It gives me pleasure to extend greeting to the Fifty-fifth Congress, assembled in regular session at the seat of Government, with many of whose Senators and Representatives I have been associated in the legislative service. Their meeting occurs under felicitous conditions, justifying sincere congratulation and calling for our grateful acknowledgment to a beneficent Providence which has so signally blessed and prospered us as a nation. Peace and good will with all the nations of the earth continue unbroken. A matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard and unification of all sections of our country, the incompleteness of which has too long delayed realization of the highest blessings of the Union. The spirit of patriotism is universal and is ever increasing in fervor. The public questions which now most engross us are lifted far above either partisanship, prejudice, or former sectional differences. They affect every part of our common country alike and permit of no division on ancient lines. Questions of foreign policy, of revenue, the soundness of the currency, the inviolability of national obligations, the improvement of the public service, appeal to the individual conscience of every earnest citizen to whatever party he belongs or in whatever section of the country he may reside. The extra session of this Congress which closed during July last enacted important legislation, and while its full effect has not yet been realized, what it has already accomplished assures us of its timeliness and wisdom. To test its permanent value further time will be required, and the people, satisfied with its operation and results thus far, are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial. Tariff legislation having been settled by the extra session of Congress, the question next pressing for consideration is that of the currency. The work of putting our finances upon a sound basis, difficult as it may seem, will appear easier when we recall the financial operations of the Government since 1866. On the 30th day of June of that year we had outstanding demand liabilities in the sum of $728,868,447.41. On the 1st of January, 1879, these liabilities had been reduced to$443,889,495.88. Of our interest-bearing obligations, the figures are even more striking. On July 1, 1866, the principal of the interest-bearing debt of the Government was $2,332,331,208. On the 1st day of July, 1893, this sum had been reduced to $585,137,100, or an aggregate reduction of $1,747,294,108. The interest-bearing debt of the United States on the 1st day of December, 1897, was $847,365,620. The Government money now outstanding (December 1) consists of $346,681,016 of United States notes, $107,793,280 of Treasury notes issued by authority of the law of 1890, $384,963,504 of silver certificates, and $61,280,761 of standard silver dollars. With the great resources of the Government, and with the honorable example of the past before us, we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a currency revision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to the Government and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt. The brief review of what was accomplished from the close of the war to 1893, makes unreasonable and groundless any distrust either of our financial ability or soundness; while the situation from 1893 to 1897 must admonish Congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as to make the return of the conditions then prevailing impossible. There are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil. Before we can find the true remedy we must appreciate the real evil. It is not that our currency of every kind is not good, for every dollar of it is good; good because the Government's pledge is out to keep it so, and that pledge will not be broken. However, the guaranty of our purpose to keep the pledge will be best shown by advancing toward its fulfillment. The evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the Government of maintaining the parity of our different forms of money, that is, keeping all of them at par with gold. We surely cannot be longer heedless of the burden this imposes upon the people, even under fairly prosperous conditions, while the past four years have demonstrated that it is not only an expensive charge upon the Government, but a dangerous menace to the National credit. It is manifest that we must devise some plan to protect the Government against bond issues for repeated redemptions. We must either curtail the opportunity for speculation, made easy by the multiplied redemptions of our demand obligations, or increase the gold reserve for their redemption. We have $900,000,000 of currency which the Government by solemn enactment has undertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is obliged to redeem in gold but the Government. The banks are not required to redeem in gold. The Government is obliged to keep equal with gold all its outstanding currency and coin obligations, while its receipts are not required to be paid in gold. They are paid in every kind of money but gold, and the only means by which the Government can with certainty get gold is by borrowing. It can get it in no other way when it most needs it. The Government without any fixed gold revenue is pledged to maintain gold redemption, which it has steadily and faithfully done, and which, under the authority now given, it will continue to do. The law which requires the Government, after having redeemed its United States notes, to pay them out again as current funds, demands a constant replenishment of the gold reserve. This is especially so in times of business panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenses of the Government. At such times the Government has no other way to supply its deficit and maintain redemption but through the increase of its bonded debt, as during the Administration of my predecessor, when $262,315,400 of four-and-a-half per cent bonds were issued and sold and the proceeds used to pay the expenses of the Government in excess of the revenues and sustain the gold reserve. While it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of these bonds were used to supply deficient revenues, a considerable portion was required to maintain the gold reserve. With our revenues equal to our expenses, there would be no deficit requiring the issuance of bonds. But if the gold reserve falls below $100,000,000, how will it be replenished except by selling more bonds? Is there any other way practicable under existing law? The serious question then is, Shall we continue the policy that has been pursued in the past; that is, when the gold reserve reaches the point of danger, issue more bonds and supply the needed gold, or shall we provide other means to prevent these recurring drains upon the gold reserve? If no further legislation is had and the policy of selling bonds is to be continued, then Congress should give the Secretary of the Treasury authority to sell bonds at long or short periods, bearing a less rate of interest than is now authorized by law. I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the Government are quite sufficient to pay all the expenses of the Government, that when any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart, and only paid out in exchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of the United States note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government, he should not receive back from the Government a United States note without paying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more apparent when the Government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide gold for the redemption of United States notes--a non-interest-bearing debt. Surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for gold. If they are put out in any other way, they may return again to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a non-interest-bearing debt. In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the Government should be relieved from the burden of providing all the gold required for exchanges and export. This responsibility is alone borne by the Government, without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself. The banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption. The whole strain rests upon the Government, and the size of the gold reserve in the Treasury has come to be, with or without reason, the signal of danger or of security. This ought to be stopped. If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient receipts for the expenses of the Government, we may feel no immediate embarrassment from our present currency; but the danger still exists, and will be ever present, menacing us so long as the existing system continues. And, besides, it is in times of adequate revenues and business tranquillity that the Government should prepare for the worst. We cannot avoid, without serious consequences, the wise consideration and prompt solution of this question. The Secretary of the Treasury has outlined a plan, in great detail, for the purpose of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold reserve and save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this plan I invite your careful consideration. I concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in his recommendation that National banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds which they have deposited for circulation, and that the tax on circulating notes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to one-half of one per cent per annum. I also join him in recommending that authority be given for the establishment of National banks with a minimum capital of $25,000. This will enable the smaller villages and agricultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet their needs. I recommend that the issue of National bank notes be restricted to the denomination of ten dollars and upwards. If the suggestions I have herein made shall have the approval of Congress, then I would recommend that National banks be required to redeem their notes in gold. The most important problem with which this Government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and the Cuban insurrection. Problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this Government at various times in the past. The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest, growing discontent, an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and self-control, of organized resistance to the mother country, of depression after distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by renewed revolt. For no enduring period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of Spain in the Western Continent has the condition of Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cuba not caused concern to the United States. The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home Government might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called forth between 1823 and 1860 various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to permit no disturbance of Cuba' s connection with Spain unless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through purchase, nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the Government. The revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years despite the strenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppress it. Then as now the Government of the United States testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. The overtures made by General Grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to American interests, besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this Government. In 1878 peace was brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the Spanish commander, Martinez de Campos, and the insurgent leaders. The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895. It is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase or to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by Spain. The revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every quarter of the island, developing wide proportions and defying the efforts of Spain for its suppression. The civilized code of war has been disregarded, no less so by the Spaniards than by the Cubans. The existing conditions can not but fill this Government and the American people with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of our people to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to see the Cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of self-control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country. The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1896, tendering the friendly offices of this Government, failed. Any mediation on our part was not accepted. In brief, the answer read: "There is no effectual way to pacify Cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the mother country." Then only could Spain act in the promised direction, of her own motion and after her own plans. The cruel policy of concentration was initiated February 16, 1896. The productive districts controlled by the Spanish armies were depopulated. The agricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. This policy the late cabinet of Spain justified as a necessary measure of war and as a means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents. It has utterly failed as a war measure. It was not civilized warfare. It was extermination. Against this abuse of the rights of war I have felt constrained on repeated occasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this Government. There was much of public condemnation of the treatment of American citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings. I felt it my first duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of all American citizens under arrest. Before the change of the Spanish cabinet in October last twenty-two prisoners, citizens of the United States, had been given their freedom. For the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflict the aid of Congress was sought in a special message, and under the appropriation of May 24, 1897, effective aid has been given to American citizens in Cuba, many of them at their own request having been returned to the United States. The instructions given to our new minister to Spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that Government the sincere wish of the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to Spain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited the character and duration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints it imposes upon us, with constant disturbance of national interests, and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this state of things. It was stated that at this juncture our Government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when Spain of her own volition, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity, should put a stop to this destructive war and make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony. It was urged that as a neighboring nation, with large interests in Cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this result. No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that Government. All that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored. It so chanced that the consideration of this offer, addressed to the same Spanish administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor, and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. Between the departure of General Woodford, the new envoy, and his arrival in Spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an assassin, and although the cabinet of the late premier still held office and received from our envoy the proposals he bore, that cabinet gave place within a few days thereafter to a new administration, under the leadership of Sagasta. The reply to our note was received on the 23d day of October. It is in the direction of a better understanding. It appreciates the friendly purposes of this Government. It admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in Cuba and that its desires for peace are just. It declares that the present Spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the United States and pacify Cuba within a reasonable time. To this end Spain has decided to put into effect the political reforms heretofore advocated by the present premier, without halting for any consideration in the path which in its judgment leads to peace. The military operations, it is said, will continue, but will be humane and conducted with all regard for private rights, being accompanied by political action leading to the autonomy of Cuba while guarding Spanish sovereignty. This, it is claimed, will result in investing Cuba with a distinct personality, the island to be governed by an executive and by a local council or chamber, reserving to Spain the control of the foreign relations, the army and navy, and the judicial administration. To accomplish this the present government proposes to modify existing legislation by decree, leaving the Spanish Cortes, with the aid of Cuban senators and deputies, to solve the economic problem and properly distribute the existing debt. In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this Government proposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices, it suggests that Spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political reforms, while the United States for its part shall enforce its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this country. The supposition of an indefinite prolongation of the war is denied. It is asserted that the western provinces are already well-nigh reclaimed, that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been resumed, and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and complete pacification is hoped for. The immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new administration of Cuban affairs is predicted, and therewithal the disturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the part of the United States. Discussion of the question of the international duties and responsibilities of the United States as Spain understands them is presented, with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this regard. This charge is without any basis in fact. It could not have been made if Spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this Government has made, at the cost of millions and by the employment of the administrative machinery of the nation at command, to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. That it has successfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer. But of this aspect of the Spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now. Firm in the conviction of a wholly performed obligation, due response to this charge has been made in diplomatic course. Throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this Government has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the determination of its policy and course according to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand. Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. Recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents has often been canvassed as a possible, if not inevitable, step both in regard to the previous ten years' struggle and during the present war. I am not unmindful that the two Houses of Congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion by concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in Cuba, and during the extra session the Senate voted a joint resolution of like import, which, however, was not brought to a vote in the House of Representatives. In the presence of these significant expressions of the sentiment of the legislative branch it behooves the Executive to soberly consider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest for justification. It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. Possession, in short, of the essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents and the conduct of the war by them according to the received code of war are no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of belligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal polity of the recognizing state. The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of December 7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present situation in Cuba, and it may be wholesome now to recall them. At that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring island. During all those years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of humanity, which called forth expressions of condemnation from the nations of Christendom, continued unabated. Desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region, enormously affecting the commerce of all commercial nations, but that of the United States more than any other by reason of proximity and larger trade and intercourse. At that juncture General Grant uttered these words, which now, as then, sum up the elements of the problem: 
  A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war. It is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself, of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition. But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report. The question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too, is a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to. Applying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writers on international law, and which have been observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation, possessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of territory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular officers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to the contest. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard the accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as I regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. Such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the contending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations. It confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the vessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it would give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent Government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would invest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of which, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and between all of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which wash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this supervision could scarce fail to lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two States. There can be little doubt to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the United States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of questionable right or expediency or by any indirection. Turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its inconveniences and positive dangers, still further pertinent considerations appear. In the code of nations there is no such thing as a naked recognition of belligerency, unaccompanied by the assumption of international neutrality. Such recognition, without more, will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status not theretofore actually possessed or affect the relation of either party to other states. The act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of neutrality, which recites the de facto condition of belligerency as its motive. It announces a domestic law of neutrality in the declaring state. It assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a public state of war. It warns all citizens and others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielded from the consequences. The right of visit and search on the seas and seizure of vessels and cargoes and contraband of war and good prize under admiralty law must under international law be admitted as a legitimate consequence of a proclamation of belligerency. While according the equal belligerent rights defined by public law to each party in our ports disfavors would be imposed on both, which, while nominally equal, would weigh heavily in behalf of Spain herself. Possessing a navy and controlling the ports of Cuba, her maritime rights could be asserted not only for the military investment of the island, but up to the margin of our own territorial waters, and a condition of things would exist for which the Cubans within their own domain could not hope to create a parallel, while its creation through aid or sympathy from within our domain would be even more impossible than now, with the additional obligations of international neutrality we would perforce assume. The enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality would only be influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable by our own instrumentalities. It could impart to the United States no jurisdiction between Spain and the insurgents. It would give the United States no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within the paramount authority of Spain according to the international code of war. For these reasons I regard the recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents as now unwise, and therefore inadmissible. Should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, the Executive will take it. Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and has not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. But should such a step be now taken, when it is apparent that a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A new government has taken office in the mother country. It is pledged in advance to the declaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain peace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of reform after subjugation afford no solution of the insular problem; that with a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for one in harmony with a new policy, which shall no longer aim to drive the Cubans to the "horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or succumbing in misery;" that reforms must be instituted in accordance with the needs and circumstances of the time, and that these reforms, while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a virtual entity and self-controlled administration, shall yet conserve and affirm the sovereignty of Spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish expediency. The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal sentiment of humanity has been reversed. Under the new military commander a broad clemency is proffered. Measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. The power of the Spanish armies, it is asserted, is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation, but to protect the resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries. That past methods are futile to force a peace by subjugation is freely admitted, and that ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail to win for Spain the fidelity of a contented dependency. Decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already been promulgated. The full text of these decrees has not been received, but as furnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are: All civil and electoral rights of peninsular Spaniards are, in virtue of existing constitutional authority, forthwith extended to colonial Spaniards. A scheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effective upon ratification by the Cortes. It creates a Cuban parliament, which, with the insular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local order and interests, possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of state, war, and the navy, as to which the Governor-General acts by his own authority as the delegate of the central Government. This parliament receives the oath of the Governor-General to preserve faithfully the liberties and privileges of the colony, and to it the colonial secretaries are responsible. It has the right to propose to the central Government, through the Governor-General, modifications of the national charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the colony. Besides its local powers, it is competent, first, to regulate electoral registration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and the manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts of justice with native judges from members of the local bar; third, to frame the insular budget, both as to expenditures and revenues, without limitation of any kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the Cuban share of the national budget, which latter will be voted by the national Cortes with the assistance of Cuban senators and deputies; fourth, to initiate or take part in the negotiations of the national Government for commercial treaties which may affect Cuban interests; fifth, to accept or reject commercial treaties which the national Government may have concluded without the participation of the Cuban government; sixth, to frame the colonial tariff, acting in accord with the peninsular Government in scheduling articles of mutual commerce between the mother country and the colonies. Before introducing or voting upon a bill the Cuban government or the chambers will lay the project before the central Government and hear its opinion thereon, all the correspondence in such regard being made public. Finally, all conflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal, provincial, and insular assemblies, or between the latter and the insular executive power, and which from their nature may not be referable to the central Government for decision, shall be submitted to the courts. That the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that in the few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of its professions is undeniable. I shall not impugn its sincerity, nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so, and assures them of the protection of the Spanish Government in their lawful occupations. She has just released the Competitor prisoners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the preceding Administration. Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time comes that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy in the light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor, and to humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness. the Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. By a special message dated the 16th day of June last, I laid before the Senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of the Republic of Hawaii, having for its purpose the incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands as an integral part of the United States and under its sovereignty. The Senate having removed the injunction of secrecy, although the treaty is still pending before that body, the subject may be properly referred to in this Message because the necessary action of the Congress is required to determine by legislation many details of the eventual union should the fact of annexation be accomplished, as I believe it should be. While consistently disavowing from a very early period any aggressive policy of absorption in regard to the Hawaiian group, a long series of declarations through three-quarters of a century has proclaimed the vital interest of the United States in the independent life of the Islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon this country. At the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the entity of Hawaiian statehood cease by the passage of the Islands under the domination or influence of another power than the United States. Under these circumstances, the logic of events required that annexation, heretofore offered but declined, should in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those Islands, and be realized by the free will of the Hawaiian State. That treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the Senate and President of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of September last, and only awaits the favorable action of the American Senate to effect the complete absorption of the Islands into the domain of the United States. What the conditions of such a union shall be, the political relation thereof to the United States, the character of the local administration, the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants, the extension of the federal laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the peculiar condition thereof, the regulation if need be of the labor system therein, are all matters which the treaty has wisely relegated to the Congress. If the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and honor requires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the highest franchises of citizenship, and having due regard to the geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in local matters with the largest political liberties as an integral part of our Nation will be accorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due to a people who, after nearly five years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the obligations of self-governing statehood, come of their free will to merge their destinies in our body-politic. The questions which have arisen between Japan and Hawaii by reason of the treatment of Japanese laborers emigrating to the Islands under the Hawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfactory stage of settlement by negotiation. This Government has not been invited to mediate, and on the other hand has sought no intervention in that matter, further than to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a speedy and direct adjustment by the two sovereign States in interest as shall comport with equity and honor. It is gratifying to learn that the apprehensions at first displayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation of Hawaii's national life through annexation might impair privileges to which Japan honorably laid claim, have given place to confidence in the uprightness of this Government, and in the sincerity of its purpose to deal with all possible ulterior questions in the broadest spirit of friendliness. As to the representation of this Government to Nicaragua, Salvador, and Costa Rica, I have concluded that Mr. William L. Merry, confirmed as minister of the United States to the States of Nicaragua, Salvador and Costa Rica, shall proceed to San Jose, Costa Rica, and there temporarily establish the headquarters of the United States to those three States. I took this action for what I regarded as the paramount interests of this country. It was developed upon an investigation by the Secretary of State that the Government of Nicaragua, while not unwilling to receive Mr. Merry in his diplomatic quality, was unable to do so because of the compact concluded June 20, 1895, whereby that Republic and those of Salvador and Honduras, forming what is known as the Greater Republic of Central America, had surrendered to the representative Diet thereof their right to receive and send diplomatic agents. The Diet was not willing to accept him because he was not accredited to that body. I could not accredit him to that body because the appropriation law of Congress did not permit it. Mr. Baker, the present minister at Managua, has been directed to present his letters of recall. Mr. W. Godfrey Hunter has likewise been accredited to the Governments of Guatemala and Honduras, the same as his predecessor. Guatemala is not a member of the Greater Republic of Central America, but Honduras is. Should this latter Government decline to receive him, he has been instructed to report this fact to his Government and await its further instructions. A subject of large importance to our country, and increasing appreciation on the part of the people, is the completion of the great highway of trade between the Atlantic and Pacific, known as the Nicaragua Canal. Its utility and value to American commerce is universally admitted. The Commission appointed under date of July 24 last "to continue the surveys and examinations authorized by the act approved March 2, 1895," in regard to "the proper route, feasibility, and cost of construction of the Nicaragua Canal, with a view of making complete plans for the entire work of construction of such canal," is now employed in the undertaking. In the future I shall take occasion to transmit to Congress the report of this Commission, making at the same time such further suggestions as may then seem advisable. Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1897, for the promotion of an international agreement respecting bimetallism, I appointed on the 14th day of April, 1897, Hon. Edward O. Wolcott of Colorado, Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, and Hon. Charles J. Paine of Massachusetts, as special envoys to represent the United States. They have been diligent in their efforts to secure the concurrence and cooperation of European countries in the international settlement of the question, but up to this time have not been able to secure an agreement contemplated by their mission. The gratifying action of our great sister Republic of France in joining this country in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the principal commercial nations of Europe, whereby a fixed and relative value between gold and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that we are not alone among the larger nations of the world in realizing the international character of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and practical solution of it. The British Government has published a resume of the steps taken jointly by the French ambassador in London and the special envoys of the United States, with whom our ambassador at London actively co-operated in the presentation of this subject to Her Majesty's Government. This will be laid before Congress. Our special envoys have not made their final report, as further negotiations between the representatives of this Government and the Governments of other countries are pending and in contemplation. They believe that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters respecting the position of maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals and kindred questions may yet be solved by further negotiations. Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have already demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject, and it is to be earnestly hoped that their labors may result in an international agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold and silver as money upon such terms, and with such safeguards as will secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice to any class of our citizens. In order to execute as early as possible the provisions of the third and fourth sections of the Revenue Act, approved July 24, 1897, I appointed the Hon. John A. Kasson of Iowa, a special commissioner plenipotentiary to undertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring to avail themselves of these provisions. The negotiations are now proceeding with several Governments, both European and American. It is believed that by a careful exercise of the powers conferred by that Act some grievances of our own and of other countries in our mutual trade relations may be either removed, or largely alleviated, and that the volume of our commercial exchanges may be enlarged, with advantage to both contracting parties. Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant marine should be improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard no longer. The inferiority of our merchant marine is justly humiliating to the national pride. The Government by every proper constitutional means, should aid in making our ships familiar visitors at every commercial port of the world, thus opening up new and valuable markets to the surplus products of the farm and the factory. The efforts which had been made during the two previous years by my predecessor to secure better protection to the fur seals in the North Pacific Ocean and Bering Sea, were renewed at an early date by this Administration, and have been pursued with earnestness. Upon my invitation, the Governments of Japan and Russia sent delegates to Washington, and an international conference was held during the months of October and November last, wherein it was unanimously agreed that under the existing regulations this species of useful animals was threatened with extinction, and that an international agreement of all the interested powers was necessary for their adequate protection. The Government of Great Britain did not see proper to be represented at this conference, but subsequently sent to Washington, as delegates, the expert commissioners of Great Britain and Canada who had, during the past two years, visited the Pribilof Islands, and who met in conference similar commissioners on the part of the United States. The result of this conference was an agreement on important facts connected with the condition of the seal herd, heretofore in dispute, which should place beyond controversy the duty of the Governments concerned to adopt measures without delay for the preservation and restoration of the herd. Negotiations to this end are now in progress, the result of which I hope to be able to report to Congress at an early day. International arbitration cannot be omitted from the list of subjects claiming our consideration. Events have only served to strengthen the general views on this question expressed in my inaugural address. The best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement of differences between nations without resorting to the horrors of war. Treaties embodying these humane principles on broad lines, without in any way imperiling our interests or our honor, shall have my constant encouragement. The acceptance by this Government of the invitation of the Republic of France to participate in the Universal Exposition of 1900, at Paris, was immediately followed by the appointment of a special commissioner to represent the United States in the proposed exposition, with special reference to the securing of space for an adequate exhibit on behalf of the United States. The special commissioner delayed his departure for Paris long enough to ascertain the probable demand for space by American exhibitors. His inquiries developed an almost unprecedented interest in the proposed exposition, and the information thus acquired enabled him to justify an application for a much larger allotment of space for the American section than had been reserved by the exposition authorities. The result was particularly gratifying, in view of the fact that the United States was one of the last countries to accept the invitation of France. The reception accorded our special commissioner was most cordial, and he was given every reasonable assurance that the United States would receive a consideration commensurate with the proportions of our exhibit. The report of the special commissioner as to the magnitude and importance of the coming exposition, and the great demand for space by American exhibitors, supplies new arguments for a liberal and judicious appropriation by Congress, to the end that an exhibit fairly representative of the industries and resources of our country may be made in an exposition which will illustrate the world's progress during the nineteenth century. That exposition is intended to be the most important and comprehensive of the long series of international exhibitions, of which our own at Chicago was a brilliant example, and it is desirable that the United States should make a worthy exhibit of American genius and skill and their unrivaled achievements in every branch of industry. The present immediately effective force of the Navy consists of four battle ships of the first class, two of the second, and forty-eight other vessels, ranging from armored cruisers to torpedo boats. There are under construction five battle ships of the first class, sixteen torpedo boats, and one submarine boat. No provision has yet been made for the armor of three of the five battle ships, as it has been impossible to obtain it at the price fixed by Congress. It is of great importance that Congress provide this armor, as until then the ships are of no fighting value. The present naval force, especially in view of its increase by the ships now under construction, while not as large as that of a few other powers, is a formidable force; its vessels are the very best of each type; and with the increase that should be made to it from time to time in the future, and careful attention to keeping it in a high state of efficiency and repair, it is well adapted to the necessities of the country. The great increase of the Navy which has taken place in recent years was justified by the requirements for national defense, and has received public approbation. The time has now arrived, however, when this increase, to which the country is committed, should, for a time, take the form of increased facilities commensurate with the increase of our naval vessels. It is an unfortunate fact that there is only one dock on the Pacific Coast capable of docking our largest ships, and only one on the Atlantic Coast, and that the latter has for the last six or seven months been under repair and therefore incapable of use. Immediate steps should be taken to provide three or four docks of this capacity on the Atlantic Coast, at least one on the Pacific Coast, and a floating dock in the Gulf. This is the recommendation of a very competent Board, appointed to investigate the subject. There should also be ample provision made for powder and projectiles, and other munitions of war, and for an increased number of officers and enlisted men. Some additions are also necessary to our navy-yards, for the repair and care of our large number of vessels. As there are now on the stocks five battle ships of the largest class, which cannot be completed for a year or two, I concur with the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy for an appropriation authorizing the construction of one battle ship for the Pacific Coast, where, at present, there is only one in commission and one under construction, while on the Atlantic Coast there are three in commission and four under construction; and also that several torpedo boats be authorized in connection with our general system of coast defense. The Territory of Alaska requires the prompt and early attention of Congress. The conditions now existing demand material changes in the laws relating to the Territory. The great influx of population during the past summer and fall and the prospect of a still larger immigration in the spring will not permit us to longer neglect the extension of civil authority within the Territory or postpone the establishment of a more thorough government. A general system of public surveys has not yet been extended to Alaska and all entries thus far made in that district are upon special surveys. The act of Congress extending to Alaska the mining laws of the United States contained the reservation that it should not be construed to put in force the general land laws of the country. By act approved March 3, 1891, authority was given for entry of lands for town-site purposes and also for the purchase of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres then or thereafter occupied for purposes of trade and manufacture. The purpose of Congress as thus far expressed has been that only such rights should apply to that Territory as should be specifically named. It will be seen how much remains to be done for that vast and remote and yet promising portion of our country. Special authority was given to the President by the Act of Congress approved July 24, 1897, to divide that Territory into two land districts and to designate the boundaries thereof and to appoint registers and receivers of said land offices, and the President was also authorized to appoint a surveyor-general for the entire district. Pursuant to this authority, a surveyor-general and receiver have been appointed, with offices at Sitka. If in the ensuing year the conditions justify it, the additional land district authorized by law will be established, with an office at some point in the Yukon Valley. No appropriation, however, was made for this purpose, and that is now necessary to be done for the two land districts into which the Territory is to be divided. I concur with the Secretary of War in his suggestions as to the necessity for a military force in the Territory of Alaska for the protection of persons and property. Already a small force, consisting of twenty-five men, with two officers, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Randall, of the Eighth Infantry, has been sent to St. Michael to establish a military post. As it is to the interest of the Government to encourage the development and settlement of the country and its duty to follow up its citizens there with the benefits of legal machinery, I earnestly urge upon Congress the establishment of a system of government with such flexibility as will enable it to adjust itself to the future areas of greatest population. The startling though possibly exaggerated reports from the Yukon River country, of the probable shortage of food for the large number of people who are wintering there without the means of leaving the country are confirmed in such measure as to justify bringing the matter to the attention of Congress. Access to that country in winter can be had only by the passes from Dyea and vicinity, which is a most difficult and perhaps an impossible task. However, should these reports of the suffering of our fellow-citizens be further verified, every effort at any cost should be made to carry them relief. For a number of years past it has been apparent that the conditions under which the Five Civilized Tribes were established in the Indian Territory under treaty provisions with the United States, with the right of self-government and the exclusion of all white persons from within their borders, have undergone so complete a change as to render the continuance of the system thus inaugurated practically impossible. The total number of the Five Civilized Tribes, as shown by the last census, is 45,494, and this number has not materially increased; while the white population is estimated at from 200,000 to 250,000 which, by permission of the Indian Government has settled in the Territory. The present area of the Indian Territory contains 25,694,564 acres, much of which is very fertile land. The United States citizens residing in the Territory, most of whom have gone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal authorities, have made permanent homes for themselves. Numerous towns have been built in which from 500 to 5,000 white people now reside. Valuable residences and business houses have been erected in many of them. Large business enterprises are carried on in which vast sums of money are employed, and yet these people, who have invested their capital in the development of the productive resources of the country, are without title to the land they occupy, and have no voice whatever in the government either of the Nations or Tribes. Thousands of their children who were born in the Territory are of school age, but the doors of the schools of the Nations are shut against them, and what education they get is by private contribution. No provision for the protection of the life or property of these white citizens is made by the Tribal Governments and Courts. The Secretary of the Interior reports that leading Indians have absorbed great tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people, and government by an Indian aristocracy has been practically established, to the detriment of the people. It has been found impossible for the United States to keep its citizens out of the Territory, and the executory conditions contained in the treaties with these Nations have for the most part become impossible of execution. Nor has it been possible for the Tribal Governments to secure to each individual Indian his full enjoyment in common with Other Indians of the common property of the Nations. Friends of the Indians have long believed that the best interests of the Indians of the Five Civilized Tribes would be found in American citizenship, with all the rights and privileges which belong to that condition. By section 16, of the act of March 3, 1893, the President was authorized to appoint three commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muscogee (or Creek), and Seminole Nations, commonly known as the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory. Briefly, the purposes of the negotiations were to be: The extinguishment of Tribal titles to any lands within that Territory now held by any and all such Nations or Tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof to the United States, or by allotment and division of the same in severalty among the Indians of such Nations or Tribes respectively as may be entitled to the same, or by such other method as may be agreed upon between the several Nations and Tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States, with a view to such an adjustment upon the basis of justice and equity as may, with the consent of the said Nations of Indians so far as may be necessary, be requisite and suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian Territory. The Commission met much opposition from the beginning. The Indians were very slow to act, and those in control manifested a decided disinclination to meet with favor the propositions submitted to them. A little more than three years after this organization the Commission effected an agreement with the Choctaw Nation alone. The Chickasaws, however, refused to agree to its terms, and as they have a common interest with the Choctaws in the lands of said Nations, the agreement with the latter Nation could have no effect without the consent of the former. On April 23, 1897, the Commission effected an agreement with both tribes-- the Choctaws and Chickasaws. This agreement, it is understood, has been ratified by the constituted authorities of the respective Tribes or Nations parties thereto, and only requires ratification by Congress to make it binding. On the 27th of September, 1897, an agreement was effected with the Creek Nation, but it is understood that the National Council of said Nation has refused to ratify the same. Negotiations are yet to be had with the Cherokees, the most populous of the Five Civilized Tribes, and with the Seminoles, the smallest in point of numbers and territory. The provision in the Indian Appropriation Act, approved June 10, 1896, makes it the duty of the Commission to investigate and determine the rights of applicants for citizenship in the Five Civilized Tribes, and to make complete census rolls of the citizens of said Tribes. The Commission is at present engaged in this work among the Creeks, and has made appointments for taking the census of these people up to and including the 30th of the present month. Should the agreement between the Choctaws and Chickasaws be ratified by Congress and should the other Tribes fail to make an agreement with the Commission, then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had by Congress, which, while just and honorable to the Indians, shall be equitable to the white people who have settled upon these lands by invitation of the Tribal Nations. Hon. Henry L. Dawes, Chairman of the Commission, in a letter to the Secretary of the Interior, under date of October 11, 1897, says: "Individual ownership is, in their (the Commission's) opinion, absolutely essential to any permanent improvement in present conditions, and the lack of it is the root of nearly all the evils which so grievously afflict these people. Allotment by agreement is the only possible method, unless the United States Courts are clothed with the authority to apportion the lands among the citizen Indians for whose use it was originally granted." I concur with the Secretary of the Interior that there can be no cure for the evils engendered by the perversion of these great trusts, excepting by their resumption by the Government which created them. The recent prevalence of yellow fever in a number of cities and towns throughout the South has resulted in much disturbance of commerce, and demonstrated the necessity of such amendments to our quarantine laws as will make the regulations of the national quarantine authorities paramount. The Secretary of the Treasury, in the portion of his report relating to the operation of the Marine Hospital Service, calls attention to the defects in the present quarantine laws, and recommends amendments thereto which will give the Treasury Department the requisite authority to prevent the invasion of epidemic diseases from foreign countries, and in times of emergency, like that of the past summer, will add to the efficiency of the sanitary measures for the protection of the people, and at the same time prevent unnecessary restriction of commerce. I concur in his recommendation. In further effort to prevent the invasion of the United States by yellow fever, the importance of the discovery of the exact cause of the disease, which up to the present time has been undetermined, is obvious, and to this end a systematic bacteriological investigation should be made. I therefore recommend that Congress authorize the appointment of a commission by the President, to consist of four expert bacteriologists, one to be selected from the medical officers of the Marine Hospital Service, one to be appointed from civil life, one to be detailed from the medical officers of the Army, and one from the medical officers of the Navy. The Union Pacific Railway, Main Line, was sold under the decree of the United States Court for the District of Nebraska, on the 1st and 2d of November of this year. The amount due the Government consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds, $27,236,512, and the accrued interest thereon, $31,211,711.75, making the total indebtedness, $58,448,223.75. The bid at the sale covered the first mortgage lien and the entire mortgage claim of the Government, principal and interest. The sale of the subsidized portion of the Kansas Pacific Line, upon which the Government holds a second mortgage lien, has been postponed at the instance of the Government to December 16, 1897. The debt of this division of the Union Pacific Railway to the Government on November 1, 1897, was the principal of the subsidy bonds, $6,303,000, and the unpaid and accrued interest thereon, $6,626,690.33, making a total of $12,929,690.33. The sale of this road was originally advertised for November 4, but for the purpose of securing the utmost public notice of the event it was postponed until December 16, and a second advertisement of the sale was made. By the decree of the Court, the upset price on the sale of the Kansas Pacific will yield to the Government the sum of $2,500,000 over all prior liens, costs, and charges. If no other or better bid is made, this sum is all that the Government will receive on its claim of nearly $13,000,000. The Government has no information as to whether there will be other bidders or a better bid than the minimum amount herein stated. The question presented therefore is: Whether the Government shall, under the authority given it by the act of March 3, 1887, purchase or redeem the road in the event that a bid is not made by private parties covering the entire Government claim. To qualify the Government to bid at the sales will require a deposit of $900,000, as follows: In the Government cause $500,000 and in each of the first mortgage causes $200,000, and in the latter the deposit must be in cash. Payments at the sale are as follows: Upon the acceptance of the bid a sum which with the amount already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent of the bid; the balance in installments of twenty-five per cent thirty, forty, and fifty days after the confirmation of the sale. The lien on the Kansas Pacific prior to that of the Government on the 30th July, 1897, principal and interest, amounted to $7,281,048.11. The Government, therefore, should it become the highest bidder, will have to pay the amount of the first mortgage lien. I believe that under the act of 1887 it has the authority to do this and in absence of any action by Congress I shall direct the Secretary of the Treasury to make the necessary deposit as required by the Court's decree to qualify as a bidder and to bid at the sale a sum which will at least equal the principal of the debt due to the Government; but suggest in order to remove all controversy that an amendment of the law be immediately passed explicitly giving such powers and appropriating in general terms whatever sum is sufficient therefor. In so important a matter as the Government becoming the possible owner of railroad property which it perforce must conduct and operate, I feel constrained to lay before Congress these facts for its consideration and action before the consummation of the sale. It is clear to my mind that the Government should not permit the property to be sold at a price which will yield less than one-half of the principal of its debt and less than one-fifth of its entire debt, principal and interest. But whether the Government, rather than accept less than its claim, should become a bidder and thereby the owner of the property, I submit to the Congress for action. The Library building provided for by the act of Congress approved April 15, 1886, has been completed and opened to the public. It should be a matter of congratulation that through the foresight and munificence of Congress the nation possesses this noble treasure-house of knowledge. It is earnestly to be hoped that having done so much toward the cause of education, Congress will continue to develop the Library in every phase of research to the end that it may be not only one of the most magnificent but among the richest and most useful libraries in the world. The important branch of our Government known as the Civil Service, the practical improvement of which has long been a subject of earnest discussion, has of late years received increased legislative and Executive approval. During the past few months the service has been placed upon a still firmer basis of business methods and personal merit. While the right of our veteran soldiers to reinstatement in deserving cases has been asserted, dismissals for merely political reasons have been carefully guarded against, the examinations for admittance to the service enlarged and at the same time rendered less technical and more practical; and a distinct advance has been made by giving a hearing before dismissal upon all cases where incompetency is charged or demand made for the removal of officials in any of the Departments. This order has been made to give to the accused his right to be heard but without in anyway impairing the power of removal, which should always be exercised in cases of inefficiency and incompetency, and which is one of the vital safeguards of the civil service reform system, preventing stagnation and deadwood and keeping every employee keenly alive to the fact that the security of his tenure depends not on favor but on his own tested and carefully watched record of service. Much of course still remains to be accomplished before the system can be made reasonably perfect for our needs. There are places now in the classified service which ought to be exempted and others not classified may properly be included. I shall not hesitate to exempt cases which I think have been improperly included in the classified service or include those which in my judgment will best promote the public service. The system has the approval of the people and it will be my endeavor to uphold and extend it. I am forced by the length of this Message to omit many important references to affairs of the Government with which Congress will have to deal at the present session. They are fully discussed in the departmental reports, to all of which I invite your earnest attention. The estimates of the expenses of the Government by the several Departments will, I am sure, have your careful scrutiny. While the Congress may not find it an easy task to reduce the expenses of the Government, it should not encourage their increase. These expenses will in my judgment admit of a decrease in many branches of the Government without injury to the public service. It is a commanding duty to keep the appropriations within the receipts of the Government, and thus avoid a deficit.
It gives me pleasure to extend greeting to the Fifty-fifth Congress, assembled in regular session at the seat of Government, with many of whose Senators and Representatives I have been associated in the legislative service. Their meeting occurs under felicitous conditions, justifying sincere congratulation and calling for our grateful acknowledgment to a beneficent Providence which has so signally blessed and prospered us as a nation. Peace and good will with all the nations of the earth continue unbroken. A matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard and unification of all sections of our country, the incompleteness of which has too long delayed realization of the highest blessings of the Union. The spirit of patriotism is universal and is ever increasing in fervor. The public questions which now most engross us are lifted far above either partisanship, prejudice, or former sectional differences. They affect every part of our common country alike and permit of no division on ancient lines. Questions of foreign policy, of revenue, the soundness of the currency, the inviolability of national obligations, the improvement of the public service, appeal to the individual conscience of every earnest citizen to whatever party he belongs or in whatever section of the country he may reside. The extra session of this Congress which closed during July last enacted important legislation, and while its full effect has not yet been realized, what it has already accomplished assures us of its timeliness and wisdom. To test its permanent value further time will be required, and the people, satisfied with its operation and results thus far, are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial. Tariff legislation having been settled by the extra session of Congress, the question next pressing for consideration is that of the currency. The work of putting our finances upon a sound basis, difficult as it may seem, will appear easier when we recall the financial operations of the Government since 1866. On the 30th day of June of that year we had outstanding demand liabilities in the sum of $728,868,447.41. On the 1st of January, 1879, these liabilities had been reduced to$443,889,495.88. Of our interest-bearing obligations, the figures are even more striking. On July 1, 1866, the principal of the interest-bearing debt of the Government was $2,332,331,208. On the 1st day of July, 1893, this sum had been reduced to $585,137,100, or an aggregate reduction of $1,747,294,108. The interest-bearing debt of the United States on the 1st day of December, 1897, was $847,365,620. The Government money now outstanding (December 1) consists of $346,681,016 of United States notes, $107,793,280 of Treasury notes issued by authority of the law of 1890, $384,963,504 of silver certificates, and $61,280,761 of standard silver dollars. With the great resources of the Government, and with the honorable example of the past before us, we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a currency revision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to the Government and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt. The brief review of what was accomplished from the close of the war to 1893, makes unreasonable and groundless any distrust either of our financial ability or soundness; while the situation from 1893 to 1897 must admonish Congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as to make the return of the conditions then prevailing impossible. There are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil. Before we can find the true remedy we must appreciate the real evil. It is not that our currency of every kind is not good, for every dollar of it is good; good because the Government's pledge is out to keep it so, and that pledge will not be broken. However, the guaranty of our purpose to keep the pledge will be best shown by advancing toward its fulfillment. The evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the Government of maintaining the parity of our different forms of money, that is, keeping all of them at par with gold. We surely cannot be longer heedless of the burden this imposes upon the people, even under fairly prosperous conditions, while the past four years have demonstrated that it is not only an expensive charge upon the Government, but a dangerous menace to the National credit. It is manifest that we must devise some plan to protect the Government against bond issues for repeated redemptions. We must either curtail the opportunity for speculation, made easy by the multiplied redemptions of our demand obligations, or increase the gold reserve for their redemption. We have $900,000,000 of currency which the Government by solemn enactment has undertaken to keep at par with gold. Nobody is obliged to redeem in gold but the Government. The banks are not required to redeem in gold. The Government is obliged to keep equal with gold all its outstanding currency and coin obligations, while its receipts are not required to be paid in gold. They are paid in every kind of money but gold, and the only means by which the Government can with certainty get gold is by borrowing. It can get it in no other way when it most needs it. The Government without any fixed gold revenue is pledged to maintain gold redemption, which it has steadily and faithfully done, and which, under the authority now given, it will continue to do. The law which requires the Government, after having redeemed its United States notes, to pay them out again as current funds, demands a constant replenishment of the gold reserve. This is especially so in times of business panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenses of the Government. At such times the Government has no other way to supply its deficit and maintain redemption but through the increase of its bonded debt, as during the Administration of my predecessor, when $262,315,400 of four-and-a-half per cent bonds were issued and sold and the proceeds used to pay the expenses of the Government in excess of the revenues and sustain the gold reserve. While it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of these bonds were used to supply deficient revenues, a considerable portion was required to maintain the gold reserve. With our revenues equal to our expenses, there would be no deficit requiring the issuance of bonds. But if the gold reserve falls below $100,000,000, how will it be replenished except by selling more bonds? Is there any other way practicable under existing law? The serious question then is, Shall we continue the policy that has been pursued in the past; that is, when the gold reserve reaches the point of danger, issue more bonds and supply the needed gold, or shall we provide other means to prevent these recurring drains upon the gold reserve? If no further legislation is had and the policy of selling bonds is to be continued, then Congress should give the Secretary of the Treasury authority to sell bonds at long or short periods, bearing a less rate of interest than is now authorized by law. I earnestly recommend, as soon as the receipts of the Government are quite sufficient to pay all the expenses of the Government, that when any of the United States notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold, such notes shall be kept and set apart, and only paid out in exchange for gold. This is an obvious duty. If the holder of the United States note prefers the gold and gets it from the Government, he should not receive back from the Government a United States note without paying gold in exchange for it. The reason for this is made all the more apparent when the Government issues an interest-bearing debt to provide gold for the redemption of United States notes--a non-interest-bearing debt. Surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for gold. If they are put out in any other way, they may return again to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them--another interest-bearing debt to redeem a non-interest-bearing debt. In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the Government should be relieved from the burden of providing all the gold required for exchanges and export. This responsibility is alone borne by the Government, without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself. The banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption. The whole strain rests upon the Government, and the size of the gold reserve in the Treasury has come to be, with or without reason, the signal of danger or of security. This ought to be stopped. If we are to have an era of prosperity in the country, with sufficient receipts for the expenses of the Government, we may feel no immediate embarrassment from our present currency; but the danger still exists, and will be ever present, menacing us so long as the existing system continues. And, besides, it is in times of adequate revenues and business tranquillity that the Government should prepare for the worst. We cannot avoid, without serious consequences, the wise consideration and prompt solution of this question. The Secretary of the Treasury has outlined a plan, in great detail, for the purpose of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold reserve and save us from future embarrassment on that account. To this plan I invite your careful consideration. I concur with the Secretary of the Treasury in his recommendation that National banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds which they have deposited for circulation, and that the tax on circulating notes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to one-half of one per cent per annum. I also join him in recommending that authority be given for the establishment of National banks with a minimum capital of $25,000. This will enable the smaller villages and agricultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet their needs. I recommend that the issue of National bank notes be restricted to the denomination of ten dollars and upwards. If the suggestions I have herein made shall have the approval of Congress, then I would recommend that National banks be required to redeem their notes in gold. The most important problem with which this Government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward Spain and the Cuban insurrection. Problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this Government at various times in the past. The story of Cuba for many years has been one of unrest, growing discontent, an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and self-control, of organized resistance to the mother country, of depression after distress and warfare, and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by renewed revolt. For no enduring period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of Spain in the Western Continent has the condition of Cuba or the policy of Spain toward Cuba not caused concern to the United States. The prospect from time to time that the weakness of Spain's hold upon the island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home Government might lead to the transfer of Cuba to a continental power called forth between 1823 and 1860 various emphatic declarations of the policy of the United States to permit no disturbance of Cuba' s connection with Spain unless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through purchase, nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the Government. The revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years despite the strenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppress it. Then as now the Government of the United States testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in Cuba. The overtures made by General Grant were refused and the war dragged on, entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to American interests, besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this Government. In 1878 peace was brought about by the truce of Zanjon, obtained by negotiations between the Spanish commander, Martinez de Campos, and the insurgent leaders. The present insurrection broke out in February, 1895. It is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase or to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by Spain. The revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every quarter of the island, developing wide proportions and defying the efforts of Spain for its suppression. The civilized code of war has been disregarded, no less so by the Spaniards than by the Cubans. The existing conditions can not but fill this Government and the American people with the gravest apprehension. There is no desire on the part of our people to profit by the misfortunes of Spain. We have only the desire to see the Cubans prosperous and contented, enjoying that measure of self-control which is the inalienable right of man, protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country. The offer made by my predecessor in April, 1896, tendering the friendly offices of this Government, failed. Any mediation on our part was not accepted. In brief, the answer read: "There is no effectual way to pacify Cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the mother country." Then only could Spain act in the promised direction, of her own motion and after her own plans. The cruel policy of concentration was initiated February 16, 1896. The productive districts controlled by the Spanish armies were depopulated. The agricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns, their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed. This policy the late cabinet of Spain justified as a necessary measure of war and as a means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents. It has utterly failed as a war measure. It was not civilized warfare. It was extermination. Against this abuse of the rights of war I have felt constrained on repeated occasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this Government. There was much of public condemnation of the treatment of American citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings. I felt it my first duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of all American citizens under arrest. Before the change of the Spanish cabinet in October last twenty-two prisoners, citizens of the United States, had been given their freedom. For the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflict the aid of Congress was sought in a special message, and under the appropriation of May 24, 1897, effective aid has been given to American citizens in Cuba, many of them at their own request having been returned to the United States. The instructions given to our new minister to Spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that Government the sincere wish of the United States to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in Cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result, just and honorable alike to Spain and to the Cuban people. These instructions recited the character and duration of the contest, the widespread losses it entails, the burdens and restraints it imposes upon us, with constant disturbance of national interests, and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this state of things. It was stated that at this juncture our Government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when Spain of her own volition, moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity, should put a stop to this destructive war and make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to her Cuban colony. It was urged that as a neighboring nation, with large interests in Cuba, we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island; that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this result. No solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to Spain could attach, and, indeed, precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that Government. All that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored. It so chanced that the consideration of this offer, addressed to the same Spanish administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor, and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into Cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt, fell to others. Between the departure of General Woodford, the new envoy, and his arrival in Spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an assassin, and although the cabinet of the late premier still held office and received from our envoy the proposals he bore, that cabinet gave place within a few days thereafter to a new administration, under the leadership of Sagasta. The reply to our note was received on the 23d day of October. It is in the direction of a better understanding. It appreciates the friendly purposes of this Government. It admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in Cuba and that its desires for peace are just. It declares that the present Spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the United States and pacify Cuba within a reasonable time. To this end Spain has decided to put into effect the political reforms heretofore advocated by the present premier, without halting for any consideration in the path which in its judgment leads to peace. The military operations, it is said, will continue, but will be humane and conducted with all regard for private rights, being accompanied by political action leading to the autonomy of Cuba while guarding Spanish sovereignty. This, it is claimed, will result in investing Cuba with a distinct personality, the island to be governed by an executive and by a local council or chamber, reserving to Spain the control of the foreign relations, the army and navy, and the judicial administration. To accomplish this the present government proposes to modify existing legislation by decree, leaving the Spanish Cortes, with the aid of Cuban senators and deputies, to solve the economic problem and properly distribute the existing debt. In the absence of a declaration of the measures that this Government proposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices, it suggests that Spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political reforms, while the United States for its part shall enforce its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this country. The supposition of an indefinite prolongation of the war is denied. It is asserted that the western provinces are already well-nigh reclaimed, that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been resumed, and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and complete pacification is hoped for. The immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new administration of Cuban affairs is predicted, and therewithal the disturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the part of the United States. Discussion of the question of the international duties and responsibilities of the United States as Spain understands them is presented, with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this regard. This charge is without any basis in fact. It could not have been made if Spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this Government has made, at the cost of millions and by the employment of the administrative machinery of the nation at command, to perform its full duty according to the law of nations. That it has successfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer. But of this aspect of the Spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now. Firm in the conviction of a wholly performed obligation, due response to this charge has been made in diplomatic course. Throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this Government has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the determination of its policy and course according to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand. Of the untried measures there remain only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents; recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal aggression. Recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents has often been canvassed as a possible, if not inevitable, step both in regard to the previous ten years' struggle and during the present war. I am not unmindful that the two Houses of Congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion by concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in Cuba, and during the extra session the Senate voted a joint resolution of like import, which, however, was not brought to a vote in the House of Representatives. In the presence of these significant expressions of the sentiment of the legislative branch it behooves the Executive to soberly consider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest for justification. It is to be seriously considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood, which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor. Possession, in short, of the essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents and the conduct of the war by them according to the received code of war are no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of belligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal polity of the recognizing state. The wise utterances of President Grant in his memorable message of December 7, 1875, are signally relevant to the present situation in Cuba, and it may be wholesome now to recall them. At that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring island. During all those years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of humanity, which called forth expressions of condemnation from the nations of Christendom, continued unabated. Desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region, enormously affecting the commerce of all commercial nations, but that of the United States more than any other by reason of proximity and larger trade and intercourse. At that juncture General Grant uttered these words, which now, as then, sum up the elements of the problem: A recognition of the independence of Cuba being, in my opinion, impracticable and indefensible, the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest. In a former message to Congress I had occasion to consider this question, and reached the conclusion that the conflict in Cuba, dreadful and devastating as were its incidents, did not rise to the fearful dignity of war. It is possible that the acts of foreign powers, and even acts of Spain herself, of this very nature, might be pointed to in defense of such recognition. But now, as in its past history, the United States should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety, and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule, which has been its guide, of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report. The question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular attending facts. Unless justified by necessity, it is always, and justly, regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion. It is necessary, and it is required, when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations to the parties thereto. But this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war. Belligerence, too, is a fact. The mere existence of contending armed bodies and their occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to. Applying to the existing condition of affairs in Cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writers on international law, and which have been observed by nations of dignity, honesty, and power when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives, I fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial political organization, real, palpable, and manifest to the world, having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states, with courts for the administration of justice, with a local habitation, possessing such organization of force, such material, such occupation of territory, as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing of war, to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it. The contest, moreover, is solely on land; the insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag, nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries. No apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels, both commercial and national, and upon the consular officers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to the contest. Considered as a question of expediency, I regard the accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as I regard it to be, at present, indefensible as a measure of right. Such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties, and requires the exaction from the contending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations. It confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties; it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war, which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the vessels of the United States, to detention and to possible seizure; it would give rise to countless vexatious questions, would release the parent Government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents, and would invest Spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas, a very large part of which, in its traffic between the Atlantic and the Gulf States and between all of them and the States on the Pacific, passes through the waters which wash the shores of Cuba. The exercise of this supervision could scarce fail to lead, if not to abuses, certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two States. There can be little doubt to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation. It would be unworthy of the United States to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of questionable right or expediency or by any indirection. Turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its inconveniences and positive dangers, still further pertinent considerations appear. In the code of nations there is no such thing as a naked recognition of belligerency, unaccompanied by the assumption of international neutrality. Such recognition, without more, will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status not theretofore actually possessed or affect the relation of either party to other states. The act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of neutrality, which recites the de facto condition of belligerency as its motive. It announces a domestic law of neutrality in the declaring state. It assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a public state of war. It warns all citizens and others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielded from the consequences. The right of visit and search on the seas and seizure of vessels and cargoes and contraband of war and good prize under admiralty law must under international law be admitted as a legitimate consequence of a proclamation of belligerency. While according the equal belligerent rights defined by public law to each party in our ports disfavors would be imposed on both, which, while nominally equal, would weigh heavily in behalf of Spain herself. Possessing a navy and controlling the ports of Cuba, her maritime rights could be asserted not only for the military investment of the island, but up to the margin of our own territorial waters, and a condition of things would exist for which the Cubans within their own domain could not hope to create a parallel, while its creation through aid or sympathy from within our domain would be even more impossible than now, with the additional obligations of international neutrality we would perforce assume. The enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality would only be influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable by our own instrumentalities. It could impart to the United States no jurisdiction between Spain and the insurgents. It would give the United States no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within the paramount authority of Spain according to the international code of war. For these reasons I regard the recognition of the belligerency of the Cuban insurgents as now unwise, and therefore inadmissible. Should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty, the Executive will take it. Intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and has not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration. But should such a step be now taken, when it is apparent that a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of Spain toward Cuba? A new government has taken office in the mother country. It is pledged in advance to the declaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain peace in Cuba by the bayonet; that vague promises of reform after subjugation afford no solution of the insular problem; that with a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for one in harmony with a new policy, which shall no longer aim to drive the Cubans to the "horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or succumbing in misery;" that reforms must be instituted in accordance with the needs and circumstances of the time, and that these reforms, while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a virtual entity and self-controlled administration, shall yet conserve and affirm the sovereignty of Spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish expediency. The first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths. The policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal sentiment of humanity has been reversed. Under the new military commander a broad clemency is proffered. Measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation. The power of the Spanish armies, it is asserted, is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation, but to protect the resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries. That past methods are futile to force a peace by subjugation is freely admitted, and that ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail to win for Spain the fidelity of a contented dependency. Decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already been promulgated. The full text of these decrees has not been received, but as furnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are: All civil and electoral rights of peninsular Spaniards are, in virtue of existing constitutional authority, forthwith extended to colonial Spaniards. A scheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree, to become effective upon ratification by the Cortes. It creates a Cuban parliament, which, with the insular executive, can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local order and interests, possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of state, war, and the navy, as to which the Governor-General acts by his own authority as the delegate of the central Government. This parliament receives the oath of the Governor-General to preserve faithfully the liberties and privileges of the colony, and to it the colonial secretaries are responsible. It has the right to propose to the central Government, through the Governor-General, modifications of the national charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the colony. Besides its local powers, it is competent, first, to regulate electoral registration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and the manner of exercising suffrage; second, to organize courts of justice with native judges from members of the local bar; third, to frame the insular budget, both as to expenditures and revenues, without limitation of any kind, and to set apart the revenues to meet the Cuban share of the national budget, which latter will be voted by the national Cortes with the assistance of Cuban senators and deputies; fourth, to initiate or take part in the negotiations of the national Government for commercial treaties which may affect Cuban interests; fifth, to accept or reject commercial treaties which the national Government may have concluded without the participation of the Cuban government; sixth, to frame the colonial tariff, acting in accord with the peninsular Government in scheduling articles of mutual commerce between the mother country and the colonies. Before introducing or voting upon a bill the Cuban government or the chambers will lay the project before the central Government and hear its opinion thereon, all the correspondence in such regard being made public. Finally, all conflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal, provincial, and insular assemblies, or between the latter and the insular executive power, and which from their nature may not be referable to the central Government for decision, shall be submitted to the courts. That the government of Sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned; that in the few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of its professions is undeniable. I shall not impugn its sincerity, nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken. It is honestly due to Spain and to our friendly relations with Spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so, and assures them of the protection of the Spanish Government in their lawful occupations. She has just released the Competitor prisoners, heretofore sentenced to death, and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the preceding Administration. Not a single American citizen is now in arrest or confinement in Cuba of whom this Government has any knowledge. The near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just alike to the Cubans and to Spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba, is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and other action by the United States will remain to be taken. When that time comes that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without misgiving or hesitancy in the light of the obligation this Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor, and to humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness. the Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world. By a special message dated the 16th day of June last, I laid before the Senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries of the United States and of the Republic of Hawaii, having for its purpose the incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands as an integral part of the United States and under its sovereignty. The Senate having removed the injunction of secrecy, although the treaty is still pending before that body, the subject may be properly referred to in this Message because the necessary action of the Congress is required to determine by legislation many details of the eventual union should the fact of annexation be accomplished, as I believe it should be. While consistently disavowing from a very early period any aggressive policy of absorption in regard to the Hawaiian group, a long series of declarations through three-quarters of a century has proclaimed the vital interest of the United States in the independent life of the Islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon this country. At the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the entity of Hawaiian statehood cease by the passage of the Islands under the domination or influence of another power than the United States. Under these circumstances, the logic of events required that annexation, heretofore offered but declined, should in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those Islands, and be realized by the free will of the Hawaiian State. That treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the Senate and President of the Republic of Hawaii on the 10th of September last, and only awaits the favorable action of the American Senate to effect the complete absorption of the Islands into the domain of the United States. What the conditions of such a union shall be, the political relation thereof to the United States, the character of the local administration, the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants, the extension of the federal laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the peculiar condition thereof, the regulation if need be of the labor system therein, are all matters which the treaty has wisely relegated to the Congress. If the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and honor requires, the wisdom of Congress will see to it that, avoiding abrupt assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the highest franchises of citizenship, and having due regard to the geographical conditions, the most just provisions for self-rule in local matters with the largest political liberties as an integral part of our Nation will be accorded to the Hawaiians. No less is due to a people who, after nearly five years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the obligations of self-governing statehood, come of their free will to merge their destinies in our body-politic. The questions which have arisen between Japan and Hawaii by reason of the treatment of Japanese laborers emigrating to the Islands under the Hawaiian-Japanese convention of 1888, are in a satisfactory stage of settlement by negotiation. This Government has not been invited to mediate, and on the other hand has sought no intervention in that matter, further than to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a speedy and direct adjustment by the two sovereign States in interest as shall comport with equity and honor. It is gratifying to learn that the apprehensions at first displayed on the part of Japan lest the cessation of Hawaii's national life through annexation might impair privileges to which Japan honorably laid claim, have given place to confidence in the uprightness of this Government, and in the sincerity of its purpose to deal with all possible ulterior questions in the broadest spirit of friendliness. As to the representation of this Government to Nicaragua, Salvador, and Costa Rica, I have concluded that Mr. William L. Merry, confirmed as minister of the United States to the States of Nicaragua, Salvador and Costa Rica, shall proceed to San Jose, Costa Rica, and there temporarily establish the headquarters of the United States to those three States. I took this action for what I regarded as the paramount interests of this country. It was developed upon an investigation by the Secretary of State that the Government of Nicaragua, while not unwilling to receive Mr. Merry in his diplomatic quality, was unable to do so because of the compact concluded June 20, 1895, whereby that Republic and those of Salvador and Honduras, forming what is known as the Greater Republic of Central America, had surrendered to the representative Diet thereof their right to receive and send diplomatic agents. The Diet was not willing to accept him because he was not accredited to that body. I could not accredit him to that body because the appropriation law of Congress did not permit it. Mr. Baker, the present minister at Managua, has been directed to present his letters of recall. Mr. W. Godfrey Hunter has likewise been accredited to the Governments of Guatemala and Honduras, the same as his predecessor. Guatemala is not a member of the Greater Republic of Central America, but Honduras is. Should this latter Government decline to receive him, he has been instructed to report this fact to his Government and await its further instructions. A subject of large importance to our country, and increasing appreciation on the part of the people, is the completion of the great highway of trade between the Atlantic and Pacific, known as the Nicaragua Canal. Its utility and value to American commerce is universally admitted. The Commission appointed under date of July 24 last "to continue the surveys and examinations authorized by the act approved March 2, 1895," in regard to "the proper route, feasibility, and cost of construction of the Nicaragua Canal, with a view of making complete plans for the entire work of construction of such canal," is now employed in the undertaking. In the future I shall take occasion to transmit to Congress the report of this Commission, making at the same time such further suggestions as may then seem advisable. Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved March 3, 1897, for the promotion of an international agreement respecting bimetallism, I appointed on the 14th day of April, 1897, Hon. Edward O. Wolcott of Colorado, Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois, and Hon. Charles J. Paine of Massachusetts, as special envoys to represent the United States. They have been diligent in their efforts to secure the concurrence and cooperation of European countries in the international settlement of the question, but up to this time have not been able to secure an agreement contemplated by their mission. The gratifying action of our great sister Republic of France in joining this country in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the principal commercial nations of Europe, whereby a fixed and relative value between gold and silver shall be secured, furnishes assurance that we are not alone among the larger nations of the world in realizing the international character of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and practical solution of it. The British Government has published a resume of the steps taken jointly by the French ambassador in London and the special envoys of the United States, with whom our ambassador at London actively co-operated in the presentation of this subject to Her Majesty's Government. This will be laid before Congress. Our special envoys have not made their final report, as further negotiations between the representatives of this Government and the Governments of other countries are pending and in contemplation. They believe that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters respecting the position of maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals and kindred questions may yet be solved by further negotiations. Meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have already demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject, and it is to be earnestly hoped that their labors may result in an international agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold and silver as money upon such terms, and with such safeguards as will secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice to any class of our citizens. In order to execute as early as possible the provisions of the third and fourth sections of the Revenue Act, approved July 24, 1897, I appointed the Hon. John A. Kasson of Iowa, a special commissioner plenipotentiary to undertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring to avail themselves of these provisions. The negotiations are now proceeding with several Governments, both European and American. It is believed that by a careful exercise of the powers conferred by that Act some grievances of our own and of other countries in our mutual trade relations may be either removed, or largely alleviated, and that the volume of our commercial exchanges may be enlarged, with advantage to both contracting parties. Most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is the effort to extend our foreign commerce. To this end our merchant marine should be improved and enlarged. We should do our full share of the carrying trade of the world. We do not do it now. We should be the laggard no longer. The inferiority of our merchant marine is justly humiliating to the national pride. The Government by every proper constitutional means, should aid in making our ships familiar visitors at every commercial port of the world, thus opening up new and valuable markets to the surplus products of the farm and the factory. The efforts which had been made during the two previous years by my predecessor to secure better protection to the fur seals in the North Pacific Ocean and Bering Sea, were renewed at an early date by this Administration, and have been pursued with earnestness. Upon my invitation, the Governments of Japan and Russia sent delegates to Washington, and an international conference was held during the months of October and November last, wherein it was unanimously agreed that under the existing regulations this species of useful animals was threatened with extinction, and that an international agreement of all the interested powers was necessary for their adequate protection. The Government of Great Britain did not see proper to be represented at this conference, but subsequently sent to Washington, as delegates, the expert commissioners of Great Britain and Canada who had, during the past two years, visited the Pribilof Islands, and who met in conference similar commissioners on the part of the United States. The result of this conference was an agreement on important facts connected with the condition of the seal herd, heretofore in dispute, which should place beyond controversy the duty of the Governments concerned to adopt measures without delay for the preservation and restoration of the herd. Negotiations to this end are now in progress, the result of which I hope to be able to report to Congress at an early day. International arbitration cannot be omitted from the list of subjects claiming our consideration. Events have only served to strengthen the general views on this question expressed in my inaugural address. The best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement of differences between nations without resorting to the horrors of war. Treaties embodying these humane principles on broad lines, without in any way imperiling our interests or our honor, shall have my constant encouragement. The acceptance by this Government of the invitation of the Republic of France to participate in the Universal Exposition of 1900, at Paris, was immediately followed by the appointment of a special commissioner to represent the United States in the proposed exposition, with special reference to the securing of space for an adequate exhibit on behalf of the United States. The special commissioner delayed his departure for Paris long enough to ascertain the probable demand for space by American exhibitors. His inquiries developed an almost unprecedented interest in the proposed exposition, and the information thus acquired enabled him to justify an application for a much larger allotment of space for the American section than had been reserved by the exposition authorities. The result was particularly gratifying, in view of the fact that the United States was one of the last countries to accept the invitation of France. The reception accorded our special commissioner was most cordial, and he was given every reasonable assurance that the United States would receive a consideration commensurate with the proportions of our exhibit. The report of the special commissioner as to the magnitude and importance of the coming exposition, and the great demand for space by American exhibitors, supplies new arguments for a liberal and judicious appropriation by Congress, to the end that an exhibit fairly representative of the industries and resources of our country may be made in an exposition which will illustrate the world's progress during the nineteenth century. That exposition is intended to be the most important and comprehensive of the long series of international exhibitions, of which our own at Chicago was a brilliant example, and it is desirable that the United States should make a worthy exhibit of American genius and skill and their unrivaled achievements in every branch of industry. The present immediately effective force of the Navy consists of four battle ships of the first class, two of the second, and forty-eight other vessels, ranging from armored cruisers to torpedo boats. There are under construction five battle ships of the first class, sixteen torpedo boats, and one submarine boat. No provision has yet been made for the armor of three of the five battle ships, as it has been impossible to obtain it at the price fixed by Congress. It is of great importance that Congress provide this armor, as until then the ships are of no fighting value. The present naval force, especially in view of its increase by the ships now under construction, while not as large as that of a few other powers, is a formidable force; its vessels are the very best of each type; and with the increase that should be made to it from time to time in the future, and careful attention to keeping it in a high state of efficiency and repair, it is well adapted to the necessities of the country. The great increase of the Navy which has taken place in recent years was justified by the requirements for national defense, and has received public approbation. The time has now arrived, however, when this increase, to which the country is committed, should, for a time, take the form of increased facilities commensurate with the increase of our naval vessels. It is an unfortunate fact that there is only one dock on the Pacific Coast capable of docking our largest ships, and only one on the Atlantic Coast, and that the latter has for the last six or seven months been under repair and therefore incapable of use. Immediate steps should be taken to provide three or four docks of this capacity on the Atlantic Coast, at least one on the Pacific Coast, and a floating dock in the Gulf. This is the recommendation of a very competent Board, appointed to investigate the subject. There should also be ample provision made for powder and projectiles, and other munitions of war, and for an increased number of officers and enlisted men. Some additions are also necessary to our navy-yards, for the repair and care of our large number of vessels. As there are now on the stocks five battle ships of the largest class, which cannot be completed for a year or two, I concur with the recommendation of the Secretary of the Navy for an appropriation authorizing the construction of one battle ship for the Pacific Coast, where, at present, there is only one in commission and one under construction, while on the Atlantic Coast there are three in commission and four under construction; and also that several torpedo boats be authorized in connection with our general system of coast defense. The Territory of Alaska requires the prompt and early attention of Congress. The conditions now existing demand material changes in the laws relating to the Territory. The great influx of population during the past summer and fall and the prospect of a still larger immigration in the spring will not permit us to longer neglect the extension of civil authority within the Territory or postpone the establishment of a more thorough government. A general system of public surveys has not yet been extended to Alaska and all entries thus far made in that district are upon special surveys. The act of Congress extending to Alaska the mining laws of the United States contained the reservation that it should not be construed to put in force the general land laws of the country. By act approved March 3, 1891, authority was given for entry of lands for town-site purposes and also for the purchase of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres then or thereafter occupied for purposes of trade and manufacture. The purpose of Congress as thus far expressed has been that only such rights should apply to that Territory as should be specifically named. It will be seen how much remains to be done for that vast and remote and yet promising portion of our country. Special authority was given to the President by the Act of Congress approved July 24, 1897, to divide that Territory into two land districts and to designate the boundaries thereof and to appoint registers and receivers of said land offices, and the President was also authorized to appoint a surveyor-general for the entire district. Pursuant to this authority, a surveyor-general and receiver have been appointed, with offices at Sitka. If in the ensuing year the conditions justify it, the additional land district authorized by law will be established, with an office at some point in the Yukon Valley. No appropriation, however, was made for this purpose, and that is now necessary to be done for the two land districts into which the Territory is to be divided. I concur with the Secretary of War in his suggestions as to the necessity for a military force in the Territory of Alaska for the protection of persons and property. Already a small force, consisting of twenty-five men, with two officers, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Randall, of the Eighth Infantry, has been sent to St. Michael to establish a military post. As it is to the interest of the Government to encourage the development and settlement of the country and its duty to follow up its citizens there with the benefits of legal machinery, I earnestly urge upon Congress the establishment of a system of government with such flexibility as will enable it to adjust itself to the future areas of greatest population. The startling though possibly exaggerated reports from the Yukon River country, of the probable shortage of food for the large number of people who are wintering there without the means of leaving the country are confirmed in such measure as to justify bringing the matter to the attention of Congress. Access to that country in winter can be had only by the passes from Dyea and vicinity, which is a most difficult and perhaps an impossible task. However, should these reports of the suffering of our fellow-citizens be further verified, every effort at any cost should be made to carry them relief. For a number of years past it has been apparent that the conditions under which the Five Civilized Tribes were established in the Indian Territory under treaty provisions with the United States, with the right of self-government and the exclusion of all white persons from within their borders, have undergone so complete a change as to render the continuance of the system thus inaugurated practically impossible. The total number of the Five Civilized Tribes, as shown by the last census, is 45,494, and this number has not materially increased; while the white population is estimated at from 200,000 to 250,000 which, by permission of the Indian Government has settled in the Territory. The present area of the Indian Territory contains 25,694,564 acres, much of which is very fertile land. The United States citizens residing in the Territory, most of whom have gone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal authorities, have made permanent homes for themselves. Numerous towns have been built in which from 500 to 5,000 white people now reside. Valuable residences and business houses have been erected in many of them. Large business enterprises are carried on in which vast sums of money are employed, and yet these people, who have invested their capital in the development of the productive resources of the country, are without title to the land they occupy, and have no voice whatever in the government either of the Nations or Tribes. Thousands of their children who were born in the Territory are of school age, but the doors of the schools of the Nations are shut against them, and what education they get is by private contribution. No provision for the protection of the life or property of these white citizens is made by the Tribal Governments and Courts. The Secretary of the Interior reports that leading Indians have absorbed great tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people, and government by an Indian aristocracy has been practically established, to the detriment of the people. It has been found impossible for the United States to keep its citizens out of the Territory, and the executory conditions contained in the treaties with these Nations have for the most part become impossible of execution. Nor has it been possible for the Tribal Governments to secure to each individual Indian his full enjoyment in common with Other Indians of the common property of the Nations. Friends of the Indians have long believed that the best interests of the Indians of the Five Civilized Tribes would be found in American citizenship, with all the rights and privileges which belong to that condition. By section 16, of the act of March 3, 1893, the President was authorized to appoint three commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muscogee (or Creek), and Seminole Nations, commonly known as the Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory. Briefly, the purposes of the negotiations were to be: The extinguishment of Tribal titles to any lands within that Territory now held by any and all such Nations or Tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof to the United States, or by allotment and division of the same in severalty among the Indians of such Nations or Tribes respectively as may be entitled to the same, or by such other method as may be agreed upon between the several Nations and Tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States, with a view to such an adjustment upon the basis of justice and equity as may, with the consent of the said Nations of Indians so far as may be necessary, be requisite and suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian Territory. The Commission met much opposition from the beginning. The Indians were very slow to act, and those in control manifested a decided disinclination to meet with favor the propositions submitted to them. A little more than three years after this organization the Commission effected an agreement with the Choctaw Nation alone. The Chickasaws, however, refused to agree to its terms, and as they have a common interest with the Choctaws in the lands of said Nations, the agreement with the latter Nation could have no effect without the consent of the former. On April 23, 1897, the Commission effected an agreement with both tribes-- the Choctaws and Chickasaws. This agreement, it is understood, has been ratified by the constituted authorities of the respective Tribes or Nations parties thereto, and only requires ratification by Congress to make it binding. On the 27th of September, 1897, an agreement was effected with the Creek Nation, but it is understood that the National Council of said Nation has refused to ratify the same. Negotiations are yet to be had with the Cherokees, the most populous of the Five Civilized Tribes, and with the Seminoles, the smallest in point of numbers and territory. The provision in the Indian Appropriation Act, approved June 10, 1896, makes it the duty of the Commission to investigate and determine the rights of applicants for citizenship in the Five Civilized Tribes, and to make complete census rolls of the citizens of said Tribes. The Commission is at present engaged in this work among the Creeks, and has made appointments for taking the census of these people up to and including the 30th of the present month. Should the agreement between the Choctaws and Chickasaws be ratified by Congress and should the other Tribes fail to make an agreement with the Commission, then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had by Congress, which, while just and honorable to the Indians, shall be equitable to the white people who have settled upon these lands by invitation of the Tribal Nations. Hon. Henry L. Dawes, Chairman of the Commission, in a letter to the Secretary of the Interior, under date of October 11, 1897, says: "Individual ownership is, in their (the Commission's) opinion, absolutely essential to any permanent improvement in present conditions, and the lack of it is the root of nearly all the evils which so grievously afflict these people. Allotment by agreement is the only possible method, unless the United States Courts are clothed with the authority to apportion the lands among the citizen Indians for whose use it was originally granted." I concur with the Secretary of the Interior that there can be no cure for the evils engendered by the perversion of these great trusts, excepting by their resumption by the Government which created them. The recent prevalence of yellow fever in a number of cities and towns throughout the South has resulted in much disturbance of commerce, and demonstrated the necessity of such amendments to our quarantine laws as will make the regulations of the national quarantine authorities paramount. The Secretary of the Treasury, in the portion of his report relating to the operation of the Marine Hospital Service, calls attention to the defects in the present quarantine laws, and recommends amendments thereto which will give the Treasury Department the requisite authority to prevent the invasion of epidemic diseases from foreign countries, and in times of emergency, like that of the past summer, will add to the efficiency of the sanitary measures for the protection of the people, and at the same time prevent unnecessary restriction of commerce. I concur in his recommendation. In further effort to prevent the invasion of the United States by yellow fever, the importance of the discovery of the exact because of the disease, which up to the present time has been undetermined, is obvious, and to this end a systematic bacteriological investigation should be made. I therefore recommend that Congress authorize the appointment of a commission by the President, to consist of four expert bacteriologists, one to be selected from the medical officers of the Marine Hospital Service, one to be appointed from civil life, one to be detailed from the medical officers of the Army, and one from the medical officers of the Navy. The Union Pacific Railway, Main Line, was sold under the decree of the United States Court for the District of Nebraska, on the 1st and 2d of November of this year. The amount due the Government consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds, $27,236,512, and the accrued interest thereon, $31,211,711.75, making the total indebtedness, $58,448,223.75. The bid at the sale covered the first mortgage lien and the entire mortgage claim of the Government, principal and interest. The sale of the subsidized portion of the Kansas Pacific Line, upon which the Government holds a second mortgage lien, has been postponed at the instance of the Government to December 16, 1897. The debt of this division of the Union Pacific Railway to the Government on November 1, 1897, was the principal of the subsidy bonds, $6,303,000, and the unpaid and accrued interest thereon, $6,626,690.33, making a total of $12,929,690.33. The sale of this road was originally advertised for November 4, but for the purpose of securing the utmost public notice of the event it was postponed until December 16, and a second advertisement of the sale was made. By the decree of the Court, the upset price on the sale of the Kansas Pacific will yield to the Government the sum of $2,500,000 over all prior liens, costs, and charges. If no other or better bid is made, this sum is all that the Government will receive on its claim of nearly $13,000,000. The Government has no information as to whether there will be other bidders or a better bid than the minimum amount herein stated. The question presented therefore is: Whether the Government shall, under the authority given it by the act of March 3, 1887, purchase or redeem the road in the event that a bid is not made by private parties covering the entire Government claim. To qualify the Government to bid at the sales will require a deposit of $900,000, as follows: In the Government because $500,000 and in each of the first mortgage causes $200,000, and in the latter the deposit must be in cash. Payments at the sale are as follows: Upon the acceptance of the bid a sum which with the amount already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent of the bid; the balance in installments of twenty-five per cent thirty, forty, and fifty days after the confirmation of the sale. The lien on the Kansas Pacific prior to that of the Government on the 30th July, 1897, principal and interest, amounted to $7,281,048.11. The Government, therefore, should it become the highest bidder, will have to pay the amount of the first mortgage lien. I believe that under the act of 1887 it has the authority to do this and in absence of any action by Congress I shall direct the Secretary of the Treasury to make the necessary deposit as required by the Court's decree to qualify as a bidder and to bid at the sale a sum which will at least equal the principal of the debt due to the Government; but suggest in order to remove all controversy that an amendment of the law be immediately passed explicitly giving such powers and appropriating in general terms whatever sum is sufficient therefor. In so important a matter as the Government becoming the possible owner of railroad property which it perforce must conduct and operate, I feel constrained to lay before Congress these facts for its consideration and action before the consummation of the sale. It is clear to my mind that the Government should not permit the property to be sold at a price which will yield less than one-half of the principal of its debt and less than one-fifth of its entire debt, principal and interest. But whether the Government, rather than accept less than its claim, should become a bidder and thereby the owner of the property, I submit to the Congress for action. The Library building provided for by the act of Congress approved April 15, 1886, has been completed and opened to the public. It should be a matter of congratulation that through the foresight and munificence of Congress the nation possesses this noble treasure-house of knowledge. It is earnestly to be hoped that having done so much toward the because of education, Congress will continue to develop the Library in every phase of research to the end that it may be not only one of the most magnificent but among the richest and most useful libraries in the world. The important branch of our Government known as the Civil Service, the practical improvement of which has long been a subject of earnest discussion, has of late years received increased legislative and Executive approval. During the past few months the service has been placed upon a still firmer basis of business methods and personal merit. While the right of our veteran soldiers to reinstatement in deserving cases has been asserted, dismissals for merely political reasons have been carefully guarded against, the examinations for admittance to the service enlarged and at the same time rendered less technical and more practical; and a distinct advance has been made by giving a hearing before dismissal upon all cases where incompetency is charged or demand made for the removal of officials in any of the Departments. This order has been made to give to the accused his right to be heard but without in anyway impairing the power of removal, which should always be exercised in cases of inefficiency and incompetency, and which is one of the vital safeguards of the civil service reform system, preventing stagnation and deadwood and keeping every employee keenly alive to the fact that the security of his tenure depends not on favor but on his own tested and carefully watched record of service. Much of course still remains to be accomplished before the system can be made reasonably perfect for our needs. There are places now in the classified service which ought to be exempted and others not classified may properly be included. I shall not hesitate to exempt cases which I think have been improperly included in the classified service or include those which in my judgment will best promote the public service. The system has the approval of the people and it will be my endeavor to uphold and extend it. I am forced by the length of this Message to omit many important references to affairs of the Government with which Congress will have to deal at the present session. They are fully discussed in the departmental reports, to all of which I invite your earnest attention. The estimates of the expenses of the Government by the several Departments will, I am sure, have your careful scrutiny. While the Congress may not find it an easy task to reduce the expenses of the Government, it should not encourage their increase. These expenses will in my judgment admit of a decrease in many branches of the Government without injury to the public service. It is a commanding duty to keep the appropriations within the receipts of the Government, and thus avoid a deficit.
it gives me pleasure to extend greeting to the congress assembled in regular session at the seat of government with many of whose senators and representatives i have been associated in the legislative service their meeting occurs under felicitous conditions justifying sincere congratulation and calling for our grateful acknowledgment to a beneficent providence which has so signally blessed and prospered us as a nation peace and good will with all the nations of the earth continue unbroken a matter of genuine satisfaction is the growing feeling of fraternal regard and unification of all sections of our country the incompleteness of which has too long delayed realization of the highest blessings of the union the spirit of patriotism is universal and is ever increasing in fervor the public questions which now most engross us are lifted far above either partisanship prejudice or former sectional differences they affect every part of our common country alike and permit of no division on ancient lines questions of foreign policy of revenue the soundness of the currency the inviolability of national obligations the improvement of the public service appeal to the individual conscience of every earnest citizen to whatever party he belongs or in whatever section of the country he may reside the extra session of this congress which closed during july last enacted important legislation and while its full effect has not yet been realized what it has already accomplished assures us of its timeliness and wisdom to test its permanent value further time will be required and the people satisfied with its operation and results thus far are in no mind to withhold from it a fair trial tariff legislation having been settled by the extra session of congress the question next pressing for consideration is that of the currency the work of putting our finances upon a sound basis difficult as it may seem will appear easier when we recall the financial operations of the government since 1866 on the 30th day of june of that year we had outstanding demand liabilities in the sum of on the 1st of january 1879 these liabilities had been reduced to of our obligations the figures are even more striking on july 1 1866 the principal of the debt of the government was on the 1st day of july 1893 this sum had been reduced to or an aggregate reduction of the debt of the united states on the 1st day of december 1897 was the government money now outstanding december 1 consists of of united states notes of treasury notes issued by authority of the law of 1890 of silver certificates and of standard silver dollars with the great resources of the government and with the honorable example of the past before us we ought not to hesitate to enter upon a currency revision which will make our demand obligations less onerous to the government and relieve our financial laws from ambiguity and doubt the brief review of what was accomplished from the close of the war to 1893 makes unreasonable and groundless any distrust either of our financial ability or soundness while the situation from 1893 to 1897 must admonish congress of the immediate necessity of so legislating as to make the return of the conditions then prevailing impossible there are many plans proposed as a remedy for the evil before we can find the true remedy we must appreciate the real evil it is not that our currency of every kind is not good for every dollar of it is good good because the government pledge is out to keep it so and that pledge will not be broken however the guaranty of our purpose to keep the pledge will be best shown by advancing toward its fulfillment the evil of the present system is found in the great cost to the government of maintaining the parity of our different forms of money that is keeping all of them at par with gold we surely can not be longer heedless of the burden this imposes upon the people even under fairly prosperous conditions while the past four years have demonstrated that it is not only an expensive charge upon the government but a dangerous menace to the national credit it is manifest that we must devise some plan to protect the government against bond issues for repeated redemptions we must either curtail the opportunity for speculation made easy by the multiplied redemptions of our demand obligations or increase the gold reserve for their redemption we have of currency which the government by solemn enactment has undertaken to keep at par with gold nobody is obliged to redeem in gold but the government the banks are not required to redeem in gold the government is obliged to keep equal with gold all its outstanding currency and coin obligations while its receipts are not required to be paid in gold they are paid in every kind of money but gold and the only means by which the government can with certainty get gold is by borrowing it can get it in no other way when it most needs it the government without any fixed gold revenue is pledged to maintain gold redemption which it has steadily and faithfully done and which under the authority now given it will continue to do the law which requires the government after having redeemed its united states notes to pay them out again as current funds demands a constant replenishment of the gold reserve this is especially so in times of business panic and when the revenues are insufficient to meet the expenses of the government at such times the government has no other way to supply its deficit and maintain redemption but through the increase of its bonded debt as during the administration of my predecessor when of per cent bonds were issued and sold and the proceeds used to pay the expenses of the government in excess of the revenues and sustain the gold reserve while it is true that the greater part of the proceeds of these bonds were used to supply deficient revenues a considerable portion was required to maintain the gold reserve with our revenues equal to our expenses there would be no deficit requiring the issuance of bonds but if the gold reserve falls below how will it be replenished except by selling more bonds is there any other way practicable under existing law the serious question then is shall we continue the policy that has been pursued in the past that is when the gold reserve reaches the point of danger issue more bonds and supply the needed gold or shall we provide other means to prevent these recurring drains upon the gold reserve if no further legislation is had and the policy of selling bonds is to be continued then congress should give the secretary of the treasury authority to sell bonds at long or short periods bearing a less rate of interest than is now authorized by law i earnestly recommend as soon as the receipts of the government are quite sufficient to pay all the expenses of the government that when any of the united states notes are presented for redemption in gold and are redeemed in gold such notes shall be kept and set apart and only paid out in exchange for gold this is an obvious duty if the holder of the united states note prefers the gold and gets it from the government he should not receive back from the government a united states note without paying gold in exchange for it the reason for this is made all the more apparent when the government issues an debt to provide gold for the redemption of united states notes a debt surely it should not pay them out again except on demand and for gold if they are put out in any other way they may return again to be followed by another bond issue to redeem them another debt to redeem a debt in my view it is of the utmost importance that the government should be relieved from the burden of providing all the gold required for exchanges and export this responsibility is alone borne by the government without any of the usual and necessary banking powers to help itself the banks do not feel the strain of gold redemption the whole strain rests upon the government and the size of the gold reserve in the treasury has come to be with or without reason the signal of danger or of security this ought to be stopped if we are to have an era of prosperity in the country with sufficient receipts for the expenses of the government we may feel no immediate embarrassment from our present currency but the danger still exists and will be ever present menacing us so long as the existing system continues and besides it is in times of adequate revenues and business tranquillity that the government should prepare for the worst we can not avoid without serious consequences the wise consideration and prompt solution of this question the secretary of the treasury has outlined a plan in great detail for the purpose of removing the threatened recurrence of a depleted gold reserve and save us from future embarrassment on that account to this plan i invite your careful consideration i concur with the secretary of the treasury in his recommendation that national banks be allowed to issue notes to the face value of the bonds which they have deposited for circulation and that the tax on circulating notes secured by deposit of such bonds be reduced to of one per cent per annum i also join him in recommending that authority be given for the establishment of national banks with a minimum capital of this will enable the smaller villages and agricultural regions of the country to be supplied with currency to meet their needs i recommend that the issue of national bank notes be restricted to the denomination of ten dollars and upwards if the suggestions i have herein made shall have the approval of congress then i would recommend that national banks be required to redeem their notes in gold the most important problem with which this government is now called upon to deal pertaining to its foreign relations concerns its duty toward spain and the cuban insurrection problems and conditions more or less in common with those now existing have confronted this government at various times in the past the story of cuba for many years has been one of unrest growing discontent an effort toward a larger enjoyment of liberty and of organized resistance to the mother country of depression after distress and warfare and of ineffectual settlement to be followed by renewed revolt for no enduring period since the enfranchisement of the continental possessions of spain in the western continent has the condition of cuba or the policy of spain toward cuba not caused concern to the united states the prospect from time to time that the weakness of spain hold upon the island and the political vicissitudes and embarrassments of the home government might lead to the transfer of cuba to a continental power called forth between 1823 and 1860 various emphatic declarations of the policy of the united states to permit no disturbance of cuba s connection with spain unless in the direction of independence or acquisition by us through purchase nor has there been any change of this declared policy since upon the part of the government the revolution which began in 1868 lasted for ten years despite the strenuous efforts of the successive peninsular governments to suppress it then as now the government of the united states testified its grave concern and offered its aid to put an end to bloodshed in cuba the overtures made by general grant were refused and the war dragged on entailing great loss of life and treasure and increased injury to american interests besides throwing enhanced burdens of neutrality upon this government in 1878 peace was brought about by the truce of zanjon obtained by negotiations between the spanish commander martinez de campos and the insurgent leaders the present insurrection broke out in february 1895 it is not my purpose at this time to recall its remarkable increase or to characterize its tenacious resistance against the enormous forces massed against it by spain the revolt and the efforts to subdue it carried destruction to every quarter of the island developing wide proportions and defying the efforts of spain for its suppression the civilized code of war has been disregarded no less so by the spaniards than by the cubans the existing conditions can not but fill this government and the american people with the gravest apprehension there is no desire on the part of our people to profit by the misfortunes of spain we have only the desire to see the cubans prosperous and contented enjoying that measure of which is the inalienable right of man protected in their right to reap the benefit of the exhaustless treasures of their country the offer made by my predecessor in april 1896 tendering the friendly offices of this government failed any mediation on our part was not accepted in brief the answer read there is no effectual way to pacify cuba unless it begins with the actual submission of the rebels to the mother country then only could spain act in the promised direction of her own motion and after her own plans the cruel policy of concentration was initiated february 16 1896 the productive districts controlled by the spanish armies were depopulated the agricultural inhabitants were herded in and about the garrison towns their lands laid waste and their dwellings destroyed this policy the late cabinet of spain justified as a necessary measure of war and as a means of cutting off supplies from the insurgents it has utterly failed as a war measure it was not civilized warfare it was extermination against this abuse of the rights of war i have felt constrained on repeated occasions to enter the firm and earnest protest of this government there was much of public condemnation of the treatment of american citizens by alleged illegal arrests and long imprisonment awaiting trial or pending protracted judicial proceedings i felt it my first duty to make instant demand for the release or speedy trial of all american citizens under arrest before the change of the spanish cabinet in october last prisoners citizens of the united states had been given their freedom for the relief of our own citizens suffering because of the conflict the aid of congress was sought in a special message and under the appropriation of may 24 1897 effective aid has been given to american citizens in cuba many of them at their own request having been returned to the united states the instructions given to our new minister to spain before his departure for his post directed him to impress upon that government the sincere wish of the united states to lend its aid toward the ending of the war in cuba by reaching a peaceful and lasting result just and honorable alike to spain and to the cuban people these instructions recited the character and duration of the contest the widespread losses it entails the burdens and restraints it imposes upon us with constant disturbance of national interests and the injury resulting from an indefinite continuance of this state of things it was stated that at this juncture our government was constrained to seriously inquire if the time was not ripe when spain of her own volition moved by her own interests and every sentiment of humanity should put a stop to this destructive war and make proposals of settlement honorable to herself and just to her cuban colony it was urged that as a neighboring nation with large interests in cuba we could be required to wait only a reasonable time for the mother country to establish its authority and restore peace and order within the borders of the island that we could not contemplate an indefinite period for the accomplishment of this result no solution was proposed to which the slightest idea of humiliation to spain could attach and indeed precise proposals were withheld to avoid embarrassment to that government all that was asked or expected was that some safe way might be speedily provided and permanent peace restored it so chanced that the consideration of this offer addressed to the same spanish administration which had declined the tenders of my predecessor and which for more than two years had poured men and treasure into cuba in the fruitless effort to suppress the revolt fell to others between the departure of general woodford the new envoy and his arrival in spain the statesman who had shaped the policy of his country fell by the hand of an assassin and although the cabinet of the late premier still held office and received from our envoy the proposals he bore that cabinet gave place within a few days thereafter to a new administration under the leadership of sagasta the reply to our note was received on the 23d day of october it is in the direction of a better understanding it appreciates the friendly purposes of this government it admits that our country is deeply affected by the war in cuba and that its desires for peace are just it declares that the present spanish government is bound by every consideration to a change of policy that should satisfy the united states and pacify cuba within a reasonable time to this end spain has decided to put into effect the political reforms heretofore advocated by the present premier without halting for any consideration in the path which in its judgment leads to peace the military operations it is said will continue but will be humane and conducted with all regard for private rights being accompanied by political action leading to the autonomy of cuba while guarding spanish sovereignty this it is claimed will result in investing cuba with a distinct personality the island to be governed by an executive and by a local council or chamber reserving to spain the control of the foreign relations the army and navy and the judicial administration to accomplish this the present government proposes to modify existing legislation by decree leaving the spanish cortes with the aid of cuban senators and deputies to solve the economic problem and properly distribute the existing debt in the absence of a declaration of the measures that this government proposes to take in carrying out its proffer of good offices it suggests that spain be left free to conduct military operations and grant political reforms while the united states for its part shall enforce its neutral obligations and cut off the assistance which it is asserted the insurgents receive from this country the supposition of an indefinite prolongation of the war is denied it is asserted that the western provinces are already reclaimed that the planting of cane and tobacco therein has been resumed and that by force of arms and new and ample reforms very early and complete pacification is hoped for the immediate amelioration of existing conditions under the new administration of cuban affairs is predicted and therewithal the disturbance and all occasion for any change of attitude on the part of the united states discussion of the question of the international duties and responsibilities of the united states as spain understands them is presented with an apparent disposition to charge us with failure in this regard this charge is without any basis in fact it could not have been made if spain had been cognizant of the constant efforts this government has made at the cost of millions and by the employment of the administrative machinery of the nation at command to perform its full duty according to the law of nations that it has successfully prevented the departure of a single military expedition or armed vessel from our shores in violation of our laws would seem to be a sufficient answer but of this aspect of the spanish note it is not necessary to speak further now firm in the conviction of a wholly performed obligation due response to this charge has been made in diplomatic course throughout all these horrors and dangers to our own peace this government has never in any way abrogated its sovereign prerogative of reserving to itself the determination of its policy and course according to its own high sense of right and in consonance with the dearest interests and convictions of our own people should the prolongation of the strife so demand of the untried measures there remain only recognition of the insurgents as belligerents recognition of the independence of cuba neutral intervention to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the contestants and intervention in favor of one or the other party i speak not of forcible annexation for that can not be thought of that by our code of morality would be criminal aggression recognition of the belligerency of the cuban insurgents has often been canvassed as a possible if not inevitable step both in regard to the previous ten years struggle and during the present war i am not unmindful that the two houses of congress in the spring of 1896 expressed the opinion by concurrent resolution that a condition of public war existed requiring or justifying the recognition of a state of belligerency in cuba and during the extra session the senate voted a joint resolution of like import which however was not brought to a vote in the house of representatives in the presence of these significant expressions of the sentiment of the legislative branch it behooves the executive to soberly consider the conditions under which so important a measure must needs rest for justification it is to be seriously considered whether the cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute the attributes of statehood which alone can demand the recognition of belligerency in its favor possession in short of the essential qualifications of sovereignty by the insurgents and the conduct of the war by them according to the received code of war are no less important factors toward the determination of the problem of belligerency than are the influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal polity of the recognizing state the wise utterances of president grant in his memorable message of december 7 1875 are signally relevant to the present situation in cuba and it may be wholesome now to recall them at that time a ruinous conflict had for seven years wasted the neighboring island during all those years an utter disregard of the laws of civilized warfare and of the just demands of humanity which called forth expressions of condemnation from the nations of christendom continued unabated desolation and ruin pervaded that productive region enormously affecting the commerce of all commercial nations but that of the united states more than any other by reason of proximity and larger trade and intercourse at that juncture general grant uttered these words which now as then sum up the elements of the problem a recognition of the independence of cuba being in my opinion impracticable and indefensible the question which next presents itself is that of the recognition of belligerent rights in the parties to the contest in a former message to congress i had occasion to consider this question and reached the conclusion that the conflict in cuba dreadful and devastating as were its incidents did not rise to the fearful dignity of war it is possible that the acts of foreign powers and even acts of spain herself of this very nature might be pointed to in defense of such recognition but now as in its past history the united states should carefully avoid the false lights which might lead it into the mazes of doubtful law and of questionable propriety and adhere rigidly and sternly to the rule which has been its guide of doing only that which is right and honest and of good report the question of according or of withholding rights of belligerency must be judged in every case in view of the particular attending facts unless justified by necessity it is always and justly regarded as an unfriendly act and a gratuitous demonstration of moral support to the rebellion it is necessary and it is required when the interests and rights of another government or of its people are so far affected by a pending civil conflict as to require a definition of its relations to the parties thereto but this conflict must be one which will be recognized in the sense of international law as war belligerence too is a fact the mere existence of contending armed bodies and their occasional conflicts do not constitute war in the sense referred to applying to the existing condition of affairs in cuba the tests recognized by publicists and writers on international law and which have been observed by nations of dignity honesty and power when free from sensitive or selfish and unworthy motives i fail to find in the insurrection the existence of such a substantial political organization real palpable and manifest to the world having the forms and capable of the ordinary functions of government toward its own people and to other states with courts for the administration of justice with a local habitation possessing such organization of force such material such occupation of territory as to take the contest out of the category of a mere rebellious insurrection or occasional skirmishes and place it on the terrible footing of war to which a recognition of belligerency would aim to elevate it the contest moreover is solely on land the insurrection has not possessed itself of a single seaport whence it may send forth its flag nor has it any means of communication with foreign powers except through the military lines of its adversaries no apprehension of any of those sudden and difficult complications which a war upon the ocean is apt to precipitate upon the vessels both commercial and national and upon the consular officers of other powers calls for the definition of their relations to the parties to the contest considered as a question of expediency i regard the accordance of belligerent rights still to be as unwise and premature as i regard it to be at present indefensible as a measure of right such recognition entails upon the country according the rights which flow from it difficult and complicated duties and requires the exaction from the contending parties of the strict observance of their rights and obligations it confers the right of search upon the high seas by vessels of both parties it would subject the carrying of arms and munitions of war which now may be transported freely and without interruption in the vessels of the united states to detention and to possible seizure it would give rise to countless vexatious questions would release the parent government from responsibility for acts done by the insurgents and would invest spain with the right to exercise the supervision recognized by our treaty of 1795 over our commerce on the high seas a very large part of which in its traffic between the atlantic and the gulf states and between all of them and the states on the pacific passes through the waters which wash the shores of cuba the exercise of this supervision could scarce fail to lead if not to abuses certainly to collisions perilous to the peaceful relations of the two states there can be little doubt to what result such supervision would before long draw this nation it would be unworthy of the united states to inaugurate the possibilities of such result by measures of questionable right or expediency or by any indirection turning to the practical aspects of a recognition of belligerency and reviewing its inconveniences and positive dangers still further pertinent considerations appear in the code of nations there is no such thing as a naked recognition of belligerency unaccompanied by the assumption of international neutrality such recognition without more will not confer upon either party to a domestic conflict a status not theretofore actually possessed or affect the relation of either party to other states the act of recognition usually takes the form of a solemn proclamation of neutrality which recites the de facto condition of belligerency as its motive it announces a domestic law of neutrality in the declaring state it assumes the international obligations of a neutral in the presence of a public state of war it warns all citizens and others within the jurisdiction of the proclaimant that they violate those rigorous obligations at their own peril and can not expect to be shielded from the consequences the right of visit and search on the seas and seizure of vessels and cargoes and contraband of war and good prize under admiralty law must under international law be admitted as a legitimate consequence of a proclamation of belligerency while according the equal belligerent rights defined by public law to each party in our ports disfavors would be imposed on both which while nominally equal would weigh heavily in behalf of spain herself possessing a navy and controlling the ports of cuba her maritime rights could be asserted not only for the military investment of the island but up to the margin of our own territorial waters and a condition of things would exist for which the cubans within their own domain could not hope to create a parallel while its creation through aid or sympathy from within our domain would be even more impossible than now with the additional obligations of international neutrality we would perforce assume the enforcement of this enlarged and onerous code of neutrality would only be influential within our own jurisdiction by land and sea and applicable by our own instrumentalities it could impart to the united states no jurisdiction between spain and the insurgents it would give the united states no right of intervention to enforce the conduct of the strife within the paramount authority of spain according to the international code of war for these reasons i regard the recognition of the belligerency of the cuban insurgents as now unwise and therefore inadmissible should that step hereafter be deemed wise as a measure of right and duty the executive will take it intervention upon humanitarian grounds has been frequently suggested and has not failed to receive my most anxious and earnest consideration but should such a step be now taken when it is apparent that a hopeful change has supervened in the policy of spain toward cuba a new government has taken office in the mother country it is pledged in advance to the declaration that all the effort in the world can not suffice to maintain peace in cuba by the bayonet that vague promises of reform after subjugation afford no solution of the insular problem that with a substitution of commanders must come a change of the past system of warfare for one in harmony with a new policy which shall no longer aim to drive the cubans to the horrible alternative of taking to the thicket or succumbing in misery that reforms must be instituted in accordance with the needs and circumstances of the time and that these reforms while designed to give full autonomy to the colony and to create a virtual entity and administration shall yet conserve and affirm the sovereignty of spain by a just distribution of powers and burdens upon a basis of mutual interest untainted by methods of selfish expediency the first acts of the new government lie in these honorable paths the policy of cruel rapine and extermination that so long shocked the universal sentiment of humanity has been reversed under the new military commander a broad clemency is proffered measures have already been set on foot to relieve the horrors of starvation the power of the spanish armies it is asserted is to be used not to spread ruin and desolation but to protect the resumption of peaceful agricultural pursuits and productive industries that past methods are futile to force a peace by subjugation is freely admitted and that ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail to win for spain the fidelity of a contented dependency decrees in application of the foreshadowed reforms have already been promulgated the full text of these decrees has not been received but as furnished in a telegraphic summary from our minister are all civil and electoral rights of peninsular spaniards are in virtue of existing constitutional authority forthwith extended to colonial spaniards a scheme of autonomy has been proclaimed by decree to become effective upon ratification by the cortes it creates a cuban parliament which with the insular executive can consider and vote upon all subjects affecting local order and interests possessing unlimited powers save as to matters of state war and the navy as to which the acts by his own authority as the delegate of the central government this parliament receives the oath of the to preserve faithfully the liberties and privileges of the colony and to it the colonial secretaries are responsible it has the right to propose to the central government through the modifications of the national charter and to invite new projects of law or executive measures in the interest of the colony besides its local powers it is competent first to regulate electoral registration and procedure and prescribe the qualifications of electors and the manner of exercising suffrage second to organize courts of justice with native judges from members of the local bar third to frame the insular budget both as to expenditures and revenues without limitation of any kind and to set apart the revenues to meet the cuban share of the national budget which latter will be voted by the national cortes with the assistance of cuban senators and deputies fourth to initiate or take part in the negotiations of the national government for commercial treaties which may affect cuban interests fifth to accept or reject commercial treaties which the national government may have concluded without the participation of the cuban government sixth to frame the colonial tariff acting in accord with the peninsular government in scheduling articles of mutual commerce between the mother country and the colonies before introducing or voting upon a bill the cuban government or the chambers will lay the project before the central government and hear its opinion thereon all the correspondence in such regard being made public finally all conflicts of jurisdiction arising between the different municipal provincial and insular assemblies or between the latter and the insular executive power and which from their nature may not be referable to the central government for decision shall be submitted to the courts that the government of sagasta has entered upon a course from which recession with honor is impossible can hardly be questioned that in the few weeks it has existed it has made earnest of the sincerity of its professions is undeniable i shall not impugn its sincerity nor should impatience be suffered to embarrass it in the task it has undertaken it is honestly due to spain and to our friendly relations with spain that she should be given a reasonable chance to realize her expectations and to prove the asserted efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands irrevocably committed she has recalled the commander whose brutal orders inflamed the american mind and shocked the civilized world she has modified the horrible order of concentration and has undertaken to care for the helpless and permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their fields to do so and assures them of the protection of the spanish government in their lawful occupations she has just released the competitor prisoners heretofore sentenced to death and who have been the subject of repeated diplomatic correspondence during both this and the preceding administration not a single american citizen is now in arrest or confinement in cuba of whom this government has any knowledge the near future will demonstrate whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace just alike to the cubans and to spain as well as equitable to all our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of cuba is likely to be attained if not the exigency of further and other action by the united states will remain to be taken when that time comes that action will be determined in the line of indisputable right and duty it will be faced without misgiving or hesitancy in the light of the obligation this government owes to itself to the people who have confided to it the protection of their interests and honor and to humanity sure of the right keeping free from all offense ourselves actuated only by upright and patriotic considerations moved neither by passion nor selfishness the government will continue its watchful care over the rights and property of american citizens and will abate none of its efforts to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be honorable and enduring if it shall hereafter appear to be a duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves to civilization and humanity to intervene with force it shall be without fault on our part and only because the necessity for such action will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the civilized world by a special message dated the 16th day of june last i laid before the senate a treaty signed that day by the plenipotentiaries of the united states and of the republic of hawaii having for its purpose the incorporation of the hawaiian islands as an integral part of the united states and under its sovereignty the senate having removed the injunction of secrecy although the treaty is still pending before that body the subject may be properly referred to in this message because the necessary action of the congress is required to determine by legislation many details of the eventual union should the fact of annexation be accomplished as i believe it should be while consistently disavowing from a very early period any aggressive policy of absorption in regard to the hawaiian group a long series of declarations through of a century has proclaimed the vital interest of the united states in the independent life of the islands and their intimate commercial dependence upon this country at the same time it has been repeatedly asserted that in no event could the entity of hawaiian statehood cease by the passage of the islands under the domination or influence of another power than the united states under these circumstances the logic of events required that annexation heretofore offered but declined should in the ripeness of time come about as the natural result of the strengthening ties that bind us to those islands and be realized by the free will of the hawaiian state that treaty was unanimously ratified without amendment by the senate and president of the republic of hawaii on the 10th of september last and only awaits the favorable action of the american senate to effect the complete absorption of the islands into the domain of the united states what the conditions of such a union shall be the political relation thereof to the united states the character of the local administration the quality and degree of the elective franchise of the inhabitants the extension of the federal laws to the territory or the enactment of special laws to fit the peculiar condition thereof the regulation if need be of the labor system therein are all matters which the treaty has wisely relegated to the congress if the treaty is confirmed as every consideration of dignity and honor requires the wisdom of congress will see to it that avoiding abrupt assimilation of elements perhaps hardly yet fitted to share in the highest franchises of citizenship and having due regard to the geographical conditions the most just provisions for in local matters with the largest political liberties as an integral part of our nation will be accorded to the hawaiians no less is due to a people who after nearly five years of demonstrated capacity to fulfill the obligations of statehood come of their free will to merge their destinies in our the questions which have arisen between japan and hawaii by reason of the treatment of japanese laborers emigrating to the islands under the convention of 1888 are in a satisfactory stage of settlement by negotiation this government has not been invited to mediate and on the other hand has sought no intervention in that matter further than to evince its kindliest disposition toward such a speedy and direct adjustment by the two sovereign states in interest as shall comport with equity and honor it is gratifying to learn that the apprehensions at first displayed on the part of japan lest the cessation of hawaii national life through annexation might impair privileges to which japan honorably laid claim have given place to confidence in the uprightness of this government and in the sincerity of its purpose to deal with all possible ulterior questions in the broadest spirit of friendliness as to the representation of this government to nicaragua salvador and costa rica i have concluded that william merry confirmed as minister of the united states to the states of nicaragua salvador and costa rica shall proceed to san jose costa rica and there temporarily establish the headquarters of the united states to those three states i took this action for what i regarded as the paramount interests of this country it was developed upon an investigation by the secretary of state that the government of nicaragua while not unwilling to receive merry in his diplomatic quality was unable to do so because of the compact concluded june 20 1895 whereby that republic and those of salvador and honduras forming what is known as the greater republic of central america had surrendered to the representative diet thereof their right to receive and send diplomatic agents the diet was not willing to accept him because he was not accredited to that body i could not accredit him to that body because the appropriation law of congress did not permit it baker the present minister at managua has been directed to present his letters of recall godfrey hunter has likewise been accredited to the governments of guatemala and honduras the same as his predecessor guatemala is not a member of the greater republic of central america but honduras is should this latter government decline to receive him he has been instructed to report this fact to his government and await its further instructions a subject of large importance to our country and increasing appreciation on the part of the people is the completion of the great highway of trade between the atlantic and pacific known as the nicaragua canal its utility and value to american commerce is universally admitted the commission appointed under date of july 24 last to continue the surveys and examinations authorized by the act approved march 2 1895 in regard to the proper route feasibility and cost of construction of the nicaragua canal with a view of making complete plans for the entire work of construction of such canal is now employed in the undertaking in the future i shall take occasion to transmit to congress the report of this commission making at the same time such further suggestions as may then seem advisable under the provisions of the act of congress approved march 3 1897 for the promotion of an international agreement respecting bimetallism i appointed on the 14th day of april 1897 hon edward wolcott of colorado hon adlai stevenson of illinois and hon charles paine of massachusetts as special envoys to represent the united states they have been diligent in their efforts to secure the concurrence and cooperation of european countries in the international settlement of the question but up to this time have not been able to secure an agreement contemplated by their mission the gratifying action of our great sister republic of france in joining this country in the attempt to bring about an agreement among the principal commercial nations of europe whereby a fixed and relative value between gold and silver shall be secured furnishes assurance that we are not alone among the larger nations of the world in realizing the international character of the problem and in the desire of reaching some wise and practical solution of it the british government has published a resume of the steps taken jointly by the french ambassador in london and the special envoys of the united states with whom our ambassador at london actively in the presentation of this subject to her majesty government this will be laid before congress our special envoys have not made their final report as further negotiations between the representatives of this government and the governments of other countries are pending and in contemplation they believe that doubts which have been raised in certain quarters respecting the position of maintaining the stability of the parity between the metals and kindred questions may yet be solved by further negotiations meanwhile it gives me satisfaction to state that the special envoys have already demonstrated their ability and fitness to deal with the subject and it is to be earnestly hoped that their labors may result in an international agreement which will bring about recognition of both gold and silver as money upon such terms and with such safeguards as will secure the use of both metals upon a basis which shall work no injustice to any class of our citizens in order to execute as early as possible the provisions of the third and fourth sections of the revenue act approved july 24 1897 i appointed the hon john kasson of iowa a special commissioner plenipotentiary to undertake the requisite negotiations with foreign countries desiring to avail themselves of these provisions the negotiations are now proceeding with several governments both european and american it is believed that by a careful exercise of the powers conferred by that act some grievances of our own and of other countries in our mutual trade relations may be either removed or largely alleviated and that the volume of our commercial exchanges may be enlarged with advantage to both contracting parties most desirable from every standpoint of national interest and patriotism is the effort to extend our foreign commerce to this end our merchant marine should be improved and enlarged we should do our full share of the carrying trade of the world we do not do it now we should be the laggard no longer the inferiority of our merchant marine is justly humiliating to the national pride the government by every proper constitutional means should aid in making our ships familiar visitors at every commercial port of the world thus opening up new and valuable markets to the surplus products of the farm and the factory the efforts which had been made during the two previous years by my predecessor to secure better protection to the fur seals in the north pacific ocean and bering sea were renewed at an early date by this administration and have been pursued with earnestness upon my invitation the governments of japan and russia sent delegates to washington and an international conference was held during the months of october and november last wherein it was unanimously agreed that under the existing regulations this species of useful animals was threatened with extinction and that an international agreement of all the interested powers was necessary for their adequate protection the government of great britain did not see proper to be represented at this conference but subsequently sent to washington as delegates the expert commissioners of great britain and canada who had during the past two years visited the pribilof islands and who met in conference similar commissioners on the part of the united states the result of this conference was an agreement on important facts connected with the condition of the seal herd heretofore in dispute which should place beyond controversy the duty of the governments concerned to adopt measures without delay for the preservation and restoration of the herd negotiations to this end are now in progress the result of which i hope to be able to report to congress at an early day international arbitration can not be omitted from the list of subjects claiming our consideration events have only served to strengthen the general views on this question expressed in my inaugural address the best sentiment of the civilized world is moving toward the settlement of differences between nations without resorting to the horrors of war treaties embodying these humane principles on broad lines without in any way imperiling our interests or our honor shall have my constant encouragement the acceptance by this government of the invitation of the republic of france to participate in the universal exposition of 1900 at paris was immediately followed by the appointment of a special commissioner to represent the united states in the proposed exposition with special reference to the securing of space for an adequate exhibit on behalf of the united states the special commissioner delayed his departure for paris long enough to ascertain the probable demand for space by american exhibitors his inquiries developed an almost unprecedented interest in the proposed exposition and the information thus acquired enabled him to justify an application for a much larger allotment of space for the american section than had been reserved by the exposition authorities the result was particularly gratifying in view of the fact that the united states was one of the last countries to accept the invitation of france the reception accorded our special commissioner was most cordial and he was given every reasonable assurance that the united states would receive a consideration commensurate with the proportions of our exhibit the report of the special commissioner as to the magnitude and importance of the coming exposition and the great demand for space by american exhibitors supplies new arguments for a liberal and judicious appropriation by congress to the end that an exhibit fairly representative of the industries and resources of our country may be made in an exposition which will illustrate the world progress during the nineteenth century that exposition is intended to be the most important and comprehensive of the long series of international exhibitions of which our own at chicago was a brilliant example and it is desirable that the united states should make a worthy exhibit of american genius and skill and their unrivaled achievements in every branch of industry the present immediately effective force of the navy consists of four battle ships of the first class two of the second and other vessels ranging from armored cruisers to torpedo boats there are under construction five battle ships of the first class sixteen torpedo boats and one submarine boat no provision has yet been made for the armor of three of the five battle ships as it has been impossible to obtain it at the price fixed by congress it is of great importance that congress provide this armor as until then the ships are of no fighting value the present naval force especially in view of its increase by the ships now under construction while not as large as that of a few other powers is a formidable force its vessels are the very best of each type and with the increase that should be made to it from time to time in the future and careful attention to keeping it in a high state of efficiency and repair it is well adapted to the necessities of the country the great increase of the navy which has taken place in recent years was justified by the requirements for national defense and has received public approbation the time has now arrived however when this increase to which the country is committed should for a time take the form of increased facilities commensurate with the increase of our naval vessels it is an unfortunate fact that there is only one dock on the pacific coast capable of docking our largest ships and only one on the atlantic coast and that the latter has for the last six or seven months been under repair and therefore incapable of use immediate steps should be taken to provide three or four docks of this capacity on the atlantic coast at least one on the pacific coast and a floating dock in the gulf this is the recommendation of a very competent board appointed to investigate the subject there should also be ample provision made for powder and projectiles and other munitions of war and for an increased number of officers and enlisted men some additions are also necessary to our for the repair and care of our large number of vessels as there are now on the stocks five battle ships of the largest class which can not be completed for a year or two i concur with the recommendation of the secretary of the navy for an appropriation authorizing the construction of one battle ship for the pacific coast where at present there is only one in commission and one under construction while on the atlantic coast there are three in commission and four under construction and also that several torpedo boats be authorized in connection with our general system of coast defense the territory of alaska requires the prompt and early attention of congress the conditions now existing demand material changes in the laws relating to the territory the great influx of population during the past summer and fall and the prospect of a still larger immigration in the spring will not permit us to longer neglect the extension of civil authority within the territory or postpone the establishment of a more thorough government a general system of public surveys has not yet been extended to alaska and all entries thus far made in that district are upon special surveys the act of congress extending to alaska the mining laws of the united states contained the reservation that it should not be construed to put in force the general land laws of the country by act approved march 3 1891 authority was given for entry of lands for purposes and also for the purchase of not exceeding one hundred and sixty acres then or thereafter occupied for purposes of trade and manufacture the purpose of congress as thus far expressed has been that only such rights should apply to that territory as should be specifically named it will be seen how much remains to be done for that vast and remote and yet promising portion of our country special authority was given to the president by the act of congress approved july 24 1897 to divide that territory into two land districts and to designate the boundaries thereof and to appoint registers and receivers of said land offices and the president was also authorized to appoint a for the entire district pursuant to this authority a and receiver have been appointed with offices at sitka if in the ensuing year the conditions justify it the additional land district authorized by law will be established with an office at some point in the yukon valley no appropriation however was made for this purpose and that is now necessary to be done for the two land districts into which the territory is to be divided i concur with the secretary of war in his suggestions as to the necessity for a military force in the territory of alaska for the protection of persons and property already a small force consisting of men with two officers under command of randall of the eighth infantry has been sent to michael to establish a military post as it is to the interest of the government to encourage the development and settlement of the country and its duty to follow up its citizens there with the benefits of legal machinery i earnestly urge upon congress the establishment of a system of government with such flexibility as will enable it to adjust itself to the future areas of greatest population the startling though possibly exaggerated reports from the yukon river country of the probable shortage of food for the large number of people who are wintering there without the means of leaving the country are confirmed in such measure as to justify bringing the matter to the attention of congress access to that country in winter can be had only by the passes from dyea and vicinity which is a most difficult and perhaps an impossible task however should these reports of the suffering of our be further verified every effort at any cost should be made to carry them relief for a number of years past it has been apparent that the conditions under which the five civilized tribes were established in the indian territory under treaty provisions with the united states with the right of and the exclusion of all white persons from within their borders have undergone so complete a change as to render the continuance of the system thus inaugurated practically impossible the total number of the five civilized tribes as shown by the last census is and this number has not materially increased while the white population is estimated at from to which by permission of the indian government has settled in the territory the present area of the indian territory contains acres much of which is very fertile land the united states citizens residing in the territory most of whom have gone there by invitation or with the consent of the tribal authorities have made permanent homes for themselves numerous towns have been built in which from 500 to white people now reside valuable residences and business houses have been erected in many of them large business enterprises are carried on in which vast sums of money are employed and yet these people who have invested their capital in the development of the productive resources of the country are without title to the land they occupy and have no voice whatever in the government either of the nations or tribes thousands of their children who were born in the territory are of school age but the doors of the schools of the nations are shut against them and what education they get is by private contribution no provision for the protection of the life or property of these white citizens is made by the tribal governments and courts the secretary of the interior reports that leading indians have absorbed great tracts of land to the exclusion of the common people and government by an indian aristocracy has been practically established to the detriment of the people it has been found impossible for the united states to keep its citizens out of the territory and the executory conditions contained in the treaties with these nations have for the most part become impossible of execution nor has it been possible for the tribal governments to secure to each individual indian his full enjoyment in common with other indians of the common property of the nations friends of the indians have long believed that the best interests of the indians of the five civilized tribes would be found in american citizenship with all the rights and privileges which belong to that condition by section 16 of the act of march 3 1893 the president was authorized to appoint three commissioners to enter into negotiations with the cherokee choctaw chickasaw muscogee or creek and seminole nations commonly known as the five civilized tribes in the indian territory briefly the purposes of the negotiations were to be the extinguishment of tribal titles to any lands within that territory now held by any and all such nations or tribes either by cession of the same or some part thereof to the united states or by allotment and division of the same in severalty among the indians of such nations or tribes respectively as may be entitled to the same or by such other method as may be agreed upon between the several nations and tribes aforesaid or each of them with the united states with a view to such an adjustment upon the basis of justice and equity as may with the consent of the said nations of indians so far as may be necessary be requisite and suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a state or states of the union which shall embrace the lands within said indian territory the commission met much opposition from the beginning the indians were very slow to act and those in control manifested a decided disinclination to meet with favor the propositions submitted to them a little more than three years after this organization the commission effected an agreement with the choctaw nation alone the chickasaws however refused to agree to its terms and as they have a common interest with the choctaws in the lands of said nations the agreement with the latter nation could have no effect without the consent of the former on april 23 1897 the commission effected an agreement with both tribes the choctaws and chickasaws this agreement it is understood has been ratified by the constituted authorities of the respective tribes or nations parties thereto and only requires ratification by congress to make it binding on the 27th of september 1897 an agreement was effected with the creek nation but it is understood that the national council of said nation has refused to ratify the same negotiations are yet to be had with the cherokees the most populous of the five civilized tribes and with the seminoles the smallest in point of numbers and territory the provision in the indian appropriation act approved june 10 1896 makes it the duty of the commission to investigate and determine the rights of applicants for citizenship in the five civilized tribes and to make complete census rolls of the citizens of said tribes the commission is at present engaged in this work among the creeks and has made appointments for taking the census of these people up to and including the 30th of the present month should the agreement between the choctaws and chickasaws be ratified by congress and should the other tribes fail to make an agreement with the commission then it will be necessary that some legislation shall be had by congress which while just and honorable to the indians shall be equitable to the white people who have settled upon these lands by invitation of the tribal nations hon henry dawes chairman of the commission in a letter to the secretary of the interior under date of october 11 1897 says individual ownership is in their the commission opinion absolutely essential to any permanent improvement in present conditions and the lack of it is the root of nearly all the evils which so grievously afflict these people allotment by agreement is the only possible method unless the united states courts are clothed with the authority to apportion the lands among the citizen indians for whose use it was originally granted i concur with the secretary of the interior that there can be no cure for the evils engendered by the perversion of these great trusts excepting by their resumption by the government which created them the recent prevalence of yellow fever in a number of cities and towns throughout the south has resulted in much disturbance of commerce and demonstrated the necessity of such amendments to our quarantine laws as will make the regulations of the national quarantine authorities paramount the secretary of the treasury in the portion of his report relating to the operation of the marine hospital service calls attention to the defects in the present quarantine laws and recommends amendments thereto which will give the treasury department the requisite authority to prevent the invasion of epidemic diseases from foreign countries and in times of emergency like that of the past summer will add to the efficiency of the sanitary measures for the protection of the people and at the same time prevent unnecessary restriction of commerce i concur in his recommendation in further effort to prevent the invasion of the united states by yellow fever the importance of the discovery of the exact because of the disease which up to the present time has been undetermined is obvious and to this end a systematic bacteriological investigation should be made i therefore recommend that congress authorize the appointment of a commission by the president to consist of four expert bacteriologists one to be selected from the medical officers of the marine hospital service one to be appointed from civil life one to be detailed from the medical officers of the army and one from the medical officers of the navy the union pacific railway main line was sold under the decree of the united states court for the district of nebraska on the 1st and 2d of november of this year the amount due the government consisted of the principal of the subsidy bonds and the accrued interest thereon making the total indebtedness the bid at the sale covered the first mortgage lien and the entire mortgage claim of the government principal and interest the sale of the subsidized portion of the kansas pacific line upon which the government holds a second mortgage lien has been postponed at the instance of the government to december 16 1897 the debt of this division of the union pacific railway to the government on november 1 1897 was the principal of the subsidy bonds and the unpaid and accrued interest thereon making a total of the sale of this road was originally advertised for november 4 but for the purpose of securing the utmost public notice of the event it was postponed until december 16 and a second advertisement of the sale was made by the decree of the court the upset price on the sale of the kansas pacific will yield to the government the sum of over all prior liens costs and charges if no other or better bid is made this sum is all that the government will receive on its claim of nearly the government has no information as to whether there will be other bidders or a better bid than the minimum amount herein stated the question presented therefore is whether the government shall under the authority given it by the act of march 3 1887 purchase or redeem the road in the event that a bid is not made by private parties covering the entire government claim to qualify the government to bid at the sales will require a deposit of as follows in the government because and in each of the first mortgage causes and in the latter the deposit must be in cash payments at the sale are as follows upon the acceptance of the bid a sum which with the amount already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent of the bid the balance in installments of per cent thirty forty and fifty days after the confirmation of the sale the lien on the kansas pacific prior to that of the government on the 30th july 1897 principal and interest amounted to the government therefore should it become the highest bidder will have to pay the amount of the first mortgage lien i believe that under the act of 1887 it has the authority to do this and in absence of any action by congress i shall direct the secretary of the treasury to make the necessary deposit as required by the court decree to qualify as a bidder and to bid at the sale a sum which will at least equal the principal of the debt due to the government but suggest in order to remove all controversy that an amendment of the law be immediately passed explicitly giving such powers and appropriating in general terms whatever sum is sufficient therefor in so important a matter as the government becoming the possible owner of railroad property which it perforce must conduct and operate i feel constrained to lay before congress these facts for its consideration and action before the consummation of the sale it is clear to my mind that the government should not permit the property to be sold at a price which will yield less than of the principal of its debt and less than of its entire debt principal and interest but whether the government rather than accept less than its claim should become a bidder and thereby the owner of the property i submit to the congress for action the library building provided for by the act of congress approved april 15 1886 has been completed and opened to the public it should be a matter of congratulation that through the foresight and munificence of congress the nation possesses this noble of knowledge it is earnestly to be hoped that having done so much toward the because of education congress will continue to develop the library in every phase of research to the end that it may be not only one of the most magnificent but among the richest and most useful libraries in the world the important branch of our government known as the civil service the practical improvement of which has long been a subject of earnest discussion has of late years received increased legislative and executive approval during the past few months the service has been placed upon a still firmer basis of business methods and personal merit while the right of our veteran soldiers to reinstatement in deserving cases has been asserted dismissals for merely political reasons have been carefully guarded against the examinations for admittance to the service enlarged and at the same time rendered less technical and more practical and a distinct advance has been made by giving a hearing before dismissal upon all cases where incompetency is charged or demand made for the removal of officials in any of the departments this order has been made to give to the accused his right to be heard but without in anyway impairing the power of removal which should always be exercised in cases of inefficiency and incompetency and which is one of the vital safeguards of the civil service reform system preventing stagnation and deadwood and keeping every employee keenly alive to the fact that the security of his tenure depends not on favor but on his own tested and carefully watched record of service much of course still remains to be accomplished before the system can be made reasonably perfect for our needs there are places now in the classified service which ought to be exempted and others not classified may properly be included i shall not hesitate to exempt cases which i think have been improperly included in the classified service or include those which in my judgment will best promote the public service the system has the approval of the people and it will be my endeavor to uphold and extend it i am forced by the length of this message to omit many important references to affairs of the government with which congress will have to deal at the present session they are fully discussed in the departmental reports to all of which i invite your earnest attention the estimates of the expenses of the government by the several departments will i am sure have your careful scrutiny while the congress may not find it an easy task to reduce the expenses of the government it should not encourage their increase these expenses will in my judgment admit of a decrease in many branches of the government without injury to the public service it is a commanding duty to keep the appropriations within the receipts of the government and thus avoid a deficit
gives pleasure extend greeting congress assembled regular session seat government many whose senators representatives associated legislative service meeting occurs felicitous conditions justifying sincere congratulation calling grateful acknowledgment beneficent providence signally blessed prospered us nation peace good nations earth continue unbroken matter genuine satisfaction growing feeling fraternal regard unification sections country incompleteness long delayed realization highest blessings union spirit patriotism universal ever increasing fervor public questions engross us lifted far either partisanship prejudice former sectional differences affect every part common country alike permit division ancient lines questions foreign policy revenue soundness currency inviolability national obligations improvement public service appeal individual conscience every earnest citizen whatever party belongs whatever section country may reside extra session congress closed july last enacted important legislation full effect yet realized already accomplished assures us timeliness wisdom test permanent value time required people satisfied operation results thus far mind withhold fair trial tariff legislation settled extra session congress question next pressing consideration currency work putting finances upon sound basis difficult may seem appear easier recall financial operations government since 1866 30th day june year outstanding demand liabilities sum 1st january 1879 liabilities reduced obligations figures even striking july 1 1866 principal debt government 1st day july 1893 sum reduced aggregate reduction debt united states 1st day december 1897 government money outstanding december 1 consists united states notes treasury notes issued authority law 1890 silver certificates standard silver dollars great resources government honorable example past us ought hesitate enter upon currency revision make demand obligations less onerous government relieve financial laws ambiguity doubt brief review accomplished close war 1893 makes unreasonable groundless distrust either financial ability soundness situation 1893 1897 must admonish congress immediate necessity legislating make return conditions prevailing impossible many plans proposed remedy evil find true remedy must appreciate real evil currency every kind good every dollar good good government pledge keep pledge broken however guaranty purpose keep pledge best shown advancing toward fulfillment evil present system found great cost government maintaining parity different forms money keeping par gold surely longer heedless burden imposes upon people even fairly prosperous conditions past four years demonstrated expensive charge upon government dangerous menace national credit manifest must devise plan protect government bond issues repeated redemptions must either curtail opportunity speculation made easy multiplied redemptions demand obligations increase gold reserve redemption currency government solemn enactment undertaken keep par gold nobody obliged redeem gold government banks required redeem gold government obliged keep equal gold outstanding currency coin obligations receipts required paid gold paid every kind money gold means government certainty get gold borrowing get way needs government without fixed gold revenue pledged maintain gold redemption steadily faithfully done authority given continue law requires government redeemed united states notes pay current funds demands constant replenishment gold reserve especially times business panic revenues insufficient meet expenses government times government way supply deficit maintain redemption increase bonded debt administration predecessor per cent bonds issued sold proceeds used pay expenses government excess revenues sustain gold reserve true greater part proceeds bonds used supply deficient revenues considerable portion required maintain gold reserve revenues equal expenses would deficit requiring issuance bonds gold reserve falls replenished except selling bonds way practicable existing law serious question shall continue policy pursued past gold reserve reaches point danger issue bonds supply needed gold shall provide means prevent recurring drains upon gold reserve legislation policy selling bonds continued congress give secretary treasury authority sell bonds long short periods bearing less rate interest authorized law earnestly recommend soon receipts government quite sufficient pay expenses government united states notes presented redemption gold redeemed gold notes shall kept set apart paid exchange gold obvious duty holder united states note prefers gold gets government receive back government united states note without paying gold exchange reason made apparent government issues debt provide gold redemption united states notes debt surely pay except demand gold put way may return followed another bond issue redeem another debt redeem debt view utmost importance government relieved burden providing gold required exchanges export responsibility alone borne government without usual necessary banking powers help banks feel strain gold redemption whole strain rests upon government size gold reserve treasury come without reason signal danger security ought stopped era prosperity country sufficient receipts expenses government may feel immediate embarrassment present currency danger still exists ever present menacing us long existing system continues besides times adequate revenues business tranquillity government prepare worst avoid without serious consequences wise consideration prompt solution question secretary treasury outlined plan great detail purpose removing threatened recurrence depleted gold reserve save us future embarrassment account plan invite careful consideration concur secretary treasury recommendation national banks allowed issue notes face value bonds deposited circulation tax circulating notes secured deposit bonds reduced one per cent per annum also join recommending authority given establishment national banks minimum capital enable smaller villages agricultural regions country supplied currency meet needs recommend issue national bank notes restricted denomination ten dollars upwards suggestions herein made shall approval congress would recommend national banks required redeem notes gold important problem government called upon deal pertaining foreign relations concerns duty toward spain cuban insurrection problems conditions less common existing confronted government various times past story cuba many years one unrest growing discontent effort toward larger enjoyment liberty organized resistance mother country depression distress warfare ineffectual settlement followed renewed revolt enduring period since enfranchisement continental possessions spain western continent condition cuba policy spain toward cuba caused concern united states prospect time time weakness spain hold upon island political vicissitudes embarrassments home government might lead transfer cuba continental power called forth 1823 1860 various emphatic declarations policy united states permit disturbance cuba connection spain unless direction independence acquisition us purchase change declared policy since upon part government revolution began 1868 lasted ten years despite strenuous efforts successive peninsular governments suppress government united states testified grave concern offered aid put end bloodshed cuba overtures made general grant refused war dragged entailing great loss life treasure increased injury american interests besides throwing enhanced burdens neutrality upon government 1878 peace brought truce zanjon obtained negotiations spanish commander martinez de campos insurgent leaders present insurrection broke february 1895 purpose time recall remarkable increase characterize tenacious resistance enormous forces massed spain revolt efforts subdue carried destruction every quarter island developing wide proportions defying efforts spain suppression civilized code war disregarded less spaniards cubans existing conditions fill government american people gravest apprehension desire part people profit misfortunes spain desire see cubans prosperous contented enjoying measure inalienable right man protected right reap benefit exhaustless treasures country offer made predecessor april 1896 tendering friendly offices government failed mediation part accepted brief answer read effectual way pacify cuba unless begins actual submission rebels mother country could spain act promised direction motion plans cruel policy concentration initiated february 16 1896 productive districts controlled spanish armies depopulated agricultural inhabitants herded garrison towns lands laid waste dwellings destroyed policy late cabinet spain justified necessary measure war means cutting supplies insurgents utterly failed war measure civilized warfare extermination abuse rights war felt constrained repeated occasions enter firm earnest protest government much public condemnation treatment american citizens alleged illegal arrests long imprisonment awaiting trial pending protracted judicial proceedings felt first duty make instant demand release speedy trial american citizens arrest change spanish cabinet october last prisoners citizens united states given freedom relief citizens suffering conflict aid congress sought special message appropriation may 24 1897 effective aid given american citizens cuba many request returned united states instructions given new minister spain departure post directed impress upon government sincere wish united states lend aid toward ending war cuba reaching peaceful lasting result honorable alike spain cuban people instructions recited character duration contest widespread losses entails burdens restraints imposes upon us constant disturbance national interests injury resulting indefinite continuance state things stated juncture government constrained seriously inquire time ripe spain volition moved interests every sentiment humanity put stop destructive war make proposals settlement honorable cuban colony urged neighboring nation large interests cuba could required wait reasonable time mother country establish authority restore peace order within borders island could contemplate indefinite period accomplishment result solution proposed slightest idea humiliation spain could attach indeed precise proposals withheld avoid embarrassment government asked expected safe way might speedily provided permanent peace restored chanced consideration offer addressed spanish administration declined tenders predecessor two years poured men treasure cuba fruitless effort suppress revolt fell others departure general woodford new envoy arrival spain statesman shaped policy country fell hand assassin although cabinet late premier still held office received envoy proposals bore cabinet gave place within days thereafter new administration leadership sagasta reply note received 23d day october direction better understanding appreciates friendly purposes government admits country deeply affected war cuba desires peace declares present spanish government bound every consideration change policy satisfy united states pacify cuba within reasonable time end spain decided put effect political reforms heretofore advocated present premier without halting consideration path judgment leads peace military operations said continue humane conducted regard private rights accompanied political action leading autonomy cuba guarding spanish sovereignty claimed result investing cuba distinct personality island governed executive local council chamber reserving spain control foreign relations army navy judicial administration accomplish present government proposes modify existing legislation decree leaving spanish cortes aid cuban senators deputies solve economic problem properly distribute existing debt absence declaration measures government proposes take carrying proffer good offices suggests spain left free conduct military operations grant political reforms united states part shall enforce neutral obligations cut assistance asserted insurgents receive country supposition indefinite prolongation war denied asserted western provinces already reclaimed planting cane tobacco therein resumed force arms new ample reforms early complete pacification hoped immediate amelioration existing conditions new administration cuban affairs predicted therewithal disturbance occasion change attitude part united states discussion question international duties responsibilities united states spain understands presented apparent disposition charge us failure regard charge without basis fact could made spain cognizant constant efforts government made cost millions employment administrative machinery nation command perform full duty according law nations successfully prevented departure single military expedition armed vessel shores violation laws would seem sufficient answer aspect spanish note necessary speak firm conviction wholly performed obligation due response charge made diplomatic course throughout horrors dangers peace government never way abrogated sovereign prerogative reserving determination policy course according high sense right consonance dearest interests convictions people prolongation strife demand untried measures remain recognition insurgents belligerents recognition independence cuba neutral intervention end war imposing rational compromise contestants intervention favor one party speak forcible annexation thought code morality would criminal aggression recognition belligerency cuban insurgents often canvassed possible inevitable step regard previous ten years struggle present war unmindful two houses congress spring 1896 expressed opinion concurrent resolution condition public war existed requiring justifying recognition state belligerency cuba extra session senate voted joint resolution like import however brought vote house representatives presence significant expressions sentiment legislative branch behooves executive soberly consider conditions important measure must needs rest justification seriously considered whether cuban insurrection possesses beyond dispute attributes statehood alone demand recognition belligerency favor possession short essential qualifications sovereignty insurgents conduct war according received code war less important factors toward determination problem belligerency influences consequences struggle upon internal polity recognizing state wise utterances president grant memorable message december 7 1875 signally relevant present situation cuba may wholesome recall time ruinous conflict seven years wasted neighboring island years utter disregard laws civilized warfare demands humanity called forth expressions condemnation nations christendom continued unabated desolation ruin pervaded productive region enormously affecting commerce commercial nations united states reason proximity larger trade intercourse juncture general grant uttered words sum elements problem recognition independence cuba opinion impracticable indefensible question next presents recognition belligerent rights parties contest former message congress occasion consider question reached conclusion conflict cuba dreadful devastating incidents rise fearful dignity war possible acts foreign powers even acts spain nature might pointed defense recognition past history united states carefully avoid false lights might lead mazes doubtful law questionable propriety adhere rigidly sternly rule guide right honest good report question according withholding rights belligerency must judged every case view particular attending facts unless justified necessity always justly regarded unfriendly act gratuitous demonstration moral support rebellion necessary required interests rights another government people far affected pending civil conflict require definition relations parties thereto conflict must one recognized sense international law war belligerence fact mere existence contending armed bodies occasional conflicts constitute war sense referred applying existing condition affairs cuba tests recognized publicists writers international law observed nations dignity honesty power free sensitive selfish unworthy motives fail find insurrection existence substantial political organization real palpable manifest world forms capable ordinary functions government toward people states courts administration justice local habitation possessing organization force material occupation territory take contest category mere rebellious insurrection occasional skirmishes place terrible footing war recognition belligerency would aim elevate contest moreover solely land insurrection possessed single seaport whence may send forth flag means communication foreign powers except military lines adversaries apprehension sudden difficult complications war upon ocean apt precipitate upon vessels commercial national upon consular officers powers calls definition relations parties contest considered question expediency regard accordance belligerent rights still unwise premature regard present indefensible measure right recognition entails upon country according rights flow difficult complicated duties requires exaction contending parties strict observance rights obligations confers right search upon high seas vessels parties would subject carrying arms munitions war may transported freely without interruption vessels united states detention possible seizure would give rise countless vexatious questions would release parent government responsibility acts done insurgents would invest spain right exercise supervision recognized treaty 1795 commerce high seas large part traffic atlantic gulf states states pacific passes waters wash shores cuba exercise supervision could scarce fail lead abuses certainly collisions perilous peaceful relations two states little doubt result supervision would long draw nation would unworthy united states inaugurate possibilities result measures questionable right expediency indirection turning practical aspects recognition belligerency reviewing inconveniences positive dangers still pertinent considerations appear code nations thing naked recognition belligerency unaccompanied assumption international neutrality recognition without confer upon either party domestic conflict status theretofore actually possessed affect relation either party states act recognition usually takes form solemn proclamation neutrality recites de facto condition belligerency motive announces domestic law neutrality declaring state assumes international obligations neutral presence public state war warns citizens others within jurisdiction proclaimant violate rigorous obligations peril expect shielded consequences right visit search seas seizure vessels cargoes contraband war good prize admiralty law must international law admitted legitimate consequence proclamation belligerency according equal belligerent rights defined public law party ports disfavors would imposed nominally equal would weigh heavily behalf spain possessing navy controlling ports cuba maritime rights could asserted military investment island margin territorial waters condition things would exist cubans within domain could hope create parallel creation aid sympathy within domain would even impossible additional obligations international neutrality would perforce assume enforcement enlarged onerous code neutrality would influential within jurisdiction land sea applicable instrumentalities could impart united states jurisdiction spain insurgents would give united states right intervention enforce conduct strife within paramount authority spain according international code war reasons regard recognition belligerency cuban insurgents unwise therefore inadmissible step hereafter deemed wise measure right duty executive take intervention upon humanitarian grounds frequently suggested failed receive anxious earnest consideration step taken apparent hopeful change supervened policy spain toward cuba new government taken office mother country pledged advance declaration effort world suffice maintain peace cuba bayonet vague promises reform subjugation afford solution insular problem substitution commanders must come change past system warfare one harmony new policy shall longer aim drive cubans horrible alternative taking thicket succumbing misery reforms must instituted accordance needs circumstances time reforms designed give full autonomy colony create virtual entity administration shall yet conserve affirm sovereignty spain distribution powers burdens upon basis mutual interest untainted methods selfish expediency first acts new government lie honorable paths policy cruel rapine extermination long shocked universal sentiment humanity reversed new military commander broad clemency proffered measures already set foot relieve horrors starvation power spanish armies asserted used spread ruin desolation protect resumption peaceful agricultural pursuits productive industries past methods futile force peace subjugation freely admitted ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail win spain fidelity contented dependency decrees application foreshadowed reforms already promulgated full text decrees received furnished telegraphic summary minister civil electoral rights peninsular spaniards virtue existing constitutional authority forthwith extended colonial spaniards scheme autonomy proclaimed decree become effective upon ratification cortes creates cuban parliament insular executive consider vote upon subjects affecting local order interests possessing unlimited powers save matters state war navy acts authority delegate central government parliament receives oath preserve faithfully liberties privileges colony colonial secretaries responsible right propose central government modifications national charter invite new projects law executive measures interest colony besides local powers competent first regulate electoral registration procedure prescribe qualifications electors manner exercising suffrage second organize courts justice native judges members local bar third frame insular budget expenditures revenues without limitation kind set apart revenues meet cuban share national budget latter voted national cortes assistance cuban senators deputies fourth initiate take part negotiations national government commercial treaties may affect cuban interests fifth accept reject commercial treaties national government may concluded without participation cuban government sixth frame colonial tariff acting accord peninsular government scheduling articles mutual commerce mother country colonies introducing voting upon bill cuban government chambers lay project central government hear opinion thereon correspondence regard made public finally conflicts jurisdiction arising different municipal provincial insular assemblies latter insular executive power nature may referable central government decision shall submitted courts government sagasta entered upon course recession honor impossible hardly questioned weeks existed made earnest sincerity professions undeniable shall impugn sincerity impatience suffered embarrass task undertaken honestly due spain friendly relations spain given reasonable chance realize expectations prove asserted efficacy new order things stands irrevocably committed recalled commander whose brutal orders inflamed american mind shocked civilized world modified horrible order concentration undertaken care helpless permit desire resume cultivation fields assures protection spanish government lawful occupations released competitor prisoners heretofore sentenced death subject repeated diplomatic correspondence preceding administration single american citizen arrest confinement cuba government knowledge near future demonstrate whether indispensable condition righteous peace alike cubans spain well equitable interests intimately involved welfare cuba likely attained exigency action united states remain taken time comes action determined line indisputable right duty faced without misgiving hesitancy light obligation government owes people confided protection interests honor humanity sure right keeping free offense actuated upright patriotic considerations moved neither passion selfishness government continue watchful care rights property american citizens abate none efforts bring peaceful agencies peace shall honorable enduring shall hereafter appear duty imposed obligations civilization humanity intervene force shall without fault part necessity action clear command support approval civilized world special message dated 16th day june last laid senate treaty signed day plenipotentiaries united states republic hawaii purpose incorporation hawaiian islands integral part united states sovereignty senate removed injunction secrecy although treaty still pending body subject may properly referred message necessary action congress required determine legislation many details eventual union fact annexation accomplished believe consistently disavowing early period aggressive policy absorption regard hawaiian group long series declarations century proclaimed vital interest united states independent life islands intimate commercial dependence upon country time repeatedly asserted event could entity hawaiian statehood cease passage islands domination influence another power united states circumstances logic events required annexation heretofore offered declined ripeness time come natural result strengthening ties bind us islands realized free hawaiian state treaty unanimously ratified without amendment senate president republic hawaii 10th september last awaits favorable action american senate effect complete absorption islands domain united states conditions union shall political relation thereof united states character local administration quality degree elective franchise inhabitants extension federal laws territory enactment special laws fit peculiar condition thereof regulation need labor system therein matters treaty wisely relegated congress treaty confirmed every consideration dignity honor requires wisdom congress see avoiding abrupt assimilation elements perhaps hardly yet fitted share highest franchises citizenship due regard geographical conditions provisions local matters largest political liberties integral part nation accorded hawaiians less due people nearly five years demonstrated capacity fulfill obligations statehood come free merge destinies questions arisen japan hawaii reason treatment japanese laborers emigrating islands convention 1888 satisfactory stage settlement negotiation government invited mediate hand sought intervention matter evince kindliest disposition toward speedy direct adjustment two sovereign states interest shall comport equity honor gratifying learn apprehensions first displayed part japan lest cessation hawaii national life annexation might impair privileges japan honorably laid claim given place confidence uprightness government sincerity purpose deal possible ulterior questions broadest spirit friendliness representation government nicaragua salvador costa rica concluded william merry confirmed minister united states states nicaragua salvador costa rica shall proceed san jose costa rica temporarily establish headquarters united states three states took action regarded paramount interests country developed upon investigation secretary state government nicaragua unwilling receive merry diplomatic quality unable compact concluded june 20 1895 whereby republic salvador honduras forming known greater republic central america surrendered representative diet thereof right receive send diplomatic agents diet willing accept accredited body could accredit body appropriation law congress permit baker present minister managua directed present letters recall godfrey hunter likewise accredited governments guatemala honduras predecessor guatemala member greater republic central america honduras latter government decline receive instructed report fact government await instructions subject large importance country increasing appreciation part people completion great highway trade atlantic pacific known nicaragua canal utility value american commerce universally admitted commission appointed date july 24 last continue surveys examinations authorized act approved march 2 1895 regard proper route feasibility cost construction nicaragua canal view making complete plans entire work construction canal employed undertaking future shall take occasion transmit congress report commission making time suggestions may seem advisable provisions act congress approved march 3 1897 promotion international agreement respecting bimetallism appointed 14th day april 1897 hon edward wolcott colorado hon adlai stevenson illinois hon charles paine massachusetts special envoys represent united states diligent efforts secure concurrence cooperation european countries international settlement question time able secure agreement contemplated mission gratifying action great sister republic france joining country attempt bring agreement among principal commercial nations europe whereby fixed relative value gold silver shall secured furnishes assurance alone among larger nations world realizing international character problem desire reaching wise practical solution british government published resume steps taken jointly french ambassador london special envoys united states ambassador london actively presentation subject majesty government laid congress special envoys made final report negotiations representatives government governments countries pending contemplation believe doubts raised certain quarters respecting position maintaining stability parity metals kindred questions may yet solved negotiations meanwhile gives satisfaction state special envoys already demonstrated ability fitness deal subject earnestly hoped labors may result international agreement bring recognition gold silver money upon terms safeguards secure use metals upon basis shall work injustice class citizens order execute early possible provisions third fourth sections revenue act approved july 24 1897 appointed hon john kasson iowa special commissioner plenipotentiary undertake requisite negotiations foreign countries desiring avail provisions negotiations proceeding several governments european american believed careful exercise powers conferred act grievances countries mutual trade relations may either removed largely alleviated volume commercial exchanges may enlarged advantage contracting parties desirable every standpoint national interest patriotism effort extend foreign commerce end merchant marine improved enlarged full share carrying trade world laggard longer inferiority merchant marine justly humiliating national pride government every proper constitutional means aid making ships familiar visitors every commercial port world thus opening new valuable markets surplus products farm factory efforts made two previous years predecessor secure better protection fur seals north pacific ocean bering sea renewed early date administration pursued earnestness upon invitation governments japan russia sent delegates washington international conference held months october november last wherein unanimously agreed existing regulations species useful animals threatened extinction international agreement interested powers necessary adequate protection government great britain see proper represented conference subsequently sent washington delegates expert commissioners great britain canada past two years visited pribilof islands met conference similar commissioners part united states result conference agreement important facts connected condition seal herd heretofore dispute place beyond controversy duty governments concerned adopt measures without delay preservation restoration herd negotiations end progress result hope able report congress early day international arbitration omitted list subjects claiming consideration events served strengthen general views question expressed inaugural address best sentiment civilized world moving toward settlement differences nations without resorting horrors war treaties embodying humane principles broad lines without way imperiling interests honor shall constant encouragement acceptance government invitation republic france participate universal exposition 1900 paris immediately followed appointment special commissioner represent united states proposed exposition special reference securing space adequate exhibit behalf united states special commissioner delayed departure paris long enough ascertain probable demand space american exhibitors inquiries developed almost unprecedented interest proposed exposition information thus acquired enabled justify application much larger allotment space american section reserved exposition authorities result particularly gratifying view fact united states one last countries accept invitation france reception accorded special commissioner cordial given every reasonable assurance united states would receive consideration commensurate proportions exhibit report special commissioner magnitude importance coming exposition great demand space american exhibitors supplies new arguments liberal judicious appropriation congress end exhibit fairly representative industries resources country may made exposition illustrate world progress nineteenth century exposition intended important comprehensive long series international exhibitions chicago brilliant example desirable united states make worthy exhibit american genius skill unrivaled achievements every branch industry present immediately effective force navy consists four battle ships first class two second vessels ranging armored cruisers torpedo boats construction five battle ships first class sixteen torpedo boats one submarine boat provision yet made armor three five battle ships impossible obtain price fixed congress great importance congress provide armor ships fighting value present naval force especially view increase ships construction large powers formidable force vessels best type increase made time time future careful attention keeping high state efficiency repair well adapted necessities country great increase navy taken place recent years justified requirements national defense received public approbation time arrived however increase country committed time take form increased facilities commensurate increase naval vessels unfortunate fact one dock pacific coast capable docking largest ships one atlantic coast latter last six seven months repair therefore incapable use immediate steps taken provide three four docks capacity atlantic coast least one pacific coast floating dock gulf recommendation competent board appointed investigate subject also ample provision made powder projectiles munitions war increased number officers enlisted men additions also necessary repair care large number vessels stocks five battle ships largest class completed year two concur recommendation secretary navy appropriation authorizing construction one battle ship pacific coast present one commission one construction atlantic coast three commission four construction also several torpedo boats authorized connection general system coast defense territory alaska requires prompt early attention congress conditions existing demand material changes laws relating territory great influx population past summer fall prospect still larger immigration spring permit us longer neglect extension civil authority within territory postpone establishment thorough government general system public surveys yet extended alaska entries thus far made district upon special surveys act congress extending alaska mining laws united states contained reservation construed put force general land laws country act approved march 3 1891 authority given entry lands purposes also purchase exceeding one hundred sixty acres thereafter occupied purposes trade manufacture purpose congress thus far expressed rights apply territory specifically named seen much remains done vast remote yet promising portion country special authority given president act congress approved july 24 1897 divide territory two land districts designate boundaries thereof appoint registers receivers said land offices president also authorized appoint entire district pursuant authority receiver appointed offices sitka ensuing year conditions justify additional land district authorized law established office point yukon valley appropriation however made purpose necessary done two land districts territory divided concur secretary war suggestions necessity military force territory alaska protection persons property already small force consisting men two officers command randall eighth infantry sent michael establish military post interest government encourage development settlement country duty follow citizens benefits legal machinery earnestly urge upon congress establishment system government flexibility enable adjust future areas greatest population startling though possibly exaggerated reports yukon river country probable shortage food large number people wintering without means leaving country confirmed measure justify bringing matter attention congress access country winter passes dyea vicinity difficult perhaps impossible task however reports suffering verified every effort cost made carry relief number years past apparent conditions five civilized tribes established indian territory treaty provisions united states right exclusion white persons within borders undergone complete change render continuance system thus inaugurated practically impossible total number five civilized tribes shown last census number materially increased white population estimated permission indian government settled territory present area indian territory contains acres much fertile land united states citizens residing territory gone invitation consent tribal authorities made permanent homes numerous towns built 500 white people reside valuable residences business houses erected many large business enterprises carried vast sums money employed yet people invested capital development productive resources country without title land occupy voice whatever government either nations tribes thousands children born territory school age doors schools nations shut education get private contribution provision protection life property white citizens made tribal governments courts secretary interior reports leading indians absorbed great tracts land exclusion common people government indian aristocracy practically established detriment people found impossible united states keep citizens territory executory conditions contained treaties nations part become impossible execution possible tribal governments secure individual indian full enjoyment common indians common property nations friends indians long believed best interests indians five civilized tribes would found american citizenship rights privileges belong condition section 16 act march 3 1893 president authorized appoint three commissioners enter negotiations cherokee choctaw chickasaw muscogee creek seminole nations commonly known five civilized tribes indian territory briefly purposes negotiations extinguishment tribal titles lands within territory held nations tribes either cession part thereof united states allotment division severalty among indians nations tribes respectively may entitled method may agreed upon several nations tribes aforesaid united states view adjustment upon basis justice equity may consent said nations indians far may necessary requisite suitable enable ultimate creation state states union shall embrace lands within said indian territory commission met much opposition beginning indians slow act control manifested decided disinclination meet favor propositions submitted little three years organization commission effected agreement choctaw nation alone chickasaws however refused agree terms common interest choctaws lands said nations agreement latter nation could effect without consent former april 23 1897 commission effected agreement tribes choctaws chickasaws agreement understood ratified constituted authorities respective tribes nations parties thereto requires ratification congress make binding 27th september 1897 agreement effected creek nation understood national council said nation refused ratify negotiations yet cherokees populous five civilized tribes seminoles smallest point numbers territory provision indian appropriation act approved june 10 1896 makes duty commission investigate determine rights applicants citizenship five civilized tribes make complete census rolls citizens said tribes commission present engaged work among creeks made appointments taking census people including 30th present month agreement choctaws chickasaws ratified congress tribes fail make agreement commission necessary legislation shall congress honorable indians shall equitable white people settled upon lands invitation tribal nations hon henry dawes chairman commission letter secretary interior date october 11 1897 says individual ownership commission opinion absolutely essential permanent improvement present conditions lack root nearly evils grievously afflict people allotment agreement possible method unless united states courts clothed authority apportion lands among citizen indians whose use originally granted concur secretary interior cure evils engendered perversion great trusts excepting resumption government created recent prevalence yellow fever number cities towns throughout south resulted much disturbance commerce demonstrated necessity amendments quarantine laws make regulations national quarantine authorities paramount secretary treasury portion report relating operation marine hospital service calls attention defects present quarantine laws recommends amendments thereto give treasury department requisite authority prevent invasion epidemic diseases foreign countries times emergency like past summer add efficiency sanitary measures protection people time prevent unnecessary restriction commerce concur recommendation effort prevent invasion united states yellow fever importance discovery exact disease present time undetermined obvious end systematic bacteriological investigation made therefore recommend congress authorize appointment commission president consist four expert bacteriologists one selected medical officers marine hospital service one appointed civil life one detailed medical officers army one medical officers navy union pacific railway main line sold decree united states court district nebraska 1st 2d november year amount due government consisted principal subsidy bonds accrued interest thereon making total indebtedness bid sale covered first mortgage lien entire mortgage claim government principal interest sale subsidized portion kansas pacific line upon government holds second mortgage lien postponed instance government december 16 1897 debt division union pacific railway government november 1 1897 principal subsidy bonds unpaid accrued interest thereon making total sale road originally advertised november 4 purpose securing utmost public notice event postponed december 16 second advertisement sale made decree court upset price sale kansas pacific yield government sum prior liens costs charges better bid made sum government receive claim nearly government information whether bidders better bid minimum amount herein stated question presented therefore whether government shall authority given act march 3 1887 purchase redeem road event bid made private parties covering entire government claim qualify government bid sales require deposit follows government first mortgage causes latter deposit must cash payments sale follows upon acceptance bid sum amount already deposited shall equal fifteen per cent bid balance installments per cent thirty forty fifty days confirmation sale lien kansas pacific prior government 30th july 1897 principal interest amounted government therefore become highest bidder pay amount first mortgage lien believe act 1887 authority absence action congress shall direct secretary treasury make necessary deposit required court decree qualify bidder bid sale sum least equal principal debt due government suggest order remove controversy amendment law immediately passed explicitly giving powers appropriating general terms whatever sum sufficient therefor important matter government becoming possible owner railroad property perforce must conduct operate feel constrained lay congress facts consideration action consummation sale clear mind government permit property sold price yield less principal debt less entire debt principal interest whether government rather accept less claim become bidder thereby owner property submit congress action library building provided act congress approved april 15 1886 completed opened public matter congratulation foresight munificence congress nation possesses noble knowledge earnestly hoped done much toward education congress continue develop library every phase research end may one magnificent among richest useful libraries world important branch government known civil service practical improvement long subject earnest discussion late years received increased legislative executive approval past months service placed upon still firmer basis business methods personal merit right veteran soldiers reinstatement deserving cases asserted dismissals merely political reasons carefully guarded examinations admittance service enlarged time rendered less technical practical distinct advance made giving hearing dismissal upon cases incompetency charged demand made removal officials departments order made give accused right heard without anyway impairing power removal always exercised cases inefficiency incompetency one vital safeguards civil service reform system preventing stagnation deadwood keeping every employee keenly alive fact security tenure depends favor tested carefully watched record service much course still remains accomplished system made reasonably perfect needs places classified service ought exempted others classified may properly included shall hesitate exempt cases think improperly included classified service include judgment best promote public service system approval people endeavor uphold extend forced length message omit many important references affairs government congress deal present session fully discussed departmental reports invite earnest attention estimates expenses government several departments sure careful scrutiny congress may find easy task reduce expenses government encourage increase expenses judgment admit decrease many branches government without injury public service commanding duty keep appropriations within receipts government thus avoid deficit
give pleasure extend greet congress assemble regular session seat government many whose senator representative associate legislative service meeting occur felicitous condition justify sincere congratulation call grateful acknowledgment beneficent providence signally bless prosper u nation peace good nation earth continue unbroken matter genuine satisfaction grow feeling fraternal regard unification section country incompleteness long delayed realization high blessing union spirit patriotism universal ever increase fervor public question engross u lift far either partisanship prejudice former sectional difference affect every part common country alike permit division ancient line question foreign policy revenue soundness currency inviolability national obligation improvement public service appeal individual conscience every earnest citizen whatever party belongs whatever section country may reside extra session congress close july last enacted important legislation full effect yet realize already accomplished assures u timeliness wisdom test permanent value time require people satisfied operation result thus far mind withhold fair trial tariff legislation settle extra session congress question next press consideration currency work put finance upon sound basis difficult may seem appear easy recall financial operation government since 1866 30th day june year outstanding demand liabilities sum 1st january 1879 liability reduce obligation figure even strike july 1 1866 principal debt government 1st day july 1893 sum reduce aggregate reduction debt unite state 1st day december 1897 government money outstanding december 1 consists united state note treasury note issue authority law 1890 silver certificate standard silver dollar great resource government honorable example past u ought hesitate enter upon currency revision make demand obligation less onerous government relieve financial law ambiguity doubt brief review accomplish close war 1893 make unreasonable groundless distrust either financial ability soundness situation 1893 1897 must admonish congress immediate necessity legislate make return condition prevail impossible many plan propose remedy evil find true remedy must appreciate real evil currency every kind good every dollar good good government pledge keep pledge break however guaranty purpose keep pledge best show advance toward fulfillment evil present system find great cost government maintain parity different form money keep par gold surely longer heedless burden impose upon people even fairly prosperous condition past four year demonstrate expensive charge upon government dangerous menace national credit manifest must devise plan protect government bond issue repeat redemption must either curtail opportunity speculation make easy multiplied redemption demand obligation increase gold reserve redemption currency government solemn enactment undertaken keep par gold nobody oblige redeem gold government bank require redeem gold government oblige keep equal gold outstanding currency coin obligation receipt require pay gold pay every kind money gold mean government certainty get gold borrowing get way needs government without fix gold revenue pledge maintain gold redemption steadily faithfully do authority give continue law require government redeem united state note pay current fund demand constant replenishment gold reserve especially time business panic revenue insufficient meet expense government time government way supply deficit maintain redemption increase bond debt administration predecessor per cent bond issue sold proceeds use pay expense government excess revenue sustain gold reserve true great part proceeds bond use supply deficient revenue considerable portion require maintain gold reserve revenue equal expense would deficit require issuance bond gold reserve fall replenish except sell bond way practicable exist law serious question shall continue policy pursue past gold reserve reach point danger issue bond supply need gold shall provide mean prevent recur drain upon gold reserve legislation policy selling bond continue congress give secretary treasury authority sell bond long short period bear less rate interest authorize law earnestly recommend soon receipts government quite sufficient pay expense government united state note present redemption gold redeem gold note shall keep set apart pay exchange gold obvious duty holder united state note prefers gold get government receive back government united state note without pay gold exchange reason make apparent government issue debt provide gold redemption united state note debt surely pay except demand gold put way may return follow another bond issue redeem another debt redeem debt view utmost importance government relieve burden provide gold require exchange export responsibility alone borne government without usual necessary banking power help bank feel strain gold redemption whole strain rest upon government size gold reserve treasury come without reason signal danger security ought stop era prosperity country sufficient receipt expense government may feel immediate embarrassment present currency danger still exist ever present menace u long exist system continue besides time adequate revenue business tranquillity government prepare bad avoid without serious consequence wise consideration prompt solution question secretary treasury outline plan great detail purpose remove threaten recurrence deplete gold reserve save u future embarrassment account plan invite careful consideration concur secretary treasury recommendation national bank allow issue note face value bond deposit circulation tax circulate note secure deposit bond reduce one per cent per annum also join recommend authority give establishment national bank minimum capital enable small village agricultural region country supply currency meet need recommend issue national bank note restrict denomination ten dollar upwards suggestion herein make shall approval congress would recommend national bank require redeem note gold important problem government call upon deal pertain foreign relation concern duty toward spain cuban insurrection problem condition less common exist confronted government various time past story cuba many year one unrest grow discontent effort toward large enjoyment liberty organize resistance mother country depression distress warfare ineffectual settlement follow renew revolt endure period since enfranchisement continental possession spain western continent condition cuba policy spain toward cuba cause concern united state prospect time time weakness spain hold upon island political vicissitude embarrassment home government might lead transfer cuba continental power call forth 1823 1860 various emphatic declaration policy united state permit disturbance cuba connection spain unless direction independence acquisition u purchase change declare policy since upon part government revolution begin 1868 lasted ten year despite strenuous effort successive peninsular government suppress government unite state testify grave concern offer aid put end bloodshed cuba overture make general grant refuse war drag entail great loss life treasure increase injury american interest besides throw enhanced burden neutrality upon government 1878 peace bring truce zanjon obtain negotiation spanish commander martinez de campos insurgent leader present insurrection break february 1895 purpose time recall remarkable increase characterize tenacious resistance enormous force mass spain revolt effort subdue carry destruction every quarter island develop wide proportion defy effort spain suppression civilized code war disregard less spaniard cubans exist condition fill government american people grave apprehension desire part people profit misfortune spain desire see cubans prosperous content enjoying measure inalienable right man protect right reap benefit exhaustless treasure country offer make predecessor april 1896 tender friendly office government fail mediation part accept brief answer read effectual way pacify cuba unless begin actual submission rebel mother country could spain act promised direction motion plan cruel policy concentration initiate february 16 1896 productive district control spanish army depopulate agricultural inhabitant herd garrison town land laid waste dwelling destroy policy late cabinet spain justify necessary measure war mean cut supply insurgent utterly fail war measure civilize warfare extermination abuse right war felt constrain repeat occasion enter firm earnest protest government much public condemnation treatment american citizen allege illegal arrest long imprisonment await trial pending protract judicial proceeding felt first duty make instant demand release speedy trial american citizen arrest change spanish cabinet october last prisoner citizen united state give freedom relief citizen suffer conflict aid congress seek special message appropriation may 24 1897 effective aid give american citizen cuba many request return united state instruction give new minister spain departure post direct impress upon government sincere wish unite state lend aid toward end war cuba reach peaceful lasting result honorable alike spain cuban people instruction recite character duration contest widespread loss entail burden restraint impose upon u constant disturbance national interest injury result indefinite continuance state thing state juncture government constrain seriously inquire time ripe spain volition move interest every sentiment humanity put stop destructive war make proposal settlement honorable cuban colony urge neighboring nation large interest cuba could require wait reasonable time mother country establish authority restore peace order within border island could contemplate indefinite period accomplishment result solution propose slight idea humiliation spain could attach indeed precise proposal withhold avoid embarrassment government ask expect safe way might speedily provide permanent peace restore chanced consideration offer address spanish administration decline tender predecessor two year pour men treasure cuba fruitless effort suppress revolt fell others departure general woodford new envoy arrival spain statesman shape policy country fell hand assassin although cabinet late premier still hold office receive envoy proposal bore cabinet give place within day thereafter new administration leadership sagasta reply note receive 23d day october direction well understanding appreciates friendly purpose government admits country deeply affected war cuba desire peace declare present spanish government bound every consideration change policy satisfy unite state pacify cuba within reasonable time end spain decide put effect political reform heretofore advocated present premier without halt consideration path judgment lead peace military operation say continue humane conduct regard private right accompany political action lead autonomy cuba guard spanish sovereignty claim result invest cuba distinct personality island govern executive local council chamber reserve spain control foreign relation army navy judicial administration accomplish present government propose modify exist legislation decree leave spanish cortes aid cuban senator deputy solve economic problem properly distribute exist debt absence declaration measure government proposes take carry proffer good office suggest spain left free conduct military operation grant political reform unite state part shall enforce neutral obligation cut assistance assert insurgent receive country supposition indefinite prolongation war deny asserted western province already reclaim plant cane tobacco therein resume force arm new ample reform early complete pacification hop immediate amelioration exist condition new administration cuban affair predict therewithal disturbance occasion change attitude part united state discussion question international duty responsibility united state spain understands present apparent disposition charge u failure regard charge without basis fact could make spain cognizant constant effort government make cost million employment administrative machinery nation command perform full duty accord law nation successfully prevented departure single military expedition arm vessel shore violation law would seem sufficient answer aspect spanish note necessary speak firm conviction wholly perform obligation due response charge make diplomatic course throughout horror danger peace government never way abrogate sovereign prerogative reserve determination policy course accord high sense right consonance dear interest conviction people prolongation strife demand untried measure remain recognition insurgent belligerent recognition independence cuba neutral intervention end war impose rational compromise contestant intervention favor one party speak forcible annexation think code morality would criminal aggression recognition belligerency cuban insurgent often canvass possible inevitable step regard previous ten year struggle present war unmindful two house congress spring 1896 expressed opinion concurrent resolution condition public war exist require justify recognition state belligerency cuba extra session senate vote joint resolution like import however bring vote house representative presence significant expression sentiment legislative branch behooves executive soberly consider condition important measure must need rest justification seriously consider whether cuban insurrection possess beyond dispute attribute statehood alone demand recognition belligerency favor possession short essential qualification sovereignty insurgent conduct war accord receive code war less important factor toward determination problem belligerency influence consequence struggle upon internal polity recognize state wise utterance president grant memorable message december 7 1875 signally relevant present situation cuba may wholesome recall time ruinous conflict seven year waste neighboring island year utter disregard law civilize warfare demand humanity call forth expression condemnation nation christendom continue unabated desolation ruin pervade productive region enormously affect commerce commercial nation united state reason proximity large trade intercourse juncture general grant utter word sum element problem recognition independence cuba opinion impracticable indefensible question next present recognition belligerent right party contest former message congress occasion consider question reach conclusion conflict cuba dreadful devastate incident rise fearful dignity war possible act foreign power even act spain nature might point defense recognition past history united state carefully avoid false light might lead mazes doubtful law questionable propriety adhere rigidly sternly rule guide right honest good report question accord withhold right belligerency must judge every case view particular attend fact unless justified necessity always justly regard unfriendly act gratuitous demonstration moral support rebellion necessary require interest right another government people far affected pending civil conflict require definition relation party thereto conflict must one recognize sense international law war belligerence fact mere existence contending arm body occasional conflict constitute war sense refer apply exist condition affair cuba test recognize publicist writer international law observe nation dignity honesty power free sensitive selfish unworthy motif fail find insurrection existence substantial political organization real palpable manifest world form capable ordinary function government toward people state court administration justice local habitation possess organization force material occupation territory take contest category mere rebellious insurrection occasional skirmish place terrible footing war recognition belligerency would aim elevate contest moreover solely land insurrection possess single seaport whence may send forth flag mean communication foreign power except military line adversary apprehension sudden difficult complication war upon ocean apt precipitate upon vessel commercial national upon consular officer power call definition relation party contest consider question expediency regard accordance belligerent right still unwise premature regard present indefensible measure right recognition entail upon country accord right flow difficult complicated duty require exaction contend party strict observance right obligation confers right search upon high sea vessel party would subject carry arm munition war may transport freely without interruption vessel united state detention possible seizure would give rise countless vexatious question would release parent government responsibility act do insurgent would invest spain right exercise supervision recognize treaty 1795 commerce high sea large part traffic atlantic gulf state state pacific pass water wash shore cuba exercise supervision could scarce fail lead abuse certainly collision perilous peaceful relation two state little doubt result supervision would long draw nation would unworthy united state inaugurate possibility result measure questionable right expediency indirection turn practical aspect recognition belligerency review inconvenience positive danger still pertinent consideration appear code nation thing naked recognition belligerency unaccompanied assumption international neutrality recognition without confer upon either party domestic conflict status theretofore actually possess affect relation either party state act recognition usually take form solemn proclamation neutrality recite de facto condition belligerency motive announces domestic law neutrality declare state assumes international obligation neutral presence public state war warns citizens others within jurisdiction proclaimant violate rigorous obligation peril expect shield consequence right visit search seas seizure vessel cargo contraband war good prize admiralty law must international law admit legitimate consequence proclamation belligerency accord equal belligerent right define public law party port disfavor would impose nominally equal would weigh heavily behalf spain possess navy control port cuba maritime right could assert military investment island margin territorial water condition thing would exist cuban within domain could hope create parallel creation aid sympathy within domain would even impossible additional obligation international neutrality would perforce assume enforcement enlarge onerous code neutrality would influential within jurisdiction land sea applicable instrumentality could impart united state jurisdiction spain insurgent would give united state right intervention enforce conduct strife within paramount authority spain accord international code war reason regard recognition belligerency cuban insurgent unwise therefore inadmissible step hereafter deem wise measure right duty executive take intervention upon humanitarian ground frequently suggest fail receive anxious earnest consideration step take apparent hopeful change supervene policy spain toward cuba new government take office mother country pledge advance declaration effort world suffice maintain peace cuba bayonet vague promise reform subjugation afford solution insular problem substitution commander must come change past system warfare one harmony new policy shall longer aim drive cuban horrible alternative take thicket succumb misery reform must institute accordance need circumstance time reform design give full autonomy colony create virtual entity administration shall yet conserve affirm sovereignty spain distribution power burden upon basis mutual interest untainted method selfish expediency first act new government lie honorable paths policy cruel rapine extermination long shock universal sentiment humanity reverse new military commander broad clemency proffer measure already set foot relieve horror starvation power spanish army assert use spread ruin desolation protect resumption peaceful agricultural pursuit productive industry past method futile force peace subjugation freely admit ruin without conciliation must inevitably fail win spain fidelity content dependency decree application foreshadow reform already promulgate full text decree receive furnished telegraphic summary minister civil electoral right peninsular spaniard virtue exist constitutional authority forthwith extend colonial spaniard scheme autonomy proclaim decree become effective upon ratification cortes create cuban parliament insular executive consider vote upon subject affect local order interest possess unlimited power save matter state war navy act authority delegate central government parliament receive oath preserve faithfully liberties privilege colony colonial secretary responsible right propose central government modification national charter invite new project law executive measure interest colony besides local power competent first regulate electoral registration procedure prescribe qualification elector manner exercise suffrage second organize court justice native judge member local bar third frame insular budget expenditures revenue without limitation kind set apart revenue meet cuban share national budget latter vote national cortes assistance cuban senator deputy fourth initiate take part negotiation national government commercial treaty may affect cuban interest fifth accept reject commercial treaty national government may conclude without participation cuban government sixth frame colonial tariff act accord peninsular government schedule article mutual commerce mother country colony introduce vote upon bill cuban government chamber lay project central government hear opinion thereon correspondence regard make public finally conflict jurisdiction arise different municipal provincial insular assembly latter insular executive power nature may referable central government decision shall submit court government sagasta enter upon course recession honor impossible hardly questioned week exist make earnest sincerity profession undeniable shall impugn sincerity impatience suffer embarrass task undertaken honestly due spain friendly relation spain give reasonable chance realize expectation prove assert efficacy new order thing stand irrevocably commit recalled commander whose brutal order inflame american mind shock civilized world modify horrible order concentration undertaken care helpless permit desire resume cultivation field assure protection spanish government lawful occupation release competitor prisoner heretofore sentence death subject repeat diplomatic correspondence precede administration single american citizen arrest confinement cuba government knowledge near future demonstrate whether indispensable condition righteous peace alike cubans spain well equitable interest intimately involve welfare cuba likely attained exigency action united state remain take time come action determine line indisputable right duty face without misgive hesitancy light obligation government owe people confided protection interest honor humanity sure right keep free offense actuate upright patriotic consideration move neither passion selfishness government continue watchful care right property american citizen abate none effort bring peaceful agency peace shall honorable endure shall hereafter appear duty impose obligation civilization humanity intervene force shall without fault part necessity action clear command support approval civilize world special message date 16th day june last laid senate treaty sign day plenipotentiary unite state republic hawaii purpose incorporation hawaiian islands integral part united state sovereignty senate remove injunction secrecy although treaty still pending body subject may properly refer message necessary action congress require determine legislation many detail eventual union fact annexation accomplish believe consistently disavow early period aggressive policy absorption regard hawaiian group long series declaration century proclaim vital interest unite state independent life island intimate commercial dependence upon country time repeatedly assert event could entity hawaiian statehood cease passage islands domination influence another power unite state circumstance logic event require annexation heretofore offer decline ripeness time come natural result strengthen tie bind u islands realize free hawaiian state treaty unanimously ratify without amendment senate president republic hawaii 10th september last awaits favorable action american senate effect complete absorption island domain united state condition union shall political relation thereof united state character local administration quality degree elective franchise inhabitant extension federal law territory enactment special law fit peculiar condition thereof regulation need labor system therein matter treaty wisely relegate congress treaty confirm every consideration dignity honor require wisdom congress see avoid abrupt assimilation element perhaps hardly yet fit share high franchise citizenship due regard geographical condition provision local matter large political liberty integral part nation accord hawaiian less due people nearly five year demonstrate capacity fulfill obligation statehood come free merge destiny question arisen japan hawaii reason treatment japanese laborer emigrate island convention 1888 satisfactory stage settlement negotiation government invite mediate hand seek intervention matter evince kindly disposition toward speedy direct adjustment two sovereign state interest shall comport equity honor gratify learn apprehension first display part japan l cessation hawaii national life annexation might impair privilege japan honorably laid claim give place confidence uprightness government sincerity purpose deal possible ulterior question broad spirit friendliness representation government nicaragua salvador costa rica conclude william merry confirm minister united state state nicaragua salvador costa rica shall proceed san jose costa rica temporarily establish headquarters united state three state take action regard paramount interest country develop upon investigation secretary state government nicaragua unwilling receive merry diplomatic quality unable compact conclude june 20 1895 whereby republic salvador honduras form know great republic central america surrender representative diet thereof right receive send diplomatic agent diet willing accept accredit body could accredit body appropriation law congress permit baker present minister managua direct present letter recall godfrey hunter likewise accredit government guatemala honduras predecessor guatemala member great republic central america honduras latter government decline receive instruct report fact government await instruction subject large importance country increase appreciation part people completion great highway trade atlantic pacific know nicaragua canal utility value american commerce universally admit commission appoint date july 24 last continue survey examination authorize act approve march 2 1895 regard proper route feasibility cost construction nicaragua canal view make complete plan entire work construction canal employ undertaking future shall take occasion transmit congress report commission make time suggestion may seem advisable provision act congress approve march 3 1897 promotion international agreement respect bimetallism appoint 14th day april 1897 hon edward wolcott colorado hon adlai stevenson illinois hon charles paine massachusetts special envoys represent united state diligent effort secure concurrence cooperation european country international settlement question time able secure agreement contemplate mission gratify action great sister republic france join country attempt bring agreement among principal commercial nation europe whereby fix relative value gold silver shall secure furnishes assurance alone among large nation world realize international character problem desire reach wise practical solution british government publish resume step take jointly french ambassador london special envoy united state ambassador london actively presentation subject majesty government lay congress special envoy make final report negotiation representative government government country pending contemplation believe doubt raise certain quarter respect position maintain stability parity metal kindred question may yet solve negotiation meanwhile give satisfaction state special envoy already demonstrate ability fitness deal subject earnestly hop labor may result international agreement bring recognition gold silver money upon term safeguard secure use metal upon basis shall work injustice class citizen order execute early possible provision third fourth section revenue act approve july 24 1897 appoint hon john kasson iowa special commissioner plenipotentiary undertake requisite negotiation foreign country desire avail provision negotiation proceed several government european american believe careful exercise power confer act grievance country mutual trade relation may either remove largely alleviated volume commercial exchange may enlarge advantage contract party desirable every standpoint national interest patriotism effort extend foreign commerce end merchant marine improve enlarge full share carry trade world laggard long inferiority merchant marine justly humiliate national pride government every proper constitutional mean aid make ship familiar visitor every commercial port world thus open new valuable market surplus product farm factory effort make two previous year predecessor secure good protection fur seal north pacific ocean bering sea renew early date administration pursue earnestness upon invitation government japan russia sent delegate washington international conference hold month october november last wherein unanimously agree exist regulation specie useful animal threaten extinction international agreement interested power necessary adequate protection government great britain see proper represent conference subsequently send washington delegate expert commissioner great britain canada past two year visit pribilof island meet conference similar commissioner part unite state result conference agreement important fact connect condition seal herd heretofore dispute place beyond controversy duty government concerned adopt measure without delay preservation restoration herd negotiation end progress result hope able report congress early day international arbitration omit list subject claim consideration event serve strengthen general view question express inaugural address best sentiment civilize world move toward settlement difference nation without resort horror war treaty embody humane principle broad line without way imperiling interest honor shall constant encouragement acceptance government invitation republic france participate universal exposition 1900 paris immediately follow appointment special commissioner represent united state propose exposition special reference secure space adequate exhibit behalf united state special commissioner delay departure paris long enough ascertain probable demand space american exhibitor inquiry develop almost unprecedented interest propose exposition information thus acquire enabled justify application much large allotment space american section reserve exposition authority result particularly gratify view fact united state one last country accept invitation france reception accord special commissioner cordial give every reasonable assurance united state would receive consideration commensurate proportion exhibit report special commissioner magnitude importance come exposition great demand space american exhibitor supply new argument liberal judicious appropriation congress end exhibit fairly representative industry resource country may make exposition illustrate world progress nineteenth century exposition intend important comprehensive long series international exhibition chicago brilliant example desirable united state make worthy exhibit american genius skill unrivaled achievement every branch industry present immediately effective force navy consist four battle ship first class two second vessel range armored cruiser torpedo boat construction five battle ship first class sixteen torpedo boat one submarine boat provision yet make armor three five battle ship impossible obtain price fixed congress great importance congress provide armor ship fight value present naval force especially view increase ship construction large power formidable force vessel best type increase make time time future careful attention keep high state efficiency repair well adapted necessity country great increase navy take place recent year justify requirement national defense receive public approbation time arrive however increase country commit time take form increase facility commensurate increase naval vessel unfortunate fact one dock pacific coast capable dock large ship one atlantic coast latter last six seven month repair therefore incapable use immediate step take provide three four dock capacity atlantic coast least one pacific coast float dock gulf recommendation competent board appoint investigate subject also ample provision make powder projectile munition war increase number officer enlist men addition also necessary repair care large number vessel stock five battle ship large class complete year two concur recommendation secretary navy appropriation authorize construction one battle ship pacific coast present one commission one construction atlantic coast three commission four construction also several torpedo boat authorize connection general system coast defense territory alaska require prompt early attention congress condition exist demand material change law relate territory great influx population past summer fall prospect still large immigration spring permit u long neglect extension civil authority within territory postpone establishment thorough government general system public survey yet extend alaska entry thus far make district upon special survey act congress extend alaska mine law united state contain reservation construe put force general land law country act approve march 3 1891 authority give entry land purpose also purchase exceed one hundred sixty acre thereafter occupy purpose trade manufacture purpose congress thus far expressed right apply territory specifically name see much remain do vast remote yet promise portion country special authority give president act congress approve july 24 1897 divide territory two land district designate boundary thereof appoint register receiver say land office president also authorize appoint entire district pursuant authority receiver appoint office sitka ensue year condition justify additional land district authorize law establish office point yukon valley appropriation however make purpose necessary do two land district territory divide concur secretary war suggestion necessity military force territory alaska protection person property already small force consist men two officer command randall eighth infantry send michael establish military post interest government encourage development settlement country duty follow citizen benefit legal machinery earnestly urge upon congress establishment system government flexibility enable adjust future area great population startle though possibly exaggerated report yukon river country probable shortage food large number people winter without mean leave country confirm measure justify bring matter attention congress access country winter pass dyea vicinity difficult perhaps impossible task however report suffer verify every effort cost make carry relief number year past apparent condition five civilize tribe establish indian territory treaty provision united state right exclusion white person within border undergone complete change render continuance system thus inaugurate practically impossible total number five civilized tribe show last census number materially increase white population estimate permission indian government settle territory present area indian territory contain acre much fertile land unite state citizen reside territory go invitation consent tribal authority make permanent home numerous town build 500 white people reside valuable residence business house erect many large business enterprise carry vast sum money employ yet people invest capital development productive resource country without title land occupy voice whatever government either nation tribes thousand child bear territory school age door school nation shut education get private contribution provision protection life property white citizen make tribal government court secretary interior report lead indian absorb great tract land exclusion common people government indian aristocracy practically establish detriment people find impossible united state keep citizen territory executory condition contain treaty nation part become impossible execution possible tribal government secure individual indian full enjoyment common indian common property nation friend indian long believe best interest indians five civilized tribe would find american citizenship right privilege belong condition section 16 act march 3 1893 president authorize appoint three commissioner enter negotiation cherokee choctaw chickasaw muscogee creek seminole nation commonly know five civilized tribe indian territory briefly purpose negotiation extinguishment tribal title land within territory hold nation tribes either cession part thereof united state allotment division severalty among indians nation tribes respectively may entitle method may agree upon several nation tribe aforesaid united state view adjustment upon basis justice equity may consent say nation indian far may necessary requisite suitable enable ultimate creation state state union shall embrace land within say indian territory commission meet much opposition begin indian slow act control manifest decided disinclination meet favor proposition submit little three year organization commission effect agreement choctaw nation alone chickasaws however refused agree term common interest choctaw land say nation agreement latter nation could effect without consent former april 23 1897 commission effect agreement tribe choctaws chickasaws agreement understood ratify constituted authority respective tribes nation party thereto require ratification congress make bind 27th september 1897 agreement effect creek nation understand national council say nation refuse ratify negotiation yet cherokees populous five civilize tribe seminole smallest point number territory provision indian appropriation act approve june 10 1896 make duty commission investigate determine right applicant citizenship five civilized tribe make complete census roll citizen say tribes commission present engage work among creek make appointment take census people include 30th present month agreement choctaw chickasaw ratify congress tribe fail make agreement commission necessary legislation shall congress honorable indian shall equitable white people settle upon land invitation tribal nation hon henry dawes chairman commission letter secretary interior date october 11 1897 say individual ownership commission opinion absolutely essential permanent improvement present condition lack root nearly evils grievously afflict people allotment agreement possible method unless united state court clothe authority apportion land among citizen indian whose use originally grant concur secretary interior cure evil engender perversion great trust except resumption government create recent prevalence yellow fever number city towns throughout south result much disturbance commerce demonstrate necessity amendment quarantine law make regulation national quarantine authority paramount secretary treasury portion report relate operation marine hospital service call attention defect present quarantine law recommend amendment thereto give treasury department requisite authority prevent invasion epidemic disease foreign country time emergency like past summer add efficiency sanitary measure protection people time prevent unnecessary restriction commerce concur recommendation effort prevent invasion united state yellow fever importance discovery exact disease present time undetermined obvious end systematic bacteriological investigation make therefore recommend congress authorize appointment commission president consist four expert bacteriologists one select medical officer marine hospital service one appoint civil life one detailed medical officer army one medical officer navy union pacific railway main line sell decree united state court district nebraska 1st 2d november year amount due government consist principal subsidy bond accrue interest thereon make total indebtedness bid sale cover first mortgage lien entire mortgage claim government principal interest sale subsidize portion kansa pacific line upon government hold second mortgage lien postpone instance government december 16 1897 debt division union pacific railway government november 1 1897 principal subsidy bond unpaid accrue interest thereon make total sale road originally advertise november 4 purpose secure utmost public notice event postpone december 16 second advertisement sale make decree court upset price sale kansa pacific yield government sum prior lien cost charge well bid make sum government receive claim nearly government information whether bidder well bid minimum amount herein state question present therefore whether government shall authority give act march 3 1887 purchase redeem road event bid make private party cover entire government claim qualify government bid sale require deposit follow government first mortgage cause latter deposit must cash payment sale follow upon acceptance bid sum amount already deposit shall equal fifteen per cent bid balance installment per cent thirty forty fifty day confirmation sale lien kansa pacific prior government 30th july 1897 principal interest amount government therefore become high bidder pay amount first mortgage lien believe act 1887 authority absence action congress shall direct secretary treasury make necessary deposit require court decree qualify bidder bid sale sum least equal principal debt due government suggest order remove controversy amendment law immediately pass explicitly give power appropriate general term whatever sum sufficient therefor important matter government become possible owner railroad property perforce must conduct operate feel constrain lay congress fact consideration action consummation sale clear mind government permit property sell price yield less principal debt less entire debt principal interest whether government rather accept less claim become bidder thereby owner property submit congress action library building provide act congress approve april 15 1886 complete open public matter congratulation foresight munificence congress nation possesses noble knowledge earnestly hop do much toward education congress continue develop library every phase research end may one magnificent among rich useful library world important branch government know civil service practical improvement long subject earnest discussion late year receive increased legislative executive approval past month service place upon still firm basis business method personal merit right veteran soldier reinstatement deserve case assert dismissal merely political reason carefully guard examination admittance service enlarge time render less technical practical distinct advance make give hearing dismissal upon case incompetency charge demand make removal official department order make give accuse right hear without anyway impair power removal always exercise case inefficiency incompetency one vital safeguard civil service reform system prevent stagnation deadwood keep every employee keenly alive fact security tenure depend favor test carefully watch record service much course still remain accomplished system make reasonably perfect need place classify service ought exempt others classify may properly include shall hesitate exempt case think improperly include classified service include judgment best promote public service system approval people endeavor uphold extend force length message omit many important reference affair government congress deal present session fully discuss departmental report invite earnest attention estimate expense government several department sure careful scrutiny congress may find easy task reduce expense government encourage increase expense judgment admit decrease many branch government without injury public service command duty keep appropriation within receipts government thus avoid deficit