent political struggles progress events inhabitants territory shall reached number required form state proceed regular manner exercise rights popular sovereignty form constitution preparatory admission union done employ language kansas nebraska act shall received union without slavery constitution may prescribe time admission sound principle happily recognized form almost unanimous vote houses last congress lawful means command employed shall continue employed execute laws african slave trade careful rigorous examination coasts thorough investigation subject able discover slaves imported united states except cargo wanderer numbering three four hundred engaged unlawful enterprise rigorously prosecuted much success crimes deserved number still prosecution history proves fathers republic advance nations condemned african slave trade notwithstanding deemed expedient framers constitution deprive congress power prohibit migration importation persons states existing shall think proper admit prior year 1808 seen restriction power congress confined states might think proper admit importation slaves extend states trade carried abroad accordingly find early 22d march 1794 congress passed act imposing severe penalties punishments upon citizens residents united states engage trade foreign nations provisions act extended enforced act 10th may 1800 states clear right waive constitutional privilege intended benefit prohibit laws trade time thought proper previous 1808 several exercised right period among containing greatest number slaves gave congress immediate power act regard states removed constitutional barrier congress accordingly passed act 28th february 1803 prevent importation certain persons certain states laws thereof admission prohibited manner importation african slaves united states great extent prohibited years advance 1808 year 1808 approached congress determined suffer trade exist even single day power abolish 2d march 1807 passed act take effect 1st day january 1808 prohibiting importation african slaves united states followed subsequent acts similar character need specially refer principles practice ancestors fifty years ago regard african slave trade occur revered patriots delegates convention afterwards became members congress passing laws violated constitution framed much care deliberation supposed prohibit congress express terms exercising specified power appointed day necessarily involved right exercise power day arrived case framers constitution expended much labor vain imagined congress would possess power prohibit trade either 1808 would taken much care protect states exercise power period nay would attached vast importance provision excluded possibility future repeal amendment portions constitution exposed would wholly unnecessary ingraft fifth article constitution prescribing mode future amendment proviso amendment may made prior year 1808 shall manner affect provision constitution securing states right admit importation african slaves previous period according adverse construction clause much care discussion employed members convention absolute nullity beginning since done mere usurpation well wise confer power congress left states efficient exercise would impossible event one state could effectually continued trade slave states though never much african slaves brought within limits one state accordance laws practically excluded state slavery exists even states separately passed laws prohibiting importation slaves laws would failed effect want naval force capture slavers guard coast force state employ time peace without consent congress acts congress believed rare insignificant exceptions accomplished purpose period half century perceptible addition number domestic slaves period advancement civilization far surpassed portion african race light blessings christianity extended moral physical condition greatly improved reopen trade would difficult determine whether effect would deleterious interests master slave evils master one dreaded would introduction wild heathen ignorant barbarians among sober orderly quiet slaves whose ancestors soil several generations might tend barbarize demoralize exasperate whole mass produce deplorable consequences effect upon existing slave would possible still deplorable present treated kindness humanity well fed well clothed overworked condition incomparably better coolies modern nations high civilization employed substitute african slaves philanthropy master combined produce humane result let trade reopened effect considerable extent neighboring island spot earth african slave trade openly tolerated defiance solemn treaties power abundantly able moment enforce execution master intent upon present gain extorts slave much labor physical powers capable enduring knowing death comes relief place supplied price reduced lowest point competition rival african slave traders ever case country deem possible present useful character domestic institution wherein old young work provided care humanity capable labor overtasked would undergo unfortunate change feeling reciprocal dependence attachment exists master slave would converted mutual distrust hostility obliged christian moral nation consider would effect upon unhappy africa reopen slave trade would give trade impulse extension never even palmiest days numerous victims required supply would convert whole slave coast perfect pandemonium country would held responsible eyes god man petty tribes would constantly engaged predatory wars purpose seizing slaves supply american market hopes african civilization would thus ended hand market african slaves shall longer furnished cuba thus world closed trade may indulge reasonable hope gradual improvement africa chief motive war among tribes cease whenever longer demand slaves resources fertile miserable country might developed hand industry afford subjects legitimate foreign domestic commerce manner christianity civilization may gradually penetrate existing gloom wisdom course pursued government toward china vindicated event whilst sustained neutral position war waged great britain france chinese empire late minister obedience instructions judiciously cooperated ministers powers peaceful measures secure treaty concessions demanded interests foreign commerce result satisfactory treaties concluded china respective ministers united states great britain france russia treaty general convention peace amity commerce empire concluded 18th june 1858 ratified president advice consent senate 21st december following 15th december 1858 john ward distinguished citizen georgia duly commissioned envoy extraordinary minister plenipotentiary china left united states place destination 5th february 1859 bearing ratified copy treaty arrived shanghai 28th may thence proceeded peking 16th june arrive city 27th july according terms treaty ratifications exchanged 18th june 1859 rendered impossible reasons events beyond control necessary detail still due chinese authorities shanghai state always assured advantage taken delay pledge faithfully redeemed arrival ward peking requested audience emperor present letter credence obtain consequence proper refusal submit humiliating ceremonies required etiquette strange people approaching sovereign nevertheless interviews question conducted friendly spirit due regard personal feelings honor country presentation majesty found impossible letter credence president received peculiar honors kweiliang emperor prime minister second man empire emperor ratifications treaty afterwards 16th august exchanged proper form exchange take place day prescribed treaty deemed proper publication submit senate simple justice chinese authorities observe throughout whole transaction appear acted good faith friendly spirit toward united states true done peculiar fashion ought regard lenient eye ancient customs empire dating back thousands years far may consistent national honor conduct minister occasion received entire approbation order carry spirit treaty give full effect became necessary conclude two supplemental conventions one adjustment satisfaction claims citizens fix tariff imports exports regulate transit duties trade merchants china duty satisfactorily performed late minister conventions bear date shanghai 8th november 1858 considered light binding agreements subsidiary principal treaty carried execution without delay provide formal ratification exchange ratifications contracting parties deemed necessary chinese already proceeding good faith satisfy claims citizens hoped carry provisions conventions still thought proper submit senate ratified 3d march 1859 ratified copies however reach shanghai departure minister peking conventions could therefore exchanged time principal treaty doubt entertained ratified exchanged chinese government thought advisable circumstances presented shall consider binding engagements date parties published information guidance merchants trading chinese empire affords much satisfaction inform difficulties republic paraguay satisfactorily adjusted happily become necessary employ force purpose congress placed command joint resolution 2d june 1858 contrary president republic friendly spirit acceded promptly reasonable demands government united states commissioner arrived assumption capital republic 25th january 1859 left 17th february three weeks ably successfully accomplished objects mission treaties concluded immediately submitted senate view employment peaceful means might become necessary obtain satisfaction paraguay strong naval force concentrated waters la plata await contingencies whilst commissioner ascended rivers assumption navy department entitled great credit promptness efficiency economy expedition fitted conducted consisted 19 armed vessels great small carrying 200 guns men command veteran gallant shubrick entire expenses expedition defrayed ordinary appropriations naval service except sum applied purchase seven steamers constituting part authority naval appropriation act 3d march last believed steamers worth cost usefully actively employed naval service appearance large force fitted prompt manner waters la plata admirable conduct officers men employed happy effect favor country throughout remote portion world relations great empires france russia well governments continent europe unless may except spain happily continue friendly character last annual message presented statement unsatisfactory condition relations spain regret say materially improved without special reference claims even cuban claims payment ably urged ministers hundred citizens directly interested remain unsatisfied notwithstanding justice amount recognized ascertained spanish government recommend appropriation made paid spanish government purpose distribution among claimants amistad case common two predecessors entertain doubt required treaty spain 27th october 1795 failure discharge obligation employed cabinet madrid reason settlement claims need repeat arguments urged last annual message favor acquisition cuba fair purchase opinions measure remain unchanged therefore invite serious attention congress important subject without recognition policy part almost impossible institute negotiations reasonable prospect success recent period good reason believe able announce present occasion difficulties great britain arising clayton bulwer treaty finally adjusted manner alike honorable satisfactory parties causes however british government anticipated yet completed treaty arrangements republics honduras nicaragua pursuance understanding two governments nevertheless confidently expected good work ere long accomplished whilst indulging hope subject remained could disturb good understanding two countries question arising adverse claims parties island san juan oregon treaty 15th june 1846 suddenly assumed threatening prominence order prevent unfortunate collisions remote frontier late secretary state 17th july 1855 addressed note crampton british minister washington communicating copy instructions marcy given 14th july governor stevens washington territory special reference apprehended conflict citizens british subjects island san juan prevent governor instructed officers territory abstain acts disputed grounds calculated provoke conflicts far done without implying concession authorities great britain exclusive right premises title ought settled either party attempt exclude force exercise complete exclusive sovereign rights within fairly disputed limits acknowledging receipt next day marcy note british minister expressed entire concurrence propriety course recommended governor washington territory marcy instructions officer stating lost time transmitting copy document british north america earnestly recommended excellency take measures may appear best calculated secure part british local authorities inhabitants neighborhood line question exercise spirit forbearance inculcated marcy authorities citizens united states thus matters remained upon faith arrangement 9th july last general harney paid visit island found upon american residents families also establishment hudsons bay company purpose raising sheep short time arrival one residents shot animal belonging company whilst trespassing upon premises however offered pay twice value refused soon chief factor company victoria dalles governor douglas came island british sloop war satellite threatened take american cutler force victoria answer trespass committed american seized rifle told dalles attempt made would kill upon spot affair ended circumstances american settlers presented petition general united states inspector customs hubbs place force upon island protect indians well oppressive interference authorities hudsons bay company victoria rights american citizens general immediately responded petition ordered captain george pickett ninth infantry establish company bellevue san juan island suitable position near harbor southeastern extremity order promptly obeyed military post established place designated force afterwards increased last return whole number troops island amounted aggregate 691 men whilst deem proper present occasion go subject discuss weight ought attached statements british colonial authorities contesting accuracy information gallant general acted due thus present reasons issuing order captain pickett quite clear object prevent british authorities vancouvers island exercising jurisdiction american residents island san juan well protect incursions indians much excitement prevailed time throughout region serious danger collision parties apprehended british large naval force vicinity act simple justice admiral station state wisely discreetly forbore commit hostile act determined refer whole affair government await instructions aspect matter opinion demanded serious attention would great calamity nations precipitated acts hostility question title island merely concerning condition intervening period whilst two governments might employed settling question belongs reason scott dispatched 17th september last washington territory take immediate command united states forces pacific coast deem necessary main object mission carry spirit precautionary arrangement late secretary state british minister thus preserve peace prevent collision british american authorities pending negotiations two governments entertaining doubt validity title need scarcely add event american citizens placed footing least favorable british subjects understood captain pickett company remain island proper observe considering distance scene action ignorance might transpired spot general arrival necessary leave much discretion happy state event proven discretion could intrusted competent hands general scott recently returned mission successfully accomplished objects longer good reason apprehend collision forces two countries pendency existing negotiations regret inform improvement affairs mexico since last annual message obliged ask earnest attention congress unhappy condition republic constituent congress mexico adjourned 17th february 1857 adopted constitution provided popular election took place following july 1857 general comonfort chosen president almost without opposition election new congress chosen whose first session commenced 16th september 1857 constitution 1857 presidential term begin 1st december 1857 continue four years day general comonfort appeared assembled congress city mexico took oath support new constitution duly inaugurated president within month afterwards driven capital military rebellion assigned supreme power republic general zuloaga constitution provided absence president office devolve upon chief justice supreme court general comonfort left country functionary general juarez proceeded form guanajuato constitutional government officially known however capital government zuloaga recognized entire diplomatic corps including minister united states de facto government mexico constitutional president nevertheless maintained position firmness soon established cabinet vera cruz meanwhile government zuloaga earnestly resisted many parts republic even capital portion army pronounced functions declared terminated assembly citizens invited choice new president assembly elected general miramort officer repudiated plan chosen zuloaga thus restored previous position assumed however withdraw miramon become appointment president substitute continues title head insurgent party last annual message communicated congress circumstances late minister united states suspended official relations central government withdrew country impossible maintain friendly intercourse government like capital whose usurped authority wrongs constantly committed never redressed established government power extending consent people whole mexico resort hostilities would quite justifiable indeed necessary country prey civil war hoped success constitutional president might lead condition things less injurious united states success became probable january last employed reliable agent visit mexico report actual condition prospects contending parties consequence report information reached sources favorable prospects constitutional felt justified appointing new minister mexico might embrace earliest suitable opportunity restoring diplomatic relations republic purpose distinguished citizen maryland selected proceeded mission 8th march last discretionary authority recognize government president juarez arrival mexico find entitled recognition according established practice united states 7th april following mclane presented credentials president juarez hesitation pronouncing government juarez existing government republic cordially received authorities vera cruz ever since manifested friendly disposition toward united states unhappily however constitutional government able establish power whole republic supported large majority people states important parts country enforce obedience general miramon maintains capital distant provinces military governors pay little respect decrees either government meantime excesses always attend upon civil war especially mexico constantly recurring outrages worst description committed upon persons property scarcely form injury suffered citizens mexico last years nominally peace republic far interests commerce citizens visited country merchants shipmasters capacities concerned might well war life insecure property unprotected trade impossible except risk loss prudent men expected incur important contracts involving large expenditures entered central government set defiance local governments peaceful american residents occupying rightful possessions suddenly expelled country defiance treaties mere force arbitrary power even course justice safe control recent decree miramort permits intervention government suits either party foreigner vessels united states seized without law consular officer protested seizure fined imprisoned disrespect authorities military contributions levied violation every principle right american resisted lawless demand property forcibly taken away banished conflict authority different parts country tariff duties paid one place exacted another place large numbers citizens arrested imprisoned without form examination opportunity hearing even released obtained liberty much suffering injury without hope redress wholesale massacre crabbe associates without trial sonora well seizure murder four sick americans taken shelter house american upon soil united states communicated congress last session murders still atrocious character committed heart mexico authority miramon government present year worthy barbarous age dearly proven would seemed impossible country claims civilized description brutal massacre april last order general marquez three american physicians seized hospital tacubaya attending upon sick dying parties without trial without crime hurried away speedy execution little less shocking recent fate ormond chase shot tepic 7th august order mexican general without trial without conjecture friends arrest represented young man good character intelligence made numerous friends tepic courage humanity displayed several trying occasions death unexpected shocking whole community outrages might enumerated sufficient illustrate wretched state country unprotected condition persons property citizens mexico cases ministers constant faithful demands redress government successively represented wholly powerless make demands effective testimony respect reference remedy judgments would meet exigency uniform emphatic nothing manifestation power government united states wrote late minister 1856 purpose punish wrongs avail assure universal belief nothing apprehended government united states local mexican officials commit outrages upon american citizens absolute impunity hope president wrote present minister august last feel authorized ask congress power enter mexico military forces united states call constitutional authorities order protect citizens treaty rights united states unless power conferred upon neither one respected existing state anarchy disorder outrages already perpetrated never chastised assured 23 evils must increase every vestige order government disappears country reluctantly led opinion justice countrymen suffered wrongs mexico may still suffer feel bound announce conclusion congress case presented however merely case individual claims although claims mexico reached large amount merely case protection lives property americans may still remain mexico although life property every american citizen ought sacredly protected every quarter world question relates future well present past involves indirectly least whole subject duty mexico neighboring state exercise power united states country redress wrongs protect rights citizens none less desired efficient necessary aid may thus rendered time restore peace order mexico accomplishment result people united states must necessarily feel deep earnest interest mexico ought rich prosperous powerful republic possesses extensive territory fertile soil incalculable store mineral wealth occupies important position gulf ocean transit routes commerce possible country given anarchy ruin without effort quarter rescue safety commercial nations world many interests connected remain wholly indifferent result united states especially ought share largely commercial intercourse allow immediate neighbor thus destroy injure yet without support quarter impossible perceive mexico resume position among nations enter upon career promises good results aid requires interests commercial countries require belongs government render virtue neighborhood mexico along whose territory continuous frontier nearly thousand miles virtue also established policy inconsistent intervention european power domestic concerns republic wrongs suffered mexico world must deeply impress every american citizen government either unable unwilling redress wrongs derelict highest duties difficulty consists selecting enforcing remedy may vain apply constitutional government vera cruz although well disposed us justice adequate redress whilst authority acknowledged important ports throughout seacoasts republic power extend city mexico states vicinity nearly recent outrages committed american citizens must penetrate interior reach offenders done passing territory occupation constitutional government acceptable least difficult mode accomplishing object act concert government consent aid might believe obtained obligation protect citizens rights secured treaty would less imperative reasons recommend congress pass law authorizing president conditions may deem expedient employ sufficient military force enter mexico purpose obtaining indemnity past security future purposely refrain suggestion whether force shall consist regular troops volunteers question may appropriately left decision congress would merely observe volunteers selected force could easily raised country among sympathize sufferings unfortunate mexico unhappy condition republic accession forces constitutional government would enable soon reach city mexico extend power whole republic event reason doubt claims citizens would satisfied adequate redress obtained injuries inflicted upon constitutional government ever evinced strong desire justice might secured advance preliminary treaty may said measures least indirectly inconsistent wise settled policy interfere domestic concerns foreign nations present case fairly constitute exception adjoining republic state anarchy confusion proved wholly unable extricate entirely destitute power maintain peace upon borders prevent incursions banditti territory fate fortune power establish maintain settled government far deeper interest socially commercially politically nation wreck upon ocean drifting impelled different factions good neighbor shall extend helping hand save would surprising nation undertake task thus force us interfere last circumstances increased difficulty maintenance established policy repeat recommendation contained last annual message authority may given president establish one temporary military posts across mexican line sonora chihuahua may necessary protect lives property american mexican citizens incursions depredations indians well lawless rovers remote region establishment one post point called arispe sonora country almost depopulated hostile inroads indians side line would believed prevented much injury many cruelties past season state lawlessness violence prevails distant frontier life property wholly insecure population arizona numbering souls practically destitute government laws regular administration justice murder rapine crimes committed impunity therefore call attention congress necessity establishing territorial government arizona treaty nicaragua 16th february 1857 referred last annual message failed receive ratification government republic reasons need enumerate similar treaty since concluded parties bearing date 16th march 1859 already ratified nicaraguan congress immediately submitted senate ratification provisions think fail acceptable people countries claims governments costa rica nicaragua remain unredressed though pressed earnest manner without hope success deem duty earnestly recommend congress passage law authorizing president employ naval force command purpose protecting lives property american citizens passing transit across panama nicaragua tehuantepec routes sudden lawless outbreaks depredations shall repeat arguments employed former messages support measure suffice say lives many people security vast amounts treasure passing repassing one routes atlantic pacific may deeply involved action congress subject would also recommend congress authority given president employ naval force protect american merchant vessels crews cargoes violent lawless seizure confiscation ports mexico spanish american states countries may disturbed revolutionary condition mere knowledge authority conferred already stated would great degree prevent evil neither would require additional appropriation naval service chief objection urged grant authority congress conferring would violate constitution would transfer strictly speaking power executive well rounded would course conclusive brief examination however place objection rest congress possess sole exclusive power constitution declare war alone raise support armies provide maintain navy congress shall declared war provided force necessary carry president commander chief army navy alone employ force making war enemy plain language history proves intention framers constitution denied general power declare war without limitation embraces within writers law nations term public perfect war also imperfect war short every species hostility however confined limited without authority congress president fire hostile gun case except repel attacks enemy doubted power congress could thought proper authorize president employ force command seize vessel belonging american citizen illegally unjustly captured foreign port restore owner congress act fact mischief done power confer upon president authority advance furnish instant redress case afterwards occur must wait mischief done apply remedy late confer authority meet future cases circumstances strictly specified clearly within power authority conferred upon president act congress deed done progress great nation many exigencies must arise imperatively requiring congress authorize president act promptly certain conditions may may afterwards arise history already presented number cases shall refer latest resolution june 2 1858 adjustment difficulties republic paraguay president authorized adopt measures use force judgment may necessary advisable event refusal satisfaction government paraguay satisfaction attack united states steamer water witch matters referred annual message president power expressly granted upon condition government paraguay shall refuse render satisfaction similar cases congress conferred upon president power advance employ army navy upon happening contingent future events certainly embraced within power declare war conditional contingent power could constitutionally conferred upon president case paraguay may conferred purpose protecting lives property american citizens event may violently unlawfully attacked passing transit routes california assailed seizure vessels foreign port deny power render navy great degree useless protection lives property american citizens countries neither protection redress otherwise obtained congress terminated 3d march 1859 without passed act making appropriations service department fiscal year ending 30th june 1860 act also contained appropriation supply deficiencies revenue department year ending 30th june 1859 believe first instance since origin federal government seventy years ago congress went existence without passed general appropriation bills necessary carry government regular period meeting new congress event imposed executive grave responsibility presented choice evils omission duty occurred first session last congress remedy would plain might instantly recalled complete work without expense government 4th march last fifteen states elected representatives present congress congress called together immediately states would virtually disfranchised intermediate period selected several states would compelled hold extra sessions legislatures great inconvenience expense provide elections earlier day previously fixed law regular course ten states would elect beginning august five ten october november hand came examine carefully condition department meet many great difficulties apprehended bill failed confined appropriations fiscal year ending 30th june next would reason pressing importance call extra session nothing would become due contracts railroad companies excepted carrying mail first quarter present fiscal year commencing 1st july 1st december less one week meeting present congress reason mail contractors current year complete first quarter service 30th september last terms contracts sixty days allowed settlement accounts department could called upon payment great difficulty great hardship consisted failure provide payment deficiency fiscal year ending 30th june 1859 department entered contracts obedience existing laws service fiscal year contractors fairly entitled compensation became due deficiency stated bill amounted careful settlement accounts ascertained amounts scanty means command managed pay portion deficiency occurred first two quarters past fiscal year ending 31st december last meantime contractors trying circumstances behaved manner worthy commendation one resource midst embarrassments amount due ascertained finally settled according law became specific debt record united states enabled borrow money unquestionable security still obliged pay interest consequence default congress every principle justice ought receive interest government interest commence date warrant would issued payment principal appropriation made purpose calculated 1st december exceed sum taken account contrasted great difficulties embarrassments public private character people states would resulted convening holding special session congress reasons recommend passage bill early day may practicable provide payment amount interest due contractors well make necessary appropriations service department current fiscal year failure pass bill necessarily gives birth serious reflections congress refusing pass general appropriation bills necessary carry government may arrest action might even destroy existence army navy judiciary short every department government longer perform functions congress refuse money necessary support failure teach country necessity electing full congress sufficient time enable president convene emergency even immediately old congress expired productive great good time sudden alarming danger foreign domestic nations must expect encounter progress salvation institutions may staked upon assembling congress without delay circumstances president find condition placed close last congress nearly half states union destitute representatives consequences might disastrous therefore recommend congress carry effect provisions constitution subject pass law appointing day previous 4th march year odd number election representatives throughout states already appointed day election electors president measure approved country would express decided opinion favor construction pacific railroad reasons stated two last annual messages reflect upon would defenseless condition states territories west rocky mountains case war naval power sufficiently strong interrupt intercourse routes across isthmus still convinced ever vast importance railroad never doubted constitutional competency congress provide construction exclusively power besides constitution expressly requires imperative duty united states shall protect states invasion loss conceive protection afforded california oregon naval power means repeat opinion contained last annual message would inexpedient government undertake great work agents appointment direct exclusive control would increase patronage executive dangerous extent would foster system jobbing corruption vigilance part federal officials could prevent construction road ought therefore intrusted incorporated companies agencies would exercise active vigilant supervision inspired alone sense corporate individual interest venture assert additional cost transporting troops munitions war necessary supplies army across vast intervening plains possessions pacific coast would greater war whole amount required construct road yet resort would inadequate defense protection yet scarcely recovered habits extravagant expenditure produced overflowing treasury several years prior commencement administration financial reverses since experienced ought teach us scrutinize expenditures greatest vigilance reduce lowest possible point executive departments government devoted accomplishment object considerable success appear different reports estimates invite scrutiny congress purpose reducing still lower practicable consistent great public interests country aid policy retrenchment pledge examine closely bills appropriating lands money inadvertently pass houses must sometimes case may afford opportunity reconsideration time ought never forget true public economy consists withholding means necessary accomplish important national objects confided us constitution taking care money appropriated purposes shall faithfully frugally expended appear report secretary treasury extremely doubtful say least whether shall able pass present next fiscal year without providing additional revenue accomplished strictly confining appropriations within estimates different departments without making allowance additional expenditures congress may think proper discretion authorize without providing redemption portion treasury notes already issued event deficiency consider probable ought never supplied resort additional loans would ruinous practice days peace prosperity go increasing national debt meet ordinary expenses government policy would cripple resources impair credit case existence war render necessary borrow money deficiency occur apprehend would recommend necessary revenue raised increase present duties imports need repeat opinions expressed last annual message best mode manner accomplishing object shall merely observe since undergone change report secretary treasury explain detail operations department government receipts treasury sources fiscal year ending june 30 1859 including loan authorized act june 14 1858 issues treasury notes authorized existing laws sum balance remaining treasury commencement fiscal year made aggregate service year public expenditures fiscal year ending june 30 1859 amounted sum applied payment interest public debt redemption issues treasury notes expenditures branches public service fiscal year therefore balance remaining treasury 1st july 1859 commencement present fiscal year receipts treasury first quarter present fiscal year commencing july 1 1859 amount received account loan issue treasury notes amount received quarter ordinary sources public revenue estimated receipts remaining three quarters present fiscal year june 30 1860 amount estimated received treasury notes may reissued fifth section act 3d march last account loan authorized act june 14 1858 making extraordinary sources ordinary sources public revenue making aggregate balance treasury 1st july 1859 estimated means present fiscal year ending june 30 1860 expenditures first quarter present fiscal year four million six hundred thousand three hundred dollars cents sum applied payment interest public debt redemption issues treasury notes remainder applied ordinary expenditures quarter estimated expenditures remaining three quarters june 30 1860 sum estimated interest public debt ascertained estimated expenditures fiscal year ending june 30 1860 account public debt accordingly ordinary expenditures government making aggregate leaving estimated balance treasury june 30 1860 estimated receipts next fiscal year ending june 30 1861 balance estimated stated remaining treasury 30th june 1860 make aggregate service next fiscal year estimated expenditures next fiscal year ending 30th june 1861 amount required pay interest public debt leaving sum estimated ordinary expenditures fiscal year ending 30th june 1861 upon estimates balance left treasury 30th june 1861 balance well estimated remain treasury 1st july 1860 reduced appropriations shall made law carry effect certain indian treaties present fiscal year asked secretary interior amount upon estimates service department last fiscal year ending 30th june 1859 amounting together estimate officer service present fiscal year ending 30th june 1860 making aggregate appropriations made requested proper departments balance treasury 30th june 1861 estimated exceed transmit herewith reports secretaries war navy interior contain valuable information important recommendations well worthy serious consideration congress appear report secretary war army expenditures materially reduced system rigid economy opinion offers every guaranty reduction permanent estimates department next reduced nearly estimates present fiscal year amount granted year last session congress expenditures department past fiscal year ending 30th june 1859 exclusive payments mail service specially provided congress general treasury amounted receipts showing deficiency supplied treasury year ending 30th june 1858 increased cost transportation growing expansion service required congress explains rapid augmentation expenditures gratifying however observe increase receipts year ending 30th june 1859 equal compared year ending 30th june 1858 estimated deficiency current fiscal year year ending 30th june 1861 exceed congress adopt measures reform proposed urged since month march retrenchments made expenditures amounting annually however take effect commencement present fiscal year period seems arrived determining question whether department shall become permanent charge upon treasury shall permitted resume policy long controlled administration course legislation recommended relief department present embarrassments restoring original independence deserving early earnest consideration conclusion would commend liberality congress local interests district columbia surely city bearing name washington destined trust ages capital united free prosperous confederacy strong claims favorable regard
deep heartfelt gratitude due almighty power bestow upon u vary numerous blessing throughout past year general health country excellent harvest unusually plentiful prosperity smile throughout land indeed notwithstanding demerit much reason believe past event history enjoy special protection divine providence ever since origin nation expose many threaten alarm difficulty progress successive occasion impend cloud dissipate moment appear ready burst upon head danger institution pass away may ever divine guidance protection whilst duty president time time give congress information state union shall refer detail recent sad bloody occurrences harper ferry still proper observe event however bad cruel derive chief importance apprehension symptom incurable disease public mind may break still dangerous outrage terminate last open war north abolish slavery south whilst entertain apprehension ought afford solemn warn u beware approach danger union stake inestimable value demand constant watchful vigilance preservation view let implore countryman north south cultivate ancient feeling mutual forbearance good toward strive allay demon spirit sectional hatred strife alive land advice proceeds heart old public functionary whose service commence last generation among wise conservative statesman day nearly pass away whose first dear earthly wish leave country tranquil prosperous united powerful ought reflect age especially country incessant flux reflux public opinion question day assume threaten aspect nearly go memory men volcano burn lava ash squalid scoria old eruption grow peaceful olive cheer vine sustain corn opinion prove fate present sectional excitement wisely seek apply remedy continue always confine effort within pale constitution course pursue exist agitation subject domestic slavery like everything human day give place less threatening controversy public opinion country reach dangerous excess upon question good sense people furnish corrective bring back within safe limit still hasten auspicious result present crisis ought remember every rational creature must presume intend natural consequence teaching announce abstract doctrine subversive constitution union must surprise heated partisan advance one step attempt violence carry doctrines practical effect view subject ought never forget however great may political advantage result union every portion common country would prove nothing time ever arrive enjoy without serious danger personal safety people fifteen member confederacy peace domestic fireside throughout state ever invade mother family within extensive region able retire rest night without suffer dreadful apprehension may fate child morning would vain recount people political benefit result union first instinct nature therefore state society sword time suspend head people must last become intolerable indulge gloomy foreboding contrary firmly believe event harper ferry cause people pause reflect upon possible peril cherish institution mean providence allay exist excitement prevent outbreak similar character resolve constitution union shall endanger rash counsel know silver cord loose golden bowl broken fountain human power could never reunite scattered hostile fragment cordially congratulate upon final settlement supreme court unite state question slavery territory present aspect truly formidable commencement administration right establish every citizen take property kind include slave common territory belong equally state confederacy protect federal constitution neither congress territorial legislature human power authority annul impair vest right supreme judicial tribunal country coordinate branch government sanction affirmed principle constitutional law manifestly well calculated promote peace harmony among state strike proof sense justice inherent people property slave never disturb knowledge territory even throughout late trouble kansas attempt credibly inform interfere single instance right master attempt make judiciary would doubtless afforded adequate remedy fail hereafter time enough strengthen hand legislation decide either congress territorial legislature possess power annul impair right property slave evil would intolerable latter event would struggle majority member legislature successive election sacred right property hold federal constitution would depend time result agitation would thus render incessant whilst territorial condition remain baneful influence would keep alive dangerous excitement among people several state thus status territory intermediate period first settlement shall become state irrevocably fix final decision supreme court fortunate prosperity territory well tranquillity state emigrant north south east west meet territory common platform bring specie property best adapted opinion promote welfare natural cause slavery question case soon virtually settle territory prepared admission state union decision one way foregone conclusion meanwhile settlement new territory proceed without serious interruption progress prosperity endanger retarded violent political struggle progress event inhabitant territory shall reach number require form state proceed regular manner exercise right popular sovereignty form constitution preparatory admission union do employ language kansas nebraska act shall receive union without slavery constitution may prescribe time admission sound principle happily recognize form almost unanimous vote house last congress lawful mean command employ shall continue employ execute law african slave trade careful rigorous examination coast thorough investigation subject able discover slave import united state except cargo wanderer number three four hundred engage unlawful enterprise rigorously prosecute much success crime deserve number still prosecution history prove father republic advance nation condemn african slave trade notwithstanding deem expedient framer constitution deprive congress power prohibit migration importation person state exist shall think proper admit prior year 1808 see restriction power congress confine state might think proper admit importation slave extend state trade carry abroad accordingly find early 22d march 1794 congress pass act impose severe penalty punishment upon citizen resident united state engage trade foreign nation provision act extend enforced act 10th may 1800 state clear right waive constitutional privilege intend benefit prohibit law trade time think proper previous 1808 several exercise right period among contain great number slave give congress immediate power act regard state remove constitutional barrier congress accordingly pass act 28th february 1803 prevent importation certain person certain state law thereof admission prohibit manner importation african slave united state great extent prohibit year advance 1808 year 1808 approach congress determine suffer trade exist even single day power abolish 2d march 1807 pass act take effect 1st day january 1808 prohibit importation african slave united state follow subsequent act similar character need specially refer principle practice ancestor fifty year ago regard african slave trade occur revere patriot delegate convention afterwards become member congress pass law violate constitution frame much care deliberation suppose prohibit congress express term exercise specified power appoint day necessarily involve right exercise power day arrive case framer constitution expend much labor vain imagine congress would possess power prohibit trade either 1808 would take much care protect state exercise power period nay would attach vast importance provision exclude possibility future repeal amendment portion constitution expose would wholly unnecessary ingraft fifth article constitution prescribe mode future amendment proviso amendment may make prior year 1808 shall manner affect provision constitution secure state right admit importation african slave previous period accord adverse construction clause much care discussion employ member convention absolute nullity begin since do mere usurpation well wise confer power congress leave state efficient exercise would impossible event one state could effectually continue trade slave state though never much african slave bring within limit one state accordance law practically exclude state slavery exist even state separately pass law prohibit importation slave law would fail effect want naval force capture slaver guard coast force state employ time peace without consent congress act congress believe rare insignificant exception accomplish purpose period half century perceptible addition number domestic slave period advancement civilization far surpassed portion african race light blessing christianity extend moral physical condition greatly improve reopen trade would difficult determine whether effect would deleterious interest master slave evil master one dread would introduction wild heathen ignorant barbarian among sober orderly quiet slave whose ancestor soil several generation might tend barbarize demoralize exasperate whole mass produce deplorable consequence effect upon exist slave would possible still deplorable present treat kindness humanity well fed well clothe overwork condition incomparably well cooly modern nation high civilization employ substitute african slave philanthropy master combine produce humane result let trade reopen effect considerable extent neighbor island spot earth african slave trade openly tolerate defiance solemn treaty power abundantly able moment enforce execution master intent upon present gain extorts slave much labor physical power capable endure know death come relief place supply price reduce low point competition rival african slave trader ever case country deem possible present useful character domestic institution wherein old young work provide care humanity capable labor overtasked would undergo unfortunate change feel reciprocal dependence attachment exist master slave would convert mutual distrust hostility oblige christian moral nation consider would effect upon unhappy africa reopen slave trade would give trade impulse extension never even palmy day numerous victim require supply would convert whole slave coast perfect pandemonium country would hold responsible eye god man petty tribe would constantly engage predatory war purpose seize slave supply american market hop african civilization would thus end hand market african slave shall longer furnish cuba thus world close trade may indulge reasonable hope gradual improvement africa chief motive war among tribes cease whenever longer demand slave resource fertile miserable country might develop hand industry afford subject legitimate foreign domestic commerce manner christianity civilization may gradually penetrate exist gloom wisdom course pursued government toward china vindicate event whilst sustain neutral position war wag great britain france chinese empire late minister obedience instruction judiciously cooperate minister power peaceful measure secure treaty concession demand interest foreign commerce result satisfactory treaty conclude china respective minister united state great britain france russia treaty general convention peace amity commerce empire conclude 18th june 1858 ratify president advice consent senate 21st december follow 15th december 1858 john ward distinguish citizen georgia duly commission envoy extraordinary minister plenipotentiary china leave united state place destination 5th february 1859 bearing ratify copy treaty arrive shanghai 28th may thence proceed peking 16th june arrive city 27th july accord term treaty ratification exchange 18th june 1859 render impossible reason event beyond control necessary detail still due chinese authority shanghai state always assure advantage take delay pledge faithfully redeem arrival ward peking request audience emperor present letter credence obtain consequence proper refusal submit humiliate ceremony require etiquette strange people approach sovereign nevertheless interview question conduct friendly spirit due regard personal feeling honor country presentation majesty find impossible letter credence president receive peculiar honor kweiliang emperor prime minister second man empire emperor ratification treaty afterwards 16th august exchange proper form exchange take place day prescribe treaty deem proper publication submit senate simple justice chinese authority observe throughout whole transaction appear act good faith friendly spirit toward united state true do peculiar fashion ought regard lenient eye ancient custom empire date back thousand year far may consistent national honor conduct minister occasion receive entire approbation order carry spirit treaty give full effect become necessary conclude two supplemental convention one adjustment satisfaction claim citizen fix tariff import export regulate transit duty trade merchant china duty satisfactorily perform late minister convention bear date shanghai 8th november 1858 consider light bind agreement subsidiary principal treaty carry execution without delay provide formal ratification exchange ratification contract party deem necessary chinese already proceed good faith satisfy claim citizen hop carry provision convention still think proper submit senate ratify 3d march 1859 ratify copy however reach shanghai departure minister peking convention could therefore exchanged time principal treaty doubt entertain ratify exchange chinese government think advisable circumstance present shall consider bind engagement date party publish information guidance merchant trade chinese empire affords much satisfaction inform difficulty republic paraguay satisfactorily adjust happily become necessary employ force purpose congress place command joint resolution 2d june 1858 contrary president republic friendly spirit accede promptly reasonable demand government unite state commissioner arrived assumption capital republic 25th january 1859 leave 17th february three week ably successfully accomplished object mission treaty conclude immediately submit senate view employment peaceful mean might become necessary obtain satisfaction paraguay strong naval force concentrate water la plata await contingency whilst commissioner ascend river assumption navy department entitle great credit promptness efficiency economy expedition fit conduct consist 19 armed vessel great small carry 200 gun men command veteran gallant shubrick entire expense expedition defray ordinary appropriation naval service except sum apply purchase seven steamer constitute part authority naval appropriation act 3d march last believe steamer worth cost usefully actively employed naval service appearance large force fit prompt manner water la plata admirable conduct officer men employ happy effect favor country throughout remote portion world relation great empire france russia well government continent europe unless may except spain happily continue friendly character last annual message present statement unsatisfactory condition relation spain regret say materially improve without special reference claim even cuban claim payment ably urge minister hundred citizen directly interested remain unsatisfied notwithstanding justice amount recognize ascertained spanish government recommend appropriation make pay spanish government purpose distribution among claimant amistad case common two predecessor entertain doubt require treaty spain 27th october 1795 failure discharge obligation employ cabinet madrid reason settlement claim need repeat argument urge last annual message favor acquisition cuba fair purchase opinion measure remain unchanged therefore invite serious attention congress important subject without recognition policy part almost impossible institute negotiation reasonable prospect success recent period good reason believe able announce present occasion difficulty great britain arise clayton bulwer treaty finally adjust manner alike honorable satisfactory party cause however british government anticipate yet complete treaty arrangement republic honduras nicaragua pursuance understand two government nevertheless confidently expect good work ere long accomplished whilst indulge hope subject remain could disturb good understand two country question arise adverse claim party island san juan oregon treaty 15th june 1846 suddenly assume threaten prominence order prevent unfortunate collision remote frontier late secretary state 17th july 1855 addressed note crampton british minister washington communicate copy instruction marcy give 14th july governor stevens washington territory special reference apprehend conflict citizen british subject island san juan prevent governor instruct officer territory abstain act dispute ground calculate provoke conflict far do without imply concession authority great britain exclusive right premise title ought settle either party attempt exclude force exercise complete exclusive sovereign right within fairly dispute limit acknowledge receipt next day marcy note british minister express entire concurrence propriety course recommend governor washington territory marcy instruction officer state lose time transmit copy document british north america earnestly recommend excellency take measure may appear best calculated secure part british local authority inhabitant neighborhood line question exercise spirit forbearance inculcate marcy authority citizen united state thus matter remain upon faith arrangement 9th july last general harney pay visit island find upon american resident family also establishment hudson bay company purpose raise sheep short time arrival one resident shot animal belong company whilst trespass upon premise however offer pay twice value refuse soon chief factor company victoria dalles governor douglas come island british sloop war satellite threaten take american cutler force victoria answer trespass commit american seize rifle tell dalles attempt make would kill upon spot affair end circumstance american settler present petition general united state inspector custom hubbs place force upon island protect indians well oppressive interference authority hudson bay company victoria right american citizen general immediately respond petition order captain george pickett ninth infantry establish company bellevue san juan island suitable position near harbor southeastern extremity order promptly obey military post establish place designate force afterwards increase last return whole number troop island amount aggregate 691 men whilst deem proper present occasion go subject discus weight ought attach statement british colonial authority contest accuracy information gallant general act due thus present reason issue order captain pickett quite clear object prevent british authority vancouver island exercise jurisdiction american resident island san juan well protect incursion indian much excitement prevail time throughout region serious danger collision party apprehend british large naval force vicinity act simple justice admiral station state wisely discreetly forbore commit hostile act determine refer whole affair government await instruction aspect matter opinion demand serious attention would great calamity nation precipitate act hostility question title island merely concern condition intervene period whilst two government might employ settle question belongs reason scott dispatch 17th september last washington territory take immediate command united state force pacific coast deem necessary main object mission carry spirit precautionary arrangement late secretary state british minister thus preserve peace prevent collision british american authority pending negotiation two government entertain doubt validity title need scarcely add event american citizen place foot least favorable british subject understand captain pickett company remain island proper observe consider distance scene action ignorance might transpire spot general arrival necessary leave much discretion happy state event proven discretion could intrust competent hand general scott recently return mission successfully accomplished object longer good reason apprehend collision force two country pendency exist negotiation regret inform improvement affair mexico since last annual message oblige ask earnest attention congress unhappy condition republic constituent congress mexico adjourn 17th february 1857 adopt constitution provide popular election take place follow july 1857 general comonfort chosen president almost without opposition election new congress choose whose first session commence 16th september 1857 constitution 1857 presidential term begin 1st december 1857 continue four year day general comonfort appear assembled congress city mexico take oath support new constitution duly inaugurated president within month afterwards drive capital military rebellion assign supreme power republic general zuloaga constitution provide absence president office devolve upon chief justice supreme court general comonfort leave country functionary general juarez proceed form guanajuato constitutional government officially know however capital government zuloaga recognize entire diplomatic corp include minister united state de facto government mexico constitutional president nevertheless maintain position firmness soon establish cabinet vera cruz meanwhile government zuloaga earnestly resist many part republic even capital portion army pronounce function declare terminate assembly citizen invite choice new president assembly elect general miramort officer repudiate plan choose zuloaga thus restore previous position assume however withdraw miramon become appointment president substitute continue title head insurgent party last annual message communicate congress circumstance late minister united state suspend official relation central government withdraw country impossible maintain friendly intercourse government like capital whose usurped authority wrong constantly commit never redress establish government power extend consent people whole mexico resort hostility would quite justifiable indeed necessary country prey civil war hop success constitutional president might lead condition thing less injurious united state success become probable january last employ reliable agent visit mexico report actual condition prospect contend party consequence report information reach source favorable prospect constitutional felt justified appoint new minister mexico might embrace early suitable opportunity restore diplomatic relation republic purpose distinguish citizen maryland select proceed mission 8th march last discretionary authority recognize government president juarez arrival mexico find entitle recognition accord establish practice united state 7th april follow mclane present credential president juarez hesitation pronounce government juarez exist government republic cordially receive authority vera cruz ever since manifest friendly disposition toward united state unhappily however constitutional government able establish power whole republic support large majority people state important part country enforce obedience general miramon maintain capital distant province military governor pay little respect decree either government meantime excesses always attend upon civil war especially mexico constantly recur outrage bad description commit upon person property scarcely form injury suffer citizen mexico last year nominally peace republic far interest commerce citizen visit country merchant shipmasters capacity concern might well war life insecure property unprotected trade impossible except risk loss prudent men expect incur important contract involve large expenditure enter central government set defiance local government peaceful american resident occupy rightful possession suddenly expel country defiance treaty mere force arbitrary power even course justice safe control recent decree miramort permit intervention government suit either party foreigner vessel unite state seize without law consular officer protest seizure fin imprisoned disrespect authority military contribution levy violation every principle right american resist lawless demand property forcibly take away banished conflict authority different part country tariff duty pay one place exact another place large number citizen arrest imprison without form examination opportunity hear even release obtain liberty much suffer injury without hope redress wholesale massacre crabbe associate without trial sonora well seizure murder four sick american take shelter house american upon soil united state communicate congress last session murder still atrocious character commit heart mexico authority miramon government present year worthy barbarous age dearly proven would seem impossible country claim civilize description brutal massacre april last order general marquez three american physician seize hospital tacubaya attend upon sick die party without trial without crime hurry away speedy execution little less shocking recent fate ormond chase shot tepic 7th august order mexican general without trial without conjecture friend arrest represent young man good character intelligence make numerous friend tepic courage humanity display several try occasion death unexpected shock whole community outrage might enumerate sufficient illustrate wretched state country unprotected condition person property citizen mexico case minister constant faithful demand redress government successively represent wholly powerless make demand effective testimony respect reference remedy judgment would meet exigency uniform emphatic nothing manifestation power government unite state write late minister 1856 purpose punish wrong avail assure universal belief nothing apprehended government unite state local mexican official commit outrage upon american citizen absolute impunity hope president write present minister august last feel authorize ask congress power enter mexico military force united state call constitutional authority order protect citizen treaty right unite state unless power confer upon neither one respect exist state anarchy disorder outrage already perpetrate never chastise assure 23 evil must increase every vestige order government disappear country reluctantly lead opinion justice countryman suffer wrong mexico may still suffer feel bound announce conclusion congress case present however merely case individual claim although claim mexico reach large amount merely case protection live property american may still remain mexico although life property every american citizen ought sacredly protect every quarter world question relate future well present past involve indirectly least whole subject duty mexico neighbor state exercise power united state country redress wrong protect right citizen none less desired efficient necessary aid may thus render time restore peace order mexico accomplishment result people united state must necessarily feel deep earnest interest mexico ought rich prosperous powerful republic possesses extensive territory fertile soil incalculable store mineral wealth occupies important position gulf ocean transit route commerce possible country give anarchy ruin without effort quarter rescue safety commercial nation world many interest connect remain wholly indifferent result united state especially ought share largely commercial intercourse allow immediate neighbor thus destroy injure yet without support quarter impossible perceive mexico resume position among nation enter upon career promise good result aid require interest commercial country require belongs government render virtue neighborhood mexico along whose territory continuous frontier nearly thousand mile virtue also establish policy inconsistent intervention european power domestic concern republic wrong suffer mexico world must deeply impress every american citizen government either unable unwilling redress wrong derelict high duty difficulty consist select enforce remedy may vain apply constitutional government vera cruz although well disposed u justice adequate redress whilst authority acknowledge important port throughout seacoast republic power extend city mexico state vicinity nearly recent outrage commit american citizen must penetrate interior reach offender do pass territory occupation constitutional government acceptable least difficult mode accomplish object act concert government consent aid might believe obtain obligation protect citizens right secure treaty would less imperative reason recommend congress pas law authorize president condition may deem expedient employ sufficient military force enter mexico purpose obtain indemnity past security future purposely refrain suggestion whether force shall consist regular troop volunteer question may appropriately leave decision congress would merely observe volunteer select force could easily raise country among sympathize suffering unfortunate mexico unhappy condition republic accession force constitutional government would enable soon reach city mexico extend power whole republic event reason doubt claim citizen would satisfy adequate redress obtain injury inflict upon constitutional government ever evince strong desire justice might secure advance preliminary treaty may say measure least indirectly inconsistent wise settle policy interfere domestic concern foreign nation present case fairly constitute exception adjoin republic state anarchy confusion prove wholly unable extricate entirely destitute power maintain peace upon border prevent incursion banditti territory fate fortune power establish maintain settled government far deep interest socially commercially politically nation wreck upon ocean drift impelled different faction good neighbor shall extend help hand save would surprise nation undertake task thus force u interfere last circumstance increase difficulty maintenance establish policy repeat recommendation contain last annual message authority may give president establish one temporary military post across mexican line sonora chihuahua may necessary protect live property american mexican citizen incursion depredation indian well lawless rover remote region establishment one post point call arispe sonora country almost depopulate hostile inroad indian side line would believe prevented much injury many cruelty past season state lawlessness violence prevail distant frontier life property wholly insecure population arizona number soul practically destitute government law regular administration justice murder rapine crime committed impunity therefore call attention congress necessity establish territorial government arizona treaty nicaragua 16th february 1857 refer last annual message fail receive ratification government republic reason need enumerate similar treaty since concluded party bear date 16th march 1859 already ratify nicaraguan congress immediately submit senate ratification provision think fail acceptable people country claim government costa rica nicaragua remain unredressed though pressed earnest manner without hope success deem duty earnestly recommend congress passage law authorize president employ naval force command purpose protect life property american citizen pass transit across panama nicaragua tehuantepec route sudden lawless outbreak depredation shall repeat argument employ former message support measure suffice say live many people security vast amount treasure pass repassing one rout atlantic pacific may deeply involved action congress subject would also recommend congress authority give president employ naval force protect american merchant vessel crew cargo violent lawless seizure confiscation port mexico spanish american state country may disturb revolutionary condition mere knowledge authority confer already state would great degree prevent evil neither would require additional appropriation naval service chief objection urge grant authority congress confer would violate constitution would transfer strictly speak power executive well round would course conclusive brief examination however place objection rest congress possess sole exclusive power constitution declare war alone raise support army provide maintain navy congress shall declare war provide force necessary carry president commander chief army navy alone employ force make war enemy plain language history prove intention framer constitution deny general power declare war without limitation embrace within writer law nation term public perfect war also imperfect war short every specie hostility however confine limit without authority congress president fire hostile gun case except repel attack enemy doubt power congress could think proper authorize president employ force command seize vessel belong american citizen illegally unjustly capture foreign port restore owner congress act fact mischief do power confer upon president authority advance furnish instant redress case afterwards occur must wait mischief do apply remedy late confer authority meet future case circumstance strictly specify clearly within power authority confer upon president act congress deed do progress great nation many exigency must arise imperatively require congress authorize president act promptly certain condition may may afterwards arise history already present number case shall refer late resolution june 2 1858 adjustment difficulty republic paraguay president authorize adopt measure use force judgment may necessary advisable event refusal satisfaction government paraguay satisfaction attack united state steamer water witch matter refer annual message president power expressly grant upon condition government paraguay shall refuse render satisfaction similar case congress confer upon president power advance employ army navy upon happen contingent future event certainly embrace within power declare war conditional contingent power could constitutionally confer upon president case paraguay may confer purpose protect life property american citizen event may violently unlawfully attack pass transit route california assailed seizure vessel foreign port deny power render navy great degree useless protection live property american citizen country neither protection redress otherwise obtain congress terminate 3d march 1859 without pass act make appropriation service department fiscal year end 30th june 1860 act also contain appropriation supply deficiency revenue department year end 30th june 1859 believe first instance since origin federal government seventy year ago congress go existence without pass general appropriation bill necessary carry government regular period meet new congress event impose executive grave responsibility present choice evil omission duty occur first session last congress remedy would plain might instantly recall complete work without expense government 4th march last fifteen state elect representative present congress congress call together immediately state would virtually disfranchised intermediate period select several state would compel hold extra session legislatures great inconvenience expense provide election earlier day previously fix law regular course ten state would elect begin august five ten october november hand come examine carefully condition department meet many great difficulty apprehend bill fail confined appropriation fiscal year end 30th june next would reason press importance call extra session nothing would become due contract railroad company except carry mail first quarter present fiscal year commence 1st july 1st december less one week meeting present congress reason mail contractor current year complete first quarter service 30th september last term contract sixty day allow settlement account department could call upon payment great difficulty great hardship consist failure provide payment deficiency fiscal year end 30th june 1859 department enter contract obedience exist law service fiscal year contractor fairly entitle compensation become due deficiency state bill amount careful settlement account ascertain amount scanty mean command manage pay portion deficiency occur first two quarter past fiscal year end 31st december last meantime contractor try circumstance behave manner worthy commendation one resource midst embarrassment amount due ascertain finally settle accord law become specific debt record unite state enable borrow money unquestionable security still oblige pay interest consequence default congress every principle justice ought receive interest government interest commence date warrant would issue payment principal appropriation make purpose calculated 1st december exceed sum take account contrast great difficulty embarrassments public private character people state would result convene hold special session congress reason recommend passage bill early day may practicable provide payment amount interest due contractor well make necessary appropriation service department current fiscal year failure pas bill necessarily give birth serious reflection congress refuse pas general appropriation bill necessary carry government may arrest action might even destroy existence army navy judiciary short every department government longer perform function congress refuse money necessary support failure teach country necessity elect full congress sufficient time enable president convene emergency even immediately old congress expire productive great good time sudden alarming danger foreign domestic nation must expect encounter progress salvation institution may stake upon assemble congress without delay circumstance president find condition place close last congress nearly half state union destitute representative consequence might disastrous therefore recommend congress carry effect provision constitution subject pas law appoint day previous 4th march year odd number election representative throughout state already appoint day election elector president measure approve country would express decided opinion favor construction pacific railroad reason state two last annual message reflect upon would defenseless condition state territory west rocky mountain case war naval power sufficiently strong interrupt intercourse route across isthmus still convince ever vast importance railroad never doubt constitutional competency congress provide construction exclusively power besides constitution expressly require imperative duty united state shall protect state invasion loss conceive protection afford california oregon naval power mean repeat opinion contain last annual message would inexpedient government undertake great work agent appointment direct exclusive control would increase patronage executive dangerous extent would foster system job corruption vigilance part federal official could prevent construction road ought therefore intrusted incorporated company agency would exercise active vigilant supervision inspire alone sense corporate individual interest venture assert additional cost transporting troops munition war necessary supply army across vast intervening plain possession pacific coast would great war whole amount require construct road yet resort would inadequate defense protection yet scarcely recovered habit extravagant expenditure produce overflowing treasury several year prior commencement administration financial revers since experience ought teach u scrutinize expenditure great vigilance reduce low possible point executive department government devote accomplishment object considerable success appear different report estimate invite scrutiny congress purpose reduce still lower practicable consistent great public interest country aid policy retrenchment pledge examine closely bill appropriate land money inadvertently pass house must sometimes case may afford opportunity reconsideration time ought never forget true public economy consist withhold mean necessary accomplish important national object confide u constitution take care money appropriate purpose shall faithfully frugally expended appear report secretary treasury extremely doubtful say least whether shall able pas present next fiscal year without provide additional revenue accomplish strictly confine appropriation within estimate different department without make allowance additional expenditure congress may think proper discretion authorize without provide redemption portion treasury note already issue event deficiency consider probable ought never supply resort additional loan would ruinous practice day peace prosperity go increase national debt meet ordinary expense government policy would cripple resource impair credit case existence war render necessary borrow money deficiency occur apprehend would recommend necessary revenue raise increase present duty import need repeat opinion express last annual message best mode manner accomplish object shall merely observe since undergone change report secretary treasury explain detail operation department government receipt treasury source fiscal year end june 30 1859 include loan authorize act june 14 1858 issue treasury note authorize exist law sum balance remain treasury commencement fiscal year make aggregate service year public expenditures fiscal year end june 30 1859 amount sum applied payment interest public debt redemption issue treasury note expenditure branch public service fiscal year therefore balance remain treasury 1st july 1859 commencement present fiscal year receipt treasury first quarter present fiscal year commence july 1 1859 amount receive account loan issue treasury note amount received quarter ordinary source public revenue estimate receipt remain three quarter present fiscal year june 30 1860 amount estimate received treasury note may reissue fifth section act 3d march last account loan authorize act june 14 1858 make extraordinary source ordinary source public revenue make aggregate balance treasury 1st july 1859 estimate mean present fiscal year end june 30 1860 expenditure first quarter present fiscal year four million six hundred thousand three hundred dollar cent sum applied payment interest public debt redemption issue treasury note remainder apply ordinary expenditure quarter estimate expenditure remain three quarter june 30 1860 sum estimate interest public debt ascertain estimate expenditure fiscal year end june 30 1860 account public debt accordingly ordinary expenditure government make aggregate leave estimate balance treasury june 30 1860 estimate receipt next fiscal year end june 30 1861 balance estimate stated remain treasury 30th june 1860 make aggregate service next fiscal year estimate expenditure next fiscal year end 30th june 1861 amount require pay interest public debt leave sum estimate ordinary expenditure fiscal year end 30th june 1861 upon estimate balance leave treasury 30th june 1861 balance well estimate remain treasury 1st july 1860 reduced appropriation shall make law carry effect certain indian treaty present fiscal year ask secretary interior amount upon estimate service department last fiscal year end 30th june 1859 amount together estimate officer service present fiscal year end 30th june 1860 make aggregate appropriation make request proper department balance treasury 30th june 1861 estimate exceed transmit herewith report secretary war navy interior contain valuable information important recommendation well worthy serious consideration congress appear report secretary war army expenditures materially reduce system rigid economy opinion offer every guaranty reduction permanent estimate department next reduce nearly estimates present fiscal year amount grant year last session congress expenditures department past fiscal year end 30th june 1859 exclusive payment mail service specially provide congress general treasury amount receipt show deficiency supply treasury year end 30th june 1858 increase cost transportation grow expansion service require congress explains rapid augmentation expenditure gratify however observe increase receipt year end 30th june 1859 equal compare year end 30th june 1858 estimate deficiency current fiscal year year end 30th june 1861 exceed congress adopt measure reform propose urge since month march retrenchment make expenditure amount annually however take effect commencement present fiscal year period seem arrived determine question whether department shall become permanent charge upon treasury shall permit resume policy long control administration course legislation recommend relief department present embarrassment restore original independence deserve early earnest consideration conclusion would commend liberality congress local interest district columbia surely city bearing name washington destine trust age capital unite free prosperous confederacy strong claim favorable regard