The people of this country continue to enjoy great prosperity. Undoubtedly there will be ebb and flow in such prosperity, and this ebb and flow will be felt more or less by all members of the community, both by the deserving and the undeserving. Against the wrath of the Lord the wisdom of man cannot avail; in time of flood or drought human ingenuity can but partially repair the disaster. A general failure of crops would hurt all of us. Again, if the folly of man mars the general well-being, then those who are innocent of the folly will have to pay part of the penalty incurred by those who are guilty of the folly. A panic brought on by the speculative folly of part of the business community would hurt the whole business community. But such stoppage of welfare, though it might be severe, would not be lasting. In the long run the one vital factor in the permanent prosperity of the country is the high individual character of the average American worker, the average American citizen, no matter whether his work be mental or manual, whether he be farmer or wage-worker, business man or professional man. In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a straight-dealing man who by his efficiency, by his ingenuity and industry, benefits himself must also benefit others. Normally the man of great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of many other men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could produce without his guidance; and both he and they share in the benefit, which comes also to the public at large. The superficial fact that the sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying fact that there is this sharing, and that the benefit comes in some degree to each man concerned. Normally the wage-worker, the man of small means, and the average consumer, as well as the average producer, are all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his ability. Something can be done by legislation to help the general prosperity; but no such help of a permanently beneficial character can be given to the less able and less fortunate, save as the results of a policy which shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and efficient people who act decently; and this is only another way of saying that any benefit which comes to the less able and less fortunate must of necessity come even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, therefore, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have both, though unequally, prospered, the result will assuredly be that while danger may come to the one struck at, it will visit with an even heavier load the one who strikes the blow. Taken as a whole we must all go up or down together. Yet, while not merely admitting, but insisting upon this, it is also true that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some of the exceptional men use their energies not in ways that are for the common good, but in ways which tell against this common good. The fortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large, and vest such power in those that wield them, as to make it a matter of necessity to give to the sovereign--that is, to the Government, which represents the people as a whole--some effective power of supervision over their corporate use. In order to insure a healthy social and industrial life, every big corporation should be held responsible by, and be accountable to, some sovereign strong enough to control its conduct. I am in no sense hostile to corporations. This is an age of combination, and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only useless, but in the end vicious, because of the contempt for law which the failure to enforce law inevitably produces. We should, moreover, recognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by corporate agencies in a country such as ours, and the wealth of intellect, energy, and fidelity devoted to their service, and therefore normally to the service of the public, by their officers and directors. The corporation has come to stay, just as the trade union has come to stay. Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored so long as it does good. But each should be sharply checked where it acts against law and justice. So long as the finances of the Nation are kept upon an honest basis no other question of internal economy with which the Congress has the power to deal begins to approach in importance the matter of endeavoring to secure proper industrial conditions under which the individuals--and especially the great corporations--doing an interstate business are to act. The makers of our National Constitution provided especially that the regulation of interstate commerce should come within the sphere of the General Government. The arguments in favor of their taking this stand were even then overwhelming. But they are far stronger today, in view of the enormous development of great business agencies, usually corporate in form. Experience has shown conclusively that it is useless to try to get any adequate regulation and supervision of these great corporations by State action. Such regulation and supervision can only be effectively exercised by a sovereign whose jurisdiction is coextensive with the field of work of the corporations--that is, by the National Government. I believe that this regulation and supervision can be obtained by the enactment of law by the Congress. If this proves impossible, it will certainly be necessary ultimately to confer in fullest form such power upon the National Government by a proper amendment of the Constitution. It would obviously be unwise to endeavor to secure such an amendment until it is certain that the result cannot be obtained under the Constitution as it now is. The laws of the Congress and of the several States hitherto, as passed upon by the courts, have resulted more often in showing that the States have no power in the matter than that the National Government has power; so that there at present exists a very unfortunate condition of things, under which these great corporations doing an interstate business occupy the position of subjects without a sovereign, neither any State Government nor the National Government having effective control over them. Our steady aim should be by legislation, cautiously and carefully undertaken, but resolutely persevered in, to assert the sovereignty of the National Government by affirmative action. This is only in form an innovation. In substance it is merely a restoration; for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial activities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies; and all that I propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner as will prevent the Commonwealth abdicating the power it has always possessed not only in this country, but also in England before and since this country became a separate Nation. It has been a misfortune that the National laws on this subject have hitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative kind, and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what could not be effectively prohibited, and have in part in their prohibitions confounded what should be allowed and what should not be allowed. It is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on competition, whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable; and where it is not useless it is generally hurtful. Events have shown that it is not possible adequately to secure the enforcement of any law of this kind by incessant appeal to the courts. The Department of Justice has for the last four years devoted more attention to the enforcement of the anti-trust legislation than to anything else. Much has been accomplished, particularly marked has been the moral effect of the prosecutions; but it is increasingly evident that there will be a very insufficient beneficial result in the way of economic change. The successful prosecution of one device to evade the law immediately develops another device to accomplish the same purpose. What is needed is not sweeping prohibition of every arrangement, good or bad, which may tend to restrict competition, but such adequate supervision and regulation as will prevent any restriction of competition from being to the detriment of the public--as well as such supervision and regulation as will prevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of competition. Of these abuses, perhaps the chief, although by no means the only one, is overcapitalization--generally itself the result of dishonest promotion--because of the myriad evils it brings in its train; for such overcapitalization often means an inflation that invites business panic; it always conceals the true relation of the profit earned to the capital actually invested, and it creates a burden of interest payments which is a fertile cause of improper reduction in or limitation of wages; it damages the small investor, discourages thrift, and encourages gambling and speculation; while perhaps worst of all is the trickiness and dishonesty which it implies--for harm to morals is worse than any possible harm to material interests, and the debauchery of politics and business by great dishonest corporations is far worse than any actual material evil they do the public. Until the National Government obtains, in some manner which the wisdom of the Congress may suggest, proper control over the big corporations engaged in interstate commerce--that is, over the great majority of the big corporations--it will be impossible to deal adequately with these evils. I am well aware of the difficulties of the legislation that I am suggesting, and of the need of temperate and cautious action in securing it. I should emphatically protest against improperly radical or hasty action. The first thing to do is to deal with the great corporations engaged in the business of interstate transportation. As I said in my message of December 6 last, the immediate and most pressing need, so far as legislation is concerned, is the enactment into law of some scheme to secure to the agents of the Government such supervision and regulation of the rates charged by the railroads of the country engaged in interstate traffic as shall summarily and effectively prevent the imposition of unjust or unreasonable rates. It must include putting a complete stop to rebates in every shape and form. This power to regulate rates, like all similar powers over the business world, should be exercised with moderation, caution, and self-restraint; but it should exist, so that it can be effectively exercised when the need arises. The first consideration to be kept in mind is that the power should be affirmative and should be given to some administrative body created by the Congress. If given to the present Interstate Commerce Commission, or to a reorganized Interstate Commerce Commission, such commission should be made unequivocally administrative. I do not believe in the Government interfering with private business more than is necessary. I do not believe in the Government undertaking any work which can with propriety be left in private hands. But neither do I believe in the Government flinching from overseeing any work when it becomes evident that abuses are sure to obtain therein unless there is governmental supervision. It is not my province to indicate the exact terms of the law which should be enacted; but I call the attention of the Congress to certain existing conditions with which it is desirable to deal, In my judgment the most important provision which such law should contain is that conferring upon some competent administrative body the power to decide, upon the case being brought before it, whether a given rate prescribed by a railroad is reasonable and just, and if it is found to be unreasonable and unjust, then, after full investigation of the complaint, to prescribe the limit of rate beyond which it shall not be lawful to go--the maximum reasonable rate, as it is commonly called--this decision to go into effect within a reasonable time and to obtain from thence onward, subject to review by the courts. It sometimes happens at present not that a rate is too high but that a favored shipper is given too low a rate. In such case the commission would have the right to fix this already established minimum rate as the maximum; and it would need only one or two such decisions by the commission to cure railroad companies of the practice of giving improper minimum rates. I call your attention to the fact that my proposal is not to give the commission power to initiate or originate rates generally, but to regulate a rate already fixed or originated by the roads, upon complaint and after investigation. A heavy penalty should be exacted from any corporation which fails to respect an order of the commission. I regard this power to establish a maximum rate as being essential to any scheme of real reform in the matter of railway regulation. The first necessity is to secure it; and unless it is granted to the commission there is little use in touching the subject at all. Illegal transactions often occur under the forms of law. It has often occurred that a shipper has been told by a traffic officer to buy a large quantity of some commodity and then after it has been bought an open reduction is made in the rate to take effect immediately, the arrangement resulting to the profit of one shipper and the one railroad and to the damage of all their competitors; for it must not be forgotten that the big shippers are at least as much to blame as any railroad in the matter of rebates. The law should make it clear so that nobody can fail to understand that any kind of commission paid on freight shipments, whether in this form or in the form of fictitious damages, or of a concession, a free pass, reduced passenger rate, or payment of brokerage, is illegal. It is worth while considering whether it would not be wise to confer on the Government the right of civil action against the beneficiary of a rebate for at least twice the value of the rebate; this would help stop what is really blackmail. Elevator allowances should be stopped, for they have now grown to such an extent that they are demoralizing and are used as rebates. The best possible regulation of rates would, of course, be that regulation secured by an honest agreement among the railroads themselves to carry out the law. Such a general agreement would, for instance, at once put a stop to the efforts of any one big shipper or big railroad to discriminate against or secure advantages over some rival; and such agreement would make the railroads themselves agents for enforcing the law. The power vested in the Government to put a stop to agreements to the detriment of the public should, in my judgment, be accompanied by power to permit, under specified conditions and careful supervision, agreements clearly in the interest of the public. But, in my judgment, the necessity for giving this further power is by no means as great as the necessity for giving the commission or administrative body the other powers I have enumerated above; and it may well be inadvisable to attempt to vest this particular power in the commission or other administrative body until it already possesses and is exercising what I regard as by far the most important of all the powers I recommend--as indeed the vitally important power--that to fix a given maximum rate, which rate, after the lapse of a reasonable time, goes into full effect, subject to review by the courts. All private-car lines, industrial roads, refrigerator charges, and the like should be expressly put under the supervision of the Interstate Commerce Commission or some similar body so far as rates, and agreements practically affecting rates, are concerned. The private car owners and the owners of industrial railroads are entitled to a fair and reasonable compensation on their investment, but neither private cars nor industrial railroads nor spur tracks should be utilized as devices for securing preferential rates. A rebate in icing charges, or in mileage, or in a division of the rate for refrigerating charges is just as pernicious as a rebate in any other way. No lower rate should apply on goods imported than actually obtains on domestic goods from the American seaboard to destination except in cases where water competition is the controlling influence. There should be publicity of the accounts of common carriers; no common carrier engaged in interstate business should keep any books or memoranda other than those reported pursuant to law or regulation, and these books or memoranda should be open to the inspection of the Government. Only in this way can violations or evasions of the law be surely detected. A system of examination of railroad accounts should be provided similar to that now conducted into the National banks by the bank examiners; a few first-class railroad accountants, if they had proper direction and proper authority to inspect books and papers, could accomplish much in preventing willful violations of the law. It would not be necessary for them to examine into the accounts of any railroad unless for good reasons they were directed to do so by the Interstate Commerce Commission. It is greatly to be desired that some way might be found by which an agreement as to transportation within a State intended to operate as a fraud upon the Federal interstate commerce laws could be brought under the jurisdiction of the Federal authorities. At present it occurs that large shipments of interstate traffic are controlled by concessions on purely State business, which of course amounts to an evasion of the law. The commission should have power to enforce fair treatment by the great trunk lines of lateral and branch lines. I urge upon the Congress the need of providing for expeditious action by the Interstate Commerce Commission in all these matters, whether in regulating rates for transportation or for storing or for handling property or commodities in transit. The history of the cases litigated under the present commerce act shows that its efficacy has been to a great degree destroyed by the weapon of delay, almost the most formidable weapon in the hands of those whose purpose it is to violate the law. Let me most earnestly say that these recommendations are not made in any spirit of hostility to the railroads. On ethical grounds, on grounds of right, such hostility would be intolerable; and on grounds of mere National self-interest we must remember that such hostility would tell against the welfare not merely of some few rich men, but of a multitude of small investors, a multitude of railway employes, wage workers, and most severely against the interest of the public as a whole. I believe that on the whole our railroads have done well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well should not be exposed to competition with those who have no such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to some Government tribunal the power to see that justice is done by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing. Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised, or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the practices of their dishonest competitors. This legislation should be enacted in a spirit as remote as possible from hysteria and rancor. If we of the American body politic are true to the traditions we have inherited we shall always scorn any effort to make us hate any man because he is rich, just as much as we should scorn any effort to make us look down upon or treat contemptuously any man because he is poor. We judge a man by his conduct--that is, by his character--and not by his wealth or intellect. If he makes his fortune honestly, there is no just cause of quarrel with him. Indeed, we have nothing but the kindliest feelings of admiration for the successful business man who behaves decently, whether he has made his success by building or managing a railroad or by shipping goods over that railroad. The big railroad men and big shippers are simply Americans of the ordinary type who have developed to an extraordinary degree certain great business qualities. They are neither better nor worse than their fellow-citizens of smaller means. They are merely more able in certain lines and therefore exposed to certain peculiarly strong temptations. These temptations have not sprung newly into being; the exceptionally successful among mankind have always been exposed to them; but they have grown amazingly in power as a result of the extraordinary development of industrialism along new lines, and under these new conditions, which the law-makers of old could not foresee and therefore could not provide against, they have become so serious and menacing as to demand entirely new remedies. It is in the interest of the best type of railroad man and the best type of shipper no less than of the public that there should be Governmental supervision and regulation of these great business operations, for the same reason that it is in the interest of the corporation which wishes to treat its employes aright that there should be an effective Employers' Liability act, or an effective system of factory laws to prevent the abuse of women and children. All such legislation frees the corporation that wishes to do well from being driven into doing ill, in order to compete with its rival, which prefers to do ill. We desire to set up a moral standard. There can be no delusion more fatal to the Nation than the delusion that the standard of profits, of business prosperity, is sufficient in judging any business or political question--from rate legislation to municipal government. Business success, whether for the individual or for the Nation, is a good thing only so far as it is accompanied by and develops a high standard of conduct--honor, integrity, civic courage. The kind of business prosperity that blunts the standard of honor, that puts an inordinate value on mere wealth, that makes a man ruthless and conscienceless in trade, and weak and cowardly in citizenship, is not a good thing at all, but a very bad thing for the Nation. This Government stands for manhood first and for business only as an adjunct of manhood. The question of transportation lies at the root of all industrial success, and the revolution in transportation which has taken place during the last half century has been the most important factor in the growth of the new industrial conditions. Most emphatically we do not wish to see the man of great talents refused the reward for his talents. Still less do we wish to see him penalized but we do desire to see the system of railroad transportation so handled that the strong man shall be given no advantage over the weak man. We wish to insure as fair treatment for the small town as for the big city; for the small shipper as for the big shipper. In the old days the highway of commerce, whether by water or by a road on land, was open to all; it belonged to the public and the traffic along it was free. At present the railway is this highway, and we must do our best to see that it is kept open to all on equal terms. Unlike the old highway it is a very difficult and complex thing to manage, and it is far better that it should be managed by private individuals than by the Government. But it can only be so managed on condition that justice is done the public. It is because, in my judgment, public ownership of railroads is highly undesirable and would probably in this country entail far-reaching disaster, but I wish to see such supervision and regulation of them in the interest of the public as will make it evident that there is no need for public ownership. The opponents of Government regulation dwell upon the difficulties to be encountered and the intricate and involved nature of the problem. Their contention is true. It is a complicated and delicate problem, and all kinds of difficulties are sure to arise in connection with any plan of solution, while no plan will bring all the benefits hoped for by its more optimistic adherents. Moreover, under any healthy plan, the benefits will develop gradually and not rapidly. Finally, we must clearly understand that the public servants who are to do this peculiarly responsible and delicate work must themselves be of the highest type both as regards integrity and efficiency. They must be well paid, for otherwise able men cannot in the long run be secured; and they must possess a lofty probity which will revolt as quickly at the thought of pandering to any gust of popular prejudice against rich men as at the thought of anything even remotely resembling subserviency to rich men. But while I fully admit the difficulties in the way, I do not for a moment admit that these difficulties warrant us in stopping in our effort to secure a wise and just system. They should have no other effect than to spur us on to the exercise of the resolution, the even-handed justice, and the fertility of resource, which we like to think of as typically American, and which will in the end achieve good results in this as in other fields of activity. The task is a great one and underlies the task of dealing with the whole industrial problem. But the fact that it is a great problem does not warrant us in shrinking from the attempt to solve it. At present we face such utter lack of supervision, such freedom from the restraints of law, that excellent men have often been literally forced into doing what they deplored because otherwise they were left at the mercy of unscrupulous competitors. To rail at and assail the men who have done as they best could under such conditions accomplishes little. What we need to do is to develop an orderly system, and such a system can only come through the gradually increased exercise of the right of efficient Government control. In my annual message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its third session, I called attention to the necessity for legislation requiring the use of block signals upon railroads engaged in interstate commerce. The number of serious collisions upon unblocked roads that have occurred within the past year adds force to the recommendation then made. The Congress should provide, by appropriate legislation, for the introduction of block signals upon all railroads engaged in interstate commerce at the earliest practicable date, as a measure of increased safety to the traveling public. Through decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States and the lower Federal courts in cases brought before them for adjudication the safety appliance law has been materially strengthened, and the Government has been enabled to secure its effective enforcement in almost all cases, with the result that the condition of railroad equipment throughout the country is much improved and railroad employes perform their duties under safer conditions than heretofore. The Government's most effective aid in arriving at this result has been its inspection service, and that these improved conditions are not more general is due to the insufficient number of inspectors employed. The inspection service has fully demonstrated its usefulness, and in appropriating for its maintenance the Congress should make provision for an increase in the number of inspectors. The excessive hours of labor to which railroad employes in train service are in many cases subjected is also a matter which may well engage the serious attention of the Congress. The strain, both mental and physical, upon those who are engaged in the movement and operation of railroad trains under modern conditions is perhaps greater than that which exists in any other industry, and if there are any reasons for limiting by law the hours of labor in any employment, they certainly apply with peculiar force to the employment of those upon whose vigilance and alertness in the performance of their duties the safety of all who travel by rail depends. In my annual message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, at its second session, I recommended the passage of an employers' liability law for the District of Columbia and in our navy yards. I renewed that recommendation in my message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its second session, and further suggested the appointment of a commission to make a comprehensive study of employers' liability, with a view to the enactment of a wise and Constitutional law covering the subject, applicable to all industries within the scope of the Federal power. I hope that such a law will be prepared and enacted as speedily as possible. The National Government has, as a rule, but little occasion to deal with the formidable group of problems connected more or less directly with what is known as the labor question, for in the great majority of cases these problems must be dealt with by the State and municipal authorities, and not by the National Government. The National Government has control of the District of Columbia, however, and it should see to it that the City of Washington is made a model city in all respects, both as regards parks, public playgrounds, proper regulation of the system of housing, so as to do away with the evils of alley tenements, a proper system of education, a proper system of dealing with truancy and juvenile offenders, a proper handling of the charitable work of the District. Moreover, there should be proper factory laws to prevent all abuses in the employment of women and children in the District. These will be useful chiefly as object lessons, but even this limited amount of usefulness would be of real National value. There has been demand for depriving courts of the power to issue injunctions in labor disputes. Such special limitation of the equity powers of our courts would be most unwise. It is true that some judges have misused this power; but this does not justify a denial of the power any more than an improper exercise of the power to call a strike by a labor leader would justify the denial of the right to strike. The remedy is to regulate the procedure by requiring the judge to give due notice to the adverse parties before granting the writ, the hearing to be ex parte if the adverse party does not appear at the time and place ordered. What is due notice must depend upon the facts of the case; it should not be used as a pretext to permit violation of law or the jeopardizing of life or property. Of course, this would not authorize the issuing of a restraining order or injunction in any case in which it is not already authorized by existing law. I renew the recommendation I made in my last annual message for an investigation by the Department of Commerce and Labor of general labor conditions, especial attention to be paid to the conditions of child labor and child-labor legislation in the several States. Such an investigation should take into account the various problems with which the question of child labor is connected. It is true that these problems can be actually met in most cases only by the States themselves, but it would be well for the Nation to endeavor to secure and publish comprehensive information as to the conditions of the labor of children in the different States, so as to spur up those that are behindhand and to secure approximately uniform legislation of a high character among the several States. In such a Republic as ours the one thing that we cannot afford to neglect is the problem of turning out decent citizens. The future of the Nation depends upon the citizenship of the generations to come; the children of today are those who tomorrow will shape the destiny of our land, and we cannot afford to neglect them. The Legislature of Colorado has recommended that the National Government provide some general measure for the protection from abuse of children and dumb animals throughout the United States. I lay the matter before you for what I trust will be your favorable consideration. The Department of Commerce and Labor should also make a thorough investigation of the conditions of women in industry. Over five million American women are now engaged in gainful occupations; yet there is an almost complete dearth of data upon which to base any trustworthy conclusions as regards a subject as important as it is vast and complicated. There is need of full knowledge on which to base action looking toward State and municipal legislation for the protection of working women. The introduction of women into industry is working change and disturbance in the domestic and social life of the Nation. The decrease in marriage, and especially in the birth rate, has been coincident with it. We must face accomplished facts, and the adjustment of factory conditions must be made, but surely it can be made with less friction and less harmful effects on family life than is now the case. This whole matter in reality forms one of the greatest sociological phenomena of our time; it is a social question of the first importance, of far greater importance than any merely political or economic question can be, and to solve it we need ample data, gathered in a sane and scientific spirit in the course of an exhaustive investigation. In any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employe interested, but a third party--the general public. Every considerable labor difficulty in which interstate commerce is involved should be investigated by the Government and the facts officially reported to the public. The question of securing a healthy, self-respecting, and mutually sympathetic attitude as between employer and employe, capitalist and wage-worker, is a difficult one. All phases of the labor problem prove difficult when approached. But the underlying principles, the root principles, in accordance with which the problem must be solved are entirely simple. We can get justice and right dealing only if we put as of paramount importance the principle of treating a man on his worth as a man rather than with reference to his social position, his occupation or the class to which he belongs. There are selfish and brutal men in all ranks of life. If they are capitalists their selfishness and brutality may take the form of hard indifference to suffering, greedy disregard of every moral restraint which interferes with the accumulation of wealth, and cold-blooded exploitation of the weak; or, if they are laborers, the form of laziness, of sullen envy of the more fortunate, and of willingness to perform deeds of murderous violence. Such conduct is just as reprehensible in one case as in the other, and all honest and farseeing men should join in warring against it wherever it becomes manifest. Individual capitalist and individual wage-worker, corporation and union, are alike entitled to the protection of the law, and must alike obey the law. Moreover, in addition to mere obedience to the law, each man, if he be really a good citizen, must show broad sympathy for his neighbor and genuine desire to look at any question arising between them from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than from his own, and to this end it is essential that capitalist and wage-worker should consult freely one with the other, should each strive to bring closer the day when both shall realize that they are properly partners and not enemies. To approach the questions which inevitably arise between them solely from the standpoint which treats each side in the mass as the enemy of the other side in the mass is both wicked and foolish. In the past the most direful among the influences which have brought about the downfall of republics has ever been the growth of the class spirit, the growth of the spirit which tends to make a man subordinate the welfare of the public as a whole to the welfare of the particular class to which he belongs, the substitution of loyalty to a class for loyalty to the Nation. This inevitably brings about a tendency to treat each man not on his merits as an individual, but on his position as belonging to a certain class in the community. If such a spirit grows up in this Republic it will ultimately prove fatal to us, as in the past it has proved fatal to every community in which it has become dominant. Unless we continue to keep a quick and lively sense of the great fundamental truth that our concern is with the individual worth of the individual man, this Government cannot permanently hold the place which it has achieved among the nations. The vital lines of cleavage among our people do not correspond, and indeed run at right angles to, the lines of cleavage which divide occupation from occupation, which divide wage-workers from capitalists, farmers from bankers, men of small means from men of large means, men who live in the towns from men who live in the country; for the vital line of cleavage is the line which divides the honest man who tries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest man who does ill by his neighbor. In other words, the standard we should establish is the standard of conduct, not the standard of occupation, of means, or of social position. It is the man's moral quality, his attitude toward the great questions which concern all humanity, his cleanliness of life, his power to do his duty toward himself and toward others, which really count; and if we substitute for the standard of personal judgment which treats each man according to his merits, another standard in accordance with which all men of one class are favored and all men of another class discriminated against, we shall do irreparable damage to the body politic. I believe that our people are too sane, too self-respecting, too fit for self-government, ever to adopt such an attitude. This Government is not and never shall be government by a plutocracy. This Government is not and never shall be government by a mob. It shall continue to be in the future what it has been in the past, a Government based on the theory that each man, rich or poor, is to be treated simply and solely on his worth as a man, that all his personal and property rights are to be safeguarded, and that he is neither to wrong others nor to suffer wrong from others. The noblest of all forms of government is self-government; but it is also the most difficult. We who possess this priceless boon, and who desire to hand it on to our children and our children's children, should ever bear in mind the thought so finely expressed by Burke: "Men are qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion as they are disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good in preference to the flattery of knaves. Society cannot exist unless a controlling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere, and the less of it there be within the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters." The great insurance companies afford striking examples of corporations whose business has extended so far beyond the jurisdiction of the States which created them as to preclude strict enforcement of supervision and regulation by the parent States. In my last annual message I recommended "that the Congress carefully consider whether the power of the Bureau of Corporations cannot constitutionally be extended to cover interstate transactions in insurance." Recent events have emphasized the importance of an early and exhaustive consideration of this question, to see whether it is not possible to furnish better safeguards than the several States have been able to furnish against corruption of the flagrant kind which has been exposed. It has been only too clearly shown that certain of the men at the head of these large corporations take but small note of the ethical distinction between honesty and dishonesty; they draw the line only this side of what may be called law-honesty, the kind of honesty necessary in order to avoid falling into the clutches of the law. Of course the only complete remedy for this condition must be found in an aroused public conscience, a higher sense of ethical conduct in the community at large, and especially among business men and in the great profession of the law, and in the growth of a spirit which condemns all dishonesty, whether in rich man or in poor man, whether it takes the shape of bribery or of blackmail. But much can be done by legislation which is not only drastic but practical. There is need of a far stricter and more uniform regulation of the vast insurance interests of this country. The United States should in this respect follow the policy of other nations by providing adequate national supervision of commercial interests which are clearly national in character. My predecessors have repeatedly recognized that the foreign business of these companies is an important part of our foreign commercial relations. During the administrations of Presidents Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley the State Department exercised its influence, through diplomatic channels, to prevent unjust discrimination by foreign countries against American insurance companies. These negotiations illustrated the propriety of the Congress recognizing the National character of insurance, for in the absence of Federal legislation the State Department could only give expression to the wishes of the authorities of the several States, whose policy was ineffective through want of uniformity. I repeat my previous recommendation that the Congress should also consider whether the Federal Government has any power or owes any duty with respect to domestic transactions in insurance of an interstate character. That State supervision has proved inadequate is generally conceded. The burden upon insurance companies, and therefore their policy holders, of conflicting regulations of many States, is unquestioned, while but little effective check is imposed upon any able and unscrupulous man who desires to exploit the company in his own interest at the expense of the policy holders and of the public. The inability of a State to regulate effectively insurance corporations created under the laws of other States and transacting the larger part of their business elsewhere is also clear. As a remedy for this evil of conflicting, ineffective, and yet burdensome regulations there has been for many years a widespread demand for Federal supervision. The Congress has already recognized that interstate insurance may be a proper subject for Federal legislation, for in creating the Bureau of Corporations it authorized it to publish and supply useful information concerning interstate corporations, "including corporations engaged in insurance." It is obvious that if the compilation of statistics be the limit of the Federal power it is wholly ineffective to regulate this form of commercial intercourse between the States, and as the insurance business has outgrown in magnitude the possibility of adequate State supervision, the Congress should carefully consider whether further legislation can be bad. What is said above applies with equal force to fraternal and benevolent organizations which contract for life insurance. There is more need of stability than of the attempt to attain an ideal perfection in the methods of raising revenue; and the shock and strain to the business world certain to attend any serious change in these methods render such change inadvisable unless for grave reason. It is not possible to lay down any general rule by which to determine the moment when the reasons for will outweigh the reasons against such a change. Much must depend, not merely on the needs, but on the desires, of the people as a whole; for needs and desires are not necessarily identical. Of course, no change can be made on lines beneficial to, or desired by, one section or one State only. There must be something like a general agreement among the citizens of the several States, as represented in the Congress, that the change is needed and desired in the interest of the people, as a whole; and there should then be a sincere, intelligent, and disinterested effort to make it in such shape as will combine, so far as possible, the maximum of good to the people at large with the minimum of necessary disregard for the special interests of localities or classes. But in time of peace the revenue must on the average, taking a series of years together, equal the expenditures or else the revenues must be increased. Last year there was a deficit. Unless our expenditures can be kept within the revenues then our revenue laws must be readjusted. It is as yet too early to attempt to outline what shape such a readjustment should take, for it is as yet too early to say whether there will be need for it. It should be considered whether it is not desirable that the tariff laws should provide for applying as against or in favor of any other nation maximum and minimum tariff rates established by the Congress, so as to secure a certain reciprocity of treatment between other nations and ourselves. Having in view even larger considerations of policy than those of a purely economic nature, it would, in my judgment, be well to endeavor to bring about closer commercial connections with the other peoples of this continent. I am happy to be able to announce to you that Russia now treats us on the most-favored-nation basis. I earnestly recommend to Congress the need of economy and to this end of a rigid scrutiny of appropriations. As examples merely, I call your attention to one or two specific matters. All unnecessary offices should be abolished. The Commissioner of the General Land Office recommends the abolishment of the office of Receiver of Public Moneys for the United States Land Office. This will effect a saving of about a quarter of a million dollars a year. As the business of the Nation grows, it is inevitable that there should be from time to time a legitimate increase in the number of officials, and this fact renders it all the more important that when offices become unnecessary they should be abolished. In the public printing also a large saving of public money can be made. There is a constantly growing tendency to publish masses of unimportant information. It is probably not unfair to say that many tens of thousands of volumes are published at which no human being ever looks and for which there is no real demand whatever. Yet, in speaking of economy, I must in no wise be understood as advocating the false economy which is in the end the worst extravagance. To cut down on the navy, for instance, would be a crime against the Nation. To fail to push forward all work on the Panama Canal would be as great a folly. In my message of December 2, 1902, to the Congress I said: 
"Interest rates are a potent factor in business activity, and in order that these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of widely separated communities, and to prevent the recurrence of financial stringencies, which injuriously affect legitimate business, it is necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of commerce, and, upon them should be placed, as far as practicable, the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply the needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign commerce; and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply should be always available for the business interests of the country." Every consideration of prudence demands the addition of the element of elasticity to our currency system. The evil does not consist in an inadequate volume of money, but in the rigidity of this volume, which does not respond as it should to the varying needs of communities and of seasons. Inflation must be avoided; but some provision should be made that will insure a larger volume of money during the Fall and Winter months than in the less active seasons of the year; so that the currency will contract against speculation, and will expand for the needs of legitimate business. At present the Treasury Department is at irregularly recurring intervals obliged, in the interest of the business world--that is, in the interests of the American public--to try to avert financial crises by providing a remedy which should be provided by Congressional action. At various times I have instituted investigations into the organization and conduct of the business of the executive departments. While none of these inquiries have yet progressed far enough to warrant final conclusions, they have already confirmed and emphasized the general impression that the organization of the departments is often faulty in principle and wasteful in results, while many of their business methods are antiquated and inefficient. There is every reason why our executive governmental machinery should be at least as well planned, economical, and efficient as the best machinery of the great business organizations, which at present is not the case. To make it so is a task of complex detail and essentially executive in its nature; probably no legislative body, no matter how wise and able, could undertake it with reasonable prospect of success. I recommend that the Congress consider this subject with a view to provide by legislation for the transfer, distribution, consolidation, and assignment of duties and executive organizations or parts of organizations, and for the changes in business methods, within or between the several departments, that will best promote the economy, efficiency, and high character of the Government work. In my last annual message I said: 
"The power of the Government to protect the integrity of the elections of its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed by repeated declarations of the Supreme Court. There is no enemy of free government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption of the electorate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and it would seem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate it. I recommend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and corruption in Federal elections. The details of such a law may be safely left to the wise discretion of the Congress, but it should go as far as under the Constitution it is possible to go, and should include severe penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to influence his act or opinion as an elector; and provisions for the publication not only of the expenditures for nominations and elections of all candidates, but also of all contributions received and expenditures made by political committees." I desire to repeat this recommendation. In political campaigns in a country as large and populous as ours it is inevitable that there should be much expense of an entirely legitimate kind. This, of course, means that many contributions, and some of them of large size, must be made, and, as a matter of fact, in any big political contest such contributions are always made to both sides. It is entirely proper both to give and receive them, unless there is an improper motive connected with either gift or reception. If they are extorted by any kind of pressure or promise, express or implied, direct or indirect, in the way of favor or immunity, then the giving or receiving becomes not only improper but criminal. It will undoubtedly be difficult, as a matter of practical detail, to shape an act which shall guard with reasonable certainty against such misconduct; but if it is possible to secure by law the full and verified publication in detail of all the sums contributed to and expended by the candidates or committees of any political parties, the result cannot but be wholesome. All contributions by corporations to any political committee or for any political purpose should be forbidden by law; directors should not be permitted to use stockholders' money for such purposes; and, moreover, a prohibition of this kind would be, as far as it went, an effective method of stopping the evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts. Not only should both the National and the several State Legislatures forbid any officer of a corporation from using the money of the corporation in or about any election, but they should also forbid such use of money in connection with any legislation save by the employment of counsel in public manner for distinctly legal services. The first conference of nations held at The Hague in 1899, being unable to dispose of all the business before it, recommended the consideration and settlement of a number of important questions by another conference to be called subsequently and at an early date. These questions were the following: (1) The rights and duties of neutrals; (2) the limitation of the armed forces on land and sea, and of military budgets; (3) the use of new types and calibres of military and naval guns; (4) the inviolability of private property at sea in times of war; (5) the bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by naval forces. In October, 1904, at the instance of the Interparliamentary Union, which, at a conference held in the United States, and attended by the lawmakers of fifteen different nations, had reiterated the demand for a second conference of nations, I issued invitations to all the powers signatory to The Hague Convention to send delegates to such a conference, and suggested that it be again held at The Hague. In its note of December 16, 1904, the United States Government communicated to the representatives of foreign governments its belief that the conference could be best arranged under the provisions of the present Hague treaty. From all the powers acceptance was received, coupled in some cases with the condition that we should wait until the end of the war then waging between Russia and Japan. The Emperor of Russia, immediately after the treaty of peace which so happily terminated this war, in a note presented to the President on September 13, through Ambassador Rosen, took the initiative in recommending that the conference be now called. The United States Government in response expressed its cordial acquiescence, and stated that it would, as a matter of course, take part in the new conference and endeavor to further its aims. We assume that all civilized governments will support the movement, and that the conference is now an assured fact. This Government will do everything in its power to secure the success of the conference, to the end that substantial progress may be made in the cause of international peace, justice, and good will. This renders it proper at this time to say something as to the general attitude of this Government toward peace. More and more war is coming to be looked upon as in itself a lamentable and evil thing. A wanton or useless war, or a war of mere aggression--in short, any war begun or carried on in a conscienceless spirit, is to be condemned as a peculiarly atrocious crime against all humanity. We can, however, do nothing of permanent value for peace unless we keep ever clearly in mind the ethical element which lies at the root of the problem. Our aim is righteousness. Peace is normally the hand-maiden of rightousness; but when peace and righteousness conflict then a great and upright people can never for a moment hesitate to follow the path which leads toward righteousness, even though that path also leads to war. There are persons who advocate peace at any price; there are others who, following a false analogy, think that because it is no longer necessary in civilized countries for individuals to protect their rights with a strong hand, it is therefore unnecessary for nations to be ready to defend their rights. These persons would do irreparable harm to any nation that adopted their principles, and even as it is they seriously hamper the cause which they advocate by tending to render it absurd in the eyes of sensible and patriotic men. There can be no worse foe of mankind in general, and of his own country in particular, than the demagogue of war, the man who in mere folly or to serve his own selfish ends continually rails at and abuses other nations, who seeks to excite his countrymen against foreigners on insufficient pretexts, who excites and inflames a perverse and aggressive national vanity, and who may on occasions wantonly bring on conflict between his nation and some other nation. But there are demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues of war, and in any such movement as this for The Hague conference it is essential not to be misled by one set of extremists any more than by the other. Whenever it is possible for a nation or an individual to work for real peace, assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive, but if war is necessary and righteous then either the man or the nation shrinking from it forfeits all title to self-respect. We have scant sympathy with the sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than physical suffering, who would prefer a shameful peace to the pain and toil sometimes lamentably necessary in order to secure a righteous peace. As yet there is only a partial and imperfect analogy between international law and internal or municipal law, because there is no sanction of force for executing the former while there is in the case of the latter. The private citizen is protected in his rights by the law, because the law rests in the last resort upon force exercised through the forms of law. A man does not have to defend his rights with his own hand, because he can call upon the police, upon the sheriff's posse, upon the militia, or in certain extreme cases upon the army, to defend him. But there is no such sanction of force for international law. At present there could be no greater calamity than for the free peoples, the enlightened, independent, and peace-loving peoples, to disarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed. So long as the world is as unorganized as now the armies and navies of those peoples who on the whole stand for justice, offer not only the best, but the only possible, security for a just peace. For instance, if the United States alone, or in company only with the other nations that on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might sometimes avoid bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in securing the peace of justice--the real peace for which the most law-abiding and high-minded men must at times be willing to fight. As the world is now, only that nation is equipped for peace that knows how to fight, and that will not shrink from fighting if ever the conditions become such that war is demanded in the name of the highest morality. So much it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the position of the United States may not be misunderstood, and that a genuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among the nations may not be hampered by a folly which, in striving to achieve the impossible, would render it hopeless to attempt the achievement of the practical. But, while recognizing most clearly all above set forth, it remains our clear duty to strive in every practicable way to bring nearer the time when the sword shall not be the arbiter among nations. At present the practical thing to do is to try to minimize the number of cases in which it must be the arbiter, and to offer, at least to all civilized powers, some substitute for war which will be available in at least a considerable number of instances. Very much can be done through another Hague conference in this direction, and I most earnestly urge that this Nation do all in its power to try to further the movement and to make the result of the decisions of The Hague conference effective. I earnestly hope that the conference may be able to devise some way to make arbitration between nations the customary way of settling international disputes in all save a few classes of cases, which should themselves be as sharply defined and rigidly limited as the present governmental and social development of the world will permit. If possible, there should be a general arbitration treaty negotiated among all the nations represented at the conference. Neutral rights and property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land. There should be an international agreement to this purpose and a similar agreement defining contraband of war. During the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the number of wars between the most civilized nations. International relations have become closer and the development of The Hague tribunal is not only a symptom of this growing closeness of relationship, but is a means by which the growth can be furthered. Our aim should be from time to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating something like an organization of the civilized nations, because as the world becomes more highly organized the need for navies and armies will diminish. It is not possible to secure anything like an immediate disarmament, because it would first be necessary to settle what peoples are on the whole a menace to the rest of mankind, and to provide against the disarmament of the rest being turned into a movement which would really chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples; but it may be possible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely the budgets for military expenditure. Of course such an effort could succeed only if it did not attempt to do too much; and if it were undertaken in a spirit of sanity as far removed as possible from a merely hysterical pseudo-philanthropy. It is worth while pointing out that since the end of the insurrection in the Philippines this Nation has shown its practical faith in the policy of disarmament by reducing its little army one-third. But disarmament can never be of prime importance; there is more need to get rid of the causes of war than of the implements of war. I have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any mere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and earnest; because I have a real and great desire that this second Hague conference may mark a long stride forward in the direction of securing the peace of justice throughout the world. No object is better worthy the attention of enlightened statesmanship than the establishment of a surer method than now exists of securing justice as between nations, both for the protection of the little nations and for the prevention of war between the big nations. To this aim we should endeavor not only to avert bloodshed, but, above all, effectively to strengthen the forces of right. The Golden Rule should be, and as the world grows in morality it will be, the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among individuals; though the Golden Rule must not be construed, in fantastic manner, as forbidding the exercise of the police power. This mighty and free Republic should ever deal with all other States, great or small, on a basis of high honor, respecting their rights as jealously as it safeguards its own. One of the most effective instruments for peace is the Monroe Doctrine as it has been and is being gradually developed by this Nation and accepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient in promoting peace in the Western Hemisphere and in giving to each nation thereon the chance to develop along its own lines. If we had refused to apply the doctrine to changing conditions it would now be completely outworn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day, and, indeed, would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. It is useful at home, and is meeting with recognition abroad because we have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and changing needs of the hemisphere. When we announce a policy such as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to the consequences of the policy, and those consequences from time to time alter. It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its exercise. Not only we, but all American republics who are benefited by the existence of the doctrine, must recognize the obligations each nation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to insist upon its own rights. That our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance of the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is especially true in view of the construction of the Panama Canal. As a mere matter of self-defense we must exercise a close watch over the approaches to this canal; and this means that we must be thoroughly alive to our interests in the Caribbean Sea. There are certain essential points which must never be forgotten as regards the Monroe Doctrine. In the first place we must as a Nation make it evident that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south. We must recognize the fact that in some South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we should interpret the Monroe Doctrine as in some way inimical to their interests, and we must try to convince all the other nations of this continent once and for all that no just and orderly Government has anything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of us which have already reached such a point of stability, order, and prosperity that they themselves, though as yet hardly consciously, are among the guarantors of this doctrine. These republics we now meet not only on a basis of entire equality, but in a spirit of frank and respectful friendship, which we hope is mutual. If all of the republics to the south of us will only grow as those to which I allude have already grown, all need for us to be the especial champions of the doctrine will disappear, for no stable and growing American Republic wishes to see some great non-American military power acquire territory in its neighborhood. All that this country desires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous; and they cannot be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their boundaries and behave with a just regard for their obligations toward outsiders. It must be understood that under no circumstances will the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression. We desire peace with all the world, but perhaps most of all with the other peoples of the American Continent. There are, of course, limits to the wrongs which any self-respecting nation can endure. It is always possible that wrong actions toward this Nation, or toward citizens of this Nation, in some State unable to keep order among its own people, unable to secure justice from outsiders, and unwilling to do justice to those outsiders who treat it well, may result in our having to take action to protect our rights; but such action will not be taken with a view to territorial aggression, and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been exhausted. Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the Monroe Doctrine to be used by any nation on this Continent as a shield to protect it from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations. If a republic to the south of us commits a tort against a foreign nation, such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation, then the Monroe Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the tort, save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorial occupation in any shape. The case is more difficult when it refers to a contractual obligation. Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf, of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view. But they do not; and in consequence we are liable at any time to be brought face to face with disagreeable alternatives. On the one hand, this country would certainly decline to go to war to prevent a foreign government from collecting a just debt; on the other hand, it is very inadvisable to permit any foreign power to take possession, even temporarily, of the custom houses of an American Republic in order to enforce the payment of its obligations; for such temporary occupation might turn into a permanent occupation. The only escape from these alternatives may at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some arrangement by which so much as possible of a just obligation shall be paid. It is far better that this country should put through such an arrangement, rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it. To do so insures the defaulting republic from having to pay debt of an improper character under duress, while it also insures honest creditors of the republic from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or grasping creditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such a position offers the only possible way of insuring us against a clash with some foreign power. The position is, therefore, in the interest of peace as well as in the interest of justice. It is of benefit to our people; it is of benefit to foreign peoples; and most of all it is really of benefit to the people of the country concerned. This brings me to what should be one of the fundamental objects of the Monroe Doctrine. We must ourselves in good faith try to help upward toward peace and order those of our sister republics which need such help. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical element in the relations of one individual to another, so we are, even though slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing one another's burdens, not only as among individuals, but also as among nations. Santo Domingo, in her turn, has now made an appeal to us to help her, and not only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within us bids us respond to the appeal. It is not of the slightest consequence whether we grant the aid needed by Santo Domingo as an incident to the wise development of the Monroe Doctrine or because we regard the case of Santo Domingo as standing wholly by itself, and to be treated as such, and not on general principles or with any reference to the Monroe Doctrine. The important point is to give the needed aid, and the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged purely on its own merits. The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues, saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will to help them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo Domingo in her hour of need. In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory on or proper for Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay any of them unless some stability was assured her Government and people. Accordingly, the Executive Department of our Government negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans to all the important positions in the customs service and they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues, turning over 45 per cent. to the Government for running expenses and putting the other 55 per cent. into a safe depository for equitable division in case the treaty shall be ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or American. The Custom Houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in Santo Domingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their real aim the obtaining of these Custom Houses. The mere fact that the Collectors of Customs are Americans, that they are performing their duties with efficiency and honesty, and that the treaty is pending in the Senate gives a certain moral power to the Government of Santo Domingo which it has not had before. This has completely discouraged all revolutionary movement, while it has already produced such an increase in the revenues that the Government is actually getting more from the 45 per cent. that the American Collectors turn over to it than it got formerly when it took the entire revenue. It is enabling the poor, harassed people of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to be free from the cure of interminable revolutionary disturbance. It offers to all bona-fide creditors, American and European, the only really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled, while it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of defense against claims which it ought not to pay, for now if it meets the views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all these claims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are improper are paid. There is, of course, opposition to the treaty from dishonest creditors, foreign and American, and from the professional revolutionists of the island itself. We have already reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up sedition in the island and opposition to the treaty. In the meantime, I have exercised the authority vested in me by the joint resolution of the Congress to prevent the introduction of arms into the island for revolutionary purposes. Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or later this Government may be involved in serious difficulties with foreign Governments over the island, or else may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to the people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a Nation if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to Santo Domingo. Every consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every consideration of large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo Domingo as we are now trying to meet it. We cannot consider the question of our foreign policy without at the same time treating of the Army and the Navy. We now have a very small army indeed, one well-nigh infinitesimal when compared With the army of any other large nation. Of course the army we do have should be as nearly perfect of its kind and for its size as is possible. I do not believe that any army in the world has a better average of enlisted men or a better type of junior officer; but the army should be trained to act effectively in a mass. Provision should be made by sufficient appropriations for manoeuvers of a practical kind, so that the troops may learn how to take care of themselves under actual service conditions; every march, for instance, being made with the soldier loaded exactly as he would be in active campaign. The Generals and Colonels would thereby have opportunity of handling regiments, brigades, and divisions, and the commissary and medical departments would be tested in the field. Provision should be made for the exercise at least of a brigade and by preference of a division in marching and embarking at some point on our coast and disembarking at some other point and continuing its march. The number of posts in which the army is kept in time of peace should be materially diminished and the posts that are left made correspondingly larger. No local interests should be allowed to stand in the way of assembling the greater part of the troops which would at need form our field armies in stations of such size as will permit the best training to be given to the personnel of all grades, including the high officers and staff officers. To accomplish this end we must have not company or regimental garrisons, but brigade and division garrisons. Promotion by mere seniority can never result in a thoroughly efficient corps of officers in the higher ranks unless there accompanies it a vigorous weeding-out process. Such a weeding-out process--that is, such a process of selection--is a chief feature of the four years' course of the young officer at West Point. There is no good reason why it should stop immediately upon his graduation. While at West Point he is dropped unless he comes up to a certain standard of excellence, and when he graduates he takes rank in the army according to his rank of graduation. The results are good at West Point; and there should be in the army itself something that will achieve the same end. After a certain age has been reached the average officer is unfit to do good work below a certain grade. Provision should be made for the promotion of exceptionally meritorious men over the heads of their comrades and for the retirement of all men who have reached a given age without getting beyond a given rank; this age of retirement of course changing from rank to rank. In both the army and the navy there should be some principle of selection, that is, of promotion for merit, and there should be a resolute effort to eliminate the aged officers of reputable character who possess no special efficiency. There should be an increase in the coast artillery force, so that our coast fortifications can be in some degree adequately manned. There is special need for an increase and reorganization of the Medical Department of the army. In both the army and navy there must be the same thorough training for duty in the staff corps as in the fighting line. Only by such training in advance can we be sure that in actual war field operations and those at sea will be carried on successfully. The importance of this was shown conclusively in the Spanish-American and the Russo-Japanese wars. The work of the medical departments in the Japanese army and navy is especially worthy of study. I renew my recommendation of January 9, 1905, as to the Medical Department of the army and call attention to the equal importance of the needs of the staff corps of the navy. In the Medical Department of the navy the first in importance is the reorganization of the Hospital Corps, on the lines of the Gallinger bill, (S. 3,984, February 1, 1904), and the reapportionment of the different grades of the medical officers to meet service requirements. It seems advisable also that medical officers of the army and navy should have similar rank and pay in their respective grades, so that their duties can be carried on without friction when they are brought together. The base hospitals of the navy should be put in condition to meet modern requirements and hospital ships be provided. Unless we now provide with ample forethought for the medical needs of the army and navy appalling suffering of a preventable kind is sure to occur if ever the country goes to war. It is not reasonable to expect successful administration in time of war of a department which lacks a third of the number of officers necessary to perform the medical service in time of peace. We need men who are not merely doctors; they must be trained in the administration of military medical service. Our navy must, relatively to the navies of other nations, always be of greater size than our army. We have most wisely continued for a number of years to build up our navy, and it has now reached a fairly high standard of efficiency. This standard of efficiency must not only be maintained, but increased. It does not seem to be necessary, however, that the navy should--at least in the immediate future--be increased beyond the present number of units. What is now clearly necessary is to substitute efficient for inefficient units as the latter become worn out or as it becomes apparent that they are useless. Probably the result would be attained by adding a single battleship to our navy each year, the superseded or outworn vessels being laid up or broken up as they are thus replaced. The four single-turret monitors built immediately after the close of the Spanish war, for instance, are vessels which would be of but little use in the event of war. The money spent upon them could have been more usefully spent in other ways. Thus it would have been far better never to have built a single one of these monitors and to have put the money into an ample supply of reserve guns. Most of the smaller cruisers and gunboats, though they serve a useful purpose so far as they are needed for international police work, would not add to the strength of our navy in a conflict with a serious foe. There is urgent need of providing a large increase in the number of officers, and especially in the number of enlisted men. Recent naval history has emphasized certain lessons which ought not to, but which do, need emphasis. Seagoing torpedo boats or destroyers are indispensable, not only for making night attacks by surprise upon an enemy, but even in battle for finishing already crippled ships. Under exceptional circumstances submarine boats would doubtless be of use. Fast scouts are needed. The main strength of the navy, however, lies, and can only lie, in the great battleships, the heavily armored, heavily gunned vessels which decide the mastery of the seas. Heavy-armed cruisers also play a most useful part, and unarmed cruisers, if swift enough, are very useful as scouts. Between antagonists of approximately equal prowess the comparative perfection of the instruments of war will ordinarily determine the fight. But it is, of course, true that the man behind the gun, the man in the engine room, and the man in the conning tower, considered not only individually, but especially with regard to the way in which they work together, are even more important than the weapons with which they work. The most formidable battleship is, of course, helpless against even a light cruiser if the men aboard it are unable to hit anything with their guns, and thoroughly well-handled cruisers may count seriously in an engagement with much superior vessels, if the men aboard the latter are ineffective, whether from lack of training or from any other cause. Modern warships are most formidable mechanisms when well handled, but they are utterly useless when not well handled, and they cannot be handled at all without long and careful training. This training can under no circumstance be given when once war has broken out. No fighting ship of the first class should ever be laid up save for necessary repairs, and her crew should be kept constantly exercised on the high seas, so that she may stand at the highest point of perfection. To put a new and untrained crew upon the most powerful battleship and send it out to meet a formidable enemy is not only to invite, but to insure, disaster and disgrace. To improvise crews at the outbreak of a war, so far as the serious fighting craft are concerned, is absolutely hopeless. If the officers and men are not thoroughly skilled in, and have not been thoroughly trained to, their duties, it would be far better to keep the ships in port during hostilities than to send them against a formidable opponent, for the result could only be that they would be either sunk or captured. The marksmanship of our navy is now on the whole in a gratifying condition, and there has been a great improvement in fleet practice. We need additional seamen; we need a large store of reserve guns; we need sufficient money for ample target practice, ample practice of every kind at sea. We should substitute for comparatively inefficient types--the old third-class battleship Texas, the single-turreted monitors above mentioned, and, indeed, all the monitors and some of the old cruisers--efficient, modern seagoing vessels. Seagoing torpedo-boat destroyers should be substituted for some of the smaller torpedo boats. During the present Congress there need be no additions to the aggregate number of units of the navy. Our navy, though very small relatively to the navies of other nations, is for the present sufficient in point of numbers for our needs, and while we must constantly strive to make its efficiency higher, there need be no additions to the total of ships now built and building, save in the way of substitution as above outlined. I recommend the report of the Secretary of the Navy to the careful consideration of the Congress, especially with a view to the legislation therein advocated. During the past year evidence has accumulated to confirm the expressions contained in my last two annual messages as to the importance of revising by appropriate legislation our system of naturalizing aliens. I appointed last March a commission to make a careful examination of our naturalization laws, and to suggest appropriate measures to avoid the notorious abuses resulting from the improvident of unlawful granting of citizenship. This commission, composed of an officer of the Department of State, of the Department of Justice, and of the Department of Commerce and Labor, has discharged the duty imposed upon it, and has submitted a report, which will be transmitted to the Congress for its consideration, and, I hope, for its favor, able action. The distinguishing recommendations of the commission are: 
First--A Federal Bureau of Naturalization, to be established in the Department of Commerce and Labor, to supervise the administration of the naturalization laws and to receive returns of naturalizations pending and accomplished. 
Second--Uniformity of naturalization certificates, fees to be charged, and procedure. 
Third--More exacting qualifications for citizenship. 
Fourth--The preliminary declaration of intention to be abolished and no alien to be naturalized until at least ninety days after the filing of his petition. 
Fifth--Jurisdiction to naturalize aliens to be confined to United States district courts and to such State courts as have jurisdiction in civil actions in which the amount in controversy is unlimited; in cities of over 100,000 inhabitants the United States district courts to have exclusive jurisdiction in the naturalization of the alien residents of such cities. In my last message I asked the attention of the Congress to the urgent need of action to make our criminal law more effective; and I most earnestly request that you pay heed to the report of the Attorney General on this subject. Centuries ago it was especially needful to throw every safeguard round the accused. The danger then was lest he should be wronged by the State. The danger is now exactly the reverse. Our laws and customs tell immensely in favor of the criminal and against the interests of the public he has wronged. Some antiquated and outworn rules which once safeguarded the threatened rights of private citizens, now merely work harm to the general body politic. The criminal law of the United States stands in urgent need of revision. The criminal process of any court of the United States should run throughout the entire territorial extent of our country. The delays of the criminal law, no less than of the civil, now amount to a very great evil. There seems to be no statute of the United States which provides for the punishment of a United States Attorney or other officer of the Government who corruptly agrees to wrongfully do or wrongfully refrain from doing any act when the consideration for such corrupt agreement is other than one possessing money value. This ought to be remedied by appropriate legislation. Legislation should also be enacted to cover explicitly, unequivocally, and beyond question breach of trust in the shape of prematurely divulging official secrets by an officer or employe of the United States, and to provide a suitable penalty therefor. Such officer or employe owes the duty to the United States to guard carefully and not to divulge or in any manner use, prematurely, information which is accessible to the officer or employe by reason of his official position. Most breaches of public trust are already covered by the law, and this one should be. It is impossible, no matter how much care is used, to prevent the occasional appointment to the public service of a man who when tempted proves unfaithful; but every means should be provided to detect and every effort made to punish the wrongdoer. So far as in my power see each and every such wrongdoer shall be relentlessly hunted down; in no instance in the past has he been spared; in no instance in the future shall he be spared. His crime is a crime against every honest man in the Nation, for it is a crime against the whole body politic. Yet in dwelling on such misdeeds it is unjust not to add that they are altogether exceptional, and that on the whole the employes of the Government render upright and faithful service to the people. There are exceptions, notably in one or two branches of the service, but at no time in the Nation's history has the public service of the Nation taken as a whole stood on a higher plane than now, alike as regards honesty and as regards efficiency. Once again I call your attention to the condition of the public land laws. Recent developments have given new urgency to the need for such changes as will fit these laws to actual present conditions. The honest disposal and right use of the remaining public lands is of fundamental importance. The iniquitous methods by which the monopolizing of the public lands is being brought about under the present laws are becoming more generally known, but the existing laws do not furnish effective remedies. The recommendations of the Public Lands Commission upon this subject are wise and should be given effect. The creation of small irrigated farms under the Reclamation act is a powerful offset to the tendency of certain other laws to foster or permit monopoly of the land. Under that act the construction of great irrigation works has been proceeding rapidly and successfully, the lands reclaimed are eagerly taken up, and the prospect that the policy of National irrigation will accomplish all that was expected of it is bright. The act should be extended to include the State of Texas. The Reclamation act derives much of its value from the fact that it tends to secure the greatest possible number of homes on the land, and to create communities of freeholders, in part by settlement on public lands, in part by forcing the subdivision of large private holdings before they can get water from Government irrigation works. The law requires that no right to the use of water for land in private ownership shall be sold for a tract exceeding 160 acres to any one land owner. This provision has excited active and powerful hostility, but the success of the law itself depends on the wise and firm enforcement of it. We cannot afford to substitute tenants for freeholders on the public domain. The greater part of the remaining public lands can not be irrigated. They are at present and will probably always be of greater value for grazing than for any other purpose. This fact has led to the grazing homestead of 640 acres in Nebraska and to the proposed extension of it to other States. It is argued that a family can not be supported on 160 acres of arid grazing land. This is obviously true, but neither can a family be supported on 640 acres of much of the land to which it is proposed to apply the grazing homestead. To establish universally any such arbitrary limit would be unwise at the present time. It would probably result on the one hand in enlarging the holdings of some of the great land owners, and on the other in needless suffering and failure on the part of a very considerable proportion of the bona fide settlers who give faith to the implied assurance of the Government that such an area is sufficient. The best use of the public grazing lands requires the careful examination and classification of these lands in order to give each settler land enough to support his family and no more. While this work is being done, and until the lands are settled, the Government should take control of the open range, under reasonable regulations suited to local needs, following the general policy already in successful operation on the forest reserves. It is probable that the present grazing value of the open public range is scarcely more than half what it once was or what it might easily be again under careful regulation. The forest policy of the Administration appears to enjoy the unbroken support of the people. The great users of timber are themselves forwarding the movement for forest preservation. All organized opposition to the forest preserves in the West has disappeared. Since the consolidation of all Government forest work in the National Forest Service there has been a rapid and notable gain in the usefulness of the forest reserves to the people and in public appreciation of their value. The National parks within or adjacent to forest reserves should be transferred to the charge of the Forest Service also. The National Government already does something in connection with the construction and maintenance of the great system of levees along the lower course of the Mississippi; in my judgment it should do much more. To the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war a great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable. We should have ships of our own and seamen of our own to convey our goods to neutral markets, and in case of need to reinforce our battle line. It cannot but be a source of regret and uneasiness to us that the lines of communication with our sister republics of South America should be chiefly under foreign control. It is not a good thing that American merchants and manufacturers should have to send their goods and letters to South America via Europe if they wish security and dispatch. Even on the Pacific, where our ships have held their own better than on the Atlantic, our merchant flag is now threatened through the liberal aid bestowed by other Governments on their own steam lines. I ask your earnest consideration of the report with which the Merchant Marine Commission has followed its long and careful inquiry. I again heartily commend to your favorable consideration the tercentennial celebration at Jamestown, Va. Appreciating the desirability of this commemoration, the Congress passed an act, March 3, 1905, authorizing in the year 1907, on and near the waters of Hampton Roads, in the State of Virginia, an international naval, marine, and military celebration in honor of this event. By the authority vested in me by this act, I have made proclamation of said celebration, and have issued, in conformity with its instructions, invitations to all the nations of the earth to participate, by sending their naval vessels and such military organizations as may be practicable. This celebration would fail of its full purpose unless it were enduring in its results and commensurate with the importance of the event to be celebrated, the event from which our Nation dates its birth. I earnestly hope that this celebration, already indorsed by the Congress of the United States, and by the Legislatures of sixteen States since the action of the Congress, will receive such additional aid at your hands as will make it worthy of the great event it is intended to celebrate, and thereby enable the Government of the United States to make provision for the exhibition of its own resources, and likewise enable our people who have undertaken the work of such a celebration to provide suitable and proper entertainment and instruction in the historic events of our country for all who may visit the exposition and to whom we have tendered our hospitality. It is a matter of unmixed satisfaction once more to call attention to the excellent work of the Pension Bureau; for the veterans of the civil war have a greater claim upon us than any other class of our citizens. To them, first of all among our people, honor is due. Seven years ago my lamented predecessor, President McKinley, stated that the time had come for the Nation to care for the graves of the Confederate dead. I recommend that the Congress take action toward this end. The first need is to take charge of the graves of the Confederate dead who died in Northern prisons. The question of immigration is of vital interest to this country. In the year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the United States 1,026,000 alien immigrants. In other words, in the single year that has just elapsed there came to this country a greater number of people than came here during the one hundred and sixty-nine years of our Colonial life which intervened between the first landing at Jamestown and the Declaration of Independence. It is clearly shown in the report of the Commissioner General of Immigration that while much of this enormous immigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural, a considerable proportion is undesirable from one reason or another; moreover, a considerable proportion of it, probably a very large proportion, including most of the undesirable class, does not come here of its own initiative, but because of the activity of the agents of the great transportation companies. These agents are distributed throughout Europe, and by the offer of all kinds of inducements they wheedle and cajole many immigrants, often against their best interest, to come here. The most serious obstacle we have to encounter in the effort to secure a proper regulation of the immigration to these shores arises from the determined opposition of the foreign steamship lines who have no interest whatever in the matter save to increase the returns on their capital by carrying masses of immigrants hither in the steerage quarters of their ships. As I said in my last message to the Congress, we cannot have too much immigration of the right sort and we should have none whatever of the wrong sort. Of course, it is desirable that even the right kind of immigration should be properly distributed in this country. We need more of such immigration for the South; and special effort should be made to secure it. Perhaps it would be possible to limit the number of immigrants allowed to come in any one year to New York and other Northern cities, while leaving unlimited the number allowed to come to the South; always provided, however, that a stricter effort is made to see that only immigrants of the right kind come to our country anywhere. In actual practice it has proved so difficult to enforce the migration laws where long stretches of frontier marked by an imaginary line alone intervene between us and our neighbors that I recommend that no immigrants be allowed to come in from Canada and Mexico save natives of the two countries themselves. As much as possible should be done to distribute the immigrants upon the land and keep them away from the contested tenement-house districts of the great cities. But distribution is a palliative, not a cure. The prime need is to keep out all immigrants who will not make good American citizens. The laws now existing for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants should be strengthened. Adequate means should be adopted, enforced by sufficient penalties, to compel steamship companies engaged in the passenger business to observe in good faith the law which forbids them to encourage or solicit immigration to the United States. Moreover, there should be a sharp limitation imposed upon all vessels coming to our ports as to the number of immigrants in ratio to the tonnage which each vessel can carry. This ratio should be high enough to insure the coming hither of as good a class of aliens as possible. Provision should be made for the surer punishment of those who induce aliens to come to this country under promise or assurance of employment. It should be made possible to inflict a sufficiently heavy penalty on any employer violating this law to deter him from taking the risk. It seems to me wise that there should be an international conference held to deal with this question of immigration, which has more than a merely National significance; such a conference could, among other things, enter at length into the method for securing a thorough inspection of would-be immigrants at the ports from which they desire to embark before permitting them to embark. In dealing with this question it is unwise to depart from the old American tradition and to discriminate for or against any man who desires to come here and become a citizen, save on the ground of that man's fitness for citizenship. It is our right and duty to consider his moral and social quality. His standard of living should be such that he will not, by pressure of competition, lower the standard of living of our own wage-workers; for it must ever be a prime object of our legislation to keep high their standard of living. If the man who seeks to come here is from the moral and social standpoint of such a character as to bid fair to add value to the community he should be heartily welcomed. We cannot afford to pay heed to whether he is of one creed or another, of one nation, or another. We cannot afford to consider whether he is Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether he is Englishman or Irishman, Frenchman or German, Japanese, Italian, Scandinavian, Slav, or Magyar. What we should desire to find out is the individual quality of the individual man. In my judgment, with this end in view, we shall have to prepare through our own agents a far more rigid inspection in the countries from which the immigrants come. It will be a great deal better to have fewer immigrants, but all of the right kind, than a great number of immigrants, many of whom are necessarily of the wrong kind. As far as possible we wish to limit the immigration to this country to persons who propose to become citizens of this country, and we can well afford to insist upon adequate scrutiny of the character of those who are thus proposed for future citizenship. There should be an increase in the stringency of the laws to keep out insane, idiotic, epileptic, and pauper immigrants. But this is by no means enough. Not merely the Anarchist, but every man of Anarchistic tendencies, all violent and disorderly people, all people of bad character, the incompetent, the lazy, the vicious, the physically unfit, defective, or degenerate should be kept out. The stocks out of which American citizenship is to be built should be strong and healthy, sound in body, mind, and character. If it be objected that the Government agents would not always select well, the answer is that they would certaintly select better than do the agents and brokers of foreign steamship companies, the people who now do whatever selection is done. The questions arising in connection with Chinese immigration stand by themselves. The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low wages for which they work, and their low standard of living. Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. The violations of them are so few in number as to be infinitesimal and can be entirely disregarded. This is no serious proposal to alter the immigration law as regards the Chinese laborer, skilled or unskilled, and there is no excuse for any man feeling or affecting to feel the slightest alarm on the subject. But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business and professional men of all kinds--not only merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and the like--should be encouraged to come here, and treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students, business men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our laws and treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of departure from China. For this purpose there should be provided a more adequate Consular Service in China than we now have. The appropriations both for the offices of the Consuls and for the office forces in the consulates should be increased. As a people we have talked much of the open door in China, and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon, justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we cannot expect to receive equity unless we do equity. We cannot ask the Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our laboring men threatened to come into their country in such numbers as to jeopardize the well-being of the Chinese population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right, which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration. That this right exists for each country was explicitly acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar rank who go to China. Much trouble has come during the past Summer from the organized boycott against American goods which has been started in China. The main factor in producing this boycott has been the resentment felt by the students and business people of China, by all the Chinese leaders, against the harshness of our law toward educated Chinamen of the professional and business classes. This Government has the friendliest feeling for China and desires China's well-being. We cordially sympathize with the announced purpose of Japan to stand for the integrity of China. Such an attitude tends to the peace of the world. The civil service law has been on the statute books for twenty-two years. Every President and a vast majority of heads of departments who have been in office during that period have favored a gradual extension of the merit system. The more thoroughly its principles have been understood, the greater has been the favor with which the law has been regarded by administration officers. Any attempt to carry on the great executive departments of the Government without this law would inevitably result in chaos. The Civil Service Commissioners are doing excellent work, and their compensation is inadequate considering the service they perform. The statement that the examinations are not practical in character is based on a misapprehension of the practice of the Commission. The departments are invariably consulted as to the requirements desired and as to the character of questions that shall be asked. General invitations are frequently sent out to all heads of departments asking whether any changes in the scope or character of examinations are required. In other words, the departments prescribe the requirements and qualifications desired, and the Civil Service Commission co-operates with them in securing persons with these qualifications and insuring open and impartial competition. In a large number of examinations (as, for example, those for trades positions), there are no educational requirements whatever, and a person who can neither read nor write may pass with a high average. Vacancies in the service are filled with reasonable expedition, and the machinery of the Commission, which reaches every part of the country, is the best agency that has yet been devised for finding people with the most suitable qualifications for the various offices to be filled. Written competitive examinations do not make an ideal method for filling positions, but they do represent an immeasurable advance upon the "spoils" method, under which outside politicians really make the appointments nominally made by the executive officers, the appointees being chosen by the politicians in question, in the great majority of cases, for reasons totally unconnected with the needs of the service or of the public. Statistics gathered by the Census Bureau show that the tenure of office in the Government service does not differ materially from that enjoyed by employes of large business corporations. Heads of executive departments and members of the Commission have called my attention to the fact that the rule requiring a filing of charges and three days' notice before an employe could be separated from the service for inefficiency has served no good purpose whatever, because that is not a matter upon which a hearing of the employe found to be inefficient can be of any value, and in practice the rule providing for such notice and hearing has merely resulted in keeping in a certain number of incompetents, because of the reluctance of the heads of departments and bureau chiefs to go through the required procedure. Experience has shown that this rule is wholly ineffective to save any man, if a superior for improper reasons wishes to remove him, and is mischievous because it sometimes serves to keep in the service incompetent men not guilty of specific wrongdoing. Having these facts in view the rule has been amended by providing that where the inefficiency or incapacity comes within the personal knowledge of the head of a department the removal may be made without notice, the reasons therefor being filed and made a record of the department. The absolute right of the removal rests where it always has rested, with the head of a department; any limitation of this absolute right results in grave injury to the public service. The change is merely one of procedure; it was much needed, and it is producing good results. The civil service law is being energetically and impartially enforced, and in the large majority of cases complaints of violations of either the law or rules are discovered to be unfounded. In this respect this law compares very favorably with any other Federal statute. The question of politics in the appointment and retention of the men engaged in merely ministerial work has been practically eliminated in almost the entire field of Government employment covered by the civil service law. The action of the Congress in providing the commission with its own force instead of requiring it to rely on detailed clerks has been justified by the increased work done at a smaller cost to the Government. I urge upon the Congress a careful consideration of the recommendations contained in the annual report of the commission. Our copyright laws urgently need revision. They are imperfect in definition, confused and inconsistent in expression; they omit provision for many articles which, under modern reproductive processes are entitled to protection; they impose hardships upon the copyright proprietor which are not essential to the fair protection of the public; they are difficult for the courts to interpret and impossible for the Copyright Office to administer with satisfaction to the public. Attempts to improve them by amendment have been frequent, no less than twelve acts for the purpose having been passed since the Revised Statutes. To perfect them by further amendment seems impracticable. A complete revision of them is essential. Such a revision, to meet modern conditions, has been found necessary in Germany, Austria, Sweden, and other foreign countries, and bills embodying it are pending in England and the Australian colonies. It has been urged here, and proposals for a commission to undertake it have, from time to time, been pressed upon the Congress. The inconveniences of the present conditions being so great, an attempt to frame appropriate legislation has been made by the Copyright Office, which has called conferences of the various interests especially and practically concerned with the operation of the copyright laws. It has secured from them suggestions as to the changes necessary; it has added from its own experience and investigations, and it has drafted a bill which embodies such of these changes and additions as, after full discussion and expert criticism, appeared to be sound and safe. In form this bill would replace the existing insufficient and inconsistent laws by one general copyright statute. It will be presented to the Congress at the coming session. It deserves prompt consideration. I recommend that a law be enacted to regulate inter-State commerce in misbranded and adulterated foods, drinks, and drugs. Such law would protect legitimate manufacture and commerce, and would tend to secure the health and welfare of the consuming public. Traffic in food-stuffs which have been debased or adulterated so as to injure health or to deceive purchasers should be forbidden. The law forbidding the emission of dense black or gray smoke in the city of Washington has been sustained by the courts. Something has been accomplished under it, but much remains to be done if we would preserve the capital city from defacement by the smoke nuisance. Repeated prosecutions under the law have not had the desired effect. I recommend that it be made more stringent by increasing both the minimum and maximum fine; by providing for imprisonment in cases of repeated violation, and by affording the remedy of injunction against the continuation of the operation of plants which are persistent offenders. I recommend, also, an increase in the number of inspectors, whose duty it shall be to detect violations of the act. I call your attention to the generous act of the State of California in conferring upon the United States Government the ownership of the Yosemite Valley and the Mariposa Big Tree Grove. There should be no delay in accepting the gift, and appropriations should be made for the including thereof in the Yosemite National Park, and for the care and policing of the park. California has acted most wisely, as well as with great magnanimity, in the matter. There are certain mighty natural features of our land which should be preserved in perpetuity for our children and our children's children. In my judgment, the Grand Canyon of the Colorado should be made into a National park. It is greatly to be wished that the State of New York should copy as regards Niagara what the State of California has done as regards the Yosemite. Nothing should be allowed to interfere with the preservation of Niagara Falls in all their beauty and majesty. If the State cannot see to this, then it is earnestly to be wished that she should be willing to turn it over to the National Government, which should in such case (if possible, in conjunction with the Canadian Government) assume the burden and responsibility of preserving unharmed Niagara Falls; just as it should gladly assume a similar burden and responsibility for the Yosemite National Park, and as it has already assumed them for the Yellowstone National Park. Adequate provision should be made by the Congress for the proper care and supervision of all these National parks. The boundaries of the Yellowstone National Park should be extended to the south and east, to take in such portions of the abutting forest reservations as will enable the Government to protect the elk on their Winter range. The most characteristic animal of the Western plains was the great, shaggy-maned wild ox, the bison, commonly known as buffalo. Small fragments of herds exist in a domesticated state here and there, a few of them in the Yellowstone Park. Such a herd as that on the Flat-head Reservation should not be allowed to go out of existence. Either on some reservation or on some forest reserve like the Wichita reserve and game refuge provision should be made for the preservation of such a herd. I believe that the scheme would be of economic advantage, for the robe of the buffalo is of high market value, and the same is true of the robe of the crossbred animals. I call your especial attention to the desirability of giving to the members of the Life Saving Service pensions such as are given to firemen and policemen in all our great cities. The men in the Life Saving Service continually and in the most matter of fact way do deeds such as make Americans proud of their country. They have no political influence, and they live in such remote places that the really heroic services they continually render receive the scantiest recognition from the public. It is unjust for a great nation like this to permit these men to become totally disabled or to meet death in the performance of their hazardous duty and yet to give them no sort of reward. If one of them serves thirty years of his life in such a position he should surely be entitled to retire on half pay, as a fireman or policeman does, and if he becomes totally incapacitated through accident or sickness, or loses his health in the discharge of his duty, he or his family should receive a pension just as any soldier should. I call your attention with especial earnestness to this matter because it appeals not only to our judgment but to our sympathy; for the people on whose behalf I ask it are comparatively few in number, render incalculable service of a particularly dangerous kind, and have no one to speak for them. During the year just past, the phase of the Indian question which has been most sharply brought to public attention is the larger legal significance of the Indian's induction into citizenship. This has made itself manifest not only in a great access of litigation in which the citizen Indian figures as a party defendant and in a more widespread disposition to levy local taxation upon his personalty, but in a decision of the United States Supreme Court which struck away the main prop on which has hitherto rested the Government's benevolent effort to protect him against the evils of intemperance. The court holds, in effect, that when an Indian becomes, by virtue of an allotment of land to him, a citizen of the State in which his land is situated, he passes from under Federal control in such matters as this, and the acts of the Congress prohibiting the sale or gift to him of intoxicants become substantially inoperative. It is gratifying to note that the States and municipalities of the West which have most at stake in the welfare of the Indians are taking up this subject and are trying to supply, in a measure at least, the abdication of its trusteeship forced upon the Federal Government. Nevertheless, I would urgently press upon the attention of the Congress the question whether some amendment of the internal revenue laws might not be of aid in prosecuting those malefactors, known in the Indian country as "bootleggers," who are engaged at once in defrauding the United States Treasury of taxes and, what is far more important, in debauching the Indians by carrying liquors illicitly into territory still completely under Federal jurisdiction. Among the crying present needs of the Indians are more day schools situated in the midst of their settlements, more effective instruction in the industries pursued on their own farms, and a more liberal tension of the field-matron service, which means the education of the Indian women in the arts of home making. Until the mothers are well started in the right direction we cannot reasonably expect much from the children who are soon to form an integral part of our American citizenship. Moreover the excuse continually advanced by male adult Indians for refusing offers of remunerative employment at a distance from their homes is that they dare not leave their families too long out of their sight. One effectual remedy for this state of things is to employ the minds and strengthen the moral fibre of the Indian women--the end to which the work of the field matron is especially directed. I trust that the Congress will make its appropriations for Indian day schools and field matrons as generous as may consist with the other pressing demands upon its providence. During the last year the Philippine Islands have been slowly recovering from the series of disasters which, since American occupation, have greatly reduced the amount of agricultural products below what was produced in Spanish times. The war, the rinderpest, the locusts, the drought, and the cholera have been united as causes to prevent a return of the prosperity much needed in the islands. The most serious is the destruction by the rinderpest of more than 75 per cent of the draught cattle, because it will take several years of breeding to restore the necessary number of these indispensable aids to agriculture. The commission attempted to supply by purchase from adjoining countries the needed cattle, but the experiments made were unsuccessful. Most of the cattle imported were unable to withstand the change of climate and the rigors of the voyage and died from other diseases than rinderpest. The income of the Philippine Government has necessarily been reduced by reason of the business and agricultural depression in the islands, and the Government has been obliged to exercise great economy to cut down its expenses, to reduce salaries, and in every way to avoid a deficit. It has adopted an internal revenue law, imposing taxes on cigars, cigarettes, and distilled liquors, and abolishing the old Spanish industrial taxes. The law has not operated as smoothly as was hoped, and although its principle is undoubtedly correct, it may need amendments for the purpose of reconciling the people to its provisions. The income derived from it has partly made up for the reduction in customs revenue. There has been a marked increase in the number of Filipinos employed in the civil service, and a corresponding decrease in the number of Americans. The Government in every one of its departments has been rendered more efficient by elimination of undesirable material and the promotion of deserving public servants. Improvements of harbors, roads, and bridges continue, although the cutting down of the revenue forbids the expenditure of any great amount from current income for these purposes. Steps are being taken, by advertisement for competitive bids, to secure the construction and maintenance of 1,000 miles of railway by private corporations under the recent enabling legislation of the Congress. The transfer of the friar lands, in accordance with the contract made some two years ago, has been completely effected, and the purchase money paid. Provision has just been made by statute for the speedy settlement in a special proceeding in the Supreme Court of controversies over the possession and title of church buildings and rectories arising between the Roman Catholic Church and schismatics claiming under ancient municipalities. Negotiations and hearings for the settlement of the amount due to the Roman Catholic Church for rent and occupation of churches and rectories by the army of the United States are in progress, and it is hoped a satisfactory conclusion may be submitted to the Congress before the end of the session. Tranquillity has existed during the past year throughout the Archipelago, except in the Province of Cavite, the Province of Batangas and the Province of Samar, and in the Island of Jolo among the Moros. The Jolo disturbance was put an end to by several sharp and short engagements, and now peace prevails in the Moro Province, Cavite, the mother of ladrones in the Spanish times, is so permeated with the traditional sympathy of the people for ladronism as to make it difficult to stamp out the disease. Batangas was only disturbed by reason of the fugitive ladrones from Cavite, Samar was thrown into disturbance by the uneducated and partly savage peoples living in the mountains, who, having been given by the municipal code more power than they were able to exercise discreetly, elected municipal officers who abused their trusts, compelled the people raising hemp to sell it at a much less price than it was worth, and by their abuses drove their people into resistance to constituted authority. Cavite and Samar are instances of reposing too much confidence in the self-governing power of a people. The disturbances have all now been suppressed, and it is hoped that with these lessons local governments can be formed which will secure quiet and peace to the deserving inhabitants. The incident is another proof of the fact that if there has been any error as regards giving self-government in the Philippines it has been in the direction of giving it too quickly, not too slowly. A year from next April the first legislative assembly for the islands will be held. On the sanity and self-restraint of this body much will depend so far as the future self-government of the islands is concerned. The most encouraging feature of the whole situation has been the very great interest taken by the common people in education and. the great increase in the number of enrolled students in the public schools. The increase was from 300,000 to half a million pupils. The average attendance is about 70 per cent. The only limit upon the number of pupils seems to be the capacity of the government to furnish teachers and school houses. The agricultural conditions of the islands enforce more strongly than ever the argument in favor of reducing the tariff on the products of the Philippine Islands entering the United States. I earnestly recommend that the tariff now imposed by the Dingley bill upon the products of the Philippine Islands be entirely removed, except the tariff on sugar and tobacco, and that that tariff be reduced to 25 per cent of the present rates under the Dingley act; that after July 1, 1909, the tariff upon tobacco and sugar produced in the Philippine Islands be entirely removed, and that free trade between the islands and the United States in the products of each country then be provided for by law. A statute in force, enacted April 15, 1904, suspends the operation of the coastwise laws of the United States upon the trade between the Philippine Islands and the United States until July 1, 1906. I earnestly recommend that this suspension be postponed until July 1, 1909. I think it of doubtful utility to apply the coastwise laws to the trade between the United States and the Philippines under any circumstances, because I am convinced that it will do no good whatever to American bottoms, and will only interfere and be an obstacle to the trade between the Philippines and the United States, but if the coastwise law must be thus applied, certainly it ought not to have effect until free trade is enjoyed between the people of the United States and the people of the Philippine Islands in their respective products. I do not anticipate that free trade between the islands and the United States will produce a revolution in the sugar and tobacco production of the Philippine Islands. So primitive are the methods of agriculture in the Philippine Islands, so slow is capital in going to the islands, so many difficulties surround a large agricultural enterprise in the islands, that it will be many, many years before the products of those islands will have any effect whatever upon the markets of the United States. The problem of labor is also a formidable one with the sugar and tobacco producers in the islands. The best friends of the Filipino people and the people themselves are utterly opposed to the admission of Chinese coolie labor. Hence the only solution is the training of Filipino labor, and this will take a long time. The enactment of a law by the Congress of the United States making provision for free trade between the islands and the United States, however, will be of great importance from a political and sentimental standpoint; and, while its actual benefit has doubtless been exaggerated by the people of the islands, they will accept this measure of justice as an indication that the people of the United States are anxious to aid the people of the Philippine Islands in every way, and especially in the agricultural development of their archipelago. It will aid the Filipinos without injuring interests in America. In my judgment immediate steps should be taken for the fortification of Hawaii. This is the most important point in the Pacific to fortify in order to conserve the interests of this country. It would be hard to overstate the importance of this need. Hawaii is too heavily taxed. Laws should be enacted setting aside for a period of, say, twenty years 75 per cent of the internal revenue and customs receipts from Hawaii as a special fund to be expended in the islands for educational and public buildings, and for harbor improvements and military and naval defenses. It cannot be too often repeated that our aim must be to develop the territory of Hawaii on traditional American lines. That territory has serious commercial and industrial problems to reckon with; but no measure of relief can be considered which looks to legislation admitting Chinese and restricting them by statute to field labor and domestic service. The status of servility can never again be tolerated on American soil. We cannot concede that the proper solution of its problems is special legislation admitting to Hawaii a class of laborers denied admission to the other States and Territories. There are obstacles, and great obstacles, in the way of building up a representative American community in the Hawaiian Islands; but it is not in the American character to give up in the face of difficulty. Many an American Commonwealth has been built up against odds equal to those that now confront Hawaii. No merely half-hearted effort to meet its problems as other American communities have met theirs can be accepted as final. Hawaii shall never become a territory in which a governing class of rich planters exists by means of coolie labor. Even if the rate of growth of the Territory is thereby rendered slower, the growth must only take place by the admission of immigrants fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship. Our aim must be to develop the Territory on the same basis of stable citizenship as exists on this continent. I earnestly advocate the adoption of legislation which will explicitly confer American citizenship on all citizens of Porto Rico. There is, in my judgment, no excuse for failure to do this. The harbor of San Juan should be dredged and improved. The expenses of the Federal Court of Porto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury and not from the Porto Rican treasury. The elections in Porto Rico should take place every four years, and the Legislature should meet in session every two years. The present form of government in Porto Rico, which provides for the appointment by the President of the members of the Executive Council or upper house of the Legislature, has proved satisfactory and has inspired confidence in property owners and investors. I do not deem it advisable at the present time to change this form in any material feature. The problems and needs of the island are industrial and commercial rather than political. I wish to call the attention of the Congress to one question which affects our insular possessions generally; namely, the need of an increased liberality in the treatment of the whole franchise question in these islands. In the proper desire to prevent the islands being exploited by speculators and to have them develop in the interests of their own people an error has been made in refusing to grant sufficiently liberal terms to induce the investment of American capital in the Philippines and in Porto Rico. Elsewhere in this message I have spoken strongly against the jealousy of mere wealth, and especially of corporate wealth as such. But it is particularly regrettable to allow any such jealousy to be developed when we are dealing either with our insular or with foreign affairs. The big corporation has achieved its present position in the business world simply because it is the most effective instrument in business competition. In foreign affairs we cannot afford to put our people at a disadvantage with their competitors by in any way discriminating against the efficiency of our business organizations. In the same way we cannot afford to allow our insular possessions to lag behind in industrial development from any twisted jealousy of business success. It is, of course, a mere truism to say that the business interests of the islands will only be developed if it becomes the financial interest of somebody to develop them. Yet this development is one of the things most earnestly to be wished for in the interest of the islands themselves. We have been paying all possible heed to the political and educational interests of the islands, but, important though these objects are, it is not less important that we should favor their industrial development. The Government can in certain ways help this directly, as by building good roads; but the fundamental and vital help must be given through the development of the industries of the islands, and a most efficient means to this end is to encourage big American corporations to start industries in them, and this means to make it advantageous for them to do so. To limit the ownership of mining claims, as has been done in the Philippines, is absurd. In both the Philippines and Porto Rico the limit of holdings of land should be largely raised. I earnestly ask that Alaska be given an elective delegate. Some person should be chosen who can speak with authority of the needs of the Territory. The Government should aid in the construction of a railroad from the Gulf of Alaska to the Yukon River, in American territory. In my last two messages I advocated certain additional action on behalf of Alaska. I shall not now repeat those recommendations, but I shall lay all my stress upon the one recommendation of giving to Alaska some one authorized to speak for it. I should prefer that the delegate was made elective, but if this is not deemed wise, then make him appointive. At any rate, give Alaska some person whose business it shall be to speak with authority on her behalf to the Congress. The natural resources of Alaska are great. Some of the chief needs of the peculiarly energetic, self-reliant, and typically American white population of Alaska were set forth in my last message. I also earnestly ask your attention to the needs of the Alaskan Indians. All Indians who are competent should receive the full rights of American citizenship. It is, for instance, a gross and indefensible wrong to deny to such hard-working, decent-living Indians as the Metlakahtlas the right to obtain licenses as captains, pilots, and engineers; the right to enter mining claims, and to profit by the homestead law. These particular Indians are civilized and are competent and entitled to be put on the same basis with the white men round about them. I recommend that Indian Territory and Oklahoma be admitted as one State and that New Mexico and Arizona be admitted as one State. There is no obligation upon us to treat territorial subdivisions, which are matters of convenience only, as binding us on the question of admission to Statehood. Nothing has taken up more time in the Congress during the past few years than the question as to the Statehood to be granted to the four Territories above mentioned, and after careful consideration of all that has been developed in the discussions of the question, I recommend that they be immediately admitted as two States. There is no justification for further delay; and the advisability of making the four Territories into two States has been clearly established. In some of the Territories the legislative assemblies issue licenses for gambling. The Congress should by law forbid this practice, the harmful results of which are obvious at a glance. The treaty between the United States and the Republic of Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts, Chairman; Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear Admiral Mordecai T. Endicott, Brig. Gen. Peter C. Hains, and Col. Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed Chief Engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction, mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year and a half. During that period two points about the canal have ceased to be open to debate: First, the question of route; the canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on this route that American engineering skill will not be able to overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of the engineers who have investigated the matter for the Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the findings of the Advisory Board of American and European Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon, and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference thereto as may seem necessary. The American people is pledged to the speediest possible construction of a canal adequate to meet the demands which the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year, and especially during the past four months. The greater part of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work in. The Isthmus had to be sanitated first. This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus will be, for the tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode. The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar work in this country and elsewhere. In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters are being provided for employes and an adequate system of supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped that are without their superiors of their kind anywhere. The country has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work. During the past year a large portion of the plant with which the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently believed that by the middle of the approaching year a sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large scale. What is needed now and without delay is an appropriation by the Congress to meet the current and accruing expenses of the commission. The first appropriation of $10,000,000, out of the $135,000,000 authorized by the Spooner act, was made three years ago. It is nearly exhausted. There is barely enough of it remaining to carry the commission to the end of the year. Unless the Congress shall appropriate before that time all work must cease. To arrest progress for any length of time now, when matters are advancing so satisfactorily, would be deplorable. There will be no money with which to meet pay roll obligations and none with which to meet bills coming due for materials and supplies; and there will be demoralization of the forces, here and on the Isthmus, now working so harmoniously and effectively, if there is delay in granting an emergency appropriation. Estimates of the amount necessary will be found in the accompanying reports of the Secretary of War and the commission. I recommend more adequate provision than has been made heretofore for the work of the Department of State. Within a few years there has been a very great increase in the amount and importance of the work to be done by that department, both in Washington and abroad. This has been caused by the great increase of our foreign trade, the increase of wealth among our people, which enables them to travel more generally than heretofore, the increase of American capital which is seeking investment in foreign countries, and the growth of our power and weight in the councils of the civilized world. There has been no corresponding increase of facilities for doing the work afforded to the department having charge of our foreign relations. Neither at home nor abroad is there a sufficient working force to do the business properly. In many respects the system which was adequate to the work of twenty-five years or even ten years ago, is inadequate now, and should be changed. Our Consular force should be classified, and appointments should be made to the several classes, with authority to the Executive to assign the members of each class to duty at such posts as the interests of the service require, instead of the appointments being made as at present to specified posts. There should be an adequate inspection service, so that the department may be able to inform itself how the business of each Consulate is being done, instead of depending upon casual private information or rumor. The fee system should be entirely abolished, and a due equivalent made in salary to the officers who now eke out their subsistence by means of fees. Sufficient provision should be made for a clerical force in every Consulate composed entirely of Americans, instead of the insufficient provision now made, which compels the employment of great numbers of citizens of foreign countries whose services can be obtained for less money. At a large part of our Consulates the office quarters and the clerical force are inadequate to the performance of the onerous duties imposed by the recent provisions of our immigration laws as well as by our increasing trade. In many parts of the world the lack of suitable quarters for our embassies, legations, and Consulates detracts from the respect in which our officers ought to be held, and seriously impairs their weight and influence. Suitable provision should be made for the expense of keeping our diplomatic officers more fully informed of what is being done from day to day in the progress of our diplomatic affairs with other countries. The lack of such information, caused by insufficient appropriations available for cable tolls and for clerical and messenger service, frequently puts our officers at a great disadvantage and detracts from their usefulness. The salary list should be readjusted. It does not now correspond either to the importance of the service to be rendered and the degrees of ability and experience required in the different positions, or to the differences in the cost of living. In many cases the salaries are quite inadequate.
The people of this country continue to enjoy great prosperity. Undoubtedly there will be ebb and flow in such prosperity, and this ebb and flow will be felt more or less by all members of the community, both by the deserving and the undeserving. Against the wrath of the Lord the wisdom of man cannot avail; in time of flood or drought human ingenuity can but partially repair the disaster. A general failure of crops would hurt all of us. Again, if the folly of man mars the general well-being, then those who are innocent of the folly will have to pay part of the penalty incurred by those who are guilty of the folly. A panic brought on by the speculative folly of part of the business community would hurt the whole business community. But such stoppage of welfare, though it might be severe, would not be lasting. In the long run the one vital factor in the permanent prosperity of the country is the high individual character of the average American worker, the average American citizen, no matter whether his work be mental or manual, whether he be farmer or wage-worker, business man or professional man. In our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a straight-dealing man who by his efficiency, by his ingenuity and industry, benefits himself must also benefit others. Normally the man of great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of many other men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could produce without his guidance; and both he and they share in the benefit, which comes also to the public at large. The superficial fact that the sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying fact that there is this sharing, and that the benefit comes in some degree to each man concerned. Normally the wage-worker, the man of small means, and the average consumer, as well as the average producer, are all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his ability. Something can be done by legislation to help the general prosperity; but no such help of a permanently beneficial character can be given to the less able and less fortunate, save as the results of a policy which shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and efficient people who act decently; and this is only another way of saying that any benefit which comes to the less able and less fortunate must of necessity come even more to the more able and more fortunate. If, therefore, the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have both, though unequally, prospered, the result will assuredly be that while danger may come to the one struck at, it will visit with an even heavier load the one who strikes the blow. Taken as a whole we must all go up or down together. Yet, while not merely admitting, but insisting upon this, it is also true that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some of the exceptional men use their energies not in ways that are for the common good, but in ways which tell against this common good. The fortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large, and vest such power in those that wield them, as to make it a matter of necessity to give to the sovereign--that is, to the Government, which represents the people as a whole--some effective power of supervision over their corporate use. In order to insure a healthy social and industrial life, every big corporation should be held responsible by, and be accountable to, some sovereign strong enough to control its conduct. I am in no sense hostile to corporations. This is an age of combination, and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only useless, but in the end vicious, because of the contempt for law which the failure to enforce law inevitably produces. We should, moreover, recognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by corporate agencies in a country such as ours, and the wealth of intellect, energy, and fidelity devoted to their service, and therefore normally to the service of the public, by their officers and directors. The corporation has come to stay, just as the trade union has come to stay. Each can do and has done great good. Each should be favored so long as it does good. But each should be sharply checked where it acts against law and justice. So long as the finances of the Nation are kept upon an honest basis no other question of internal economy with which the Congress has the power to deal begins to approach in importance the matter of endeavoring to secure proper industrial conditions under which the individuals--and especially the great corporations--doing an interstate business are to act. The makers of our National Constitution provided especially that the regulation of interstate commerce should come within the sphere of the General Government. The arguments in favor of their taking this stand were even then overwhelming. But they are far stronger today, in view of the enormous development of great business agencies, usually corporate in form. Experience has shown conclusively that it is useless to try to get any adequate regulation and supervision of these great corporations by State action. Such regulation and supervision can only be effectively exercised by a sovereign whose jurisdiction is coextensive with the field of work of the corporations--that is, by the National Government. I believe that this regulation and supervision can be obtained by the enactment of law by the Congress. If this proves impossible, it will certainly be necessary ultimately to confer in fullest form such power upon the National Government by a proper amendment of the Constitution. It would obviously be unwise to endeavor to secure such an amendment until it is certain that the result cannot be obtained under the Constitution as it now is. The laws of the Congress and of the several States hitherto, as passed upon by the courts, have resulted more often in showing that the States have no power in the matter than that the National Government has power; so that there at present exists a very unfortunate condition of things, under which these great corporations doing an interstate business occupy the position of subjects without a sovereign, neither any State Government nor the National Government having effective control over them. Our steady aim should be by legislation, cautiously and carefully undertaken, but resolutely persevered in, to assert the sovereignty of the National Government by affirmative action. This is only in form an innovation. In substance it is merely a restoration; for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial activities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies; and all that I propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner as will prevent the Commonwealth abdicating the power it has always possessed not only in this country, but also in England before and since this country became a separate Nation. It has been a misfortune that the National laws on this subject have hitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative kind, and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what could not be effectively prohibited, and have in part in their prohibitions confounded what should be allowed and what should not be allowed. It is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on competition, whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable; and where it is not useless it is generally hurtful. Events have shown that it is not possible adequately to secure the enforcement of any law of this kind by incessant appeal to the courts. The Department of Justice has for the last four years devoted more attention to the enforcement of the anti-trust legislation than to anything else. Much has been accomplished, particularly marked has been the moral effect of the prosecutions; but it is increasingly evident that there will be a very insufficient beneficial result in the way of economic change. The successful prosecution of one device to evade the law immediately develops another device to accomplish the same purpose. What is needed is not sweeping prohibition of every arrangement, good or bad, which may tend to restrict competition, but such adequate supervision and regulation as will prevent any restriction of competition from being to the detriment of the public--as well as such supervision and regulation as will prevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of competition. Of these abuses, perhaps the chief, although by no means the only one, is overcapitalization--generally itself the result of dishonest promotion--because of the myriad evils it brings in its train; for such overcapitalization often means an inflation that invites business panic; it always conceals the true relation of the profit earned to the capital actually invested, and it creates a burden of interest payments which is a fertile because of improper reduction in or limitation of wages; it damages the small investor, discourages thrift, and encourages gambling and speculation; while perhaps worst of all is the trickiness and dishonesty which it implies--for harm to morals is worse than any possible harm to material interests, and the debauchery of politics and business by great dishonest corporations is far worse than any actual material evil they do the public. Until the National Government obtains, in some manner which the wisdom of the Congress may suggest, proper control over the big corporations engaged in interstate commerce--that is, over the great majority of the big corporations--it will be impossible to deal adequately with these evils. I am well aware of the difficulties of the legislation that I am suggesting, and of the need of temperate and cautious action in securing it. I should emphatically protest against improperly radical or hasty action. The first thing to do is to deal with the great corporations engaged in the business of interstate transportation. As I said in my message of December 6 last, the immediate and most pressing need, so far as legislation is concerned, is the enactment into law of some scheme to secure to the agents of the Government such supervision and regulation of the rates charged by the railroads of the country engaged in interstate traffic as shall summarily and effectively prevent the imposition of unjust or unreasonable rates. It must include putting a complete stop to rebates in every shape and form. This power to regulate rates, like all similar powers over the business world, should be exercised with moderation, caution, and self-restraint; but it should exist, so that it can be effectively exercised when the need arises. The first consideration to be kept in mind is that the power should be affirmative and should be given to some administrative body created by the Congress. If given to the present Interstate Commerce Commission, or to a reorganized Interstate Commerce Commission, such commission should be made unequivocally administrative. I do not believe in the Government interfering with private business more than is necessary. I do not believe in the Government undertaking any work which can with propriety be left in private hands. But neither do I believe in the Government flinching from overseeing any work when it becomes evident that abuses are sure to obtain therein unless there is governmental supervision. It is not my province to indicate the exact terms of the law which should be enacted; but I call the attention of the Congress to certain existing conditions with which it is desirable to deal, In my judgment the most important provision which such law should contain is that conferring upon some competent administrative body the power to decide, upon the case being brought before it, whether a given rate prescribed by a railroad is reasonable and just, and if it is found to be unreasonable and unjust, then, after full investigation of the complaint, to prescribe the limit of rate beyond which it shall not be lawful to go--the maximum reasonable rate, as it is commonly called--this decision to go into effect within a reasonable time and to obtain from thence onward, subject to review by the courts. It sometimes happens at present not that a rate is too high but that a favored shipper is given too low a rate. In such case the commission would have the right to fix this already established minimum rate as the maximum; and it would need only one or two such decisions by the commission to cure railroad companies of the practice of giving improper minimum rates. I call your attention to the fact that my proposal is not to give the commission power to initiate or originate rates generally, but to regulate a rate already fixed or originated by the roads, upon complaint and after investigation. A heavy penalty should be exacted from any corporation which fails to respect an order of the commission. I regard this power to establish a maximum rate as being essential to any scheme of real reform in the matter of railway regulation. The first necessity is to secure it; and unless it is granted to the commission there is little use in touching the subject at all. Illegal transactions often occur under the forms of law. It has often occurred that a shipper has been told by a traffic officer to buy a large quantity of some commodity and then after it has been bought an open reduction is made in the rate to take effect immediately, the arrangement resulting to the profit of one shipper and the one railroad and to the damage of all their competitors; for it must not be forgotten that the big shippers are at least as much to blame as any railroad in the matter of rebates. The law should make it clear so that nobody can fail to understand that any kind of commission paid on freight shipments, whether in this form or in the form of fictitious damages, or of a concession, a free pass, reduced passenger rate, or payment of brokerage, is illegal. It is worth while considering whether it would not be wise to confer on the Government the right of civil action against the beneficiary of a rebate for at least twice the value of the rebate; this would help stop what is really blackmail. Elevator allowances should be stopped, for they have now grown to such an extent that they are demoralizing and are used as rebates. The best possible regulation of rates would, of course, be that regulation secured by an honest agreement among the railroads themselves to carry out the law. Such a general agreement would, for instance, at once put a stop to the efforts of any one big shipper or big railroad to discriminate against or secure advantages over some rival; and such agreement would make the railroads themselves agents for enforcing the law. The power vested in the Government to put a stop to agreements to the detriment of the public should, in my judgment, be accompanied by power to permit, under specified conditions and careful supervision, agreements clearly in the interest of the public. But, in my judgment, the necessity for giving this further power is by no means as great as the necessity for giving the commission or administrative body the other powers I have enumerated above; and it may well be inadvisable to attempt to vest this particular power in the commission or other administrative body until it already possesses and is exercising what I regard as by far the most important of all the powers I recommend--as indeed the vitally important power--that to fix a given maximum rate, which rate, after the lapse of a reasonable time, goes into full effect, subject to review by the courts. All private-car lines, industrial roads, refrigerator charges, and the like should be expressly put under the supervision of the Interstate Commerce Commission or some similar body so far as rates, and agreements practically affecting rates, are concerned. The private car owners and the owners of industrial railroads are entitled to a fair and reasonable compensation on their investment, but neither private cars nor industrial railroads nor spur tracks should be utilized as devices for securing preferential rates. A rebate in icing charges, or in mileage, or in a division of the rate for refrigerating charges is just as pernicious as a rebate in any other way. No lower rate should apply on goods imported than actually obtains on domestic goods from the American seaboard to destination except in cases where water competition is the controlling influence. There should be publicity of the accounts of common carriers; no common carrier engaged in interstate business should keep any books or memoranda other than those reported pursuant to law or regulation, and these books or memoranda should be open to the inspection of the Government. Only in this way can violations or evasions of the law be surely detected. A system of examination of railroad accounts should be provided similar to that now conducted into the National banks by the bank examiners; a few first-class railroad accountants, if they had proper direction and proper authority to inspect books and papers, could accomplish much in preventing willful violations of the law. It would not be necessary for them to examine into the accounts of any railroad unless for good reasons they were directed to do so by the Interstate Commerce Commission. It is greatly to be desired that some way might be found by which an agreement as to transportation within a State intended to operate as a fraud upon the Federal interstate commerce laws could be brought under the jurisdiction of the Federal authorities. At present it occurs that large shipments of interstate traffic are controlled by concessions on purely State business, which of course amounts to an evasion of the law. The commission should have power to enforce fair treatment by the great trunk lines of lateral and branch lines. I urge upon the Congress the need of providing for expeditious action by the Interstate Commerce Commission in all these matters, whether in regulating rates for transportation or for storing or for handling property or commodities in transit. The history of the cases litigated under the present commerce act shows that its efficacy has been to a great degree destroyed by the weapon of delay, almost the most formidable weapon in the hands of those whose purpose it is to violate the law. Let me most earnestly say that these recommendations are not made in any spirit of hostility to the railroads. On ethical grounds, on grounds of right, such hostility would be intolerable; and on grounds of mere National self-interest we must remember that such hostility would tell against the welfare not merely of some few rich men, but of a multitude of small investors, a multitude of railway employes, wage workers, and most severely against the interest of the public as a whole. I believe that on the whole our railroads have done well and not ill; but the railroad men who wish to do well should not be exposed to competition with those who have no such desire, and the only way to secure this end is to give to some Government tribunal the power to see that justice is done by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing. Moreover, if some Government body is given increased power the effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised, or whenever charges made against it are disproved. I ask this legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper alike, for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the practices of their dishonest competitors. This legislation should be enacted in a spirit as remote as possible from hysteria and rancor. If we of the American body politic are true to the traditions we have inherited we shall always scorn any effort to make us hate any man because he is rich, just as much as we should scorn any effort to make us look down upon or treat contemptuously any man because he is poor. We judge a man by his conduct--that is, by his character--and not by his wealth or intellect. If he makes his fortune honestly, there is no just because of quarrel with him. Indeed, we have nothing but the kindliest feelings of admiration for the successful business man who behaves decently, whether he has made his success by building or managing a railroad or by shipping goods over that railroad. The big railroad men and big shippers are simply Americans of the ordinary type who have developed to an extraordinary degree certain great business qualities. They are neither better nor worse than their fellow-citizens of smaller means. They are merely more able in certain lines and therefore exposed to certain peculiarly strong temptations. These temptations have not sprung newly into being; the exceptionally successful among mankind have always been exposed to them; but they have grown amazingly in power as a result of the extraordinary development of industrialism along new lines, and under these new conditions, which the law-makers of old could not foresee and therefore could not provide against, they have become so serious and menacing as to demand entirely new remedies. It is in the interest of the best type of railroad man and the best type of shipper no less than of the public that there should be Governmental supervision and regulation of these great business operations, for the same reason that it is in the interest of the corporation which wishes to treat its employes aright that there should be an effective Employers' Liability act, or an effective system of factory laws to prevent the abuse of women and children. All such legislation frees the corporation that wishes to do well from being driven into doing ill, in order to compete with its rival, which prefers to do ill. We desire to set up a moral standard. There can be no delusion more fatal to the Nation than the delusion that the standard of profits, of business prosperity, is sufficient in judging any business or political question--from rate legislation to municipal government. Business success, whether for the individual or for the Nation, is a good thing only so far as it is accompanied by and develops a high standard of conduct--honor, integrity, civic courage. The kind of business prosperity that blunts the standard of honor, that puts an inordinate value on mere wealth, that makes a man ruthless and conscienceless in trade, and weak and cowardly in citizenship, is not a good thing at all, but a very bad thing for the Nation. This Government stands for manhood first and for business only as an adjunct of manhood. The question of transportation lies at the root of all industrial success, and the revolution in transportation which has taken place during the last half century has been the most important factor in the growth of the new industrial conditions. Most emphatically we do not wish to see the man of great talents refused the reward for his talents. Still less do we wish to see him penalized but we do desire to see the system of railroad transportation so handled that the strong man shall be given no advantage over the weak man. We wish to insure as fair treatment for the small town as for the big city; for the small shipper as for the big shipper. In the old days the highway of commerce, whether by water or by a road on land, was open to all; it belonged to the public and the traffic along it was free. At present the railway is this highway, and we must do our best to see that it is kept open to all on equal terms. Unlike the old highway it is a very difficult and complex thing to manage, and it is far better that it should be managed by private individuals than by the Government. But it can only be so managed on condition that justice is done the public. It is because, in my judgment, public ownership of railroads is highly undesirable and would probably in this country entail far-reaching disaster, but I wish to see such supervision and regulation of them in the interest of the public as will make it evident that there is no need for public ownership. The opponents of Government regulation dwell upon the difficulties to be encountered and the intricate and involved nature of the problem. Their contention is true. It is a complicated and delicate problem, and all kinds of difficulties are sure to arise in connection with any plan of solution, while no plan will bring all the benefits hoped for by its more optimistic adherents. Moreover, under any healthy plan, the benefits will develop gradually and not rapidly. Finally, we must clearly understand that the public servants who are to do this peculiarly responsible and delicate work must themselves be of the highest type both as regards integrity and efficiency. They must be well paid, for otherwise able men cannot in the long run be secured; and they must possess a lofty probity which will revolt as quickly at the thought of pandering to any gust of popular prejudice against rich men as at the thought of anything even remotely resembling subserviency to rich men. But while I fully admit the difficulties in the way, I do not for a moment admit that these difficulties warrant us in stopping in our effort to secure a wise and just system. They should have no other effect than to spur us on to the exercise of the resolution, the even-handed justice, and the fertility of resource, which we like to think of as typically American, and which will in the end achieve good results in this as in other fields of activity. The task is a great one and underlies the task of dealing with the whole industrial problem. But the fact that it is a great problem does not warrant us in shrinking from the attempt to solve it. At present we face such utter lack of supervision, such freedom from the restraints of law, that excellent men have often been literally forced into doing what they deplored because otherwise they were left at the mercy of unscrupulous competitors. To rail at and assail the men who have done as they best could under such conditions accomplishes little. What we need to do is to develop an orderly system, and such a system can only come through the gradually increased exercise of the right of efficient Government control. In my annual message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its third session, I called attention to the necessity for legislation requiring the use of block signals upon railroads engaged in interstate commerce. The number of serious collisions upon unblocked roads that have occurred within the past year adds force to the recommendation then made. The Congress should provide, by appropriate legislation, for the introduction of block signals upon all railroads engaged in interstate commerce at the earliest practicable date, as a measure of increased safety to the traveling public. Through decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States and the lower Federal courts in cases brought before them for adjudication the safety appliance law has been materially strengthened, and the Government has been enabled to secure its effective enforcement in almost all cases, with the result that the condition of railroad equipment throughout the country is much improved and railroad employes perform their duties under safer conditions than heretofore. The Government's most effective aid in arriving at this result has been its inspection service, and that these improved conditions are not more general is due to the insufficient number of inspectors employed. The inspection service has fully demonstrated its usefulness, and in appropriating for its maintenance the Congress should make provision for an increase in the number of inspectors. The excessive hours of labor to which railroad employes in train service are in many cases subjected is also a matter which may well engage the serious attention of the Congress. The strain, both mental and physical, upon those who are engaged in the movement and operation of railroad trains under modern conditions is perhaps greater than that which exists in any other industry, and if there are any reasons for limiting by law the hours of labor in any employment, they certainly apply with peculiar force to the employment of those upon whose vigilance and alertness in the performance of their duties the safety of all who travel by rail depends. In my annual message to the Fifty-seventh Congress, at its second session, I recommended the passage of an employers' liability law for the District of Columbia and in our navy yards. I renewed that recommendation in my message to the Fifty-eighth Congress, at its second session, and further suggested the appointment of a commission to make a comprehensive study of employers' liability, with a view to the enactment of a wise and Constitutional law covering the subject, applicable to all industries within the scope of the Federal power. I hope that such a law will be prepared and enacted as speedily as possible. The National Government has, as a rule, but little occasion to deal with the formidable group of problems connected more or less directly with what is known as the labor question, for in the great majority of cases these problems must be dealt with by the State and municipal authorities, and not by the National Government. The National Government has control of the District of Columbia, however, and it should see to it that the City of Washington is made a model city in all respects, both as regards parks, public playgrounds, proper regulation of the system of housing, so as to do away with the evils of alley tenements, a proper system of education, a proper system of dealing with truancy and juvenile offenders, a proper handling of the charitable work of the District. Moreover, there should be proper factory laws to prevent all abuses in the employment of women and children in the District. These will be useful chiefly as object lessons, but even this limited amount of usefulness would be of real National value. There has been demand for depriving courts of the power to issue injunctions in labor disputes. Such special limitation of the equity powers of our courts would be most unwise. It is true that some judges have misused this power; but this does not justify a denial of the power any more than an improper exercise of the power to call a strike by a labor leader would justify the denial of the right to strike. The remedy is to regulate the procedure by requiring the judge to give due notice to the adverse parties before granting the writ, the hearing to be ex parte if the adverse party does not appear at the time and place ordered. What is due notice must depend upon the facts of the case; it should not be used as a pretext to permit violation of law or the jeopardizing of life or property. Of course, this would not authorize the issuing of a restraining order or injunction in any case in which it is not already authorized by existing law. I renew the recommendation I made in my last annual message for an investigation by the Department of Commerce and Labor of general labor conditions, especial attention to be paid to the conditions of child labor and child-labor legislation in the several States. Such an investigation should take into account the various problems with which the question of child labor is connected. It is true that these problems can be actually met in most cases only by the States themselves, but it would be well for the Nation to endeavor to secure and publish comprehensive information as to the conditions of the labor of children in the different States, so as to spur up those that are behindhand and to secure approximately uniform legislation of a high character among the several States. In such a Republic as ours the one thing that we cannot afford to neglect is the problem of turning out decent citizens. The future of the Nation depends upon the citizenship of the generations to come; the children of today are those who tomorrow will shape the destiny of our land, and we cannot afford to neglect them. The Legislature of Colorado has recommended that the National Government provide some general measure for the protection from abuse of children and dumb animals throughout the United States. I lay the matter before you for what I trust will be your favorable consideration. The Department of Commerce and Labor should also make a thorough investigation of the conditions of women in industry. Over five million American women are now engaged in gainful occupations; yet there is an almost complete dearth of data upon which to base any trustworthy conclusions as regards a subject as important as it is vast and complicated. There is need of full knowledge on which to base action looking toward State and municipal legislation for the protection of working women. The introduction of women into industry is working change and disturbance in the domestic and social life of the Nation. The decrease in marriage, and especially in the birth rate, has been coincident with it. We must face accomplished facts, and the adjustment of factory conditions must be made, but surely it can be made with less friction and less harmful effects on family life than is now the case. This whole matter in reality forms one of the greatest sociological phenomena of our time; it is a social question of the first importance, of far greater importance than any merely political or economic question can be, and to solve it we need ample data, gathered in a sane and scientific spirit in the course of an exhaustive investigation. In any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employe interested, but a third party--the general public. Every considerable labor difficulty in which interstate commerce is involved should be investigated by the Government and the facts officially reported to the public. The question of securing a healthy, self-respecting, and mutually sympathetic attitude as between employer and employe, capitalist and wage-worker, is a difficult one. All phases of the labor problem prove difficult when approached. But the underlying principles, the root principles, in accordance with which the problem must be solved are entirely simple. We can get justice and right dealing only if we put as of paramount importance the principle of treating a man on his worth as a man rather than with reference to his social position, his occupation or the class to which he belongs. There are selfish and brutal men in all ranks of life. If they are capitalists their selfishness and brutality may take the form of hard indifference to suffering, greedy disregard of every moral restraint which interferes with the accumulation of wealth, and cold-blooded exploitation of the weak; or, if they are laborers, the form of laziness, of sullen envy of the more fortunate, and of willingness to perform deeds of murderous violence. Such conduct is just as reprehensible in one case as in the other, and all honest and farseeing men should join in warring against it wherever it becomes manifest. Individual capitalist and individual wage-worker, corporation and union, are alike entitled to the protection of the law, and must alike obey the law. Moreover, in addition to mere obedience to the law, each man, if he be really a good citizen, must show broad sympathy for his neighbor and genuine desire to look at any question arising between them from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than from his own, and to this end it is essential that capitalist and wage-worker should consult freely one with the other, should each strive to bring closer the day when both shall realize that they are properly partners and not enemies. To approach the questions which inevitably arise between them solely from the standpoint which treats each side in the mass as the enemy of the other side in the mass is both wicked and foolish. In the past the most direful among the influences which have brought about the downfall of republics has ever been the growth of the class spirit, the growth of the spirit which tends to make a man subordinate the welfare of the public as a whole to the welfare of the particular class to which he belongs, the substitution of loyalty to a class for loyalty to the Nation. This inevitably brings about a tendency to treat each man not on his merits as an individual, but on his position as belonging to a certain class in the community. If such a spirit grows up in this Republic it will ultimately prove fatal to us, as in the past it has proved fatal to every community in which it has become dominant. Unless we continue to keep a quick and lively sense of the great fundamental truth that our concern is with the individual worth of the individual man, this Government cannot permanently hold the place which it has achieved among the nations. The vital lines of cleavage among our people do not correspond, and indeed run at right angles to, the lines of cleavage which divide occupation from occupation, which divide wage-workers from capitalists, farmers from bankers, men of small means from men of large means, men who live in the towns from men who live in the country; for the vital line of cleavage is the line which divides the honest man who tries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest man who does ill by his neighbor. In other words, the standard we should establish is the standard of conduct, not the standard of occupation, of means, or of social position. It is the man's moral quality, his attitude toward the great questions which concern all humanity, his cleanliness of life, his power to do his duty toward himself and toward others, which really count; and if we substitute for the standard of personal judgment which treats each man according to his merits, another standard in accordance with which all men of one class are favored and all men of another class discriminated against, we shall do irreparable damage to the body politic. I believe that our people are too sane, too self-respecting, too fit for self-government, ever to adopt such an attitude. This Government is not and never shall be government by a plutocracy. This Government is not and never shall be government by a mob. It shall continue to be in the future what it has been in the past, a Government based on the theory that each man, rich or poor, is to be treated simply and solely on his worth as a man, that all his personal and property rights are to be safeguarded, and that he is neither to wrong others nor to suffer wrong from others. The noblest of all forms of government is self-government; but it is also the most difficult. We who possess this priceless boon, and who desire to hand it on to our children and our children's children, should ever bear in mind the thought so finely expressed by Burke: "Men are qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites; in proportion as they are disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good in preference to the flattery of knaves. Society cannot exist unless a controlling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere, and the less of it there be within the more there must be without. It is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate minds cannot be free. Their passions forge their fetters." The great insurance companies afford striking examples of corporations whose business has extended so far beyond the jurisdiction of the States which created them as to preclude strict enforcement of supervision and regulation by the parent States. In my last annual message I recommended "that the Congress carefully consider whether the power of the Bureau of Corporations cannot constitutionally be extended to cover interstate transactions in insurance." Recent events have emphasized the importance of an early and exhaustive consideration of this question, to see whether it is not possible to furnish better safeguards than the several States have been able to furnish against corruption of the flagrant kind which has been exposed. It has been only too clearly shown that certain of the men at the head of these large corporations take but small note of the ethical distinction between honesty and dishonesty; they draw the line only this side of what may be called law-honesty, the kind of honesty necessary in order to avoid falling into the clutches of the law. Of course the only complete remedy for this condition must be found in an aroused public conscience, a higher sense of ethical conduct in the community at large, and especially among business men and in the great profession of the law, and in the growth of a spirit which condemns all dishonesty, whether in rich man or in poor man, whether it takes the shape of bribery or of blackmail. But much can be done by legislation which is not only drastic but practical. There is need of a far stricter and more uniform regulation of the vast insurance interests of this country. The United States should in this respect follow the policy of other nations by providing adequate national supervision of commercial interests which are clearly national in character. My predecessors have repeatedly recognized that the foreign business of these companies is an important part of our foreign commercial relations. During the administrations of Presidents Cleveland, Harrison, and McKinley the State Department exercised its influence, through diplomatic channels, to prevent unjust discrimination by foreign countries against American insurance companies. These negotiations illustrated the propriety of the Congress recognizing the National character of insurance, for in the absence of Federal legislation the State Department could only give expression to the wishes of the authorities of the several States, whose policy was ineffective through want of uniformity. I repeat my previous recommendation that the Congress should also consider whether the Federal Government has any power or owes any duty with respect to domestic transactions in insurance of an interstate character. That State supervision has proved inadequate is generally conceded. The burden upon insurance companies, and therefore their policy holders, of conflicting regulations of many States, is unquestioned, while but little effective check is imposed upon any able and unscrupulous man who desires to exploit the company in his own interest at the expense of the policy holders and of the public. The inability of a State to regulate effectively insurance corporations created under the laws of other States and transacting the larger part of their business elsewhere is also clear. As a remedy for this evil of conflicting, ineffective, and yet burdensome regulations there has been for many years a widespread demand for Federal supervision. The Congress has already recognized that interstate insurance may be a proper subject for Federal legislation, for in creating the Bureau of Corporations it authorized it to publish and supply useful information concerning interstate corporations, "including corporations engaged in insurance." It is obvious that if the compilation of statistics be the limit of the Federal power it is wholly ineffective to regulate this form of commercial intercourse between the States, and as the insurance business has outgrown in magnitude the possibility of adequate State supervision, the Congress should carefully consider whether further legislation can be bad. What is said above applies with equal force to fraternal and benevolent organizations which contract for life insurance. There is more need of stability than of the attempt to attain an ideal perfection in the methods of raising revenue; and the shock and strain to the business world certain to attend any serious change in these methods render such change inadvisable unless for grave reason. It is not possible to lay down any general rule by which to determine the moment when the reasons for will outweigh the reasons against such a change. Much must depend, not merely on the needs, but on the desires, of the people as a whole; for needs and desires are not necessarily identical. Of course, no change can be made on lines beneficial to, or desired by, one section or one State only. There must be something like a general agreement among the citizens of the several States, as represented in the Congress, that the change is needed and desired in the interest of the people, as a whole; and there should then be a sincere, intelligent, and disinterested effort to make it in such shape as will combine, so far as possible, the maximum of good to the people at large with the minimum of necessary disregard for the special interests of localities or classes. But in time of peace the revenue must on the average, taking a series of years together, equal the expenditures or else the revenues must be increased. Last year there was a deficit. Unless our expenditures can be kept within the revenues then our revenue laws must be readjusted. It is as yet too early to attempt to outline what shape such a readjustment should take, for it is as yet too early to say whether there will be need for it. It should be considered whether it is not desirable that the tariff laws should provide for applying as against or in favor of any other nation maximum and minimum tariff rates established by the Congress, so as to secure a certain reciprocity of treatment between other nations and ourselves. Having in view even larger considerations of policy than those of a purely economic nature, it would, in my judgment, be well to endeavor to bring about closer commercial connections with the other peoples of this continent. I am happy to be able to announce to you that Russia now treats us on the most-favored-nation basis. I earnestly recommend to Congress the need of economy and to this end of a rigid scrutiny of appropriations. As examples merely, I call your attention to one or two specific matters. All unnecessary offices should be abolished. The Commissioner of the General Land Office recommends the abolishment of the office of Receiver of Public Moneys for the United States Land Office. This will effect a saving of about a quarter of a million dollars a year. As the business of the Nation grows, it is inevitable that there should be from time to time a legitimate increase in the number of officials, and this fact renders it all the more important that when offices become unnecessary they should be abolished. In the public printing also a large saving of public money can be made. There is a constantly growing tendency to publish masses of unimportant information. It is probably not unfair to say that many tens of thousands of volumes are published at which no human being ever looks and for which there is no real demand whatever. Yet, in speaking of economy, I must in no wise be understood as advocating the false economy which is in the end the worst extravagance. To cut down on the navy, for instance, would be a crime against the Nation. To fail to push forward all work on the Panama Canal would be as great a folly. In my message of December 2, 1902, to the Congress I said: "Interest rates are a potent factor in business activity, and in order that these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of widely separated communities, and to prevent the recurrence of financial stringencies, which injuriously affect legitimate business, it is necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of commerce, and, upon them should be placed, as far as practicable, the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply the needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign commerce; and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply should be always available for the business interests of the country." Every consideration of prudence demands the addition of the element of elasticity to our currency system. The evil does not consist in an inadequate volume of money, but in the rigidity of this volume, which does not respond as it should to the varying needs of communities and of seasons. Inflation must be avoided; but some provision should be made that will insure a larger volume of money during the Fall and Winter months than in the less active seasons of the year; so that the currency will contract against speculation, and will expand for the needs of legitimate business. At present the Treasury Department is at irregularly recurring intervals obliged, in the interest of the business world--that is, in the interests of the American public--to try to avert financial crises by providing a remedy which should be provided by Congressional action. At various times I have instituted investigations into the organization and conduct of the business of the executive departments. While none of these inquiries have yet progressed far enough to warrant final conclusions, they have already confirmed and emphasized the general impression that the organization of the departments is often faulty in principle and wasteful in results, while many of their business methods are antiquated and inefficient. There is every reason why our executive governmental machinery should be at least as well planned, economical, and efficient as the best machinery of the great business organizations, which at present is not the case. To make it so is a task of complex detail and essentially executive in its nature; probably no legislative body, no matter how wise and able, could undertake it with reasonable prospect of success. I recommend that the Congress consider this subject with a view to provide by legislation for the transfer, distribution, consolidation, and assignment of duties and executive organizations or parts of organizations, and for the changes in business methods, within or between the several departments, that will best promote the economy, efficiency, and high character of the Government work. In my last annual message I said: "The power of the Government to protect the integrity of the elections of its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed by repeated declarations of the Supreme Court. There is no enemy of free government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption of the electorate. No one defends or excuses corruption, and it would seem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate it. I recommend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and corruption in Federal elections. The details of such a law may be safely left to the wise discretion of the Congress, but it should go as far as under the Constitution it is possible to go, and should include severe penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to influence his act or opinion as an elector; and provisions for the publication not only of the expenditures for nominations and elections of all candidates, but also of all contributions received and expenditures made by political committees." I desire to repeat this recommendation. In political campaigns in a country as large and populous as ours it is inevitable that there should be much expense of an entirely legitimate kind. This, of course, means that many contributions, and some of them of large size, must be made, and, as a matter of fact, in any big political contest such contributions are always made to both sides. It is entirely proper both to give and receive them, unless there is an improper motive connected with either gift or reception. If they are extorted by any kind of pressure or promise, express or implied, direct or indirect, in the way of favor or immunity, then the giving or receiving becomes not only improper but criminal. It will undoubtedly be difficult, as a matter of practical detail, to shape an act which shall guard with reasonable certainty against such misconduct; but if it is possible to secure by law the full and verified publication in detail of all the sums contributed to and expended by the candidates or committees of any political parties, the result cannot but be wholesome. All contributions by corporations to any political committee or for any political purpose should be forbidden by law; directors should not be permitted to use stockholders' money for such purposes; and, moreover, a prohibition of this kind would be, as far as it went, an effective method of stopping the evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts. Not only should both the National and the several State Legislatures forbid any officer of a corporation from using the money of the corporation in or about any election, but they should also forbid such use of money in connection with any legislation save by the employment of counsel in public manner for distinctly legal services. The first conference of nations held at The Hague in 1899, being unable to dispose of all the business before it, recommended the consideration and settlement of a number of important questions by another conference to be called subsequently and at an early date. These questions were the following: (1) The rights and duties of neutrals; (2) the limitation of the armed forces on land and sea, and of military budgets; (3) the use of new types and calibres of military and naval guns; (4) the inviolability of private property at sea in times of war; (5) the bombardment of ports, cities, and villages by naval forces. In October, 1904, at the instance of the Interparliamentary Union, which, at a conference held in the United States, and attended by the lawmakers of fifteen different nations, had reiterated the demand for a second conference of nations, I issued invitations to all the powers signatory to The Hague Convention to send delegates to such a conference, and suggested that it be again held at The Hague. In its note of December 16, 1904, the United States Government communicated to the representatives of foreign governments its belief that the conference could be best arranged under the provisions of the present Hague treaty. From all the powers acceptance was received, coupled in some cases with the condition that we should wait until the end of the war then waging between Russia and Japan. The Emperor of Russia, immediately after the treaty of peace which so happily terminated this war, in a note presented to the President on September 13, through Ambassador Rosen, took the initiative in recommending that the conference be now called. The United States Government in response expressed its cordial acquiescence, and stated that it would, as a matter of course, take part in the new conference and endeavor to further its aims. We assume that all civilized governments will support the movement, and that the conference is now an assured fact. This Government will do everything in its power to secure the success of the conference, to the end that substantial progress may be made in the because of international peace, justice, and good will. This renders it proper at this time to say something as to the general attitude of this Government toward peace. More and more war is coming to be looked upon as in itself a lamentable and evil thing. A wanton or useless war, or a war of mere aggression--in short, any war begun or carried on in a conscienceless spirit, is to be condemned as a peculiarly atrocious crime against all humanity. We can, however, do nothing of permanent value for peace unless we keep ever clearly in mind the ethical element which lies at the root of the problem. Our aim is righteousness. Peace is normally the hand-maiden of rightousness; but when peace and righteousness conflict then a great and upright people can never for a moment hesitate to follow the path which leads toward righteousness, even though that path also leads to war. There are persons who advocate peace at any price; there are others who, following a false analogy, think that because it is no longer necessary in civilized countries for individuals to protect their rights with a strong hand, it is therefore unnecessary for nations to be ready to defend their rights. These persons would do irreparable harm to any nation that adopted their principles, and even as it is they seriously hamper the because which they advocate by tending to render it absurd in the eyes of sensible and patriotic men. There can be no worse foe of mankind in general, and of his own country in particular, than the demagogue of war, the man who in mere folly or to serve his own selfish ends continually rails at and abuses other nations, who seeks to excite his countrymen against foreigners on insufficient pretexts, who excites and inflames a perverse and aggressive national vanity, and who may on occasions wantonly bring on conflict between his nation and some other nation. But there are demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues of war, and in any such movement as this for The Hague conference it is essential not to be misled by one set of extremists any more than by the other. Whenever it is possible for a nation or an individual to work for real peace, assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive, but if war is necessary and righteous then either the man or the nation shrinking from it forfeits all title to self-respect. We have scant sympathy with the sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than physical suffering, who would prefer a shameful peace to the pain and toil sometimes lamentably necessary in order to secure a righteous peace. As yet there is only a partial and imperfect analogy between international law and internal or municipal law, because there is no sanction of force for executing the former while there is in the case of the latter. The private citizen is protected in his rights by the law, because the law rests in the last resort upon force exercised through the forms of law. A man does not have to defend his rights with his own hand, because he can call upon the police, upon the sheriff's posse, upon the militia, or in certain extreme cases upon the army, to defend him. But there is no such sanction of force for international law. At present there could be no greater calamity than for the free peoples, the enlightened, independent, and peace-loving peoples, to disarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed. So long as the world is as unorganized as now the armies and navies of those peoples who on the whole stand for justice, offer not only the best, but the only possible, security for a just peace. For instance, if the United States alone, or in company only with the other nations that on the whole tend to act justly, disarmed, we might sometimes avoid bloodshed, but we would cease to be of weight in securing the peace of justice--the real peace for which the most law-abiding and high-minded men must at times be willing to fight. As the world is now, only that nation is equipped for peace that knows how to fight, and that will not shrink from fighting if ever the conditions become such that war is demanded in the name of the highest morality. So much it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the position of the United States may not be misunderstood, and that a genuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among the nations may not be hampered by a folly which, in striving to achieve the impossible, would render it hopeless to attempt the achievement of the practical. But, while recognizing most clearly all above set forth, it remains our clear duty to strive in every practicable way to bring nearer the time when the sword shall not be the arbiter among nations. At present the practical thing to do is to try to minimize the number of cases in which it must be the arbiter, and to offer, at least to all civilized powers, some substitute for war which will be available in at least a considerable number of instances. Very much can be done through another Hague conference in this direction, and I most earnestly urge that this Nation do all in its power to try to further the movement and to make the result of the decisions of The Hague conference effective. I earnestly hope that the conference may be able to devise some way to make arbitration between nations the customary way of settling international disputes in all save a few classes of cases, which should themselves be as sharply defined and rigidly limited as the present governmental and social development of the world will permit. If possible, there should be a general arbitration treaty negotiated among all the nations represented at the conference. Neutral rights and property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land. There should be an international agreement to this purpose and a similar agreement defining contraband of war. During the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the number of wars between the most civilized nations. International relations have become closer and the development of The Hague tribunal is not only a symptom of this growing closeness of relationship, but is a means by which the growth can be furthered. Our aim should be from time to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating something like an organization of the civilized nations, because as the world becomes more highly organized the need for navies and armies will diminish. It is not possible to secure anything like an immediate disarmament, because it would first be necessary to settle what peoples are on the whole a menace to the rest of mankind, and to provide against the disarmament of the rest being turned into a movement which would really chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples; but it may be possible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely the budgets for military expenditure. Of course such an effort could succeed only if it did not attempt to do too much; and if it were undertaken in a spirit of sanity as far removed as possible from a merely hysterical pseudo-philanthropy. It is worth while pointing out that since the end of the insurrection in the Philippines this Nation has shown its practical faith in the policy of disarmament by reducing its little army one-third. But disarmament can never be of prime importance; there is more need to get rid of the causes of war than of the implements of war. I have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any mere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and earnest; because I have a real and great desire that this second Hague conference may mark a long stride forward in the direction of securing the peace of justice throughout the world. No object is better worthy the attention of enlightened statesmanship than the establishment of a surer method than now exists of securing justice as between nations, both for the protection of the little nations and for the prevention of war between the big nations. To this aim we should endeavor not only to avert bloodshed, but, above all, effectively to strengthen the forces of right. The Golden Rule should be, and as the world grows in morality it will be, the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among individuals; though the Golden Rule must not be construed, in fantastic manner, as forbidding the exercise of the police power. This mighty and free Republic should ever deal with all other States, great or small, on a basis of high honor, respecting their rights as jealously as it safeguards its own. One of the most effective instruments for peace is the Monroe Doctrine as it has been and is being gradually developed by this Nation and accepted by other nations. No other policy could have been as efficient in promoting peace in the Western Hemisphere and in giving to each nation thereon the chance to develop along its own lines. If we had refused to apply the doctrine to changing conditions it would now be completely outworn, would not meet any of the needs of the present day, and, indeed, would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion. It is useful at home, and is meeting with recognition abroad because we have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and changing needs of the hemisphere. When we announce a policy such as the Monroe Doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to the consequences of the policy, and those consequences from time to time alter. It is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its exercise. Not only we, but all American republics who are benefited by the existence of the doctrine, must recognize the obligations each nation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to insist upon its own rights. That our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance of the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument. This is especially true in view of the construction of the Panama Canal. As a mere matter of self-defense we must exercise a close watch over the approaches to this canal; and this means that we must be thoroughly alive to our interests in the Caribbean Sea. There are certain essential points which must never be forgotten as regards the Monroe Doctrine. In the first place we must as a Nation make it evident that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south. We must recognize the fact that in some South American countries there has been much suspicion lest we should interpret the Monroe Doctrine as in some way inimical to their interests, and we must try to convince all the other nations of this continent once and for all that no just and orderly Government has anything to fear from us. There are certain republics to the south of us which have already reached such a point of stability, order, and prosperity that they themselves, though as yet hardly consciously, are among the guarantors of this doctrine. These republics we now meet not only on a basis of entire equality, but in a spirit of frank and respectful friendship, which we hope is mutual. If all of the republics to the south of us will only grow as those to which I allude have already grown, all need for us to be the especial champions of the doctrine will disappear, for no stable and growing American Republic wishes to see some great non-American military power acquire territory in its neighborhood. All that this country desires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous; and they cannot be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their boundaries and behave with a just regard for their obligations toward outsiders. It must be understood that under no circumstances will the United States use the Monroe Doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression. We desire peace with all the world, but perhaps most of all with the other peoples of the American Continent. There are, of course, limits to the wrongs which any self-respecting nation can endure. It is always possible that wrong actions toward this Nation, or toward citizens of this Nation, in some State unable to keep order among its own people, unable to secure justice from outsiders, and unwilling to do justice to those outsiders who treat it well, may result in our having to take action to protect our rights; but such action will not be taken with a view to territorial aggression, and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been exhausted. Moreover, we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the Monroe Doctrine to be used by any nation on this Continent as a shield to protect it from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations. If a republic to the south of us commits a tort against a foreign nation, such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation, then the Monroe Doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the tort, save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorial occupation in any shape. The case is more difficult when it refers to a contractual obligation. Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf, of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view. But they do not; and in consequence we are liable at any time to be brought face to face with disagreeable alternatives. On the one hand, this country would certainly decline to go to war to prevent a foreign government from collecting a just debt; on the other hand, it is very inadvisable to permit any foreign power to take possession, even temporarily, of the custom houses of an American Republic in order to enforce the payment of its obligations; for such temporary occupation might turn into a permanent occupation. The only escape from these alternatives may at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some arrangement by which so much as possible of a just obligation shall be paid. It is far better that this country should put through such an arrangement, rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it. To do so insures the defaulting republic from having to pay debt of an improper character under duress, while it also insures honest creditors of the republic from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or grasping creditors. Moreover, for the United States to take such a position offers the only possible way of insuring us against a clash with some foreign power. The position is, therefore, in the interest of peace as well as in the interest of justice. It is of benefit to our people; it is of benefit to foreign peoples; and most of all it is really of benefit to the people of the country concerned. This brings me to what should be one of the fundamental objects of the Monroe Doctrine. We must ourselves in good faith try to help upward toward peace and order those of our sister republics which need such help. Just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical element in the relations of one individual to another, so we are, even though slowly, more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing one another's burdens, not only as among individuals, but also as among nations. Santo Domingo, in her turn, has now made an appeal to us to help her, and not only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within us bids us respond to the appeal. It is not of the slightest consequence whether we grant the aid needed by Santo Domingo as an incident to the wise development of the Monroe Doctrine or because we regard the case of Santo Domingo as standing wholly by itself, and to be treated as such, and not on general principles or with any reference to the Monroe Doctrine. The important point is to give the needed aid, and the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged purely on its own merits. The conditions in Santo Domingo have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on the verge of dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with his colleagues, saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who possessed the power, and as they hoped also the will to help them. There was imminent danger of foreign intervention. The previous rulers of Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide means of paying the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors had become exhausted, and at least two foreign nations were on the point of intervention, and were only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of this Government that it would itself strive to help Santo Domingo in her hour of need. In the case of one of these nations, only the actual opening of negotiations to this end by our Government prevented the seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a European power. Of the debts incurred some were just, while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory on or proper for Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she could not pay any of them unless some stability was assured her Government and people. Accordingly, the Executive Department of our Government negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the Dominican people to straighten out their finances. This treaty is pending before the Senate. In the meantime a temporary arrangement has been made which will last until the Senate has had time to take action upon the treaty. Under this arrangement the Dominican Government has appointed Americans to all the important positions in the customs service and they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues, turning over 45 per cent. to the Government for running expenses and putting the other 55 per cent. into a safe depository for equitable division in case the treaty shall be ratified, among the various creditors, whether European or American. The Custom Houses offer well-nigh the only sources of revenue in Santo Domingo, and the different revolutions usually have as their real aim the obtaining of these Custom Houses. The mere fact that the Collectors of Customs are Americans, that they are performing their duties with efficiency and honesty, and that the treaty is pending in the Senate gives a certain moral power to the Government of Santo Domingo which it has not had before. This has completely discouraged all revolutionary movement, while it has already produced such an increase in the revenues that the Government is actually getting more from the 45 per cent. that the American Collectors turn over to it than it got formerly when it took the entire revenue. It is enabling the poor, harassed people of Santo Domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to be free from the cure of interminable revolutionary disturbance. It offers to all bona-fide creditors, American and European, the only really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled, while it in return gives to Santo Domingo the only opportunity of defense against claims which it ought not to pay, for now if it meets the views of the Senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all these claims, whether American or foreign, and see that none that are improper are paid. There is, of course, opposition to the treaty from dishonest creditors, foreign and American, and from the professional revolutionists of the island itself. We have already reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up sedition in the island and opposition to the treaty. In the meantime, I have exercised the authority vested in me by the joint resolution of the Congress to prevent the introduction of arms into the island for revolutionary purposes. Under the course taken, stability and order and all the benefits of peace are at last coming to Santo Domingo, danger of foreign intervention has been suspended, and there is at last a prospect that all creditors will get justice, no more and no less. If the arrangement is terminated by the failure of the treaty chaos will follow; and if chaos follows, sooner or later this Government may be involved in serious difficulties with foreign Governments over the island, or else may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion. Under the proposed treaty the independence of the island is scrupulously respected, the danger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the intervention of foreign powers vanishes, and the interference of our Government is minimized, so that we shall only act in conjunction with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs, and therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the Dominican Government against demands for unjust debts. The proposed method will give the people of Santo Domingo the same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to the people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our discredit as a Nation if we fail to take advantage of this chance; for it will be of damage to ourselves, and it will be of incalculable damage to Santo Domingo. Every consideration of wise policy, and, above all, every consideration of large generosity, bids us meet the request of Santo Domingo as we are now trying to meet it. We cannot consider the question of our foreign policy without at the same time treating of the Army and the Navy. We now have a very small army indeed, one well-nigh infinitesimal when compared With the army of any other large nation. Of course the army we do have should be as nearly perfect of its kind and for its size as is possible. I do not believe that any army in the world has a better average of enlisted men or a better type of junior officer; but the army should be trained to act effectively in a mass. Provision should be made by sufficient appropriations for manoeuvers of a practical kind, so that the troops may learn how to take care of themselves under actual service conditions; every march, for instance, being made with the soldier loaded exactly as he would be in active campaign. The Generals and Colonels would thereby have opportunity of handling regiments, brigades, and divisions, and the commissary and medical departments would be tested in the field. Provision should be made for the exercise at least of a brigade and by preference of a division in marching and embarking at some point on our coast and disembarking at some other point and continuing its march. The number of posts in which the army is kept in time of peace should be materially diminished and the posts that are left made correspondingly larger. No local interests should be allowed to stand in the way of assembling the greater part of the troops which would at need form our field armies in stations of such size as will permit the best training to be given to the personnel of all grades, including the high officers and staff officers. To accomplish this end we must have not company or regimental garrisons, but brigade and division garrisons. Promotion by mere seniority can never result in a thoroughly efficient corps of officers in the higher ranks unless there accompanies it a vigorous weeding-out process. Such a weeding-out process--that is, such a process of selection--is a chief feature of the four years' course of the young officer at West Point. There is no good reason why it should stop immediately upon his graduation. While at West Point he is dropped unless he comes up to a certain standard of excellence, and when he graduates he takes rank in the army according to his rank of graduation. The results are good at West Point; and there should be in the army itself something that will achieve the same end. After a certain age has been reached the average officer is unfit to do good work below a certain grade. Provision should be made for the promotion of exceptionally meritorious men over the heads of their comrades and for the retirement of all men who have reached a given age without getting beyond a given rank; this age of retirement of course changing from rank to rank. In both the army and the navy there should be some principle of selection, that is, of promotion for merit, and there should be a resolute effort to eliminate the aged officers of reputable character who possess no special efficiency. There should be an increase in the coast artillery force, so that our coast fortifications can be in some degree adequately manned. There is special need for an increase and reorganization of the Medical Department of the army. In both the army and navy there must be the same thorough training for duty in the staff corps as in the fighting line. Only by such training in advance can we be sure that in actual war field operations and those at sea will be carried on successfully. The importance of this was shown conclusively in the Spanish-American and the Russo-Japanese wars. The work of the medical departments in the Japanese army and navy is especially worthy of study. I renew my recommendation of January 9, 1905, as to the Medical Department of the army and call attention to the equal importance of the needs of the staff corps of the navy. In the Medical Department of the navy the first in importance is the reorganization of the Hospital Corps, on the lines of the Gallinger bill, (S. 3,984, February 1, 1904), and the reapportionment of the different grades of the medical officers to meet service requirements. It seems advisable also that medical officers of the army and navy should have similar rank and pay in their respective grades, so that their duties can be carried on without friction when they are brought together. The base hospitals of the navy should be put in condition to meet modern requirements and hospital ships be provided. Unless we now provide with ample forethought for the medical needs of the army and navy appalling suffering of a preventable kind is sure to occur if ever the country goes to war. It is not reasonable to expect successful administration in time of war of a department which lacks a third of the number of officers necessary to perform the medical service in time of peace. We need men who are not merely doctors; they must be trained in the administration of military medical service. Our navy must, relatively to the navies of other nations, always be of greater size than our army. We have most wisely continued for a number of years to build up our navy, and it has now reached a fairly high standard of efficiency. This standard of efficiency must not only be maintained, but increased. It does not seem to be necessary, however, that the navy should--at least in the immediate future--be increased beyond the present number of units. What is now clearly necessary is to substitute efficient for inefficient units as the latter become worn out or as it becomes apparent that they are useless. Probably the result would be attained by adding a single battleship to our navy each year, the superseded or outworn vessels being laid up or broken up as they are thus replaced. The four single-turret monitors built immediately after the close of the Spanish war, for instance, are vessels which would be of but little use in the event of war. The money spent upon them could have been more usefully spent in other ways. Thus it would have been far better never to have built a single one of these monitors and to have put the money into an ample supply of reserve guns. Most of the smaller cruisers and gunboats, though they serve a useful purpose so far as they are needed for international police work, would not add to the strength of our navy in a conflict with a serious foe. There is urgent need of providing a large increase in the number of officers, and especially in the number of enlisted men. Recent naval history has emphasized certain lessons which ought not to, but which do, need emphasis. Seagoing torpedo boats or destroyers are indispensable, not only for making night attacks by surprise upon an enemy, but even in battle for finishing already crippled ships. Under exceptional circumstances submarine boats would doubtless be of use. Fast scouts are needed. The main strength of the navy, however, lies, and can only lie, in the great battleships, the heavily armored, heavily gunned vessels which decide the mastery of the seas. Heavy-armed cruisers also play a most useful part, and unarmed cruisers, if swift enough, are very useful as scouts. Between antagonists of approximately equal prowess the comparative perfection of the instruments of war will ordinarily determine the fight. But it is, of course, true that the man behind the gun, the man in the engine room, and the man in the conning tower, considered not only individually, but especially with regard to the way in which they work together, are even more important than the weapons with which they work. The most formidable battleship is, of course, helpless against even a light cruiser if the men aboard it are unable to hit anything with their guns, and thoroughly well-handled cruisers may count seriously in an engagement with much superior vessels, if the men aboard the latter are ineffective, whether from lack of training or from any other because. Modern warships are most formidable mechanisms when well handled, but they are utterly useless when not well handled, and they cannot be handled at all without long and careful training. This training can under no circumstance be given when once war has broken out. No fighting ship of the first class should ever be laid up save for necessary repairs, and her crew should be kept constantly exercised on the high seas, so that she may stand at the highest point of perfection. To put a new and untrained crew upon the most powerful battleship and send it out to meet a formidable enemy is not only to invite, but to insure, disaster and disgrace. To improvise crews at the outbreak of a war, so far as the serious fighting craft are concerned, is absolutely hopeless. If the officers and men are not thoroughly skilled in, and have not been thoroughly trained to, their duties, it would be far better to keep the ships in port during hostilities than to send them against a formidable opponent, for the result could only be that they would be either sunk or captured. The marksmanship of our navy is now on the whole in a gratifying condition, and there has been a great improvement in fleet practice. We need additional seamen; we need a large store of reserve guns; we need sufficient money for ample target practice, ample practice of every kind at sea. We should substitute for comparatively inefficient types--the old third-class battleship Texas, the single-turreted monitors above mentioned, and, indeed, all the monitors and some of the old cruisers--efficient, modern seagoing vessels. Seagoing torpedo-boat destroyers should be substituted for some of the smaller torpedo boats. During the present Congress there need be no additions to the aggregate number of units of the navy. Our navy, though very small relatively to the navies of other nations, is for the present sufficient in point of numbers for our needs, and while we must constantly strive to make its efficiency higher, there need be no additions to the total of ships now built and building, save in the way of substitution as above outlined. I recommend the report of the Secretary of the Navy to the careful consideration of the Congress, especially with a view to the legislation therein advocated. During the past year evidence has accumulated to confirm the expressions contained in my last two annual messages as to the importance of revising by appropriate legislation our system of naturalizing aliens. I appointed last March a commission to make a careful examination of our naturalization laws, and to suggest appropriate measures to avoid the notorious abuses resulting from the improvident of unlawful granting of citizenship. This commission, composed of an officer of the Department of State, of the Department of Justice, and of the Department of Commerce and Labor, has discharged the duty imposed upon it, and has submitted a report, which will be transmitted to the Congress for its consideration, and, I hope, for its favor, able action. The distinguishing recommendations of the commission are: First--A Federal Bureau of Naturalization, to be established in the Department of Commerce and Labor, to supervise the administration of the naturalization laws and to receive returns of naturalizations pending and accomplished. Second--Uniformity of naturalization certificates, fees to be charged, and procedure. Third--More exacting qualifications for citizenship. Fourth--The preliminary declaration of intention to be abolished and no alien to be naturalized until at least ninety days after the filing of his petition. Fifth--Jurisdiction to naturalize aliens to be confined to United States district courts and to such State courts as have jurisdiction in civil actions in which the amount in controversy is unlimited; in cities of over 100,000 inhabitants the United States district courts to have exclusive jurisdiction in the naturalization of the alien residents of such cities. In my last message I asked the attention of the Congress to the urgent need of action to make our criminal law more effective; and I most earnestly request that you pay heed to the report of the Attorney General on this subject. Centuries ago it was especially needful to throw every safeguard round the accused. The danger then was lest he should be wronged by the State. The danger is now exactly the reverse. Our laws and customs tell immensely in favor of the criminal and against the interests of the public he has wronged. Some antiquated and outworn rules which once safeguarded the threatened rights of private citizens, now merely work harm to the general body politic. The criminal law of the United States stands in urgent need of revision. The criminal process of any court of the United States should run throughout the entire territorial extent of our country. The delays of the criminal law, no less than of the civil, now amount to a very great evil. There seems to be no statute of the United States which provides for the punishment of a United States Attorney or other officer of the Government who corruptly agrees to wrongfully do or wrongfully refrain from doing any act when the consideration for such corrupt agreement is other than one possessing money value. This ought to be remedied by appropriate legislation. Legislation should also be enacted to cover explicitly, unequivocally, and beyond question breach of trust in the shape of prematurely divulging official secrets by an officer or employe of the United States, and to provide a suitable penalty therefor. Such officer or employe owes the duty to the United States to guard carefully and not to divulge or in any manner use, prematurely, information which is accessible to the officer or employe by reason of his official position. Most breaches of public trust are already covered by the law, and this one should be. It is impossible, no matter how much care is used, to prevent the occasional appointment to the public service of a man who when tempted proves unfaithful; but every means should be provided to detect and every effort made to punish the wrongdoer. So far as in my power see each and every such wrongdoer shall be relentlessly hunted down; in no instance in the past has he been spared; in no instance in the future shall he be spared. His crime is a crime against every honest man in the Nation, for it is a crime against the whole body politic. Yet in dwelling on such misdeeds it is unjust not to add that they are altogether exceptional, and that on the whole the employes of the Government render upright and faithful service to the people. There are exceptions, notably in one or two branches of the service, but at no time in the Nation's history has the public service of the Nation taken as a whole stood on a higher plane than now, alike as regards honesty and as regards efficiency. Once again I call your attention to the condition of the public land laws. Recent developments have given new urgency to the need for such changes as will fit these laws to actual present conditions. The honest disposal and right use of the remaining public lands is of fundamental importance. The iniquitous methods by which the monopolizing of the public lands is being brought about under the present laws are becoming more generally known, but the existing laws do not furnish effective remedies. The recommendations of the Public Lands Commission upon this subject are wise and should be given effect. The creation of small irrigated farms under the Reclamation act is a powerful offset to the tendency of certain other laws to foster or permit monopoly of the land. Under that act the construction of great irrigation works has been proceeding rapidly and successfully, the lands reclaimed are eagerly taken up, and the prospect that the policy of National irrigation will accomplish all that was expected of it is bright. The act should be extended to include the State of Texas. The Reclamation act derives much of its value from the fact that it tends to secure the greatest possible number of homes on the land, and to create communities of freeholders, in part by settlement on public lands, in part by forcing the subdivision of large private holdings before they can get water from Government irrigation works. The law requires that no right to the use of water for land in private ownership shall be sold for a tract exceeding 160 acres to any one land owner. This provision has excited active and powerful hostility, but the success of the law itself depends on the wise and firm enforcement of it. We cannot afford to substitute tenants for freeholders on the public domain. The greater part of the remaining public lands can not be irrigated. They are at present and will probably always be of greater value for grazing than for any other purpose. This fact has led to the grazing homestead of 640 acres in Nebraska and to the proposed extension of it to other States. It is argued that a family can not be supported on 160 acres of arid grazing land. This is obviously true, but neither can a family be supported on 640 acres of much of the land to which it is proposed to apply the grazing homestead. To establish universally any such arbitrary limit would be unwise at the present time. It would probably result on the one hand in enlarging the holdings of some of the great land owners, and on the other in needless suffering and failure on the part of a very considerable proportion of the bona fide settlers who give faith to the implied assurance of the Government that such an area is sufficient. The best use of the public grazing lands requires the careful examination and classification of these lands in order to give each settler land enough to support his family and no more. While this work is being done, and until the lands are settled, the Government should take control of the open range, under reasonable regulations suited to local needs, following the general policy already in successful operation on the forest reserves. It is probable that the present grazing value of the open public range is scarcely more than half what it once was or what it might easily be again under careful regulation. The forest policy of the Administration appears to enjoy the unbroken support of the people. The great users of timber are themselves forwarding the movement for forest preservation. All organized opposition to the forest preserves in the West has disappeared. Since the consolidation of all Government forest work in the National Forest Service there has been a rapid and notable gain in the usefulness of the forest reserves to the people and in public appreciation of their value. The National parks within or adjacent to forest reserves should be transferred to the charge of the Forest Service also. The National Government already does something in connection with the construction and maintenance of the great system of levees along the lower course of the Mississippi; in my judgment it should do much more. To the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war a great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable. We should have ships of our own and seamen of our own to convey our goods to neutral markets, and in case of need to reinforce our battle line. It cannot but be a source of regret and uneasiness to us that the lines of communication with our sister republics of South America should be chiefly under foreign control. It is not a good thing that American merchants and manufacturers should have to send their goods and letters to South America via Europe if they wish security and dispatch. Even on the Pacific, where our ships have held their own better than on the Atlantic, our merchant flag is now threatened through the liberal aid bestowed by other Governments on their own steam lines. I ask your earnest consideration of the report with which the Merchant Marine Commission has followed its long and careful inquiry. I again heartily commend to your favorable consideration the tercentennial celebration at Jamestown, Va. Appreciating the desirability of this commemoration, the Congress passed an act, March 3, 1905, authorizing in the year 1907, on and near the waters of Hampton Roads, in the State of Virginia, an international naval, marine, and military celebration in honor of this event. By the authority vested in me by this act, I have made proclamation of said celebration, and have issued, in conformity with its instructions, invitations to all the nations of the earth to participate, by sending their naval vessels and such military organizations as may be practicable. This celebration would fail of its full purpose unless it were enduring in its results and commensurate with the importance of the event to be celebrated, the event from which our Nation dates its birth. I earnestly hope that this celebration, already indorsed by the Congress of the United States, and by the Legislatures of sixteen States since the action of the Congress, will receive such additional aid at your hands as will make it worthy of the great event it is intended to celebrate, and thereby enable the Government of the United States to make provision for the exhibition of its own resources, and likewise enable our people who have undertaken the work of such a celebration to provide suitable and proper entertainment and instruction in the historic events of our country for all who may visit the exposition and to whom we have tendered our hospitality. It is a matter of unmixed satisfaction once more to call attention to the excellent work of the Pension Bureau; for the veterans of the civil war have a greater claim upon us than any other class of our citizens. To them, first of all among our people, honor is due. Seven years ago my lamented predecessor, President McKinley, stated that the time had come for the Nation to care for the graves of the Confederate dead. I recommend that the Congress take action toward this end. The first need is to take charge of the graves of the Confederate dead who died in Northern prisons. The question of immigration is of vital interest to this country. In the year ending June 30, 1905, there came to the United States 1,026,000 alien immigrants. In other words, in the single year that has just elapsed there came to this country a greater number of people than came here during the one hundred and sixty-nine years of our Colonial life which intervened between the first landing at Jamestown and the Declaration of Independence. It is clearly shown in the report of the Commissioner General of Immigration that while much of this enormous immigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural, a considerable proportion is undesirable from one reason or another; moreover, a considerable proportion of it, probably a very large proportion, including most of the undesirable class, does not come here of its own initiative, but because of the activity of the agents of the great transportation companies. These agents are distributed throughout Europe, and by the offer of all kinds of inducements they wheedle and cajole many immigrants, often against their best interest, to come here. The most serious obstacle we have to encounter in the effort to secure a proper regulation of the immigration to these shores arises from the determined opposition of the foreign steamship lines who have no interest whatever in the matter save to increase the returns on their capital by carrying masses of immigrants hither in the steerage quarters of their ships. As I said in my last message to the Congress, we cannot have too much immigration of the right sort and we should have none whatever of the wrong sort. Of course, it is desirable that even the right kind of immigration should be properly distributed in this country. We need more of such immigration for the South; and special effort should be made to secure it. Perhaps it would be possible to limit the number of immigrants allowed to come in any one year to New York and other Northern cities, while leaving unlimited the number allowed to come to the South; always provided, however, that a stricter effort is made to see that only immigrants of the right kind come to our country anywhere. In actual practice it has proved so difficult to enforce the migration laws where long stretches of frontier marked by an imaginary line alone intervene between us and our neighbors that I recommend that no immigrants be allowed to come in from Canada and Mexico save natives of the two countries themselves. As much as possible should be done to distribute the immigrants upon the land and keep them away from the contested tenement-house districts of the great cities. But distribution is a palliative, not a cure. The prime need is to keep out all immigrants who will not make good American citizens. The laws now existing for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants should be strengthened. Adequate means should be adopted, enforced by sufficient penalties, to compel steamship companies engaged in the passenger business to observe in good faith the law which forbids them to encourage or solicit immigration to the United States. Moreover, there should be a sharp limitation imposed upon all vessels coming to our ports as to the number of immigrants in ratio to the tonnage which each vessel can carry. This ratio should be high enough to insure the coming hither of as good a class of aliens as possible. Provision should be made for the surer punishment of those who induce aliens to come to this country under promise or assurance of employment. It should be made possible to inflict a sufficiently heavy penalty on any employer violating this law to deter him from taking the risk. It seems to me wise that there should be an international conference held to deal with this question of immigration, which has more than a merely National significance; such a conference could, among other things, enter at length into the method for securing a thorough inspection of would-be immigrants at the ports from which they desire to embark before permitting them to embark. In dealing with this question it is unwise to depart from the old American tradition and to discriminate for or against any man who desires to come here and become a citizen, save on the ground of that man's fitness for citizenship. It is our right and duty to consider his moral and social quality. His standard of living should be such that he will not, by pressure of competition, lower the standard of living of our own wage-workers; for it must ever be a prime object of our legislation to keep high their standard of living. If the man who seeks to come here is from the moral and social standpoint of such a character as to bid fair to add value to the community he should be heartily welcomed. We cannot afford to pay heed to whether he is of one creed or another, of one nation, or another. We cannot afford to consider whether he is Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether he is Englishman or Irishman, Frenchman or German, Japanese, Italian, Scandinavian, Slav, or Magyar. What we should desire to find out is the individual quality of the individual man. In my judgment, with this end in view, we shall have to prepare through our own agents a far more rigid inspection in the countries from which the immigrants come. It will be a great deal better to have fewer immigrants, but all of the right kind, than a great number of immigrants, many of whom are necessarily of the wrong kind. As far as possible we wish to limit the immigration to this country to persons who propose to become citizens of this country, and we can well afford to insist upon adequate scrutiny of the character of those who are thus proposed for future citizenship. There should be an increase in the stringency of the laws to keep out insane, idiotic, epileptic, and pauper immigrants. But this is by no means enough. Not merely the Anarchist, but every man of Anarchistic tendencies, all violent and disorderly people, all people of bad character, the incompetent, the lazy, the vicious, the physically unfit, defective, or degenerate should be kept out. The stocks out of which American citizenship is to be built should be strong and healthy, sound in body, mind, and character. If it be objected that the Government agents would not always select well, the answer is that they would certaintly select better than do the agents and brokers of foreign steamship companies, the people who now do whatever selection is done. The questions arising in connection with Chinese immigration stand by themselves. The conditions in China are such that the entire Chinese coolie class, that is, the class of Chinese laborers, skilled and unskilled, legitimately come under the head of undesirable immigrants to this country, because of their numbers, the low wages for which they work, and their low standard of living. Not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them out, but the Chinese authorities do not desire that they should be admitted. At present their entrance is prohibited by laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose. These laws have been, are being, and will be, thoroughly enforced. The violations of them are so few in number as to be infinitesimal and can be entirely disregarded. This is no serious proposal to alter the immigration law as regards the Chinese laborer, skilled or unskilled, and there is no excuse for any man feeling or affecting to feel the slightest alarm on the subject. But in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding Chinese laborers, Chinese coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been done by this Nation to the people of China, and therefore ultimately to this Nation itself. Chinese students, business and professional men of all kinds--not only merchants, but bankers, doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, and the like--should be encouraged to come here, and treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students, business men, travelers, and the like of other nations. Our laws and treaties should be framed, not so as to put these people in the excepted classes, but to state that we will admit all Chinese, except Chinese of the coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled laborers. There would not be the least danger that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the law about laborers. These will, under all conditions, be kept out absolutely. But it will be more easy to see that both justice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to be shown, to other Chinese, if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested. Examinations should be completed at the port of departure from China. For this purpose there should be provided a more adequate Consular Service in China than we now have. The appropriations both for the offices of the Consuls and for the office forces in the consulates should be increased. As a people we have talked much of the open door in China, and we expect, and quite rightly intend to insist upon, justice being shown us by the Chinese. But we cannot expect to receive equity unless we do equity. We cannot ask the Chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them. They would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our laboring men threatened to come into their country in such numbers as to jeopardize the well-being of the Chinese population; and as, mutatis mutandis, these were the conditions with which Chinese immigration actually brought this people face to face, we had and have a perfect right, which the Chinese Government in no way contests, to act as we have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration. That this right exists for each country was explicitly acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries. But we must treat the Chinese student, traveler, and business man in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar rank who go to China. Much trouble has come during the past Summer from the organized boycott against American goods which has been started in China. The main factor in producing this boycott has been the resentment felt by the students and business people of China, by all the Chinese leaders, against the harshness of our law toward educated Chinamen of the professional and business classes. This Government has the friendliest feeling for China and desires China's well-being. We cordially sympathize with the announced purpose of Japan to stand for the integrity of China. Such an attitude tends to the peace of the world. The civil service law has been on the statute books for twenty-two years. Every President and a vast majority of heads of departments who have been in office during that period have favored a gradual extension of the merit system. The more thoroughly its principles have been understood, the greater has been the favor with which the law has been regarded by administration officers. Any attempt to carry on the great executive departments of the Government without this law would inevitably result in chaos. The Civil Service Commissioners are doing excellent work, and their compensation is inadequate considering the service they perform. The statement that the examinations are not practical in character is based on a misapprehension of the practice of the Commission. The departments are invariably consulted as to the requirements desired and as to the character of questions that shall be asked. General invitations are frequently sent out to all heads of departments asking whether any changes in the scope or character of examinations are required. In other words, the departments prescribe the requirements and qualifications desired, and the Civil Service Commission co-operates with them in securing persons with these qualifications and insuring open and impartial competition. In a large number of examinations (as, for example, those for trades positions), there are no educational requirements whatever, and a person who can neither read nor write may pass with a high average. Vacancies in the service are filled with reasonable expedition, and the machinery of the Commission, which reaches every part of the country, is the best agency that has yet been devised for finding people with the most suitable qualifications for the various offices to be filled. Written competitive examinations do not make an ideal method for filling positions, but they do represent an immeasurable advance upon the "spoils" method, under which outside politicians really make the appointments nominally made by the executive officers, the appointees being chosen by the politicians in question, in the great majority of cases, for reasons totally unconnected with the needs of the service or of the public. Statistics gathered by the Census Bureau show that the tenure of office in the Government service does not differ materially from that enjoyed by employes of large business corporations. Heads of executive departments and members of the Commission have called my attention to the fact that the rule requiring a filing of charges and three days' notice before an employe could be separated from the service for inefficiency has served no good purpose whatever, because that is not a matter upon which a hearing of the employe found to be inefficient can be of any value, and in practice the rule providing for such notice and hearing has merely resulted in keeping in a certain number of incompetents, because of the reluctance of the heads of departments and bureau chiefs to go through the required procedure. Experience has shown that this rule is wholly ineffective to save any man, if a superior for improper reasons wishes to remove him, and is mischievous because it sometimes serves to keep in the service incompetent men not guilty of specific wrongdoing. Having these facts in view the rule has been amended by providing that where the inefficiency or incapacity comes within the personal knowledge of the head of a department the removal may be made without notice, the reasons therefor being filed and made a record of the department. The absolute right of the removal rests where it always has rested, with the head of a department; any limitation of this absolute right results in grave injury to the public service. The change is merely one of procedure; it was much needed, and it is producing good results. The civil service law is being energetically and impartially enforced, and in the large majority of cases complaints of violations of either the law or rules are discovered to be unfounded. In this respect this law compares very favorably with any other Federal statute. The question of politics in the appointment and retention of the men engaged in merely ministerial work has been practically eliminated in almost the entire field of Government employment covered by the civil service law. The action of the Congress in providing the commission with its own force instead of requiring it to rely on detailed clerks has been justified by the increased work done at a smaller cost to the Government. I urge upon the Congress a careful consideration of the recommendations contained in the annual report of the commission. Our copyright laws urgently need revision. They are imperfect in definition, confused and inconsistent in expression; they omit provision for many articles which, under modern reproductive processes are entitled to protection; they impose hardships upon the copyright proprietor which are not essential to the fair protection of the public; they are difficult for the courts to interpret and impossible for the Copyright Office to administer with satisfaction to the public. Attempts to improve them by amendment have been frequent, no less than twelve acts for the purpose having been passed since the Revised Statutes. To perfect them by further amendment seems impracticable. A complete revision of them is essential. Such a revision, to meet modern conditions, has been found necessary in Germany, Austria, Sweden, and other foreign countries, and bills embodying it are pending in England and the Australian colonies. It has been urged here, and proposals for a commission to undertake it have, from time to time, been pressed upon the Congress. The inconveniences of the present conditions being so great, an attempt to frame appropriate legislation has been made by the Copyright Office, which has called conferences of the various interests especially and practically concerned with the operation of the copyright laws. It has secured from them suggestions as to the changes necessary; it has added from its own experience and investigations, and it has drafted a bill which embodies such of these changes and additions as, after full discussion and expert criticism, appeared to be sound and safe. In form this bill would replace the existing insufficient and inconsistent laws by one general copyright statute. It will be presented to the Congress at the coming session. It deserves prompt consideration. I recommend that a law be enacted to regulate inter-State commerce in misbranded and adulterated foods, drinks, and drugs. Such law would protect legitimate manufacture and commerce, and would tend to secure the health and welfare of the consuming public. Traffic in food-stuffs which have been debased or adulterated so as to injure health or to deceive purchasers should be forbidden. The law forbidding the emission of dense black or gray smoke in the city of Washington has been sustained by the courts. Something has been accomplished under it, but much remains to be done if we would preserve the capital city from defacement by the smoke nuisance. Repeated prosecutions under the law have not had the desired effect. I recommend that it be made more stringent by increasing both the minimum and maximum fine; by providing for imprisonment in cases of repeated violation, and by affording the remedy of injunction against the continuation of the operation of plants which are persistent offenders. I recommend, also, an increase in the number of inspectors, whose duty it shall be to detect violations of the act. I call your attention to the generous act of the State of California in conferring upon the United States Government the ownership of the Yosemite Valley and the Mariposa Big Tree Grove. There should be no delay in accepting the gift, and appropriations should be made for the including thereof in the Yosemite National Park, and for the care and policing of the park. California has acted most wisely, as well as with great magnanimity, in the matter. There are certain mighty natural features of our land which should be preserved in perpetuity for our children and our children's children. In my judgment, the Grand Canyon of the Colorado should be made into a National park. It is greatly to be wished that the State of New York should copy as regards Niagara what the State of California has done as regards the Yosemite. Nothing should be allowed to interfere with the preservation of Niagara Falls in all their beauty and majesty. If the State cannot see to this, then it is earnestly to be wished that she should be willing to turn it over to the National Government, which should in such case (if possible, in conjunction with the Canadian Government) assume the burden and responsibility of preserving unharmed Niagara Falls; just as it should gladly assume a similar burden and responsibility for the Yosemite National Park, and as it has already assumed them for the Yellowstone National Park. Adequate provision should be made by the Congress for the proper care and supervision of all these National parks. The boundaries of the Yellowstone National Park should be extended to the south and east, to take in such portions of the abutting forest reservations as will enable the Government to protect the elk on their Winter range. The most characteristic animal of the Western plains was the great, shaggy-maned wild ox, the bison, commonly known as buffalo. Small fragments of herds exist in a domesticated state here and there, a few of them in the Yellowstone Park. Such a herd as that on the Flat-head Reservation should not be allowed to go out of existence. Either on some reservation or on some forest reserve like the Wichita reserve and game refuge provision should be made for the preservation of such a herd. I believe that the scheme would be of economic advantage, for the robe of the buffalo is of high market value, and the same is true of the robe of the crossbred animals. I call your especial attention to the desirability of giving to the members of the Life Saving Service pensions such as are given to firemen and policemen in all our great cities. The men in the Life Saving Service continually and in the most matter of fact way do deeds such as make Americans proud of their country. They have no political influence, and they live in such remote places that the really heroic services they continually render receive the scantiest recognition from the public. It is unjust for a great nation like this to permit these men to become totally disabled or to meet death in the performance of their hazardous duty and yet to give them no sort of reward. If one of them serves thirty years of his life in such a position he should surely be entitled to retire on half pay, as a fireman or policeman does, and if he becomes totally incapacitated through accident or sickness, or loses his health in the discharge of his duty, he or his family should receive a pension just as any soldier should. I call your attention with especial earnestness to this matter because it appeals not only to our judgment but to our sympathy; for the people on whose behalf I ask it are comparatively few in number, render incalculable service of a particularly dangerous kind, and have no one to speak for them. During the year just past, the phase of the Indian question which has been most sharply brought to public attention is the larger legal significance of the Indian's induction into citizenship. This has made itself manifest not only in a great access of litigation in which the citizen Indian figures as a party defendant and in a more widespread disposition to levy local taxation upon his personalty, but in a decision of the United States Supreme Court which struck away the main prop on which has hitherto rested the Government's benevolent effort to protect him against the evils of intemperance. The court holds, in effect, that when an Indian becomes, by virtue of an allotment of land to him, a citizen of the State in which his land is situated, he passes from under Federal control in such matters as this, and the acts of the Congress prohibiting the sale or gift to him of intoxicants become substantially inoperative. It is gratifying to note that the States and municipalities of the West which have most at stake in the welfare of the Indians are taking up this subject and are trying to supply, in a measure at least, the abdication of its trusteeship forced upon the Federal Government. Nevertheless, I would urgently press upon the attention of the Congress the question whether some amendment of the internal revenue laws might not be of aid in prosecuting those malefactors, known in the Indian country as "bootleggers," who are engaged at once in defrauding the United States Treasury of taxes and, what is far more important, in debauching the Indians by carrying liquors illicitly into territory still completely under Federal jurisdiction. Among the crying present needs of the Indians are more day schools situated in the midst of their settlements, more effective instruction in the industries pursued on their own farms, and a more liberal tension of the field-matron service, which means the education of the Indian women in the arts of home making. Until the mothers are well started in the right direction we cannot reasonably expect much from the children who are soon to form an integral part of our American citizenship. Moreover the excuse continually advanced by male adult Indians for refusing offers of remunerative employment at a distance from their homes is that they dare not leave their families too long out of their sight. One effectual remedy for this state of things is to employ the minds and strengthen the moral fibre of the Indian women--the end to which the work of the field matron is especially directed. I trust that the Congress will make its appropriations for Indian day schools and field matrons as generous as may consist with the other pressing demands upon its providence. During the last year the Philippine Islands have been slowly recovering from the series of disasters which, since American occupation, have greatly reduced the amount of agricultural products below what was produced in Spanish times. The war, the rinderpest, the locusts, the drought, and the cholera have been united as causes to prevent a return of the prosperity much needed in the islands. The most serious is the destruction by the rinderpest of more than 75 per cent of the draught cattle, because it will take several years of breeding to restore the necessary number of these indispensable aids to agriculture. The commission attempted to supply by purchase from adjoining countries the needed cattle, but the experiments made were unsuccessful. Most of the cattle imported were unable to withstand the change of climate and the rigors of the voyage and died from other diseases than rinderpest. The income of the Philippine Government has necessarily been reduced by reason of the business and agricultural depression in the islands, and the Government has been obliged to exercise great economy to cut down its expenses, to reduce salaries, and in every way to avoid a deficit. It has adopted an internal revenue law, imposing taxes on cigars, cigarettes, and distilled liquors, and abolishing the old Spanish industrial taxes. The law has not operated as smoothly as was hoped, and although its principle is undoubtedly correct, it may need amendments for the purpose of reconciling the people to its provisions. The income derived from it has partly made up for the reduction in customs revenue. There has been a marked increase in the number of Filipinos employed in the civil service, and a corresponding decrease in the number of Americans. The Government in every one of its departments has been rendered more efficient by elimination of undesirable material and the promotion of deserving public servants. Improvements of harbors, roads, and bridges continue, although the cutting down of the revenue forbids the expenditure of any great amount from current income for these purposes. Steps are being taken, by advertisement for competitive bids, to secure the construction and maintenance of 1,000 miles of railway by private corporations under the recent enabling legislation of the Congress. The transfer of the friar lands, in accordance with the contract made some two years ago, has been completely effected, and the purchase money paid. Provision has just been made by statute for the speedy settlement in a special proceeding in the Supreme Court of controversies over the possession and title of church buildings and rectories arising between the Roman Catholic Church and schismatics claiming under ancient municipalities. Negotiations and hearings for the settlement of the amount due to the Roman Catholic Church for rent and occupation of churches and rectories by the army of the United States are in progress, and it is hoped a satisfactory conclusion may be submitted to the Congress before the end of the session. Tranquillity has existed during the past year throughout the Archipelago, except in the Province of Cavite, the Province of Batangas and the Province of Samar, and in the Island of Jolo among the Moros. The Jolo disturbance was put an end to by several sharp and short engagements, and now peace prevails in the Moro Province, Cavite, the mother of ladrones in the Spanish times, is so permeated with the traditional sympathy of the people for ladronism as to make it difficult to stamp out the disease. Batangas was only disturbed by reason of the fugitive ladrones from Cavite, Samar was thrown into disturbance by the uneducated and partly savage peoples living in the mountains, who, having been given by the municipal code more power than they were able to exercise discreetly, elected municipal officers who abused their trusts, compelled the people raising hemp to sell it at a much less price than it was worth, and by their abuses drove their people into resistance to constituted authority. Cavite and Samar are instances of reposing too much confidence in the self-governing power of a people. The disturbances have all now been suppressed, and it is hoped that with these lessons local governments can be formed which will secure quiet and peace to the deserving inhabitants. The incident is another proof of the fact that if there has been any error as regards giving self-government in the Philippines it has been in the direction of giving it too quickly, not too slowly. A year from next April the first legislative assembly for the islands will be held. On the sanity and self-restraint of this body much will depend so far as the future self-government of the islands is concerned. The most encouraging feature of the whole situation has been the very great interest taken by the common people in education and. the great increase in the number of enrolled students in the public schools. The increase was from 300,000 to half a million pupils. The average attendance is about 70 per cent. The only limit upon the number of pupils seems to be the capacity of the government to furnish teachers and school houses. The agricultural conditions of the islands enforce more strongly than ever the argument in favor of reducing the tariff on the products of the Philippine Islands entering the United States. I earnestly recommend that the tariff now imposed by the Dingley bill upon the products of the Philippine Islands be entirely removed, except the tariff on sugar and tobacco, and that that tariff be reduced to 25 per cent of the present rates under the Dingley act; that after July 1, 1909, the tariff upon tobacco and sugar produced in the Philippine Islands be entirely removed, and that free trade between the islands and the United States in the products of each country then be provided for by law. A statute in force, enacted April 15, 1904, suspends the operation of the coastwise laws of the United States upon the trade between the Philippine Islands and the United States until July 1, 1906. I earnestly recommend that this suspension be postponed until July 1, 1909. I think it of doubtful utility to apply the coastwise laws to the trade between the United States and the Philippines under any circumstances, because I am convinced that it will do no good whatever to American bottoms, and will only interfere and be an obstacle to the trade between the Philippines and the United States, but if the coastwise law must be thus applied, certainly it ought not to have effect until free trade is enjoyed between the people of the United States and the people of the Philippine Islands in their respective products. I do not anticipate that free trade between the islands and the United States will produce a revolution in the sugar and tobacco production of the Philippine Islands. So primitive are the methods of agriculture in the Philippine Islands, so slow is capital in going to the islands, so many difficulties surround a large agricultural enterprise in the islands, that it will be many, many years before the products of those islands will have any effect whatever upon the markets of the United States. The problem of labor is also a formidable one with the sugar and tobacco producers in the islands. The best friends of the Filipino people and the people themselves are utterly opposed to the admission of Chinese coolie labor. Hence the only solution is the training of Filipino labor, and this will take a long time. The enactment of a law by the Congress of the United States making provision for free trade between the islands and the United States, however, will be of great importance from a political and sentimental standpoint; and, while its actual benefit has doubtless been exaggerated by the people of the islands, they will accept this measure of justice as an indication that the people of the United States are anxious to aid the people of the Philippine Islands in every way, and especially in the agricultural development of their archipelago. It will aid the Filipinos without injuring interests in America. In my judgment immediate steps should be taken for the fortification of Hawaii. This is the most important point in the Pacific to fortify in order to conserve the interests of this country. It would be hard to overstate the importance of this need. Hawaii is too heavily taxed. Laws should be enacted setting aside for a period of, say, twenty years 75 per cent of the internal revenue and customs receipts from Hawaii as a special fund to be expended in the islands for educational and public buildings, and for harbor improvements and military and naval defenses. It cannot be too often repeated that our aim must be to develop the territory of Hawaii on traditional American lines. That territory has serious commercial and industrial problems to reckon with; but no measure of relief can be considered which looks to legislation admitting Chinese and restricting them by statute to field labor and domestic service. The status of servility can never again be tolerated on American soil. We cannot concede that the proper solution of its problems is special legislation admitting to Hawaii a class of laborers denied admission to the other States and Territories. There are obstacles, and great obstacles, in the way of building up a representative American community in the Hawaiian Islands; but it is not in the American character to give up in the face of difficulty. Many an American Commonwealth has been built up against odds equal to those that now confront Hawaii. No merely half-hearted effort to meet its problems as other American communities have met theirs can be accepted as final. Hawaii shall never become a territory in which a governing class of rich planters exists by means of coolie labor. Even if the rate of growth of the Territory is thereby rendered slower, the growth must only take place by the admission of immigrants fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship. Our aim must be to develop the Territory on the same basis of stable citizenship as exists on this continent. I earnestly advocate the adoption of legislation which will explicitly confer American citizenship on all citizens of Porto Rico. There is, in my judgment, no excuse for failure to do this. The harbor of San Juan should be dredged and improved. The expenses of the Federal Court of Porto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury and not from the Porto Rican treasury. The elections in Porto Rico should take place every four years, and the Legislature should meet in session every two years. The present form of government in Porto Rico, which provides for the appointment by the President of the members of the Executive Council or upper house of the Legislature, has proved satisfactory and has inspired confidence in property owners and investors. I do not deem it advisable at the present time to change this form in any material feature. The problems and needs of the island are industrial and commercial rather than political. I wish to call the attention of the Congress to one question which affects our insular possessions generally; namely, the need of an increased liberality in the treatment of the whole franchise question in these islands. In the proper desire to prevent the islands being exploited by speculators and to have them develop in the interests of their own people an error has been made in refusing to grant sufficiently liberal terms to induce the investment of American capital in the Philippines and in Porto Rico. Elsewhere in this message I have spoken strongly against the jealousy of mere wealth, and especially of corporate wealth as such. But it is particularly regrettable to allow any such jealousy to be developed when we are dealing either with our insular or with foreign affairs. The big corporation has achieved its present position in the business world simply because it is the most effective instrument in business competition. In foreign affairs we cannot afford to put our people at a disadvantage with their competitors by in any way discriminating against the efficiency of our business organizations. In the same way we cannot afford to allow our insular possessions to lag behind in industrial development from any twisted jealousy of business success. It is, of course, a mere truism to say that the business interests of the islands will only be developed if it becomes the financial interest of somebody to develop them. Yet this development is one of the things most earnestly to be wished for in the interest of the islands themselves. We have been paying all possible heed to the political and educational interests of the islands, but, important though these objects are, it is not less important that we should favor their industrial development. The Government can in certain ways help this directly, as by building good roads; but the fundamental and vital help must be given through the development of the industries of the islands, and a most efficient means to this end is to encourage big American corporations to start industries in them, and this means to make it advantageous for them to do so. To limit the ownership of mining claims, as has been done in the Philippines, is absurd. In both the Philippines and Porto Rico the limit of holdings of land should be largely raised. I earnestly ask that Alaska be given an elective delegate. Some person should be chosen who can speak with authority of the needs of the Territory. The Government should aid in the construction of a railroad from the Gulf of Alaska to the Yukon River, in American territory. In my last two messages I advocated certain additional action on behalf of Alaska. I shall not now repeat those recommendations, but I shall lay all my stress upon the one recommendation of giving to Alaska some one authorized to speak for it. I should prefer that the delegate was made elective, but if this is not deemed wise, then make him appointive. At any rate, give Alaska some person whose business it shall be to speak with authority on her behalf to the Congress. The natural resources of Alaska are great. Some of the chief needs of the peculiarly energetic, self-reliant, and typically American white population of Alaska were set forth in my last message. I also earnestly ask your attention to the needs of the Alaskan Indians. All Indians who are competent should receive the full rights of American citizenship. It is, for instance, a gross and indefensible wrong to deny to such hard-working, decent-living Indians as the Metlakahtlas the right to obtain licenses as captains, pilots, and engineers; the right to enter mining claims, and to profit by the homestead law. These particular Indians are civilized and are competent and entitled to be put on the same basis with the white men round about them. I recommend that Indian Territory and Oklahoma be admitted as one State and that New Mexico and Arizona be admitted as one State. There is no obligation upon us to treat territorial subdivisions, which are matters of convenience only, as binding us on the question of admission to Statehood. Nothing has taken up more time in the Congress during the past few years than the question as to the Statehood to be granted to the four Territories above mentioned, and after careful consideration of all that has been developed in the discussions of the question, I recommend that they be immediately admitted as two States. There is no justification for further delay; and the advisability of making the four Territories into two States has been clearly established. In some of the Territories the legislative assemblies issue licenses for gambling. The Congress should by law forbid this practice, the harmful results of which are obvious at a glance. The treaty between the United States and the Republic of Panama, under which the construction of the Panama Canal was made possible, went into effect with its ratification by the United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The canal properties of the French Canal Company were transferred to the United States on April 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to that company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission was reorganized, and it now consists of Theodore P. Shonts, Chairman; Charles E. Magoon, Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear Admiral Mordecai T. Endicott, Brig. Gen. Peter C. Hains, and Col. Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was appointed Chief Engineer on July 1 last. Active work in canal construction, mainly preparatory, has been in progress for less than a year and a half. During that period two points about the canal have ceased to be open to debate: First, the question of route; the canal will be built on the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the question of feasibility; there are no physical obstacles on this route that American engineering skill will not be able to overcome without serious difficulty, or that will prevent the completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a reasonable cost. This is virtually the unanimous testimony of the engineers who have investigated the matter for the Government. The point which remains unsettled is the question of type, whether the canal shall be one of several locks above sea level, or at sea level with a single tide lock. On this point I hope to lay before the Congress at an early day the findings of the Advisory Board of American and European Engineers, that at my invitation have been considering the subject, together with the report of the Commission thereon, and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference thereto as may seem necessary. The American people is pledged to the speediest possible construction of a canal adequate to meet the demands which the commerce of the world will make upon it, and I appeal most earnestly to the Congress to aid in the fulfillment of the pledge. Gratifying progress has been made during the past year, and especially during the past four months. The greater part of the necessary preliminary work has been done. Actual work of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the Canal Zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work in. The Isthmus had to be sanitated first. This task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow fever has been virtually extirpated from the Isthmus and general health conditions vastly improved. The same methods which converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, which menaced the health of the world, into a healthful place of abode, have been applied on the Isthmus with satisfactory results. There is no reason to doubt that when the plans for water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama and Colon and the large labor camps have been fully carried out, the Isthmus will be, for the tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode. The work is so far advanced now that the health of all those employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar work in this country and elsewhere. In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satisfactory quarters are being provided for employes and an adequate system of supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has been created. Hospitals have been established and equipped that are without their superiors of their kind anywhere. The country has thus been made fit to work in, and provision has been made for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work. During the past year a large portion of the plant with which the work is to be done has been ordered. It is confidently believed that by the middle of the approaching year a sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large scale. What is needed now and without delay is an appropriation by the Congress to meet the current and accruing expenses of the commission. The first appropriation of $10,000,000, out of the $135,000,000 authorized by the Spooner act, was made three years ago. It is nearly exhausted. There is barely enough of it remaining to carry the commission to the end of the year. Unless the Congress shall appropriate before that time all work must cease. To arrest progress for any length of time now, when matters are advancing so satisfactorily, would be deplorable. There will be no money with which to meet pay roll obligations and none with which to meet bills coming due for materials and supplies; and there will be demoralization of the forces, here and on the Isthmus, now working so harmoniously and effectively, if there is delay in granting an emergency appropriation. Estimates of the amount necessary will be found in the accompanying reports of the Secretary of War and the commission. I recommend more adequate provision than has been made heretofore for the work of the Department of State. Within a few years there has been a very great increase in the amount and importance of the work to be done by that department, both in Washington and abroad. This has been caused by the great increase of our foreign trade, the increase of wealth among our people, which enables them to travel more generally than heretofore, the increase of American capital which is seeking investment in foreign countries, and the growth of our power and weight in the councils of the civilized world. There has been no corresponding increase of facilities for doing the work afforded to the department having charge of our foreign relations. Neither at home nor abroad is there a sufficient working force to do the business properly. In many respects the system which was adequate to the work of twenty-five years or even ten years ago, is inadequate now, and should be changed. Our Consular force should be classified, and appointments should be made to the several classes, with authority to the Executive to assign the members of each class to duty at such posts as the interests of the service require, instead of the appointments being made as at present to specified posts. There should be an adequate inspection service, so that the department may be able to inform itself how the business of each Consulate is being done, instead of depending upon casual private information or rumor. The fee system should be entirely abolished, and a due equivalent made in salary to the officers who now eke out their subsistence by means of fees. Sufficient provision should be made for a clerical force in every Consulate composed entirely of Americans, instead of the insufficient provision now made, which compels the employment of great numbers of citizens of foreign countries whose services can be obtained for less money. At a large part of our Consulates the office quarters and the clerical force are inadequate to the performance of the onerous duties imposed by the recent provisions of our immigration laws as well as by our increasing trade. In many parts of the world the lack of suitable quarters for our embassies, legations, and Consulates detracts from the respect in which our officers ought to be held, and seriously impairs their weight and influence. Suitable provision should be made for the expense of keeping our diplomatic officers more fully informed of what is being done from day to day in the progress of our diplomatic affairs with other countries. The lack of such information, caused by insufficient appropriations available for cable tolls and for clerical and messenger service, frequently puts our officers at a great disadvantage and detracts from their usefulness. The salary list should be readjusted. It does not now correspond either to the importance of the service to be rendered and the degrees of ability and experience required in the different positions, or to the differences in the cost of living. In many cases the salaries are quite inadequate.
the people of this country continue to enjoy great prosperity undoubtedly there will be ebb and flow in such prosperity and this ebb and flow will be felt more or less by all members of the community both by the deserving and the undeserving against the wrath of the lord the wisdom of man can not avail in time of flood or drought human ingenuity can but partially repair the disaster a general failure of crops would hurt all of us again if the folly of man mars the general then those who are innocent of the folly will have to pay part of the penalty incurred by those who are guilty of the folly a panic brought on by the speculative folly of part of the business community would hurt the whole business community but such stoppage of welfare though it might be severe would not be lasting in the long run the one vital factor in the permanent prosperity of the country is the high individual character of the average american worker the average american citizen no matter whether his work be mental or manual whether he be farmer or business man or professional man in our industrial and social system the interests of all men are so closely intertwined that in the immense majority of cases a man who by his efficiency by his ingenuity and industry benefits himself must also benefit others normally the man of great productive capacity who becomes rich by guiding the labor of many other men does so by enabling them to produce more than they could produce without his guidance and both he and they share in the benefit which comes also to the public at large the superficial fact that the sharing may be unequal must never blind us to the underlying fact that there is this sharing and that the benefit comes in some degree to each man concerned normally the the man of small means and the average consumer as well as the average producer are all alike helped by making conditions such that the man of exceptional business ability receives an exceptional reward for his ability something can be done by legislation to help the general prosperity but no such help of a permanently beneficial character can be given to the less able and less fortunate save as the results of a policy which shall inure to the advantage of all industrious and efficient people who act decently and this is only another way of saying that any benefit which comes to the less able and less fortunate must of necessity come even more to the more able and more fortunate if therefore the less fortunate man is moved by envy of his more fortunate brother to strike at the conditions under which they have both though unequally prospered the result will assuredly be that while danger may come to the one struck at it will visit with an even heavier load the one who strikes the blow taken as a whole we must all go up or down together yet while not merely admitting but insisting upon this it is also true that where there is no governmental restraint or supervision some of the exceptional men use their energies not in ways that are for the common good but in ways which tell against this common good the fortunes amassed through corporate organization are now so large and vest such power in those that wield them as to make it a matter of necessity to give to the sovereign that is to the government which represents the people as a whole some effective power of supervision over their corporate use in order to insure a healthy social and industrial life every big corporation should be held responsible by and be accountable to some sovereign strong enough to control its conduct i am in no sense hostile to corporations this is an age of combination and any effort to prevent all combination will be not only useless but in the end vicious because of the contempt for law which the failure to enforce law inevitably produces we should moreover recognize in cordial and ample fashion the immense good effected by corporate agencies in a country such as ours and the wealth of intellect energy and fidelity devoted to their service and therefore normally to the service of the public by their officers and directors the corporation has come to stay just as the trade union has come to stay each can do and has done great good each should be favored so long as it does good but each should be sharply checked where it acts against law and justice so long as the finances of the nation are kept upon an honest basis no other question of internal economy with which the congress has the power to deal begins to approach in importance the matter of endeavoring to secure proper industrial conditions under which the individuals and especially the great corporations doing an interstate business are to act the makers of our national constitution provided especially that the regulation of interstate commerce should come within the sphere of the general government the arguments in favor of their taking this stand were even then overwhelming but they are far stronger today in view of the enormous development of great business agencies usually corporate in form experience has shown conclusively that it is useless to try to get any adequate regulation and supervision of these great corporations by state action such regulation and supervision can only be effectively exercised by a sovereign whose jurisdiction is coextensive with the field of work of the corporations that is by the national government i believe that this regulation and supervision can be obtained by the enactment of law by the congress if this proves impossible it will certainly be necessary ultimately to confer in fullest form such power upon the national government by a proper amendment of the constitution it would obviously be unwise to endeavor to secure such an amendment until it is certain that the result can not be obtained under the constitution as it now is the laws of the congress and of the several states hitherto as passed upon by the courts have resulted more often in showing that the states have no power in the matter than that the national government has power so that there at present exists a very unfortunate condition of things under which these great corporations doing an interstate business occupy the position of subjects without a sovereign neither any state government nor the national government having effective control over them our steady aim should be by legislation cautiously and carefully undertaken but resolutely persevered in to assert the sovereignty of the national government by affirmative action this is only in form an innovation in substance it is merely a restoration for from the earliest time such regulation of industrial activities has been recognized in the action of the lawmaking bodies and all that i propose is to meet the changed conditions in such manner as will prevent the commonwealth abdicating the power it has always possessed not only in this country but also in england before and since this country became a separate nation it has been a misfortune that the national laws on this subject have hitherto been of a negative or prohibitive rather than an affirmative kind and still more that they have in part sought to prohibit what could not be effectively prohibited and have in part in their prohibitions confounded what should be allowed and what should not be allowed it is generally useless to try to prohibit all restraint on competition whether this restraint be reasonable or unreasonable and where it is not useless it is generally hurtful events have shown that it is not possible adequately to secure the enforcement of any law of this kind by incessant appeal to the courts the department of justice has for the last four years devoted more attention to the enforcement of the legislation than to anything else much has been accomplished particularly marked has been the moral effect of the prosecutions but it is increasingly evident that there will be a very insufficient beneficial result in the way of economic change the successful prosecution of one device to evade the law immediately develops another device to accomplish the same purpose what is needed is not sweeping prohibition of every arrangement good or bad which may tend to restrict competition but such adequate supervision and regulation as will prevent any restriction of competition from being to the detriment of the public as well as such supervision and regulation as will prevent other abuses in no way connected with restriction of competition of these abuses perhaps the chief although by no means the only one is overcapitalization generally itself the result of dishonest promotion because of the myriad evils it brings in its train for such overcapitalization often means an inflation that invites business panic it always conceals the true relation of the profit earned to the capital actually invested and it creates a burden of interest payments which is a fertile because of improper reduction in or limitation of wages it damages the small investor discourages thrift and encourages gambling and speculation while perhaps worst of all is the trickiness and dishonesty which it implies for harm to morals is worse than any possible harm to material interests and the debauchery of politics and business by great dishonest corporations is far worse than any actual material evil they do the public until the national government obtains in some manner which the wisdom of the congress may suggest proper control over the big corporations engaged in interstate commerce that is over the great majority of the big corporations it will be impossible to deal adequately with these evils i am well aware of the difficulties of the legislation that i am suggesting and of the need of temperate and cautious action in securing it i should emphatically protest against improperly radical or hasty action the first thing to do is to deal with the great corporations engaged in the business of interstate transportation as i said in my message of december 6 last the immediate and most pressing need so far as legislation is concerned is the enactment into law of some scheme to secure to the agents of the government such supervision and regulation of the rates charged by the railroads of the country engaged in interstate traffic as shall summarily and effectively prevent the imposition of unjust or unreasonable rates it must include putting a complete stop to rebates in every shape and form this power to regulate rates like all similar powers over the business world should be exercised with moderation caution and but it should exist so that it can be effectively exercised when the need arises the first consideration to be kept in mind is that the power should be affirmative and should be given to some administrative body created by the congress if given to the present interstate commerce commission or to a reorganized interstate commerce commission such commission should be made unequivocally administrative i do not believe in the government interfering with private business more than is necessary i do not believe in the government undertaking any work which can with propriety be left in private hands but neither do i believe in the government flinching from overseeing any work when it becomes evident that abuses are sure to obtain therein unless there is governmental supervision it is not my province to indicate the exact terms of the law which should be enacted but i call the attention of the congress to certain existing conditions with which it is desirable to deal in my judgment the most important provision which such law should contain is that conferring upon some competent administrative body the power to decide upon the case being brought before it whether a given rate prescribed by a railroad is reasonable and just and if it is found to be unreasonable and unjust then after full investigation of the complaint to prescribe the limit of rate beyond which it shall not be lawful to go the maximum reasonable rate as it is commonly called this decision to go into effect within a reasonable time and to obtain from thence onward subject to review by the courts it sometimes happens at present not that a rate is too high but that a favored shipper is given too low a rate in such case the commission would have the right to fix this already established minimum rate as the maximum and it would need only one or two such decisions by the commission to cure railroad companies of the practice of giving improper minimum rates i call your attention to the fact that my proposal is not to give the commission power to initiate or originate rates generally but to regulate a rate already fixed or originated by the roads upon complaint and after investigation a heavy penalty should be exacted from any corporation which fails to respect an order of the commission i regard this power to establish a maximum rate as being essential to any scheme of real reform in the matter of railway regulation the first necessity is to secure it and unless it is granted to the commission there is little use in touching the subject at all illegal transactions often occur under the forms of law it has often occurred that a shipper has been told by a traffic officer to buy a large quantity of some commodity and then after it has been bought an open reduction is made in the rate to take effect immediately the arrangement resulting to the profit of one shipper and the one railroad and to the damage of all their competitors for it must not be forgotten that the big shippers are at least as much to blame as any railroad in the matter of rebates the law should make it clear so that nobody can fail to understand that any kind of commission paid on freight shipments whether in this form or in the form of fictitious damages or of a concession a free pass reduced passenger rate or payment of brokerage is illegal it is worth while considering whether it would not be wise to confer on the government the right of civil action against the beneficiary of a rebate for at least twice the value of the rebate this would help stop what is really blackmail elevator allowances should be stopped for they have now grown to such an extent that they are demoralizing and are used as rebates the best possible regulation of rates would of course be that regulation secured by an honest agreement among the railroads themselves to carry out the law such a general agreement would for instance at once put a stop to the efforts of any one big shipper or big railroad to discriminate against or secure advantages over some rival and such agreement would make the railroads themselves agents for enforcing the law the power vested in the government to put a stop to agreements to the detriment of the public should in my judgment be accompanied by power to permit under specified conditions and careful supervision agreements clearly in the interest of the public but in my judgment the necessity for giving this further power is by no means as great as the necessity for giving the commission or administrative body the other powers i have enumerated above and it may well be inadvisable to attempt to vest this particular power in the commission or other administrative body until it already possesses and is exercising what i regard as by far the most important of all the powers i recommend as indeed the vitally important power that to fix a given maximum rate which rate after the lapse of a reasonable time goes into full effect subject to review by the courts all lines industrial roads refrigerator charges and the like should be expressly put under the supervision of the interstate commerce commission or some similar body so far as rates and agreements practically affecting rates are concerned the private car owners and the owners of industrial railroads are entitled to a fair and reasonable compensation on their investment but neither private cars nor industrial railroads nor spur tracks should be utilized as devices for securing preferential rates a rebate in icing charges or in mileage or in a division of the rate for refrigerating charges is just as pernicious as a rebate in any other way no lower rate should apply on goods imported than actually obtains on domestic goods from the american seaboard to destination except in cases where water competition is the controlling influence there should be publicity of the accounts of common carriers no common carrier engaged in interstate business should keep any books or memoranda other than those reported pursuant to law or regulation and these books or memoranda should be open to the inspection of the government only in this way can violations or evasions of the law be surely detected a system of examination of railroad accounts should be provided similar to that now conducted into the national banks by the bank examiners a few railroad accountants if they had proper direction and proper authority to inspect books and papers could accomplish much in preventing willful violations of the law it would not be necessary for them to examine into the accounts of any railroad unless for good reasons they were directed to do so by the interstate commerce commission it is greatly to be desired that some way might be found by which an agreement as to transportation within a state intended to operate as a fraud upon the federal interstate commerce laws could be brought under the jurisdiction of the federal authorities at present it occurs that large shipments of interstate traffic are controlled by concessions on purely state business which of course amounts to an evasion of the law the commission should have power to enforce fair treatment by the great trunk lines of lateral and branch lines i urge upon the congress the need of providing for expeditious action by the interstate commerce commission in all these matters whether in regulating rates for transportation or for storing or for handling property or commodities in transit the history of the cases litigated under the present commerce act shows that its efficacy has been to a great degree destroyed by the weapon of delay almost the most formidable weapon in the hands of those whose purpose it is to violate the law let me most earnestly say that these recommendations are not made in any spirit of hostility to the railroads on ethical grounds on grounds of right such hostility would be intolerable and on grounds of mere national we must remember that such hostility would tell against the welfare not merely of some few rich men but of a multitude of small investors a multitude of railway employes wage workers and most severely against the interest of the public as a whole i believe that on the whole our railroads have done well and not ill but the railroad men who wish to do well should not be exposed to competition with those who have no such desire and the only way to secure this end is to give to some government tribunal the power to see that justice is done by the unwilling exactly as it is gladly done by the willing moreover if some government body is given increased power the effect will be to furnish authoritative answer on behalf of the railroad whenever irrational clamor against it is raised or whenever charges made against it are disproved i ask this legislation not only in the interest of the public but in the interest of the honest railroad man and the honest shipper alike for it is they who are chiefly jeoparded by the practices of their dishonest competitors this legislation should be enacted in a spirit as remote as possible from hysteria and rancor if we of the american body politic are true to the traditions we have inherited we shall always scorn any effort to make us hate any man because he is rich just as much as we should scorn any effort to make us look down upon or treat contemptuously any man because he is poor we judge a man by his conduct that is by his character and not by his wealth or intellect if he makes his fortune honestly there is no just because of quarrel with him indeed we have nothing but the kindliest feelings of admiration for the successful business man who behaves decently whether he has made his success by building or managing a railroad or by shipping goods over that railroad the big railroad men and big shippers are simply americans of the ordinary type who have developed to an extraordinary degree certain great business qualities they are neither better nor worse than their of smaller means they are merely more able in certain lines and therefore exposed to certain peculiarly strong temptations these temptations have not sprung newly into being the exceptionally successful among mankind have always been exposed to them but they have grown amazingly in power as a result of the extraordinary development of industrialism along new lines and under these new conditions which the of old could not foresee and therefore could not provide against they have become so serious and menacing as to demand entirely new remedies it is in the interest of the best type of railroad man and the best type of shipper no less than of the public that there should be governmental supervision and regulation of these great business operations for the same reason that it is in the interest of the corporation which wishes to treat its employes aright that there should be an effective employers liability act or an effective system of factory laws to prevent the abuse of women and children all such legislation frees the corporation that wishes to do well from being driven into doing ill in order to compete with its rival which prefers to do we desire to set up a moral standard there can be no delusion more fatal to the nation than the delusion that the standard of profits of business prosperity is sufficient in judging any business or political question from rate legislation to municipal government business success whether for the individual or for the nation is a good thing only so far as it is accompanied by and develops a high standard of conduct honor integrity civic courage the kind of business prosperity that blunts the standard of honor that puts an inordinate value on mere wealth that makes a man ruthless and conscienceless in trade and weak and cowardly in citizenship is not a good thing at all but a very bad thing for the nation this government stands for manhood first and for business only as an adjunct of manhood the question of transportation lies at the root of all industrial success and the revolution in transportation which has taken place during the last half century has been the most important factor in the growth of the new industrial conditions most emphatically we do not wish to see the man of great talents refused the reward for his talents still less do we wish to see him penalized but we do desire to see the system of railroad transportation so handled that the strong man shall be given no advantage over the weak man we wish to insure as fair treatment for the small town as for the big city for the small shipper as for the big shipper in the old days the highway of commerce whether by water or by a road on land was open to all it belonged to the public and the traffic along it was free at present the railway is this highway and we must do our best to see that it is kept open to all on equal terms unlike the old highway it is a very difficult and complex thing to manage and it is far better that it should be managed by private individuals than by the government but it can only be so managed on condition that justice is done the public it is because in my judgment public ownership of railroads is highly undesirable and would probably in this country entail disaster but i wish to see such supervision and regulation of them in the interest of the public as will make it evident that there is no need for public ownership the opponents of government regulation dwell upon the difficulties to be encountered and the intricate and involved nature of the problem their contention is true it is a complicated and delicate problem and all kinds of difficulties are sure to arise in connection with any plan of solution while no plan will bring all the benefits hoped for by its more optimistic adherents moreover under any healthy plan the benefits will develop gradually and not rapidly finally we must clearly understand that the public servants who are to do this peculiarly responsible and delicate work must themselves be of the highest type both as regards integrity and efficiency they must be well paid for otherwise able men can not in the long run be secured and they must possess a lofty probity which will revolt as quickly at the thought of pandering to any gust of popular prejudice against rich men as at the thought of anything even remotely resembling subserviency to rich men but while i fully admit the difficulties in the way i do not for a moment admit that these difficulties warrant us in stopping in our effort to secure a wise and just system they should have no other effect than to spur us on to the exercise of the resolution the justice and the fertility of resource which we like to think of as typically american and which will in the end achieve good results in this as in other fields of activity the task is a great one and underlies the task of dealing with the whole industrial problem but the fact that it is a great problem does not warrant us in shrinking from the attempt to solve it at present we face such utter lack of supervision such freedom from the restraints of law that excellent men have often been literally forced into doing what they deplored because otherwise they were left at the mercy of unscrupulous competitors to rail at and assail the men who have done as they best could under such conditions accomplishes little what we need to do is to develop an orderly system and such a system can only come through the gradually increased exercise of the right of efficient government control in my annual message to the congress at its third session i called attention to the necessity for legislation requiring the use of block signals upon railroads engaged in interstate commerce the number of serious collisions upon unblocked roads that have occurred within the past year adds force to the recommendation then made the congress should provide by appropriate legislation for the introduction of block signals upon all railroads engaged in interstate commerce at the earliest practicable date as a measure of increased safety to the traveling public through decisions of the supreme court of the united states and the lower federal courts in cases brought before them for adjudication the safety appliance law has been materially strengthened and the government has been enabled to secure its effective enforcement in almost all cases with the result that the condition of railroad equipment throughout the country is much improved and railroad employes perform their duties under safer conditions than heretofore the government most effective aid in arriving at this result has been its inspection service and that these improved conditions are not more general is due to the insufficient number of inspectors employed the inspection service has fully demonstrated its usefulness and in appropriating for its maintenance the congress should make provision for an increase in the number of inspectors the excessive hours of labor to which railroad employes in train service are in many cases subjected is also a matter which may well engage the serious attention of the congress the strain both mental and physical upon those who are engaged in the movement and operation of railroad trains under modern conditions is perhaps greater than that which exists in any other industry and if there are any reasons for limiting by law the hours of labor in any employment they certainly apply with peculiar force to the employment of those upon whose vigilance and alertness in the performance of their duties the safety of all who travel by rail depends in my annual message to the congress at its second session i recommended the passage of an employers liability law for the district of columbia and in our navy yards i renewed that recommendation in my message to the congress at its second session and further suggested the appointment of a commission to make a comprehensive study of employers liability with a view to the enactment of a wise and constitutional law covering the subject applicable to all industries within the scope of the federal power i hope that such a law will be prepared and enacted as speedily as possible the national government has as a rule but little occasion to deal with the formidable group of problems connected more or less directly with what is known as the labor question for in the great majority of cases these problems must be dealt with by the state and municipal authorities and not by the national government the national government has control of the district of columbia however and it should see to it that the city of washington is made a model city in all respects both as regards parks public playgrounds proper regulation of the system of housing so as to do away with the evils of alley tenements a proper system of education a proper system of dealing with truancy and juvenile offenders a proper handling of the charitable work of the district moreover there should be proper factory laws to prevent all abuses in the employment of women and children in the district these will be useful chiefly as object lessons but even this limited amount of usefulness would be of real national value there has been demand for depriving courts of the power to issue injunctions in labor disputes such special limitation of the equity powers of our courts would be most unwise it is true that some judges have misused this power but this does not justify a denial of the power any more than an improper exercise of the power to call a strike by a labor leader would justify the denial of the right to strike the remedy is to regulate the procedure by requiring the judge to give due notice to the adverse parties before granting the writ the hearing to be ex parte if the adverse party does not appear at the time and place ordered what is due notice must depend upon the facts of the case it should not be used as a pretext to permit violation of law or the jeopardizing of life or property of course this would not authorize the issuing of a restraining order or injunction in any case in which it is not already authorized by existing law i renew the recommendation i made in my last annual message for an investigation by the department of commerce and labor of general labor conditions especial attention to be paid to the conditions of child labor and legislation in the several states such an investigation should take into account the various problems with which the question of child labor is connected it is true that these problems can be actually met in most cases only by the states themselves but it would be well for the nation to endeavor to secure and publish comprehensive information as to the conditions of the labor of children in the different states so as to spur up those that are behindhand and to secure approximately uniform legislation of a high character among the several states in such a republic as ours the one thing that we can not afford to neglect is the problem of turning out decent citizens the future of the nation depends upon the citizenship of the generations to come the children of today are those who tomorrow will shape the destiny of our land and we can not afford to neglect them the legislature of colorado has recommended that the national government provide some general measure for the protection from abuse of children and dumb animals throughout the united states i lay the matter before you for what i trust will be your favorable consideration the department of commerce and labor should also make a thorough investigation of the conditions of women in industry over five million american women are now engaged in gainful occupations yet there is an almost complete dearth of data upon which to base any trustworthy conclusions as regards a subject as important as it is vast and complicated there is need of full knowledge on which to base action looking toward state and municipal legislation for the protection of working women the introduction of women into industry is working change and disturbance in the domestic and social life of the nation the decrease in marriage and especially in the birth rate has been coincident with it we must face accomplished facts and the adjustment of factory conditions must be made but surely it can be made with less friction and less harmful effects on family life than is now the case this whole matter in reality forms one of the greatest sociological phenomena of our time it is a social question of the first importance of far greater importance than any merely political or economic question can be and to solve it we need ample data gathered in a sane and scientific spirit in the course of an exhaustive investigation in any great labor disturbance not only are employer and employe interested but a third party the general public every considerable labor difficulty in which interstate commerce is involved should be investigated by the government and the facts officially reported to the public the question of securing a healthy and mutually sympathetic attitude as between employer and employe capitalist and is a difficult one all phases of the labor problem prove difficult when approached but the underlying principles the root principles in accordance with which the problem must be solved are entirely simple we can get justice and right dealing only if we put as of paramount importance the principle of treating a man on his worth as a man rather than with reference to his social position his occupation or the class to which he belongs there are selfish and brutal men in all ranks of life if they are capitalists their selfishness and brutality may take the form of hard indifference to suffering greedy disregard of every moral restraint which interferes with the accumulation of wealth and exploitation of the weak or if they are laborers the form of laziness of sullen envy of the more fortunate and of willingness to perform deeds of murderous violence such conduct is just as reprehensible in one case as in the other and all honest and farseeing men should join in warring against it wherever it becomes manifest individual capitalist and individual corporation and union are alike entitled to the protection of the law and must alike obey the law moreover in addition to mere obedience to the law each man if he be really a good citizen must show broad sympathy for his neighbor and genuine desire to look at any question arising between them from the standpoint of that neighbor no less than from his own and to this end it is essential that capitalist and should consult freely one with the other should each strive to bring closer the day when both shall realize that they are properly partners and not enemies to approach the questions which inevitably arise between them solely from the standpoint which treats each side in the mass as the enemy of the other side in the mass is both wicked and foolish in the past the most direful among the influences which have brought about the downfall of republics has ever been the growth of the class spirit the growth of the spirit which tends to make a man subordinate the welfare of the public as a whole to the welfare of the particular class to which he belongs the substitution of loyalty to a class for loyalty to the nation this inevitably brings about a tendency to treat each man not on his merits as an individual but on his position as belonging to a certain class in the community if such a spirit grows up in this republic it will ultimately prove fatal to us as in the past it has proved fatal to every community in which it has become dominant unless we continue to keep a quick and lively sense of the great fundamental truth that our concern is with the individual worth of the individual man this government can not permanently hold the place which it has achieved among the nations the vital lines of cleavage among our people do not correspond and indeed run at right angles to the lines of cleavage which divide occupation from occupation which divide from capitalists farmers from bankers men of small means from men of large means men who live in the towns from men who live in the country for the vital line of cleavage is the line which divides the honest man who tries to do well by his neighbor from the dishonest man who does ill by his neighbor in other words the standard we should establish is the standard of conduct not the standard of occupation of means or of social position it is the man moral quality his attitude toward the great questions which concern all humanity his cleanliness of life his power to do his duty toward himself and toward others which really count and if we substitute for the standard of personal judgment which treats each man according to his merits another standard in accordance with which all men of one class are favored and all men of another class discriminated against we shall do irreparable damage to the body politic i believe that our people are too sane too too fit for ever to adopt such an attitude this government is not and never shall be government by a plutocracy this government is not and never shall be government by a mob it shall continue to be in the future what it has been in the past a government based on the theory that each man rich or poor is to be treated simply and solely on his worth as a man that all his personal and property rights are to be safeguarded and that he is neither to wrong others nor to suffer wrong from others the noblest of all forms of government is but it is also the most difficult we who possess this priceless boon and who desire to hand it on to our children and our children children should ever bear in mind the thought so finely expressed by burke men are qualified for civil liberty in exact proportion to their disposition to put moral chains upon their own appetites in proportion as they are disposed to listen to the counsels of the wise and good in preference to the flattery of knaves society can not exist unless a controlling power upon will and appetite be placed somewhere and the less of it there be within the more there must be without it is ordained in the eternal constitution of things that men of intemperate minds can not be free their passions forge their fetters the great insurance companies afford striking examples of corporations whose business has extended so far beyond the jurisdiction of the states which created them as to preclude strict enforcement of supervision and regulation by the parent states in my last annual message i recommended that the congress carefully consider whether the power of the bureau of corporations can not constitutionally be extended to cover interstate transactions in insurance recent events have emphasized the importance of an early and exhaustive consideration of this question to see whether it is not possible to furnish better safeguards than the several states have been able to furnish against corruption of the flagrant kind which has been exposed it has been only too clearly shown that certain of the men at the head of these large corporations take but small note of the ethical distinction between honesty and dishonesty they draw the line only this side of what may be called the kind of honesty necessary in order to avoid falling into the clutches of the law of course the only complete remedy for this condition must be found in an aroused public conscience a higher sense of ethical conduct in the community at large and especially among business men and in the great profession of the law and in the growth of a spirit which condemns all dishonesty whether in rich man or in poor man whether it takes the shape of bribery or of blackmail but much can be done by legislation which is not only drastic but practical there is need of a far stricter and more uniform regulation of the vast insurance interests of this country the united states should in this respect follow the policy of other nations by providing adequate national supervision of commercial interests which are clearly national in character my predecessors have repeatedly recognized that the foreign business of these companies is an important part of our foreign commercial relations during the administrations of presidents cleveland harrison and mckinley the state department exercised its influence through diplomatic channels to prevent unjust discrimination by foreign countries against american insurance companies these negotiations illustrated the propriety of the congress recognizing the national character of insurance for in the absence of federal legislation the state department could only give expression to the wishes of the authorities of the several states whose policy was ineffective through want of uniformity i repeat my previous recommendation that the congress should also consider whether the federal government has any power or owes any duty with respect to domestic transactions in insurance of an interstate character that state supervision has proved inadequate is generally conceded the burden upon insurance companies and therefore their policy holders of conflicting regulations of many states is unquestioned while but little effective check is imposed upon any able and unscrupulous man who desires to exploit the company in his own interest at the expense of the policy holders and of the public the inability of a state to regulate effectively insurance corporations created under the laws of other states and transacting the larger part of their business elsewhere is also clear as a remedy for this evil of conflicting ineffective and yet burdensome regulations there has been for many years a widespread demand for federal supervision the congress has already recognized that interstate insurance may be a proper subject for federal legislation for in creating the bureau of corporations it authorized it to publish and supply useful information concerning interstate corporations including corporations engaged in insurance it is obvious that if the compilation of statistics be the limit of the federal power it is wholly ineffective to regulate this form of commercial intercourse between the states and as the insurance business has outgrown in magnitude the possibility of adequate state supervision the congress should carefully consider whether further legislation can be bad what is said above applies with equal force to fraternal and benevolent organizations which contract for life insurance there is more need of stability than of the attempt to attain an ideal perfection in the methods of raising revenue and the shock and strain to the business world certain to attend any serious change in these methods render such change inadvisable unless for grave reason it is not possible to lay down any general rule by which to determine the moment when the reasons for will outweigh the reasons against such a change much must depend not merely on the needs but on the desires of the people as a whole for needs and desires are not necessarily identical of course no change can be made on lines beneficial to or desired by one section or one state only there must be something like a general agreement among the citizens of the several states as represented in the congress that the change is needed and desired in the interest of the people as a whole and there should then be a sincere intelligent and disinterested effort to make it in such shape as will combine so far as possible the maximum of good to the people at large with the minimum of necessary disregard for the special interests of localities or classes but in time of peace the revenue must on the average taking a series of years together equal the expenditures or else the revenues must be increased last year there was a deficit unless our expenditures can be kept within the revenues then our revenue laws must be readjusted it is as yet too early to attempt to outline what shape such a readjustment should take for it is as yet too early to say whether there will be need for it it should be considered whether it is not desirable that the tariff laws should provide for applying as against or in favor of any other nation maximum and minimum tariff rates established by the congress so as to secure a certain reciprocity of treatment between other nations and ourselves having in view even larger considerations of policy than those of a purely economic nature it would in my judgment be well to endeavor to bring about closer commercial connections with the other peoples of this continent i am happy to be able to announce to you that russia now treats us on the basis i earnestly recommend to congress the need of economy and to this end of a rigid scrutiny of appropriations as examples merely i call your attention to one or two specific matters all unnecessary offices should be abolished the commissioner of the general land office recommends the abolishment of the office of receiver of public moneys for the united states land office this will effect a saving of about a quarter of a million dollars a year as the business of the nation grows it is inevitable that there should be from time to time a legitimate increase in the number of officials and this fact renders it all the more important that when offices become unnecessary they should be abolished in the public printing also a large saving of public money can be made there is a constantly growing tendency to publish masses of unimportant information it is probably not unfair to say that many tens of thousands of volumes are published at which no human being ever looks and for which there is no real demand whatever yet in speaking of economy i must in no wise be understood as advocating the false economy which is in the end the worst extravagance to cut down on the navy for instance would be a crime against the nation to fail to push forward all work on the panama canal would be as great a folly in my message of december 2 1902 to the congress i said interest rates are a potent factor in business activity and in order that these rates may be equalized to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of widely separated communities and to prevent the recurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously affect legitimate business it is necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system banks are the natural servants of commerce and upon them should be placed as far as practicable the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply the needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign commerce and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply should be always available for the business interests of the country every consideration of prudence demands the addition of the element of elasticity to our currency system the evil does not consist in an inadequate volume of money but in the rigidity of this volume which does not respond as it should to the varying needs of communities and of seasons inflation must be avoided but some provision should be made that will insure a larger volume of money during the fall and winter months than in the less active seasons of the year so that the currency will contract against speculation and will expand for the needs of legitimate business at present the treasury department is at irregularly recurring intervals obliged in the interest of the business world that is in the interests of the american public to try to avert financial crises by providing a remedy which should be provided by congressional action at various times i have instituted investigations into the organization and conduct of the business of the executive departments while none of these inquiries have yet progressed far enough to warrant final conclusions they have already confirmed and emphasized the general impression that the organization of the departments is often faulty in principle and wasteful in results while many of their business methods are antiquated and inefficient there is every reason why our executive governmental machinery should be at least as well planned economical and efficient as the best machinery of the great business organizations which at present is not the case to make it so is a task of complex detail and essentially executive in its nature probably no legislative body no matter how wise and able could undertake it with reasonable prospect of success i recommend that the congress consider this subject with a view to provide by legislation for the transfer distribution consolidation and assignment of duties and executive organizations or parts of organizations and for the changes in business methods within or between the several departments that will best promote the economy efficiency and high character of the government work in my last annual message i said the power of the government to protect the integrity of the elections of its own officials is inherent and has been recognized and affirmed by repeated declarations of the supreme court there is no enemy of free government more dangerous and none so insidious as the corruption of the electorate no one defends or excuses corruption and it would seem to follow that none would oppose vigorous measures to eradicate it i recommend the enactment of a law directed against bribery and corruption in federal elections the details of such a law may be safely left to the wise discretion of the congress but it should go as far as under the constitution it is possible to go and should include severe penalties against him who gives or receives a bribe intended to influence his act or opinion as an elector and provisions for the publication not only of the expenditures for nominations and elections of all candidates but also of all contributions received and expenditures made by political committees i desire to repeat this recommendation in political campaigns in a country as large and populous as ours it is inevitable that there should be much expense of an entirely legitimate kind this of course means that many contributions and some of them of large size must be made and as a matter of fact in any big political contest such contributions are always made to both sides it is entirely proper both to give and receive them unless there is an improper motive connected with either gift or reception if they are extorted by any kind of pressure or promise express or implied direct or indirect in the way of favor or immunity then the giving or receiving becomes not only improper but criminal it will undoubtedly be difficult as a matter of practical detail to shape an act which shall guard with reasonable certainty against such misconduct but if it is possible to secure by law the full and verified publication in detail of all the sums contributed to and expended by the candidates or committees of any political parties the result can not but be wholesome all contributions by corporations to any political committee or for any political purpose should be forbidden by law directors should not be permitted to use stockholders money for such purposes and moreover a prohibition of this kind would be as far as it went an effective method of stopping the evils aimed at in corrupt practices acts not only should both the national and the several state legislatures forbid any officer of a corporation from using the money of the corporation in or about any election but they should also forbid such use of money in connection with any legislation save by the employment of counsel in public manner for distinctly legal services the first conference of nations held at the hague in 1899 being unable to dispose of all the business before it recommended the consideration and settlement of a number of important questions by another conference to be called subsequently and at an early date these questions were the following 1 the rights and duties of neutrals 2 the limitation of the armed forces on land and sea and of military budgets 3 the use of new types and calibres of military and naval guns 4 the inviolability of private property at sea in times of war 5 the bombardment of ports cities and villages by naval forces in october 1904 at the instance of the interparliamentary union which at a conference held in the united states and attended by the lawmakers of fifteen different nations had reiterated the demand for a second conference of nations i issued invitations to all the powers signatory to the hague convention to send delegates to such a conference and suggested that it be again held at the hague in its note of december 16 1904 the united states government communicated to the representatives of foreign governments its belief that the conference could be best arranged under the provisions of the present hague treaty from all the powers acceptance was received coupled in some cases with the condition that we should wait until the end of the war then waging between russia and japan the emperor of russia immediately after the treaty of peace which so happily terminated this war in a note presented to the president on september 13 through ambassador rosen took the initiative in recommending that the conference be now called the united states government in response expressed its cordial acquiescence and stated that it would as a matter of course take part in the new conference and endeavor to further its aims we assume that all civilized governments will support the movement and that the conference is now an assured fact this government will do everything in its power to secure the success of the conference to the end that substantial progress may be made in the because of international peace justice and good will this renders it proper at this time to say something as to the general attitude of this government toward peace more and more war is coming to be looked upon as in itself a lamentable and evil thing a wanton or useless war or a war of mere aggression in short any war begun or carried on in a conscienceless spirit is to be condemned as a peculiarly atrocious crime against all humanity we can however do nothing of permanent value for peace unless we keep ever clearly in mind the ethical element which lies at the root of the problem our aim is righteousness peace is normally the of rightousness but when peace and righteousness conflict then a great and upright people can never for a moment hesitate to follow the path which leads toward righteousness even though that path also leads to war there are persons who advocate peace at any price there are others who following a false analogy think that because it is no longer necessary in civilized countries for individuals to protect their rights with a strong hand it is therefore unnecessary for nations to be ready to defend their rights these persons would do irreparable harm to any nation that adopted their principles and even as it is they seriously hamper the because which they advocate by tending to render it absurd in the eyes of sensible and patriotic men there can be no worse foe of mankind in general and of his own country in particular than the demagogue of war the man who in mere folly or to serve his own selfish ends continually rails at and abuses other nations who seeks to excite his countrymen against foreigners on insufficient pretexts who excites and inflames a perverse and aggressive national vanity and who may on occasions wantonly bring on conflict between his nation and some other nation but there are demagogues of peace just as there are demagogues of war and in any such movement as this for the hague conference it is essential not to be misled by one set of extremists any more than by the other whenever it is possible for a nation or an individual to work for real peace assuredly it is failure of duty not so to strive but if war is necessary and righteous then either the man or the nation shrinking from it forfeits all title to we have scant sympathy with the sentimentalist who dreads oppression less than physical suffering who would prefer a shameful peace to the pain and toil sometimes lamentably necessary in order to secure a righteous peace as yet there is only a partial and imperfect analogy between international law and internal or municipal law because there is no sanction of force for executing the former while there is in the case of the latter the private citizen is protected in his rights by the law because the law rests in the last resort upon force exercised through the forms of law a man does not have to defend his rights with his own hand because he can call upon the police upon the sheriff posse upon the militia or in certain extreme cases upon the army to defend him but there is no such sanction of force for international law at present there could be no greater calamity than for the free peoples the enlightened independent and peoples to disarm while yet leaving it open to any barbarism or despotism to remain armed so long as the world is as unorganized as now the armies and navies of those peoples who on the whole stand for justice offer not only the best but the only possible security for a just peace for instance if the united states alone or in company only with the other nations that on the whole tend to act justly disarmed we might sometimes avoid bloodshed but we would cease to be of weight in securing the peace of justice the real peace for which the most and men must at times be willing to fight as the world is now only that nation is equipped for peace that knows how to fight and that will not shrink from fighting if ever the conditions become such that war is demanded in the name of the highest morality so much it is emphatically necessary to say in order both that the position of the united states may not be misunderstood and that a genuine effort to bring nearer the day of the peace of justice among the nations may not be hampered by a folly which in striving to achieve the impossible would render it hopeless to attempt the achievement of the practical but while recognizing most clearly all above set forth it remains our clear duty to strive in every practicable way to bring nearer the time when the sword shall not be the arbiter among nations at present the practical thing to do is to try to minimize the number of cases in which it must be the arbiter and to offer at least to all civilized powers some substitute for war which will be available in at least a considerable number of instances very much can be done through another hague conference in this direction and i most earnestly urge that this nation do all in its power to try to further the movement and to make the result of the decisions of the hague conference effective i earnestly hope that the conference may be able to devise some way to make arbitration between nations the customary way of settling international disputes in all save a few classes of cases which should themselves be as sharply defined and rigidly limited as the present governmental and social development of the world will permit if possible there should be a general arbitration treaty negotiated among all the nations represented at the conference neutral rights and property should be protected at sea as they are protected on land there should be an international agreement to this purpose and a similar agreement defining contraband of war during the last century there has been a distinct diminution in the number of wars between the most civilized nations international relations have become closer and the development of the hague tribunal is not only a symptom of this growing closeness of relationship but is a means by which the growth can be furthered our aim should be from time to time to take such steps as may be possible toward creating something like an organization of the civilized nations because as the world becomes more highly organized the need for navies and armies will diminish it is not possible to secure anything like an immediate disarmament because it would first be necessary to settle what peoples are on the whole a menace to the rest of mankind and to provide against the disarmament of the rest being turned into a movement which would really chiefly benefit these obnoxious peoples but it may be possible to exercise some check upon the tendency to swell indefinitely the budgets for military expenditure of course such an effort could succeed only if it did not attempt to do too much and if it were undertaken in a spirit of sanity as far removed as possible from a merely hysterical it is worth while pointing out that since the end of the insurrection in the philippines this nation has shown its practical faith in the policy of disarmament by reducing its little army but disarmament can never be of prime importance there is more need to get rid of the causes of war than of the implements of war i have dwelt much on the dangers to be avoided by steering clear of any mere foolish sentimentality because my wish for peace is so genuine and earnest because i have a real and great desire that this second hague conference may mark a long stride forward in the direction of securing the peace of justice throughout the world no object is better worthy the attention of enlightened statesmanship than the establishment of a surer method than now exists of securing justice as between nations both for the protection of the little nations and for the prevention of war between the big nations to this aim we should endeavor not only to avert bloodshed but above all effectively to strengthen the forces of right the golden rule should be and as the world grows in morality it will be the guiding rule of conduct among nations as among individuals though the golden rule must not be construed in fantastic manner as forbidding the exercise of the police power this mighty and free republic should ever deal with all other states great or small on a basis of high honor respecting their rights as jealously as it safeguards its own one of the most effective instruments for peace is the monroe doctrine as it has been and is being gradually developed by this nation and accepted by other nations no other policy could have been as efficient in promoting peace in the western hemisphere and in giving to each nation thereon the chance to develop along its own lines if we had refused to apply the doctrine to changing conditions it would now be completely outworn would not meet any of the needs of the present day and indeed would probably by this time have sunk into complete oblivion it is useful at home and is meeting with recognition abroad because we have adapted our application of it to meet the growing and changing needs of the hemisphere when we announce a policy such as the monroe doctrine we thereby commit ourselves to the consequences of the policy and those consequences from time to time alter it is out of the question to claim a right and yet shirk the responsibility for its exercise not only we but all american republics who are benefited by the existence of the doctrine must recognize the obligations each nation is under as regards foreign peoples no less than its duty to insist upon its own rights that our rights and interests are deeply concerned in the maintenance of the doctrine is so clear as hardly to need argument this is especially true in view of the construction of the panama canal as a mere matter of we must exercise a close watch over the approaches to this canal and this means that we must be thoroughly alive to our interests in the caribbean sea there are certain essential points which must never be forgotten as regards the monroe doctrine in the first place we must as a nation make it evident that we do not intend to treat it in any shape or way as an excuse for aggrandizement on our part at the expense of the republics to the south we must recognize the fact that in some south american countries there has been much suspicion lest we should interpret the monroe doctrine as in some way inimical to their interests and we must try to convince all the other nations of this continent once and for all that no just and orderly government has anything to fear from us there are certain republics to the south of us which have already reached such a point of stability order and prosperity that they themselves though as yet hardly consciously are among the guarantors of this doctrine these republics we now meet not only on a basis of entire equality but in a spirit of frank and respectful friendship which we hope is mutual if all of the republics to the south of us will only grow as those to which i allude have already grown all need for us to be the especial champions of the doctrine will disappear for no stable and growing american republic wishes to see some great military power acquire territory in its neighborhood all that this country desires is that the other republics on this continent shall be happy and prosperous and they can not be happy and prosperous unless they maintain order within their boundaries and behave with a just regard for their obligations toward outsiders it must be understood that under no circumstances will the united states use the monroe doctrine as a cloak for territorial aggression we desire peace with all the world but perhaps most of all with the other peoples of the american continent there are of course limits to the wrongs which any nation can endure it is always possible that wrong actions toward this nation or toward citizens of this nation in some state unable to keep order among its own people unable to secure justice from outsiders and unwilling to do justice to those outsiders who treat it well may result in our having to take action to protect our rights but such action will not be taken with a view to territorial aggression and it will be taken at all only with extreme reluctance and when it has become evident that every other resource has been exhausted moreover we must make it evident that we do not intend to permit the monroe doctrine to be used by any nation on this continent as a shield to protect it from the consequences of its own misdeeds against foreign nations if a republic to the south of us commits a tort against a foreign nation such as an outrage against a citizen of that nation then the monroe doctrine does not force us to interfere to prevent punishment of the tort save to see that the punishment does not assume the form of territorial occupation in any shape the case is more difficult when it refers to a contractual obligation our own government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms it is much to be wished that all foreign governments would take the same view but they do not and in consequence we are liable at any time to be brought face to face with disagreeable alternatives on the one hand this country would certainly decline to go to war to prevent a foreign government from collecting a just debt on the other hand it is very inadvisable to permit any foreign power to take possession even temporarily of the custom houses of an american republic in order to enforce the payment of its obligations for such temporary occupation might turn into a permanent occupation the only escape from these alternatives may at any time be that we must ourselves undertake to bring about some arrangement by which so much as possible of a just obligation shall be paid it is far better that this country should put through such an arrangement rather than allow any foreign country to undertake it to do so insures the defaulting republic from having to pay debt of an improper character under duress while it also insures honest creditors of the republic from being passed by in the interest of dishonest or grasping creditors moreover for the united states to take such a position offers the only possible way of insuring us against a clash with some foreign power the position is therefore in the interest of peace as well as in the interest of justice it is of benefit to our people it is of benefit to foreign peoples and most of all it is really of benefit to the people of the country concerned this brings me to what should be one of the fundamental objects of the monroe doctrine we must ourselves in good faith try to help upward toward peace and order those of our sister republics which need such help just as there has been a gradual growth of the ethical element in the relations of one individual to another so we are even though slowly more and more coming to recognize the duty of bearing one another burdens not only as among individuals but also as among nations santo domingo in her turn has now made an appeal to us to help her and not only every principle of wisdom but every generous instinct within us bids us respond to the appeal it is not of the slightest consequence whether we grant the aid needed by santo domingo as an incident to the wise development of the monroe doctrine or because we regard the case of santo domingo as standing wholly by itself and to be treated as such and not on general principles or with any reference to the monroe doctrine the important point is to give the needed aid and the case is certainly sufficiently peculiar to deserve to be judged purely on its own merits the conditions in santo domingo have for a number of years grown from bad to worse until a year ago all society was on the verge of dissolution fortunately just at this time a ruler sprang up in santo domingo who with his colleagues saw the dangers threatening their country and appealed to the friendship of the only great and powerful neighbor who possessed the power and as they hoped also the will to help them there was imminent danger of foreign intervention the previous rulers of santo domingo had recklessly incurred debts and owing to her internal disorders she had ceased to be able to provide means of paying the debts the patience of her foreign creditors had become exhausted and at least two foreign nations were on the point of intervention and were only prevented from intervening by the unofficial assurance of this government that it would itself strive to help santo domingo in her hour of need in the case of one of these nations only the actual opening of negotiations to this end by our government prevented the seizure of territory in santo domingo by a european power of the debts incurred some were just while some were not of a character which really renders it obligatory on or proper for santo domingo to pay them in full but she could not pay any of them unless some stability was assured her government and people accordingly the executive department of our government negotiated a treaty under which we are to try to help the dominican people to straighten out their finances this treaty is pending before the senate in the meantime a temporary arrangement has been made which will last until the senate has had time to take action upon the treaty under this arrangement the dominican government has appointed americans to all the important positions in the customs service and they are seeing to the honest collection of the revenues turning over 45 per cent to the government for running expenses and putting the other 55 per cent into a safe depository for equitable division in case the treaty shall be ratified among the various creditors whether european or american the custom houses offer the only sources of revenue in santo domingo and the different revolutions usually have as their real aim the obtaining of these custom houses the mere fact that the collectors of customs are americans that they are performing their duties with efficiency and honesty and that the treaty is pending in the senate gives a certain moral power to the government of santo domingo which it has not had before this has completely discouraged all revolutionary movement while it has already produced such an increase in the revenues that the government is actually getting more from the 45 per cent that the american collectors turn over to it than it got formerly when it took the entire revenue it is enabling the poor harassed people of santo domingo once more to turn their attention to industry and to be free from the cure of interminable revolutionary disturbance it offers to all creditors american and european the only really good chance to obtain that to which they are justly entitled while it in return gives to santo domingo the only opportunity of defense against claims which it ought not to pay for now if it meets the views of the senate we shall ourselves thoroughly examine all these claims whether american or foreign and see that none that are improper are paid there is of course opposition to the treaty from dishonest creditors foreign and american and from the professional revolutionists of the island itself we have already reason to believe that some of the creditors who do not dare expose their claims to honest scrutiny are endeavoring to stir up sedition in the island and opposition to the treaty in the meantime i have exercised the authority vested in me by the joint resolution of the congress to prevent the introduction of arms into the island for revolutionary purposes under the course taken stability and order and all the benefits of peace are at last coming to santo domingo danger of foreign intervention has been suspended and there is at last a prospect that all creditors will get justice no more and no less if the arrangement is terminated by the failure of the treaty chaos will follow and if chaos follows sooner or later this government may be involved in serious difficulties with foreign governments over the island or else may be forced itself to intervene in the island in some unpleasant fashion under the proposed treaty the independence of the island is scrupulously respected the danger of violation of the monroe doctrine by the intervention of foreign powers vanishes and the interference of our government is minimized so that we shall only act in conjunction with the santo domingo authorities to secure the proper administration of the customs and therefore to secure the payment of just debts and to secure the dominican government against demands for unjust debts the proposed method will give the people of santo domingo the same chance to move onward and upward which we have already given to the people of cuba it will be doubly to our discredit as a nation if we fail to take advantage of this chance for it will be of damage to ourselves and it will be of incalculable damage to santo domingo every consideration of wise policy and above all every consideration of large generosity bids us meet the request of santo domingo as we are now trying to meet it we can not consider the question of our foreign policy without at the same time treating of the army and the navy we now have a very small army indeed one infinitesimal when compared with the army of any other large nation of course the army we do have should be as nearly perfect of its kind and for its size as is possible i do not believe that any army in the world has a better average of enlisted men or a better type of junior officer but the army should be trained to act effectively in a mass provision should be made by sufficient appropriations for manoeuvers of a practical kind so that the troops may learn how to take care of themselves under actual service conditions every march for instance being made with the soldier loaded exactly as he would be in active campaign the generals and colonels would thereby have opportunity of handling regiments brigades and divisions and the commissary and medical departments would be tested in the field provision should be made for the exercise at least of a brigade and by preference of a division in marching and embarking at some point on our coast and disembarking at some other point and continuing its march the number of posts in which the army is kept in time of peace should be materially diminished and the posts that are left made correspondingly larger no local interests should be allowed to stand in the way of assembling the greater part of the troops which would at need form our field armies in stations of such size as will permit the best training to be given to the personnel of all grades including the high officers and staff officers to accomplish this end we must have not company or regimental garrisons but brigade and division garrisons promotion by mere seniority can never result in a thoroughly efficient corps of officers in the higher ranks unless there accompanies it a vigorous process such a process that is such a process of selection is a chief feature of the four years course of the young officer at west point there is no good reason why it should stop immediately upon his graduation while at west point he is dropped unless he comes up to a certain standard of excellence and when he graduates he takes rank in the army according to his rank of graduation the results are good at west point and there should be in the army itself something that will achieve the same end after a certain age has been reached the average officer is unfit to do good work below a certain grade provision should be made for the promotion of exceptionally meritorious men over the heads of their comrades and for the retirement of all men who have reached a given age without getting beyond a given rank this age of retirement of course changing from rank to rank in both the army and the navy there should be some principle of selection that is of promotion for merit and there should be a resolute effort to eliminate the aged officers of reputable character who possess no special efficiency there should be an increase in the coast artillery force so that our coast fortifications can be in some degree adequately manned there is special need for an increase and reorganization of the medical department of the army in both the army and navy there must be the same thorough training for duty in the staff corps as in the fighting line only by such training in advance can we be sure that in actual war field operations and those at sea will be carried on successfully the importance of this was shown conclusively in the and the wars the work of the medical departments in the japanese army and navy is especially worthy of study i renew my recommendation of january 9 1905 as to the medical department of the army and call attention to the equal importance of the needs of the staff corps of the navy in the medical department of the navy the first in importance is the reorganization of the hospital corps on the lines of the gallinger bill february 1 1904 and the reapportionment of the different grades of the medical officers to meet service requirements it seems advisable also that medical officers of the army and navy should have similar rank and pay in their respective grades so that their duties can be carried on without friction when they are brought together the base hospitals of the navy should be put in condition to meet modern requirements and hospital ships be provided unless we now provide with ample forethought for the medical needs of the army and navy appalling suffering of a preventable kind is sure to occur if ever the country goes to war it is not reasonable to expect successful administration in time of war of a department which lacks a third of the number of officers necessary to perform the medical service in time of peace we need men who are not merely doctors they must be trained in the administration of military medical service our navy must relatively to the navies of other nations always be of greater size than our army we have most wisely continued for a number of years to build up our navy and it has now reached a fairly high standard of efficiency this standard of efficiency must not only be maintained but increased it does not seem to be necessary however that the navy should at least in the immediate future be increased beyond the present number of units what is now clearly necessary is to substitute efficient for inefficient units as the latter become worn out or as it becomes apparent that they are useless probably the result would be attained by adding a single battleship to our navy each year the superseded or outworn vessels being laid up or broken up as they are thus replaced the four monitors built immediately after the close of the spanish war for instance are vessels which would be of but little use in the event of war the money spent upon them could have been more usefully spent in other ways thus it would have been far better never to have built a single one of these monitors and to have put the money into an ample supply of reserve guns most of the smaller cruisers and gunboats though they serve a useful purpose so far as they are needed for international police work would not add to the strength of our navy in a conflict with a serious foe there is urgent need of providing a large increase in the number of officers and especially in the number of enlisted men recent naval history has emphasized certain lessons which ought not to but which do need emphasis seagoing torpedo boats or destroyers are indispensable not only for making night attacks by surprise upon an enemy but even in battle for finishing already crippled ships under exceptional circumstances submarine boats would doubtless be of use fast scouts are needed the main strength of the navy however lies and can only lie in the great battleships the heavily armored heavily gunned vessels which decide the mastery of the seas cruisers also play a most useful part and unarmed cruisers if swift enough are very useful as scouts between antagonists of approximately equal prowess the comparative perfection of the instruments of war will ordinarily determine the fight but it is of course true that the man behind the gun the man in the engine room and the man in the conning tower considered not only individually but especially with regard to the way in which they work together are even more important than the weapons with which they work the most formidable battleship is of course helpless against even a light cruiser if the men aboard it are unable to hit anything with their guns and thoroughly cruisers may count seriously in an engagement with much superior vessels if the men aboard the latter are ineffective whether from lack of training or from any other because modern warships are most formidable mechanisms when well handled but they are utterly useless when not well handled and they can not be handled at all without long and careful training this training can under no circumstance be given when once war has broken out no fighting ship of the first class should ever be laid up save for necessary repairs and her crew should be kept constantly exercised on the high seas so that she may stand at the highest point of perfection to put a new and untrained crew upon the most powerful battleship and send it out to meet a formidable enemy is not only to invite but to insure disaster and disgrace to improvise crews at the outbreak of a war so far as the serious fighting craft are concerned is absolutely hopeless if the officers and men are not thoroughly skilled in and have not been thoroughly trained to their duties it would be far better to keep the ships in port during hostilities than to send them against a formidable opponent for the result could only be that they would be either sunk or captured the marksmanship of our navy is now on the whole in a gratifying condition and there has been a great improvement in fleet practice we need additional seamen we need a large store of reserve guns we need sufficient money for ample target practice ample practice of every kind at sea we should substitute for comparatively inefficient types the old battleship texas the monitors above mentioned and indeed all the monitors and some of the old cruisers efficient modern seagoing vessels seagoing destroyers should be substituted for some of the smaller torpedo boats during the present congress there need be no additions to the aggregate number of units of the navy our navy though very small relatively to the navies of other nations is for the present sufficient in point of numbers for our needs and while we must constantly strive to make its efficiency higher there need be no additions to the total of ships now built and building save in the way of substitution as above outlined i recommend the report of the secretary of the navy to the careful consideration of the congress especially with a view to the legislation therein advocated during the past year evidence has accumulated to confirm the expressions contained in my last two annual messages as to the importance of revising by appropriate legislation our system of naturalizing aliens i appointed last march a commission to make a careful examination of our naturalization laws and to suggest appropriate measures to avoid the notorious abuses resulting from the improvident of unlawful granting of citizenship this commission composed of an officer of the department of state of the department of justice and of the department of commerce and labor has discharged the duty imposed upon it and has submitted a report which will be transmitted to the congress for its consideration and i hope for its favor able action the distinguishing recommendations of the commission are first a federal bureau of naturalization to be established in the department of commerce and labor to supervise the administration of the naturalization laws and to receive returns of naturalizations pending and accomplished second uniformity of naturalization certificates fees to be charged and procedure third more exacting qualifications for citizenship fourth the preliminary declaration of intention to be abolished and no alien to be naturalized until at least ninety days after the filing of his petition fifth jurisdiction to naturalize aliens to be confined to united states district courts and to such state courts as have jurisdiction in civil actions in which the amount in controversy is unlimited in cities of over inhabitants the united states district courts to have exclusive jurisdiction in the naturalization of the alien residents of such cities in my last message i asked the attention of the congress to the urgent need of action to make our criminal law more effective and i most earnestly request that you pay heed to the report of the attorney general on this subject centuries ago it was especially needful to throw every safeguard round the accused the danger then was lest he should be wronged by the state the danger is now exactly the reverse our laws and customs tell immensely in favor of the criminal and against the interests of the public he has wronged some antiquated and outworn rules which once safeguarded the threatened rights of private citizens now merely work harm to the general body politic the criminal law of the united states stands in urgent need of revision the criminal process of any court of the united states should run throughout the entire territorial extent of our country the delays of the criminal law no less than of the civil now amount to a very great evil there seems to be no statute of the united states which provides for the punishment of a united states attorney or other officer of the government who corruptly agrees to wrongfully do or wrongfully refrain from doing any act when the consideration for such corrupt agreement is other than one possessing money value this ought to be remedied by appropriate legislation legislation should also be enacted to cover explicitly unequivocally and beyond question breach of trust in the shape of prematurely divulging official secrets by an officer or employe of the united states and to provide a suitable penalty therefor such officer or employe owes the duty to the united states to guard carefully and not to divulge or in any manner use prematurely information which is accessible to the officer or employe by reason of his official position most breaches of public trust are already covered by the law and this one should be it is impossible no matter how much care is used to prevent the occasional appointment to the public service of a man who when tempted proves unfaithful but every means should be provided to detect and every effort made to punish the wrongdoer so far as in my power see each and every such wrongdoer shall be relentlessly hunted down in no instance in the past has he been spared in no instance in the future shall he be spared his crime is a crime against every honest man in the nation for it is a crime against the whole body politic yet in dwelling on such misdeeds it is unjust not to add that they are altogether exceptional and that on the whole the employes of the government render upright and faithful service to the people there are exceptions notably in one or two branches of the service but at no time in the nation history has the public service of the nation taken as a whole stood on a higher plane than now alike as regards honesty and as regards efficiency once again i call your attention to the condition of the public land laws recent developments have given new urgency to the need for such changes as will fit these laws to actual present conditions the honest disposal and right use of the remaining public lands is of fundamental importance the iniquitous methods by which the monopolizing of the public lands is being brought about under the present laws are becoming more generally known but the existing laws do not furnish effective remedies the recommendations of the public lands commission upon this subject are wise and should be given effect the creation of small irrigated farms under the reclamation act is a powerful offset to the tendency of certain other laws to foster or permit monopoly of the land under that act the construction of great irrigation works has been proceeding rapidly and successfully the lands reclaimed are eagerly taken up and the prospect that the policy of national irrigation will accomplish all that was expected of it is bright the act should be extended to include the state of texas the reclamation act derives much of its value from the fact that it tends to secure the greatest possible number of homes on the land and to create communities of freeholders in part by settlement on public lands in part by forcing the subdivision of large private holdings before they can get water from government irrigation works the law requires that no right to the use of water for land in private ownership shall be sold for a tract exceeding 160 acres to any one land owner this provision has excited active and powerful hostility but the success of the law itself depends on the wise and firm enforcement of it we can not afford to substitute tenants for freeholders on the public domain the greater part of the remaining public lands can not be irrigated they are at present and will probably always be of greater value for grazing than for any other purpose this fact has led to the grazing homestead of 640 acres in nebraska and to the proposed extension of it to other states it is argued that a family can not be supported on 160 acres of arid grazing land this is obviously true but neither can a family be supported on 640 acres of much of the land to which it is proposed to apply the grazing homestead to establish universally any such arbitrary limit would be unwise at the present time it would probably result on the one hand in enlarging the holdings of some of the great land owners and on the other in needless suffering and failure on the part of a very considerable proportion of the bona fide settlers who give faith to the implied assurance of the government that such an area is sufficient the best use of the public grazing lands requires the careful examination and classification of these lands in order to give each settler land enough to support his family and no more while this work is being done and until the lands are settled the government should take control of the open range under reasonable regulations suited to local needs following the general policy already in successful operation on the forest reserves it is probable that the present grazing value of the open public range is scarcely more than half what it once was or what it might easily be again under careful regulation the forest policy of the administration appears to enjoy the unbroken support of the people the great users of timber are themselves forwarding the movement for forest preservation all organized opposition to the forest preserves in the west has disappeared since the consolidation of all government forest work in the national forest service there has been a rapid and notable gain in the usefulness of the forest reserves to the people and in public appreciation of their value the national parks within or adjacent to forest reserves should be transferred to the charge of the forest service also the national government already does something in connection with the construction and maintenance of the great system of levees along the lower course of the mississippi in my judgment it should do much more to the spread of our trade in peace and the defense of our flag in war a great and prosperous merchant marine is indispensable we should have ships of our own and seamen of our own to convey our goods to neutral markets and in case of need to reinforce our battle line it can not but be a source of regret and uneasiness to us that the lines of communication with our sister republics of south america should be chiefly under foreign control it is not a good thing that american merchants and manufacturers should have to send their goods and letters to south america via europe if they wish security and dispatch even on the pacific where our ships have held their own better than on the atlantic our merchant flag is now threatened through the liberal aid bestowed by other governments on their own steam lines i ask your earnest consideration of the report with which the merchant marine commission has followed its long and careful inquiry i again heartily commend to your favorable consideration the tercentennial celebration at jamestown appreciating the desirability of this commemoration the congress passed an act march 3 1905 authorizing in the year 1907 on and near the waters of hampton roads in the state of virginia an international naval marine and military celebration in honor of this event by the authority vested in me by this act i have made proclamation of said celebration and have issued in conformity with its instructions invitations to all the nations of the earth to participate by sending their naval vessels and such military organizations as may be practicable this celebration would fail of its full purpose unless it were enduring in its results and commensurate with the importance of the event to be celebrated the event from which our nation dates its birth i earnestly hope that this celebration already indorsed by the congress of the united states and by the legislatures of sixteen states since the action of the congress will receive such additional aid at your hands as will make it worthy of the great event it is intended to celebrate and thereby enable the government of the united states to make provision for the exhibition of its own resources and likewise enable our people who have undertaken the work of such a celebration to provide suitable and proper entertainment and instruction in the historic events of our country for all who may visit the exposition and to whom we have tendered our hospitality it is a matter of unmixed satisfaction once more to call attention to the excellent work of the pension bureau for the veterans of the civil war have a greater claim upon us than any other class of our citizens to them first of all among our people honor is due seven years ago my lamented predecessor president mckinley stated that the time had come for the nation to care for the graves of the confederate dead i recommend that the congress take action toward this end the first need is to take charge of the graves of the confederate dead who died in northern prisons the question of immigration is of vital interest to this country in the year ending june 30 1905 there came to the united states alien immigrants in other words in the single year that has just elapsed there came to this country a greater number of people than came here during the one hundred and years of our colonial life which intervened between the first landing at jamestown and the declaration of independence it is clearly shown in the report of the commissioner general of immigration that while much of this enormous immigration is undoubtedly healthy and natural a considerable proportion is undesirable from one reason or another moreover a considerable proportion of it probably a very large proportion including most of the undesirable class does not come here of its own initiative but because of the activity of the agents of the great transportation companies these agents are distributed throughout europe and by the offer of all kinds of inducements they wheedle and cajole many immigrants often against their best interest to come here the most serious obstacle we have to encounter in the effort to secure a proper regulation of the immigration to these shores arises from the determined opposition of the foreign steamship lines who have no interest whatever in the matter save to increase the returns on their capital by carrying masses of immigrants hither in the steerage quarters of their ships as i said in my last message to the congress we can not have too much immigration of the right sort and we should have none whatever of the wrong sort of course it is desirable that even the right kind of immigration should be properly distributed in this country we need more of such immigration for the south and special effort should be made to secure it perhaps it would be possible to limit the number of immigrants allowed to come in any one year to new york and other northern cities while leaving unlimited the number allowed to come to the south always provided however that a stricter effort is made to see that only immigrants of the right kind come to our country anywhere in actual practice it has proved so difficult to enforce the migration laws where long stretches of frontier marked by an imaginary line alone intervene between us and our neighbors that i recommend that no immigrants be allowed to come in from canada and mexico save natives of the two countries themselves as much as possible should be done to distribute the immigrants upon the land and keep them away from the contested districts of the great cities but distribution is a palliative not a cure the prime need is to keep out all immigrants who will not make good american citizens the laws now existing for the exclusion of undesirable immigrants should be strengthened adequate means should be adopted enforced by sufficient penalties to compel steamship companies engaged in the passenger business to observe in good faith the law which forbids them to encourage or solicit immigration to the united states moreover there should be a sharp limitation imposed upon all vessels coming to our ports as to the number of immigrants in ratio to the tonnage which each vessel can carry this ratio should be high enough to insure the coming hither of as good a class of aliens as possible provision should be made for the surer punishment of those who induce aliens to come to this country under promise or assurance of employment it should be made possible to inflict a sufficiently heavy penalty on any employer violating this law to deter him from taking the risk it seems to me wise that there should be an international conference held to deal with this question of immigration which has more than a merely national significance such a conference could among other things enter at length into the method for securing a thorough inspection of immigrants at the ports from which they desire to embark before permitting them to embark in dealing with this question it is unwise to depart from the old american tradition and to discriminate for or against any man who desires to come here and become a citizen save on the ground of that man fitness for citizenship it is our right and duty to consider his moral and social quality his standard of living should be such that he will not by pressure of competition lower the standard of living of our own for it must ever be a prime object of our legislation to keep high their standard of living if the man who seeks to come here is from the moral and social standpoint of such a character as to bid fair to add value to the community he should be heartily welcomed we can not afford to pay heed to whether he is of one creed or another of one nation or another we can not afford to consider whether he is catholic or protestant jew or gentile whether he is englishman or irishman frenchman or german japanese italian scandinavian slav or magyar what we should desire to find out is the individual quality of the individual man in my judgment with this end in view we shall have to prepare through our own agents a far more rigid inspection in the countries from which the immigrants come it will be a great deal better to have fewer immigrants but all of the right kind than a great number of immigrants many of whom are necessarily of the wrong kind as far as possible we wish to limit the immigration to this country to persons who propose to become citizens of this country and we can well afford to insist upon adequate scrutiny of the character of those who are thus proposed for future citizenship there should be an increase in the stringency of the laws to keep out insane idiotic epileptic and pauper immigrants but this is by no means enough not merely the anarchist but every man of anarchistic tendencies all violent and disorderly people all people of bad character the incompetent the lazy the vicious the physically unfit defective or degenerate should be kept out the stocks out of which american citizenship is to be built should be strong and healthy sound in body mind and character if it be objected that the government agents would not always select well the answer is that they would certaintly select better than do the agents and brokers of foreign steamship companies the people who now do whatever selection is done the questions arising in connection with chinese immigration stand by themselves the conditions in china are such that the entire chinese coolie class that is the class of chinese laborers skilled and unskilled legitimately come under the head of undesirable immigrants to this country because of their numbers the low wages for which they work and their low standard of living not only is it to the interest of this country to keep them out but the chinese authorities do not desire that they should be admitted at present their entrance is prohibited by laws amply adequate to accomplish this purpose these laws have been are being and will be thoroughly enforced the violations of them are so few in number as to be infinitesimal and can be entirely disregarded this is no serious proposal to alter the immigration law as regards the chinese laborer skilled or unskilled and there is no excuse for any man feeling or affecting to feel the slightest alarm on the subject but in the effort to carry out the policy of excluding chinese laborers chinese coolies grave injustice and wrong have been done by this nation to the people of china and therefore ultimately to this nation itself chinese students business and professional men of all kinds not only merchants but bankers doctors manufacturers professors travelers and the like should be encouraged to come here and treated on precisely the same footing that we treat students business men travelers and the like of other nations our laws and treaties should be framed not so as to put these people in the excepted classes but to state that we will admit all chinese except chinese of the coolie class chinese skilled or unskilled laborers there would not be the least danger that any such provision would result in any relaxation of the law about laborers these will under all conditions be kept out absolutely but it will be more easy to see that both justice and courtesy are shown as they ought to be shown to other chinese if the law or treaty is framed as above suggested examinations should be completed at the port of departure from china for this purpose there should be provided a more adequate consular service in china than we now have the appropriations both for the offices of the consuls and for the office forces in the consulates should be increased as a people we have talked much of the open door in china and we expect and quite rightly intend to insist upon justice being shown us by the chinese but we can not expect to receive equity unless we do equity we can not ask the chinese to do to us what we are unwilling to do to them they would have a perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our laboring men threatened to come into their country in such numbers as to jeopardize the of the chinese population and as mutatis mutandis these were the conditions with which chinese immigration actually brought this people face to face we had and have a perfect right which the chinese government in no way contests to act as we have acted in the matter of restricting coolie immigration that this right exists for each country was explicitly acknowledged in the last treaty between the two countries but we must treat the chinese student traveler and business man in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy if we expect similar treatment to be accorded to our own people of similar rank who go to china much trouble has come during the past summer from the organized boycott against american goods which has been started in china the main factor in producing this boycott has been the resentment felt by the students and business people of china by all the chinese leaders against the harshness of our law toward educated chinamen of the professional and business classes this government has the friendliest feeling for china and desires china we cordially sympathize with the announced purpose of japan to stand for the integrity of china such an attitude tends to the peace of the world the civil service law has been on the statute books for years every president and a vast majority of heads of departments who have been in office during that period have favored a gradual extension of the merit system the more thoroughly its principles have been understood the greater has been the favor with which the law has been regarded by administration officers any attempt to carry on the great executive departments of the government without this law would inevitably result in chaos the civil service commissioners are doing excellent work and their compensation is inadequate considering the service they perform the statement that the examinations are not practical in character is based on a misapprehension of the practice of the commission the departments are invariably consulted as to the requirements desired and as to the character of questions that shall be asked general invitations are frequently sent out to all heads of departments asking whether any changes in the scope or character of examinations are required in other words the departments prescribe the requirements and qualifications desired and the civil service commission with them in securing persons with these qualifications and insuring open and impartial competition in a large number of examinations as for example those for trades positions there are no educational requirements whatever and a person who can neither read nor write may pass with a high average vacancies in the service are filled with reasonable expedition and the machinery of the commission which reaches every part of the country is the best agency that has yet been devised for finding people with the most suitable qualifications for the various offices to be filled written competitive examinations do not make an ideal method for filling positions but they do represent an immeasurable advance upon the spoils method under which outside politicians really make the appointments nominally made by the executive officers the appointees being chosen by the politicians in question in the great majority of cases for reasons totally unconnected with the needs of the service or of the public statistics gathered by the census bureau show that the tenure of office in the government service does not differ materially from that enjoyed by employes of large business corporations heads of executive departments and members of the commission have called my attention to the fact that the rule requiring a filing of charges and three days notice before an employe could be separated from the service for inefficiency has served no good purpose whatever because that is not a matter upon which a hearing of the employe found to be inefficient can be of any value and in practice the rule providing for such notice and hearing has merely resulted in keeping in a certain number of incompetents because of the reluctance of the heads of departments and bureau chiefs to go through the required procedure experience has shown that this rule is wholly ineffective to save any man if a superior for improper reasons wishes to remove him and is mischievous because it sometimes serves to keep in the service incompetent men not guilty of specific wrongdoing having these facts in view the rule has been amended by providing that where the inefficiency or incapacity comes within the personal knowledge of the head of a department the removal may be made without notice the reasons therefor being filed and made a record of the department the absolute right of the removal rests where it always has rested with the head of a department any limitation of this absolute right results in grave injury to the public service the change is merely one of procedure it was much needed and it is producing good results the civil service law is being energetically and impartially enforced and in the large majority of cases complaints of violations of either the law or rules are discovered to be unfounded in this respect this law compares very favorably with any other federal statute the question of politics in the appointment and retention of the men engaged in merely ministerial work has been practically eliminated in almost the entire field of government employment covered by the civil service law the action of the congress in providing the commission with its own force instead of requiring it to rely on detailed clerks has been justified by the increased work done at a smaller cost to the government i urge upon the congress a careful consideration of the recommendations contained in the annual report of the commission our copyright laws urgently need revision they are imperfect in definition confused and inconsistent in expression they omit provision for many articles which under modern reproductive processes are entitled to protection they impose hardships upon the copyright proprietor which are not essential to the fair protection of the public they are difficult for the courts to interpret and impossible for the copyright office to administer with satisfaction to the public attempts to improve them by amendment have been frequent no less than twelve acts for the purpose having been passed since the revised statutes to perfect them by further amendment seems impracticable a complete revision of them is essential such a revision to meet modern conditions has been found necessary in germany austria sweden and other foreign countries and bills embodying it are pending in england and the australian colonies it has been urged here and proposals for a commission to undertake it have from time to time been pressed upon the congress the inconveniences of the present conditions being so great an attempt to frame appropriate legislation has been made by the copyright office which has called conferences of the various interests especially and practically concerned with the operation of the copyright laws it has secured from them suggestions as to the changes necessary it has added from its own experience and investigations and it has drafted a bill which embodies such of these changes and additions as after full discussion and expert criticism appeared to be sound and safe in form this bill would replace the existing insufficient and inconsistent laws by one general copyright statute it will be presented to the congress at the coming session it deserves prompt consideration i recommend that a law be enacted to regulate commerce in misbranded and adulterated foods drinks and drugs such law would protect legitimate manufacture and commerce and would tend to secure the health and welfare of the consuming public traffic in which have been debased or adulterated so as to injure health or to deceive purchasers should be forbidden the law forbidding the emission of dense black or gray smoke in the city of washington has been sustained by the courts something has been accomplished under it but much remains to be done if we would preserve the capital city from defacement by the smoke nuisance repeated prosecutions under the law have not had the desired effect i recommend that it be made more stringent by increasing both the minimum and maximum fine by providing for imprisonment in cases of repeated violation and by affording the remedy of injunction against the continuation of the operation of plants which are persistent offenders i recommend also an increase in the number of inspectors whose duty it shall be to detect violations of the act i call your attention to the generous act of the state of california in conferring upon the united states government the ownership of the yosemite valley and the mariposa big tree grove there should be no delay in accepting the gift and appropriations should be made for the including thereof in the yosemite national park and for the care and policing of the park california has acted most wisely as well as with great magnanimity in the matter there are certain mighty natural features of our land which should be preserved in perpetuity for our children and our children children in my judgment the grand canyon of the colorado should be made into a national park it is greatly to be wished that the state of new york should copy as regards niagara what the state of california has done as regards the yosemite nothing should be allowed to interfere with the preservation of niagara falls in all their beauty and majesty if the state can not see to this then it is earnestly to be wished that she should be willing to turn it over to the national government which should in such case if possible in conjunction with the canadian government assume the burden and responsibility of preserving unharmed niagara falls just as it should gladly assume a similar burden and responsibility for the yosemite national park and as it has already assumed them for the yellowstone national park adequate provision should be made by the congress for the proper care and supervision of all these national parks the boundaries of the yellowstone national park should be extended to the south and east to take in such portions of the abutting forest reservations as will enable the government to protect the elk on their winter range the most characteristic animal of the western plains was the great wild ox the bison commonly known as buffalo small fragments of herds exist in a domesticated state here and there a few of them in the yellowstone park such a herd as that on the reservation should not be allowed to go out of existence either on some reservation or on some forest reserve like the wichita reserve and game refuge provision should be made for the preservation of such a herd i believe that the scheme would be of economic advantage for the robe of the buffalo is of high market value and the same is true of the robe of the crossbred animals i call your especial attention to the desirability of giving to the members of the life saving service pensions such as are given to firemen and policemen in all our great cities the men in the life saving service continually and in the most matter of fact way do deeds such as make americans proud of their country they have no political influence and they live in such remote places that the really heroic services they continually render receive the scantiest recognition from the public it is unjust for a great nation like this to permit these men to become totally disabled or to meet death in the performance of their hazardous duty and yet to give them no sort of reward if one of them serves thirty years of his life in such a position he should surely be entitled to retire on half pay as a fireman or policeman does and if he becomes totally incapacitated through accident or sickness or loses his health in the discharge of his duty he or his family should receive a pension just as any soldier should i call your attention with especial earnestness to this matter because it appeals not only to our judgment but to our sympathy for the people on whose behalf i ask it are comparatively few in number render incalculable service of a particularly dangerous kind and have no one to speak for them during the year just past the phase of the indian question which has been most sharply brought to public attention is the larger legal significance of the indian induction into citizenship this has made itself manifest not only in a great access of litigation in which the citizen indian figures as a party defendant and in a more widespread disposition to levy local taxation upon his personalty but in a decision of the united states supreme court which struck away the main prop on which has hitherto rested the government benevolent effort to protect him against the evils of intemperance the court holds in effect that when an indian becomes by virtue of an allotment of land to him a citizen of the state in which his land is situated he passes from under federal control in such matters as this and the acts of the congress prohibiting the sale or gift to him of intoxicants become substantially inoperative it is gratifying to note that the states and municipalities of the west which have most at stake in the welfare of the indians are taking up this subject and are trying to supply in a measure at least the abdication of its trusteeship forced upon the federal government nevertheless i would urgently press upon the attention of the congress the question whether some amendment of the internal revenue laws might not be of aid in prosecuting those malefactors known in the indian country as bootleggers who are engaged at once in defrauding the united states treasury of taxes and what is far more important in debauching the indians by carrying liquors illicitly into territory still completely under federal jurisdiction among the crying present needs of the indians are more day schools situated in the midst of their settlements more effective instruction in the industries pursued on their own farms and a more liberal tension of the service which means the education of the indian women in the arts of home making until the mothers are well started in the right direction we can not reasonably expect much from the children who are soon to form an integral part of our american citizenship moreover the excuse continually advanced by male adult indians for refusing offers of remunerative employment at a distance from their homes is that they dare not leave their families too long out of their sight one effectual remedy for this state of things is to employ the minds and strengthen the moral fibre of the indian women the end to which the work of the field matron is especially directed i trust that the congress will make its appropriations for indian day schools and field matrons as generous as may consist with the other pressing demands upon its providence during the last year the philippine islands have been slowly recovering from the series of disasters which since american occupation have greatly reduced the amount of agricultural products below what was produced in spanish times the war the rinderpest the locusts the drought and the cholera have been united as causes to prevent a return of the prosperity much needed in the islands the most serious is the destruction by the rinderpest of more than 75 per cent of the draught cattle because it will take several years of breeding to restore the necessary number of these indispensable aids to agriculture the commission attempted to supply by purchase from adjoining countries the needed cattle but the experiments made were unsuccessful most of the cattle imported were unable to withstand the change of climate and the rigors of the voyage and died from other diseases than rinderpest the income of the philippine government has necessarily been reduced by reason of the business and agricultural depression in the islands and the government has been obliged to exercise great economy to cut down its expenses to reduce salaries and in every way to avoid a deficit it has adopted an internal revenue law imposing taxes on cigars cigarettes and distilled liquors and abolishing the old spanish industrial taxes the law has not operated as smoothly as was hoped and although its principle is undoubtedly correct it may need amendments for the purpose of reconciling the people to its provisions the income derived from it has partly made up for the reduction in customs revenue there has been a marked increase in the number of filipinos employed in the civil service and a corresponding decrease in the number of americans the government in every one of its departments has been rendered more efficient by elimination of undesirable material and the promotion of deserving public servants improvements of harbors roads and bridges continue although the cutting down of the revenue forbids the expenditure of any great amount from current income for these purposes steps are being taken by advertisement for competitive bids to secure the construction and maintenance of miles of railway by private corporations under the recent enabling legislation of the congress the transfer of the friar lands in accordance with the contract made some two years ago has been completely effected and the purchase money paid provision has just been made by statute for the speedy settlement in a special proceeding in the supreme court of controversies over the possession and title of church buildings and rectories arising between the roman catholic church and schismatics claiming under ancient municipalities negotiations and hearings for the settlement of the amount due to the roman catholic church for rent and occupation of churches and rectories by the army of the united states are in progress and it is hoped a satisfactory conclusion may be submitted to the congress before the end of the session tranquillity has existed during the past year throughout the archipelago except in the province of cavite the province of batangas and the province of samar and in the island of jolo among the moros the jolo disturbance was put an end to by several sharp and short engagements and now peace prevails in the moro province cavite the mother of ladrones in the spanish times is so permeated with the traditional sympathy of the people for ladronism as to make it difficult to stamp out the disease batangas was only disturbed by reason of the fugitive ladrones from cavite samar was thrown into disturbance by the uneducated and partly savage peoples living in the mountains who having been given by the municipal code more power than they were able to exercise discreetly elected municipal officers who abused their trusts compelled the people raising hemp to sell it at a much less price than it was worth and by their abuses drove their people into resistance to constituted authority cavite and samar are instances of reposing too much confidence in the power of a people the disturbances have all now been suppressed and it is hoped that with these lessons local governments can be formed which will secure quiet and peace to the deserving inhabitants the incident is another proof of the fact that if there has been any error as regards giving in the philippines it has been in the direction of giving it too quickly not too slowly a year from next april the first legislative assembly for the islands will be held on the sanity and of this body much will depend so far as the future of the islands is concerned the most encouraging feature of the whole situation has been the very great interest taken by the common people in education and the great increase in the number of enrolled students in the public schools the increase was from to half a million pupils the average attendance is about 70 per cent the only limit upon the number of pupils seems to be the capacity of the government to furnish teachers and school houses the agricultural conditions of the islands enforce more strongly than ever the argument in favor of reducing the tariff on the products of the philippine islands entering the united states i earnestly recommend that the tariff now imposed by the dingley bill upon the products of the philippine islands be entirely removed except the tariff on sugar and tobacco and that that tariff be reduced to 25 per cent of the present rates under the dingley act that after july 1 1909 the tariff upon tobacco and sugar produced in the philippine islands be entirely removed and that free trade between the islands and the united states in the products of each country then be provided for by law a statute in force enacted april 15 1904 suspends the operation of the coastwise laws of the united states upon the trade between the philippine islands and the united states until july 1 1906 i earnestly recommend that this suspension be postponed until july 1 1909 i think it of doubtful utility to apply the coastwise laws to the trade between the united states and the philippines under any circumstances because i am convinced that it will do no good whatever to american bottoms and will only interfere and be an obstacle to the trade between the philippines and the united states but if the coastwise law must be thus applied certainly it ought not to have effect until free trade is enjoyed between the people of the united states and the people of the philippine islands in their respective products i do not anticipate that free trade between the islands and the united states will produce a revolution in the sugar and tobacco production of the philippine islands so primitive are the methods of agriculture in the philippine islands so slow is capital in going to the islands so many difficulties surround a large agricultural enterprise in the islands that it will be many many years before the products of those islands will have any effect whatever upon the markets of the united states the problem of labor is also a formidable one with the sugar and tobacco producers in the islands the best friends of the filipino people and the people themselves are utterly opposed to the admission of chinese coolie labor hence the only solution is the training of filipino labor and this will take a long time the enactment of a law by the congress of the united states making provision for free trade between the islands and the united states however will be of great importance from a political and sentimental standpoint and while its actual benefit has doubtless been exaggerated by the people of the islands they will accept this measure of justice as an indication that the people of the united states are anxious to aid the people of the philippine islands in every way and especially in the agricultural development of their archipelago it will aid the filipinos without injuring interests in america in my judgment immediate steps should be taken for the fortification of hawaii this is the most important point in the pacific to fortify in order to conserve the interests of this country it would be hard to overstate the importance of this need hawaii is too heavily taxed laws should be enacted setting aside for a period of say twenty years 75 per cent of the internal revenue and customs receipts from hawaii as a special fund to be expended in the islands for educational and public buildings and for harbor improvements and military and naval defenses it can not be too often repeated that our aim must be to develop the territory of hawaii on traditional american lines that territory has serious commercial and industrial problems to reckon with but no measure of relief can be considered which looks to legislation admitting chinese and restricting them by statute to field labor and domestic service the status of servility can never again be tolerated on american soil we can not concede that the proper solution of its problems is special legislation admitting to hawaii a class of laborers denied admission to the other states and territories there are obstacles and great obstacles in the way of building up a representative american community in the hawaiian islands but it is not in the american character to give up in the face of difficulty many an american commonwealth has been built up against odds equal to those that now confront hawaii no merely effort to meet its problems as other american communities have met theirs can be accepted as final hawaii shall never become a territory in which a governing class of rich planters exists by means of coolie labor even if the rate of growth of the territory is thereby rendered slower the growth must only take place by the admission of immigrants fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full american citizenship our aim must be to develop the territory on the same basis of stable citizenship as exists on this continent i earnestly advocate the adoption of legislation which will explicitly confer american citizenship on all citizens of porto rico there is in my judgment no excuse for failure to do this the harbor of san juan should be dredged and improved the expenses of the federal court of porto rico should be met from the federal treasury and not from the porto rican treasury the elections in porto rico should take place every four years and the legislature should meet in session every two years the present form of government in porto rico which provides for the appointment by the president of the members of the executive council or upper house of the legislature has proved satisfactory and has inspired confidence in property owners and investors i do not deem it advisable at the present time to change this form in any material feature the problems and needs of the island are industrial and commercial rather than political i wish to call the attention of the congress to one question which affects our insular possessions generally namely the need of an increased liberality in the treatment of the whole franchise question in these islands in the proper desire to prevent the islands being exploited by speculators and to have them develop in the interests of their own people an error has been made in refusing to grant sufficiently liberal terms to induce the investment of american capital in the philippines and in porto rico elsewhere in this message i have spoken strongly against the jealousy of mere wealth and especially of corporate wealth as such but it is particularly regrettable to allow any such jealousy to be developed when we are dealing either with our insular or with foreign affairs the big corporation has achieved its present position in the business world simply because it is the most effective instrument in business competition in foreign affairs we can not afford to put our people at a disadvantage with their competitors by in any way discriminating against the efficiency of our business organizations in the same way we can not afford to allow our insular possessions to lag behind in industrial development from any twisted jealousy of business success it is of course a mere truism to say that the business interests of the islands will only be developed if it becomes the financial interest of somebody to develop them yet this development is one of the things most earnestly to be wished for in the interest of the islands themselves we have been paying all possible heed to the political and educational interests of the islands but important though these objects are it is not less important that we should favor their industrial development the government can in certain ways help this directly as by building good roads but the fundamental and vital help must be given through the development of the industries of the islands and a most efficient means to this end is to encourage big american corporations to start industries in them and this means to make it advantageous for them to do so to limit the ownership of mining claims as has been done in the philippines is absurd in both the philippines and porto rico the limit of holdings of land should be largely raised i earnestly ask that alaska be given an elective delegate some person should be chosen who can speak with authority of the needs of the territory the government should aid in the construction of a railroad from the gulf of alaska to the yukon river in american territory in my last two messages i advocated certain additional action on behalf of alaska i shall not now repeat those recommendations but i shall lay all my stress upon the one recommendation of giving to alaska some one authorized to speak for it i should prefer that the delegate was made elective but if this is not deemed wise then make him appointive at any rate give alaska some person whose business it shall be to speak with authority on her behalf to the congress the natural resources of alaska are great some of the chief needs of the peculiarly energetic and typically american white population of alaska were set forth in my last message i also earnestly ask your attention to the needs of the alaskan indians all indians who are competent should receive the full rights of american citizenship it is for instance a gross and indefensible wrong to deny to such indians as the metlakahtlas the right to obtain licenses as captains pilots and engineers the right to enter mining claims and to profit by the homestead law these particular indians are civilized and are competent and entitled to be put on the same basis with the white men round about them i recommend that indian territory and oklahoma be admitted as one state and that new mexico and arizona be admitted as one state there is no obligation upon us to treat territorial subdivisions which are matters of convenience only as binding us on the question of admission to statehood nothing has taken up more time in the congress during the past few years than the question as to the statehood to be granted to the four territories above mentioned and after careful consideration of all that has been developed in the discussions of the question i recommend that they be immediately admitted as two states there is no justification for further delay and the advisability of making the four territories into two states has been clearly established in some of the territories the legislative assemblies issue licenses for gambling the congress should by law forbid this practice the harmful results of which are obvious at a glance the treaty between the united states and the republic of panama under which the construction of the panama canal was made possible went into effect with its ratification by the united states senate on february 23 1904 the canal properties of the french canal company were transferred to the united states on april 23 1904 on payment of to that company on april 1 1905 the commission was reorganized and it now consists of theodore shonts chairman charles magoon benjamin harrod rear admiral mordecai endicott brig peter hains and oswald ernst john stevens was appointed chief engineer on july 1 last active work in canal construction mainly preparatory has been in progress for less than a year and a half during that period two points about the canal have ceased to be open to debate first the question of route the canal will be built on the isthmus of panama second the question of feasibility there are no physical obstacles on this route that american engineering skill will not be able to overcome without serious difficulty or that will prevent the completion of the canal within a reasonable time and at a reasonable cost this is virtually the unanimous testimony of the engineers who have investigated the matter for the government the point which remains unsettled is the question of type whether the canal shall be one of several locks above sea level or at sea level with a single tide lock on this point i hope to lay before the congress at an early day the findings of the advisory board of american and european engineers that at my invitation have been considering the subject together with the report of the commission thereon and such comments thereon or recommendations in reference thereto as may seem necessary the american people is pledged to the speediest possible construction of a canal adequate to meet the demands which the commerce of the world will make upon it and i appeal most earnestly to the congress to aid in the fulfillment of the pledge gratifying progress has been made during the past year and especially during the past four months the greater part of the necessary preliminary work has been done actual work of excavation could be begun only on a limited scale till the canal zone was made a healthful place to live in and to work in the isthmus had to be sanitated first this task has been so thoroughly accomplished that yellow fever has been virtually extirpated from the isthmus and general health conditions vastly improved the same methods which converted the island of cuba from a pest hole which menaced the health of the world into a healthful place of abode have been applied on the isthmus with satisfactory results there is no reason to doubt that when the plans for water supply paving and sewerage of panama and colon and the large labor camps have been fully carried out the isthmus will be for the tropics an unusually healthy place of abode the work is so far advanced now that the health of all those employed in canal work is as well guarded as it is on similar work in this country and elsewhere in addition to sanitating the isthmus satisfactory quarters are being provided for employes and an adequate system of supplying them with wholesome food at reasonable prices has been created hospitals have been established and equipped that are without their superiors of their kind anywhere the country has thus been made fit to work in and provision has been made for the welfare and comfort of those who are to do the work during the past year a large portion of the plant with which the work is to be done has been ordered it is confidently believed that by the middle of the approaching year a sufficient proportion of this plant will have been installed to enable us to resume the work of excavation on a large scale what is needed now and without delay is an appropriation by the congress to meet the current and accruing expenses of the commission the first appropriation of out of the authorized by the spooner act was made three years ago it is nearly exhausted there is barely enough of it remaining to carry the commission to the end of the year unless the congress shall appropriate before that time all work must cease to arrest progress for any length of time now when matters are advancing so satisfactorily would be deplorable there will be no money with which to meet pay roll obligations and none with which to meet bills coming due for materials and supplies and there will be demoralization of the forces here and on the isthmus now working so harmoniously and effectively if there is delay in granting an emergency appropriation estimates of the amount necessary will be found in the accompanying reports of the secretary of war and the commission i recommend more adequate provision than has been made heretofore for the work of the department of state within a few years there has been a very great increase in the amount and importance of the work to be done by that department both in washington and abroad this has been caused by the great increase of our foreign trade the increase of wealth among our people which enables them to travel more generally than heretofore the increase of american capital which is seeking investment in foreign countries and the growth of our power and weight in the councils of the civilized world there has been no corresponding increase of facilities for doing the work afforded to the department having charge of our foreign relations neither at home nor abroad is there a sufficient working force to do the business properly in many respects the system which was adequate to the work of years or even ten years ago is inadequate now and should be changed our consular force should be classified and appointments should be made to the several classes with authority to the executive to assign the members of each class to duty at such posts as the interests of the service require instead of the appointments being made as at present to specified posts there should be an adequate inspection service so that the department may be able to inform itself how the business of each consulate is being done instead of depending upon casual private information or rumor the fee system should be entirely abolished and a due equivalent made in salary to the officers who now eke out their subsistence by means of fees sufficient provision should be made for a clerical force in every consulate composed entirely of americans instead of the insufficient provision now made which compels the employment of great numbers of citizens of foreign countries whose services can be obtained for less money at a large part of our consulates the office quarters and the clerical force are inadequate to the performance of the onerous duties imposed by the recent provisions of our immigration laws as well as by our increasing trade in many parts of the world the lack of suitable quarters for our embassies legations and consulates detracts from the respect in which our officers ought to be held and seriously impairs their weight and influence suitable provision should be made for the expense of keeping our diplomatic officers more fully informed of what is being done from day to day in the progress of our diplomatic affairs with other countries the lack of such information caused by insufficient appropriations available for cable tolls and for clerical and messenger service frequently puts our officers at a great disadvantage and detracts from their usefulness the salary list should be readjusted it does not now correspond either to the importance of the service to be rendered and the degrees of ability and experience required in the different positions or to the differences in the cost of living in many cases the salaries are quite inadequate
people country continue enjoy great prosperity undoubtedly ebb flow prosperity ebb flow felt less members community deserving undeserving wrath lord wisdom man avail time flood drought human ingenuity partially repair disaster general failure crops would hurt us folly man mars general innocent folly pay part penalty incurred guilty folly panic brought speculative folly part business community would hurt whole business community stoppage welfare though might severe would lasting long run one vital factor permanent prosperity country high individual character average american worker average american citizen matter whether work mental manual whether farmer business man professional man industrial social system interests men closely intertwined immense majority cases man efficiency ingenuity industry benefits must also benefit others normally man great productive capacity becomes rich guiding labor many men enabling produce could produce without guidance share benefit comes also public large superficial fact sharing may unequal must never blind us underlying fact sharing benefit comes degree man concerned normally man small means average consumer well average producer alike helped making conditions man exceptional business ability receives exceptional reward ability something done legislation help general prosperity help permanently beneficial character given less able less fortunate save results policy shall inure advantage industrious efficient people act decently another way saying benefit comes less able less fortunate must necessity come even able fortunate therefore less fortunate man moved envy fortunate brother strike conditions though unequally prospered result assuredly danger may come one struck visit even heavier load one strikes blow taken whole must go together yet merely admitting insisting upon also true governmental restraint supervision exceptional men use energies ways common good ways tell common good fortunes amassed corporate organization large vest power wield make matter necessity give sovereign government represents people whole effective power supervision corporate use order insure healthy social industrial life every big corporation held responsible accountable sovereign strong enough control conduct sense hostile corporations age combination effort prevent combination useless end vicious contempt law failure enforce law inevitably produces moreover recognize cordial ample fashion immense good effected corporate agencies country wealth intellect energy fidelity devoted service therefore normally service public officers directors corporation come stay trade union come stay done great good favored long good sharply checked acts law justice long finances nation kept upon honest basis question internal economy congress power deal begins approach importance matter endeavoring secure proper industrial conditions individuals especially great corporations interstate business act makers national constitution provided especially regulation interstate commerce come within sphere general government arguments favor taking stand even overwhelming far stronger today view enormous development great business agencies usually corporate form experience shown conclusively useless try get adequate regulation supervision great corporations state action regulation supervision effectively exercised sovereign whose jurisdiction coextensive field work corporations national government believe regulation supervision obtained enactment law congress proves impossible certainly necessary ultimately confer fullest form power upon national government proper amendment constitution would obviously unwise endeavor secure amendment certain result obtained constitution laws congress several states hitherto passed upon courts resulted often showing states power matter national government power present exists unfortunate condition things great corporations interstate business occupy position subjects without sovereign neither state government national government effective control steady aim legislation cautiously carefully undertaken resolutely persevered assert sovereignty national government affirmative action form innovation substance merely restoration earliest time regulation industrial activities recognized action lawmaking bodies propose meet changed conditions manner prevent commonwealth abdicating power always possessed country also england since country became separate nation misfortune national laws subject hitherto negative prohibitive rather affirmative kind still part sought prohibit could effectively prohibited part prohibitions confounded allowed allowed generally useless try prohibit restraint competition whether restraint reasonable unreasonable useless generally hurtful events shown possible adequately secure enforcement law kind incessant appeal courts department justice last four years devoted attention enforcement legislation anything else much accomplished particularly marked moral effect prosecutions increasingly evident insufficient beneficial result way economic change successful prosecution one device evade law immediately develops another device accomplish purpose needed sweeping prohibition every arrangement good bad may tend restrict competition adequate supervision regulation prevent restriction competition detriment public well supervision regulation prevent abuses way connected restriction competition abuses perhaps chief although means one overcapitalization generally result dishonest promotion myriad evils brings train overcapitalization often means inflation invites business panic always conceals true relation profit earned capital actually invested creates burden interest payments fertile improper reduction limitation wages damages small investor discourages thrift encourages gambling speculation perhaps worst trickiness dishonesty implies harm morals worse possible harm material interests debauchery politics business great dishonest corporations far worse actual material evil public national government obtains manner wisdom congress may suggest proper control big corporations engaged interstate commerce great majority big corporations impossible deal adequately evils well aware difficulties legislation suggesting need temperate cautious action securing emphatically protest improperly radical hasty action first thing deal great corporations engaged business interstate transportation said message december 6 last immediate pressing need far legislation concerned enactment law scheme secure agents government supervision regulation rates charged railroads country engaged interstate traffic shall summarily effectively prevent imposition unjust unreasonable rates must include putting complete stop rebates every shape form power regulate rates like similar powers business world exercised moderation caution exist effectively exercised need arises first consideration kept mind power affirmative given administrative body created congress given present interstate commerce commission reorganized interstate commerce commission commission made unequivocally administrative believe government interfering private business necessary believe government undertaking work propriety left private hands neither believe government flinching overseeing work becomes evident abuses sure obtain therein unless governmental supervision province indicate exact terms law enacted call attention congress certain existing conditions desirable deal judgment important provision law contain conferring upon competent administrative body power decide upon case brought whether given rate prescribed railroad reasonable found unreasonable unjust full investigation complaint prescribe limit rate beyond shall lawful go maximum reasonable rate commonly called decision go effect within reasonable time obtain thence onward subject review courts sometimes happens present rate high favored shipper given low rate case commission would right fix already established minimum rate maximum would need one two decisions commission cure railroad companies practice giving improper minimum rates call attention fact proposal give commission power initiate originate rates generally regulate rate already fixed originated roads upon complaint investigation heavy penalty exacted corporation fails respect order commission regard power establish maximum rate essential scheme real reform matter railway regulation first necessity secure unless granted commission little use touching subject illegal transactions often occur forms law often occurred shipper told traffic officer buy large quantity commodity bought open reduction made rate take effect immediately arrangement resulting profit one shipper one railroad damage competitors must forgotten big shippers least much blame railroad matter rebates law make clear nobody fail understand kind commission paid freight shipments whether form form fictitious damages concession free pass reduced passenger rate payment brokerage illegal worth considering whether would wise confer government right civil action beneficiary rebate least twice value rebate would help stop really blackmail elevator allowances stopped grown extent demoralizing used rebates best possible regulation rates would course regulation secured honest agreement among railroads carry law general agreement would instance put stop efforts one big shipper big railroad discriminate secure advantages rival agreement would make railroads agents enforcing law power vested government put stop agreements detriment public judgment accompanied power permit specified conditions careful supervision agreements clearly interest public judgment necessity giving power means great necessity giving commission administrative body powers enumerated may well inadvisable attempt vest particular power commission administrative body already possesses exercising regard far important powers recommend indeed vitally important power fix given maximum rate rate lapse reasonable time goes full effect subject review courts lines industrial roads refrigerator charges like expressly put supervision interstate commerce commission similar body far rates agreements practically affecting rates concerned private car owners owners industrial railroads entitled fair reasonable compensation investment neither private cars industrial railroads spur tracks utilized devices securing preferential rates rebate icing charges mileage division rate refrigerating charges pernicious rebate way lower rate apply goods imported actually obtains domestic goods american seaboard destination except cases water competition controlling influence publicity accounts common carriers common carrier engaged interstate business keep books memoranda reported pursuant law regulation books memoranda open inspection government way violations evasions law surely detected system examination railroad accounts provided similar conducted national banks bank examiners railroad accountants proper direction proper authority inspect books papers could accomplish much preventing willful violations law would necessary examine accounts railroad unless good reasons directed interstate commerce commission greatly desired way might found agreement transportation within state intended operate fraud upon federal interstate commerce laws could brought jurisdiction federal authorities present occurs large shipments interstate traffic controlled concessions purely state business course amounts evasion law commission power enforce fair treatment great trunk lines lateral branch lines urge upon congress need providing expeditious action interstate commerce commission matters whether regulating rates transportation storing handling property commodities transit history cases litigated present commerce act shows efficacy great degree destroyed weapon delay almost formidable weapon hands whose purpose violate law let earnestly say recommendations made spirit hostility railroads ethical grounds grounds right hostility would intolerable grounds mere national must remember hostility would tell welfare merely rich men multitude small investors multitude railway employes wage workers severely interest public whole believe whole railroads done well ill railroad men wish well exposed competition desire way secure end give government tribunal power see justice done unwilling exactly gladly done willing moreover government body given increased power effect furnish authoritative answer behalf railroad whenever irrational clamor raised whenever charges made disproved ask legislation interest public interest honest railroad man honest shipper alike chiefly jeoparded practices dishonest competitors legislation enacted spirit remote possible hysteria rancor american body politic true traditions inherited shall always scorn effort make us hate man rich much scorn effort make us look upon treat contemptuously man poor judge man conduct character wealth intellect makes fortune honestly quarrel indeed nothing kindliest feelings admiration successful business man behaves decently whether made success building managing railroad shipping goods railroad big railroad men big shippers simply americans ordinary type developed extraordinary degree certain great business qualities neither better worse smaller means merely able certain lines therefore exposed certain peculiarly strong temptations temptations sprung newly exceptionally successful among mankind always exposed grown amazingly power result extraordinary development industrialism along new lines new conditions old could foresee therefore could provide become serious menacing demand entirely new remedies interest best type railroad man best type shipper less public governmental supervision regulation great business operations reason interest corporation wishes treat employes aright effective employers liability act effective system factory laws prevent abuse women children legislation frees corporation wishes well driven ill order compete rival prefers desire set moral standard delusion fatal nation delusion standard profits business prosperity sufficient judging business political question rate legislation municipal government business success whether individual nation good thing far accompanied develops high standard conduct honor integrity civic courage kind business prosperity blunts standard honor puts inordinate value mere wealth makes man ruthless conscienceless trade weak cowardly citizenship good thing bad thing nation government stands manhood first business adjunct manhood question transportation lies root industrial success revolution transportation taken place last half century important factor growth new industrial conditions emphatically wish see man great talents refused reward talents still less wish see penalized desire see system railroad transportation handled strong man shall given advantage weak man wish insure fair treatment small town big city small shipper big shipper old days highway commerce whether water road land open belonged public traffic along free present railway highway must best see kept open equal terms unlike old highway difficult complex thing manage far better managed private individuals government managed condition justice done public judgment public ownership railroads highly undesirable would probably country entail disaster wish see supervision regulation interest public make evident need public ownership opponents government regulation dwell upon difficulties encountered intricate involved nature problem contention true complicated delicate problem kinds difficulties sure arise connection plan solution plan bring benefits hoped optimistic adherents moreover healthy plan benefits develop gradually rapidly finally must clearly understand public servants peculiarly responsible delicate work must highest type regards integrity efficiency must well paid otherwise able men long run secured must possess lofty probity revolt quickly thought pandering gust popular prejudice rich men thought anything even remotely resembling subserviency rich men fully admit difficulties way moment admit difficulties warrant us stopping effort secure wise system effect spur us exercise resolution justice fertility resource like think typically american end achieve good results fields activity task great one underlies task dealing whole industrial problem fact great problem warrant us shrinking attempt solve present face utter lack supervision freedom restraints law excellent men often literally forced deplored otherwise left mercy unscrupulous competitors rail assail men done best could conditions accomplishes little need develop orderly system system come gradually increased exercise right efficient government control annual message congress third session called attention necessity legislation requiring use block signals upon railroads engaged interstate commerce number serious collisions upon unblocked roads occurred within past year adds force recommendation made congress provide appropriate legislation introduction block signals upon railroads engaged interstate commerce earliest practicable date measure increased safety traveling public decisions supreme court united states lower federal courts cases brought adjudication safety appliance law materially strengthened government enabled secure effective enforcement almost cases result condition railroad equipment throughout country much improved railroad employes perform duties safer conditions heretofore government effective aid arriving result inspection service improved conditions general due insufficient number inspectors employed inspection service fully demonstrated usefulness appropriating maintenance congress make provision increase number inspectors excessive hours labor railroad employes train service many cases subjected also matter may well engage serious attention congress strain mental physical upon engaged movement operation railroad trains modern conditions perhaps greater exists industry reasons limiting law hours labor employment certainly apply peculiar force employment upon whose vigilance alertness performance duties safety travel rail depends annual message congress second session recommended passage employers liability law district columbia navy yards renewed recommendation message congress second session suggested appointment commission make comprehensive study employers liability view enactment wise constitutional law covering subject applicable industries within scope federal power hope law prepared enacted speedily possible national government rule little occasion deal formidable group problems connected less directly known labor question great majority cases problems must dealt state municipal authorities national government national government control district columbia however see city washington made model city respects regards parks public playgrounds proper regulation system housing away evils alley tenements proper system education proper system dealing truancy juvenile offenders proper handling charitable work district moreover proper factory laws prevent abuses employment women children district useful chiefly object lessons even limited amount usefulness would real national value demand depriving courts power issue injunctions labor disputes special limitation equity powers courts would unwise true judges misused power justify denial power improper exercise power call strike labor leader would justify denial right strike remedy regulate procedure requiring judge give due notice adverse parties granting writ hearing ex parte adverse party appear time place ordered due notice must depend upon facts case used pretext permit violation law jeopardizing life property course would authorize issuing restraining order injunction case already authorized existing law renew recommendation made last annual message investigation department commerce labor general labor conditions especial attention paid conditions child labor legislation several states investigation take account various problems question child labor connected true problems actually met cases states would well nation endeavor secure publish comprehensive information conditions labor children different states spur behindhand secure approximately uniform legislation high character among several states republic one thing afford neglect problem turning decent citizens future nation depends upon citizenship generations come children today tomorrow shape destiny land afford neglect legislature colorado recommended national government provide general measure protection abuse children dumb animals throughout united states lay matter trust favorable consideration department commerce labor also make thorough investigation conditions women industry five million american women engaged gainful occupations yet almost complete dearth data upon base trustworthy conclusions regards subject important vast complicated need full knowledge base action looking toward state municipal legislation protection working women introduction women industry working change disturbance domestic social life nation decrease marriage especially birth rate coincident must face accomplished facts adjustment factory conditions must made surely made less friction less harmful effects family life case whole matter reality forms one greatest sociological phenomena time social question first importance far greater importance merely political economic question solve need ample data gathered sane scientific spirit course exhaustive investigation great labor disturbance employer employe interested third party general public every considerable labor difficulty interstate commerce involved investigated government facts officially reported public question securing healthy mutually sympathetic attitude employer employe capitalist difficult one phases labor problem prove difficult approached underlying principles root principles accordance problem must solved entirely simple get justice right dealing put paramount importance principle treating man worth man rather reference social position occupation class belongs selfish brutal men ranks life capitalists selfishness brutality may take form hard indifference suffering greedy disregard every moral restraint interferes accumulation wealth exploitation weak laborers form laziness sullen envy fortunate willingness perform deeds murderous violence conduct reprehensible one case honest farseeing men join warring wherever becomes manifest individual capitalist individual corporation union alike entitled protection law must alike obey law moreover addition mere obedience law man really good citizen must show broad sympathy neighbor genuine desire look question arising standpoint neighbor less end essential capitalist consult freely one strive bring closer day shall realize properly partners enemies approach questions inevitably arise solely standpoint treats side mass enemy side mass wicked foolish past direful among influences brought downfall republics ever growth class spirit growth spirit tends make man subordinate welfare public whole welfare particular class belongs substitution loyalty class loyalty nation inevitably brings tendency treat man merits individual position belonging certain class community spirit grows republic ultimately prove fatal us past proved fatal every community become dominant unless continue keep quick lively sense great fundamental truth concern individual worth individual man government permanently hold place achieved among nations vital lines cleavage among people correspond indeed run right angles lines cleavage divide occupation occupation divide capitalists farmers bankers men small means men large means men live towns men live country vital line cleavage line divides honest man tries well neighbor dishonest man ill neighbor words standard establish standard conduct standard occupation means social position man moral quality attitude toward great questions concern humanity cleanliness life power duty toward toward others really count substitute standard personal judgment treats man according merits another standard accordance men one class favored men another class discriminated shall irreparable damage body politic believe people sane fit ever adopt attitude government never shall government plutocracy government never shall government mob shall continue future past government based theory man rich poor treated simply solely worth man personal property rights safeguarded neither wrong others suffer wrong others noblest forms government also difficult possess priceless boon desire hand children children children ever bear mind thought finely expressed burke men qualified civil liberty exact proportion disposition put moral chains upon appetites proportion disposed listen counsels wise good preference flattery knaves society exist unless controlling power upon appetite placed somewhere less within must without ordained eternal constitution things men intemperate minds free passions forge fetters great insurance companies afford striking examples corporations whose business extended far beyond jurisdiction states created preclude strict enforcement supervision regulation parent states last annual message recommended congress carefully consider whether power bureau corporations constitutionally extended cover interstate transactions insurance recent events emphasized importance early exhaustive consideration question see whether possible furnish better safeguards several states able furnish corruption flagrant kind exposed clearly shown certain men head large corporations take small note ethical distinction honesty dishonesty draw line side may called kind honesty necessary order avoid falling clutches law course complete remedy condition must found aroused public conscience higher sense ethical conduct community large especially among business men great profession law growth spirit condemns dishonesty whether rich man poor man whether takes shape bribery blackmail much done legislation drastic practical need far stricter uniform regulation vast insurance interests country united states respect follow policy nations providing adequate national supervision commercial interests clearly national character predecessors repeatedly recognized foreign business companies important part foreign commercial relations administrations presidents cleveland harrison mckinley state department exercised influence diplomatic channels prevent unjust discrimination foreign countries american insurance companies negotiations illustrated propriety congress recognizing national character insurance absence federal legislation state department could give expression wishes authorities several states whose policy ineffective want uniformity repeat previous recommendation congress also consider whether federal government power owes duty respect domestic transactions insurance interstate character state supervision proved inadequate generally conceded burden upon insurance companies therefore policy holders conflicting regulations many states unquestioned little effective check imposed upon able unscrupulous man desires exploit company interest expense policy holders public inability state regulate effectively insurance corporations created laws states transacting larger part business elsewhere also clear remedy evil conflicting ineffective yet burdensome regulations many years widespread demand federal supervision congress already recognized interstate insurance may proper subject federal legislation creating bureau corporations authorized publish supply useful information concerning interstate corporations including corporations engaged insurance obvious compilation statistics limit federal power wholly ineffective regulate form commercial intercourse states insurance business outgrown magnitude possibility adequate state supervision congress carefully consider whether legislation bad said applies equal force fraternal benevolent organizations contract life insurance need stability attempt attain ideal perfection methods raising revenue shock strain business world certain attend serious change methods render change inadvisable unless grave reason possible lay general rule determine moment reasons outweigh reasons change much must depend merely needs desires people whole needs desires necessarily identical course change made lines beneficial desired one section one state must something like general agreement among citizens several states represented congress change needed desired interest people whole sincere intelligent disinterested effort make shape combine far possible maximum good people large minimum necessary disregard special interests localities classes time peace revenue must average taking series years together equal expenditures else revenues must increased last year deficit unless expenditures kept within revenues revenue laws must readjusted yet early attempt outline shape readjustment take yet early say whether need considered whether desirable tariff laws provide applying favor nation maximum minimum tariff rates established congress secure certain reciprocity treatment nations view even larger considerations policy purely economic nature would judgment well endeavor bring closer commercial connections peoples continent happy able announce russia treats us basis earnestly recommend congress need economy end rigid scrutiny appropriations examples merely call attention one two specific matters unnecessary offices abolished commissioner general land office recommends abolishment office receiver public moneys united states land office effect saving quarter million dollars year business nation grows inevitable time time legitimate increase number officials fact renders important offices become unnecessary abolished public printing also large saving public money made constantly growing tendency publish masses unimportant information probably unfair say many tens thousands volumes published human ever looks real demand whatever yet speaking economy must wise understood advocating false economy end worst extravagance cut navy instance would crime nation fail push forward work panama canal would great folly message december 2 1902 congress said interest rates potent factor business activity order rates may equalized meet varying needs seasons widely separated communities prevent recurrence financial stringencies injuriously affect legitimate business necessary element elasticity monetary system banks natural servants commerce upon placed far practicable burden furnishing maintaining circulation adequate supply needs diversified industries domestic foreign commerce issue regulated sufficient supply always available business interests country every consideration prudence demands addition element elasticity currency system evil consist inadequate volume money rigidity volume respond varying needs communities seasons inflation must avoided provision made insure larger volume money fall winter months less active seasons year currency contract speculation expand needs legitimate business present treasury department irregularly recurring intervals obliged interest business world interests american public try avert financial crises providing remedy provided congressional action various times instituted investigations organization conduct business executive departments none inquiries yet progressed far enough warrant final conclusions already confirmed emphasized general impression organization departments often faulty principle wasteful results many business methods antiquated inefficient every reason executive governmental machinery least well planned economical efficient best machinery great business organizations present case make task complex detail essentially executive nature probably legislative body matter wise able could undertake reasonable prospect success recommend congress consider subject view provide legislation transfer distribution consolidation assignment duties executive organizations parts organizations changes business methods within several departments best promote economy efficiency high character government work last annual message said power government protect integrity elections officials inherent recognized affirmed repeated declarations supreme court enemy free government dangerous none insidious corruption electorate one defends excuses corruption would seem follow none would oppose vigorous measures eradicate recommend enactment law directed bribery corruption federal elections details law may safely left wise discretion congress go far constitution possible go include severe penalties gives receives bribe intended influence act opinion elector provisions publication expenditures nominations elections candidates also contributions received expenditures made political committees desire repeat recommendation political campaigns country large populous inevitable much expense entirely legitimate kind course means many contributions large size must made matter fact big political contest contributions always made sides entirely proper give receive unless improper motive connected either gift reception extorted kind pressure promise express implied direct indirect way favor immunity giving receiving becomes improper criminal undoubtedly difficult matter practical detail shape act shall guard reasonable certainty misconduct possible secure law full verified publication detail sums contributed expended candidates committees political parties result wholesome contributions corporations political committee political purpose forbidden law directors permitted use stockholders money purposes moreover prohibition kind would far went effective method stopping evils aimed corrupt practices acts national several state legislatures forbid officer corporation using money corporation election also forbid use money connection legislation save employment counsel public manner distinctly legal services first conference nations held hague 1899 unable dispose business recommended consideration settlement number important questions another conference called subsequently early date questions following 1 rights duties neutrals 2 limitation armed forces land sea military budgets 3 use new types calibres military naval guns 4 inviolability private property sea times war 5 bombardment ports cities villages naval forces october 1904 instance interparliamentary union conference held united states attended lawmakers fifteen different nations reiterated demand second conference nations issued invitations powers signatory hague convention send delegates conference suggested held hague note december 16 1904 united states government communicated representatives foreign governments belief conference could best arranged provisions present hague treaty powers acceptance received coupled cases condition wait end war waging russia japan emperor russia immediately treaty peace happily terminated war note presented president september 13 ambassador rosen took initiative recommending conference called united states government response expressed cordial acquiescence stated would matter course take part new conference endeavor aims assume civilized governments support movement conference assured fact government everything power secure success conference end substantial progress may made international peace justice good renders proper time say something general attitude government toward peace war coming looked upon lamentable evil thing wanton useless war war mere aggression short war begun carried conscienceless spirit condemned peculiarly atrocious crime humanity however nothing permanent value peace unless keep ever clearly mind ethical element lies root problem aim righteousness peace normally rightousness peace righteousness conflict great upright people never moment hesitate follow path leads toward righteousness even though path also leads war persons advocate peace price others following false analogy think longer necessary civilized countries individuals protect rights strong hand therefore unnecessary nations ready defend rights persons would irreparable harm nation adopted principles even seriously hamper advocate tending render absurd eyes sensible patriotic men worse foe mankind general country particular demagogue war man mere folly serve selfish ends continually rails abuses nations seeks excite countrymen foreigners insufficient pretexts excites inflames perverse aggressive national vanity may occasions wantonly bring conflict nation nation demagogues peace demagogues war movement hague conference essential misled one set extremists whenever possible nation individual work real peace assuredly failure duty strive war necessary righteous either man nation shrinking forfeits title scant sympathy sentimentalist dreads oppression less physical suffering would prefer shameful peace pain toil sometimes lamentably necessary order secure righteous peace yet partial imperfect analogy international law internal municipal law sanction force executing former case latter private citizen protected rights law law rests last resort upon force exercised forms law man defend rights hand call upon police upon sheriff posse upon militia certain extreme cases upon army defend sanction force international law present could greater calamity free peoples enlightened independent peoples disarm yet leaving open barbarism despotism remain armed long world unorganized armies navies peoples whole stand justice offer best possible security peace instance united states alone company nations whole tend act justly disarmed might sometimes avoid bloodshed would cease weight securing peace justice real peace men must times willing fight world nation equipped peace knows fight shrink fighting ever conditions become war demanded name highest morality much emphatically necessary say order position united states may misunderstood genuine effort bring nearer day peace justice among nations may hampered folly striving achieve impossible would render hopeless attempt achievement practical recognizing clearly set forth remains clear duty strive every practicable way bring nearer time sword shall arbiter among nations present practical thing try minimize number cases must arbiter offer least civilized powers substitute war available least considerable number instances much done another hague conference direction earnestly urge nation power try movement make result decisions hague conference effective earnestly hope conference may able devise way make arbitration nations customary way settling international disputes save classes cases sharply defined rigidly limited present governmental social development world permit possible general arbitration treaty negotiated among nations represented conference neutral rights property protected sea protected land international agreement purpose similar agreement defining contraband war last century distinct diminution number wars civilized nations international relations become closer development hague tribunal symptom growing closeness relationship means growth furthered aim time time take steps may possible toward creating something like organization civilized nations world becomes highly organized need navies armies diminish possible secure anything like immediate disarmament would first necessary settle peoples whole menace rest mankind provide disarmament rest turned movement would really chiefly benefit obnoxious peoples may possible exercise check upon tendency swell indefinitely budgets military expenditure course effort could succeed attempt much undertaken spirit sanity far removed possible merely hysterical worth pointing since end insurrection philippines nation shown practical faith policy disarmament reducing little army disarmament never prime importance need get rid causes war implements war dwelt much dangers avoided steering clear mere foolish sentimentality wish peace genuine earnest real great desire second hague conference may mark long stride forward direction securing peace justice throughout world object better worthy attention enlightened statesmanship establishment surer method exists securing justice nations protection little nations prevention war big nations aim endeavor avert bloodshed effectively strengthen forces right golden rule world grows morality guiding rule conduct among nations among individuals though golden rule must construed fantastic manner forbidding exercise police power mighty free republic ever deal states great small basis high honor respecting rights jealously safeguards one effective instruments peace monroe doctrine gradually developed nation accepted nations policy could efficient promoting peace western hemisphere giving nation thereon chance develop along lines refused apply doctrine changing conditions would completely outworn would meet needs present day indeed would probably time sunk complete oblivion useful home meeting recognition abroad adapted application meet growing changing needs hemisphere announce policy monroe doctrine thereby commit consequences policy consequences time time alter question claim right yet shirk responsibility exercise american republics benefited existence doctrine must recognize obligations nation regards foreign peoples less duty insist upon rights rights interests deeply concerned maintenance doctrine clear hardly need argument especially true view construction panama canal mere matter must exercise close watch approaches canal means must thoroughly alive interests caribbean sea certain essential points must never forgotten regards monroe doctrine first place must nation make evident intend treat shape way excuse aggrandizement part expense republics south must recognize fact south american countries much suspicion lest interpret monroe doctrine way inimical interests must try convince nations continent orderly government anything fear us certain republics south us already reached point stability order prosperity though yet hardly consciously among guarantors doctrine republics meet basis entire equality spirit frank respectful friendship hope mutual republics south us grow allude already grown need us especial champions doctrine disappear stable growing american republic wishes see great military power acquire territory neighborhood country desires republics continent shall happy prosperous happy prosperous unless maintain order within boundaries behave regard obligations toward outsiders must understood circumstances united states use monroe doctrine cloak territorial aggression desire peace world perhaps peoples american continent course limits wrongs nation endure always possible wrong actions toward nation toward citizens nation state unable keep order among people unable secure justice outsiders unwilling justice outsiders treat well may result take action protect rights action taken view territorial aggression taken extreme reluctance become evident every resource exhausted moreover must make evident intend permit monroe doctrine used nation continent shield protect consequences misdeeds foreign nations republic south us commits tort foreign nation outrage citizen nation monroe doctrine force us interfere prevent punishment tort save see punishment assume form territorial occupation shape case difficult refers contractual obligation government always refused enforce contractual obligations behalf citizens appeal arms much wished foreign governments would take view consequence liable time brought face face disagreeable alternatives one hand country would certainly decline go war prevent foreign government collecting debt hand inadvisable permit foreign power take possession even temporarily custom houses american republic order enforce payment obligations temporary occupation might turn permanent occupation escape alternatives may time must undertake bring arrangement much possible obligation shall paid far better country put arrangement rather allow foreign country undertake insures defaulting republic pay debt improper character duress also insures honest creditors republic passed interest dishonest grasping creditors moreover united states take position offers possible way insuring us clash foreign power position therefore interest peace well interest justice benefit people benefit foreign peoples really benefit people country concerned brings one fundamental objects monroe doctrine must good faith try help upward toward peace order sister republics need help gradual growth ethical element relations one individual another even though slowly coming recognize duty bearing one another burdens among individuals also among nations santo domingo turn made appeal us help every principle wisdom every generous instinct within us bids us respond appeal slightest consequence whether grant aid needed santo domingo incident wise development monroe doctrine regard case santo domingo standing wholly treated general principles reference monroe doctrine important point give needed aid case certainly sufficiently peculiar deserve judged purely merits conditions santo domingo number years grown bad worse year ago society verge dissolution fortunately time ruler sprang santo domingo colleagues saw dangers threatening country appealed friendship great powerful neighbor possessed power hoped also help imminent danger foreign intervention previous rulers santo domingo recklessly incurred debts owing internal disorders ceased able provide means paying debts patience foreign creditors become exhausted least two foreign nations point intervention prevented intervening unofficial assurance government would strive help santo domingo hour need case one nations actual opening negotiations end government prevented seizure territory santo domingo european power debts incurred character really renders obligatory proper santo domingo pay full could pay unless stability assured government people accordingly executive department government negotiated treaty try help dominican people straighten finances treaty pending senate meantime temporary arrangement made last senate time take action upon treaty arrangement dominican government appointed americans important positions customs service seeing honest collection revenues turning 45 per cent government running expenses putting 55 per cent safe depository equitable division case treaty shall ratified among various creditors whether european american custom houses offer sources revenue santo domingo different revolutions usually real aim obtaining custom houses mere fact collectors customs americans performing duties efficiency honesty treaty pending senate gives certain moral power government santo domingo completely discouraged revolutionary movement already produced increase revenues government actually getting 45 per cent american collectors turn got formerly took entire revenue enabling poor harassed people santo domingo turn attention industry free cure interminable revolutionary disturbance offers creditors american european really good chance obtain justly entitled return gives santo domingo opportunity defense claims ought pay meets views senate shall thoroughly examine claims whether american foreign see none improper paid course opposition treaty dishonest creditors foreign american professional revolutionists island already reason believe creditors dare expose claims honest scrutiny endeavoring stir sedition island opposition treaty meantime exercised authority vested joint resolution congress prevent introduction arms island revolutionary purposes course taken stability order benefits peace last coming santo domingo danger foreign intervention suspended last prospect creditors get justice less arrangement terminated failure treaty chaos follow chaos follows sooner later government may involved serious difficulties foreign governments island else may forced intervene island unpleasant fashion proposed treaty independence island scrupulously respected danger violation monroe doctrine intervention foreign powers vanishes interference government minimized shall act conjunction santo domingo authorities secure proper administration customs therefore secure payment debts secure dominican government demands unjust debts proposed method give people santo domingo chance move onward upward already given people cuba doubly discredit nation fail take advantage chance damage incalculable damage santo domingo every consideration wise policy every consideration large generosity bids us meet request santo domingo trying meet consider question foreign policy without time treating army navy small army indeed one infinitesimal compared army large nation course army nearly perfect kind size possible believe army world better average enlisted men better type junior officer army trained act effectively mass provision made sufficient appropriations manoeuvers practical kind troops may learn take care actual service conditions every march instance made soldier loaded exactly would active campaign generals colonels would thereby opportunity handling regiments brigades divisions commissary medical departments would tested field provision made exercise least brigade preference division marching embarking point coast disembarking point continuing march number posts army kept time peace materially diminished posts left made correspondingly larger local interests allowed stand way assembling greater part troops would need form field armies stations size permit best training given personnel grades including high officers staff officers accomplish end must company regimental garrisons brigade division garrisons promotion mere seniority never result thoroughly efficient corps officers higher ranks unless accompanies vigorous process process process selection chief feature four years course young officer west point good reason stop immediately upon graduation west point dropped unless comes certain standard excellence graduates takes rank army according rank graduation results good west point army something achieve end certain age reached average officer unfit good work certain grade provision made promotion exceptionally meritorious men heads comrades retirement men reached given age without getting beyond given rank age retirement course changing rank rank army navy principle selection promotion merit resolute effort eliminate aged officers reputable character possess special efficiency increase coast artillery force coast fortifications degree adequately manned special need increase reorganization medical department army army navy must thorough training duty staff corps fighting line training advance sure actual war field operations sea carried successfully importance shown conclusively wars work medical departments japanese army navy especially worthy study renew recommendation january 9 1905 medical department army call attention equal importance needs staff corps navy medical department navy first importance reorganization hospital corps lines gallinger bill february 1 1904 reapportionment different grades medical officers meet service requirements seems advisable also medical officers army navy similar rank pay respective grades duties carried without friction brought together base hospitals navy put condition meet modern requirements hospital ships provided unless provide ample forethought medical needs army navy appalling suffering preventable kind sure occur ever country goes war reasonable expect successful administration time war department lacks third number officers necessary perform medical service time peace need men merely doctors must trained administration military medical service navy must relatively navies nations always greater size army wisely continued number years build navy reached fairly high standard efficiency standard efficiency must maintained increased seem necessary however navy least immediate future increased beyond present number units clearly necessary substitute efficient inefficient units latter become worn becomes apparent useless probably result would attained adding single battleship navy year superseded outworn vessels laid broken thus replaced four monitors built immediately close spanish war instance vessels would little use event war money spent upon could usefully spent ways thus would far better never built single one monitors put money ample supply reserve guns smaller cruisers gunboats though serve useful purpose far needed international police work would add strength navy conflict serious foe urgent need providing large increase number officers especially number enlisted men recent naval history emphasized certain lessons ought need emphasis seagoing torpedo boats destroyers indispensable making night attacks surprise upon enemy even battle finishing already crippled ships exceptional circumstances submarine boats would doubtless use fast scouts needed main strength navy however lies lie great battleships heavily armored heavily gunned vessels decide mastery seas cruisers also play useful part unarmed cruisers swift enough useful scouts antagonists approximately equal prowess comparative perfection instruments war ordinarily determine fight course true man behind gun man engine room man conning tower considered individually especially regard way work together even important weapons work formidable battleship course helpless even light cruiser men aboard unable hit anything guns thoroughly cruisers may count seriously engagement much superior vessels men aboard latter ineffective whether lack training modern warships formidable mechanisms well handled utterly useless well handled handled without long careful training training circumstance given war broken fighting ship first class ever laid save necessary repairs crew kept constantly exercised high seas may stand highest point perfection put new untrained crew upon powerful battleship send meet formidable enemy invite insure disaster disgrace improvise crews outbreak war far serious fighting craft concerned absolutely hopeless officers men thoroughly skilled thoroughly trained duties would far better keep ships port hostilities send formidable opponent result could would either sunk captured marksmanship navy whole gratifying condition great improvement fleet practice need additional seamen need large store reserve guns need sufficient money ample target practice ample practice every kind sea substitute comparatively inefficient types old battleship texas monitors mentioned indeed monitors old cruisers efficient modern seagoing vessels seagoing destroyers substituted smaller torpedo boats present congress need additions aggregate number units navy navy though small relatively navies nations present sufficient point numbers needs must constantly strive make efficiency higher need additions total ships built building save way substitution outlined recommend report secretary navy careful consideration congress especially view legislation therein advocated past year evidence accumulated confirm expressions contained last two annual messages importance revising appropriate legislation system naturalizing aliens appointed last march commission make careful examination naturalization laws suggest appropriate measures avoid notorious abuses resulting improvident unlawful granting citizenship commission composed officer department state department justice department commerce labor discharged duty imposed upon submitted report transmitted congress consideration hope favor able action distinguishing recommendations commission first federal bureau naturalization established department commerce labor supervise administration naturalization laws receive returns naturalizations pending accomplished second uniformity naturalization certificates fees charged procedure third exacting qualifications citizenship fourth preliminary declaration intention abolished alien naturalized least ninety days filing petition fifth jurisdiction naturalize aliens confined united states district courts state courts jurisdiction civil actions amount controversy unlimited cities inhabitants united states district courts exclusive jurisdiction naturalization alien residents cities last message asked attention congress urgent need action make criminal law effective earnestly request pay heed report attorney general subject centuries ago especially needful throw every safeguard round accused danger lest wronged state danger exactly reverse laws customs tell immensely favor criminal interests public wronged antiquated outworn rules safeguarded threatened rights private citizens merely work harm general body politic criminal law united states stands urgent need revision criminal process court united states run throughout entire territorial extent country delays criminal law less civil amount great evil seems statute united states provides punishment united states attorney officer government corruptly agrees wrongfully wrongfully refrain act consideration corrupt agreement one possessing money value ought remedied appropriate legislation legislation also enacted cover explicitly unequivocally beyond question breach trust shape prematurely divulging official secrets officer employe united states provide suitable penalty therefor officer employe owes duty united states guard carefully divulge manner use prematurely information accessible officer employe reason official position breaches public trust already covered law one impossible matter much care used prevent occasional appointment public service man tempted proves unfaithful every means provided detect every effort made punish wrongdoer far power see every wrongdoer shall relentlessly hunted instance past spared instance future shall spared crime crime every honest man nation crime whole body politic yet dwelling misdeeds unjust add altogether exceptional whole employes government render upright faithful service people exceptions notably one two branches service time nation history public service nation taken whole stood higher plane alike regards honesty regards efficiency call attention condition public land laws recent developments given new urgency need changes fit laws actual present conditions honest disposal right use remaining public lands fundamental importance iniquitous methods monopolizing public lands brought present laws becoming generally known existing laws furnish effective remedies recommendations public lands commission upon subject wise given effect creation small irrigated farms reclamation act powerful offset tendency certain laws foster permit monopoly land act construction great irrigation works proceeding rapidly successfully lands reclaimed eagerly taken prospect policy national irrigation accomplish expected bright act extended include state texas reclamation act derives much value fact tends secure greatest possible number homes land create communities freeholders part settlement public lands part forcing subdivision large private holdings get water government irrigation works law requires right use water land private ownership shall sold tract exceeding 160 acres one land owner provision excited active powerful hostility success law depends wise firm enforcement afford substitute tenants freeholders public domain greater part remaining public lands irrigated present probably always greater value grazing purpose fact led grazing homestead 640 acres nebraska proposed extension states argued family supported 160 acres arid grazing land obviously true neither family supported 640 acres much land proposed apply grazing homestead establish universally arbitrary limit would unwise present time would probably result one hand enlarging holdings great land owners needless suffering failure part considerable proportion bona fide settlers give faith implied assurance government area sufficient best use public grazing lands requires careful examination classification lands order give settler land enough support family work done lands settled government take control open range reasonable regulations suited local needs following general policy already successful operation forest reserves probable present grazing value open public range scarcely half might easily careful regulation forest policy administration appears enjoy unbroken support people great users timber forwarding movement forest preservation organized opposition forest preserves west disappeared since consolidation government forest work national forest service rapid notable gain usefulness forest reserves people public appreciation value national parks within adjacent forest reserves transferred charge forest service also national government already something connection construction maintenance great system levees along lower course mississippi judgment much spread trade peace defense flag war great prosperous merchant marine indispensable ships seamen convey goods neutral markets case need reinforce battle line source regret uneasiness us lines communication sister republics south america chiefly foreign control good thing american merchants manufacturers send goods letters south america via europe wish security dispatch even pacific ships held better atlantic merchant flag threatened liberal aid bestowed governments steam lines ask earnest consideration report merchant marine commission followed long careful inquiry heartily commend favorable consideration tercentennial celebration jamestown appreciating desirability commemoration congress passed act march 3 1905 authorizing year 1907 near waters hampton roads state virginia international naval marine military celebration honor event authority vested act made proclamation said celebration issued conformity instructions invitations nations earth participate sending naval vessels military organizations may practicable celebration would fail full purpose unless enduring results commensurate importance event celebrated event nation dates birth earnestly hope celebration already indorsed congress united states legislatures sixteen states since action congress receive additional aid hands make worthy great event intended celebrate thereby enable government united states make provision exhibition resources likewise enable people undertaken work celebration provide suitable proper entertainment instruction historic events country may visit exposition tendered hospitality matter unmixed satisfaction call attention excellent work pension bureau veterans civil war greater claim upon us class citizens first among people honor due seven years ago lamented predecessor president mckinley stated time come nation care graves confederate dead recommend congress take action toward end first need take charge graves confederate dead died northern prisons question immigration vital interest country year ending june 30 1905 came united states alien immigrants words single year elapsed came country greater number people came one hundred years colonial life intervened first landing jamestown declaration independence clearly shown report commissioner general immigration much enormous immigration undoubtedly healthy natural considerable proportion undesirable one reason another moreover considerable proportion probably large proportion including undesirable class come initiative activity agents great transportation companies agents distributed throughout europe offer kinds inducements wheedle cajole many immigrants often best interest come serious obstacle encounter effort secure proper regulation immigration shores arises determined opposition foreign steamship lines interest whatever matter save increase returns capital carrying masses immigrants hither steerage quarters ships said last message congress much immigration right sort none whatever wrong sort course desirable even right kind immigration properly distributed country need immigration south special effort made secure perhaps would possible limit number immigrants allowed come one year new york northern cities leaving unlimited number allowed come south always provided however stricter effort made see immigrants right kind come country anywhere actual practice proved difficult enforce migration laws long stretches frontier marked imaginary line alone intervene us neighbors recommend immigrants allowed come canada mexico save natives two countries much possible done distribute immigrants upon land keep away contested districts great cities distribution palliative cure prime need keep immigrants make good american citizens laws existing exclusion undesirable immigrants strengthened adequate means adopted enforced sufficient penalties compel steamship companies engaged passenger business observe good faith law forbids encourage solicit immigration united states moreover sharp limitation imposed upon vessels coming ports number immigrants ratio tonnage vessel carry ratio high enough insure coming hither good class aliens possible provision made surer punishment induce aliens come country promise assurance employment made possible inflict sufficiently heavy penalty employer violating law deter taking risk seems wise international conference held deal question immigration merely national significance conference could among things enter length method securing thorough inspection immigrants ports desire embark permitting embark dealing question unwise depart old american tradition discriminate man desires come become citizen save ground man fitness citizenship right duty consider moral social quality standard living pressure competition lower standard living must ever prime object legislation keep high standard living man seeks come moral social standpoint character bid fair add value community heartily welcomed afford pay heed whether one creed another one nation another afford consider whether catholic protestant jew gentile whether englishman irishman frenchman german japanese italian scandinavian slav magyar desire find individual quality individual man judgment end view shall prepare agents far rigid inspection countries immigrants come great deal better fewer immigrants right kind great number immigrants many necessarily wrong kind far possible wish limit immigration country persons propose become citizens country well afford insist upon adequate scrutiny character thus proposed future citizenship increase stringency laws keep insane idiotic epileptic pauper immigrants means enough merely anarchist every man anarchistic tendencies violent disorderly people people bad character incompetent lazy vicious physically unfit defective degenerate kept stocks american citizenship built strong healthy sound body mind character objected government agents would always select well answer would certaintly select better agents brokers foreign steamship companies people whatever selection done questions arising connection chinese immigration stand conditions china entire chinese coolie class class chinese laborers skilled unskilled legitimately come head undesirable immigrants country numbers low wages work low standard living interest country keep chinese authorities desire admitted present entrance prohibited laws amply adequate accomplish purpose laws thoroughly enforced violations number infinitesimal entirely disregarded serious proposal alter immigration law regards chinese laborer skilled unskilled excuse man feeling affecting feel slightest alarm subject effort carry policy excluding chinese laborers chinese coolies grave injustice wrong done nation people china therefore ultimately nation chinese students business professional men kinds merchants bankers doctors manufacturers professors travelers like encouraged come treated precisely footing treat students business men travelers like nations laws treaties framed put people excepted classes state admit chinese except chinese coolie class chinese skilled unskilled laborers would least danger provision would result relaxation law laborers conditions kept absolutely easy see justice courtesy shown ought shown chinese law treaty framed suggested examinations completed port departure china purpose provided adequate consular service china appropriations offices consuls office forces consulates increased people talked much open door china expect quite rightly intend insist upon justice shown us chinese expect receive equity unless equity ask chinese us unwilling would perfect right exclude laboring men laboring men threatened come country numbers jeopardize chinese population mutatis mutandis conditions chinese immigration actually brought people face face perfect right chinese government way contests act acted matter restricting coolie immigration right exists country explicitly acknowledged last treaty two countries must treat chinese student traveler business man spirit broadest justice courtesy expect similar treatment accorded people similar rank go china much trouble come past summer organized boycott american goods started china main factor producing boycott resentment felt students business people china chinese leaders harshness law toward educated chinamen professional business classes government friendliest feeling china desires china cordially sympathize announced purpose japan stand integrity china attitude tends peace world civil service law statute books years every president vast majority heads departments office period favored gradual extension merit system thoroughly principles understood greater favor law regarded administration officers attempt carry great executive departments government without law would inevitably result chaos civil service commissioners excellent work compensation inadequate considering service perform statement examinations practical character based misapprehension practice commission departments invariably consulted requirements desired character questions shall asked general invitations frequently sent heads departments asking whether changes scope character examinations required words departments prescribe requirements qualifications desired civil service commission securing persons qualifications insuring open impartial competition large number examinations example trades positions educational requirements whatever person neither read write may pass high average vacancies service filled reasonable expedition machinery commission reaches every part country best agency yet devised finding people suitable qualifications various offices filled written competitive examinations make ideal method filling positions represent immeasurable advance upon spoils method outside politicians really make appointments nominally made executive officers appointees chosen politicians question great majority cases reasons totally unconnected needs service public statistics gathered census bureau show tenure office government service differ materially enjoyed employes large business corporations heads executive departments members commission called attention fact rule requiring filing charges three days notice employe could separated service inefficiency served good purpose whatever matter upon hearing employe found inefficient value practice rule providing notice hearing merely resulted keeping certain number incompetents reluctance heads departments bureau chiefs go required procedure experience shown rule wholly ineffective save man superior improper reasons wishes remove mischievous sometimes serves keep service incompetent men guilty specific wrongdoing facts view rule amended providing inefficiency incapacity comes within personal knowledge head department removal may made without notice reasons therefor filed made record department absolute right removal rests always rested head department limitation absolute right results grave injury public service change merely one procedure much needed producing good results civil service law energetically impartially enforced large majority cases complaints violations either law rules discovered unfounded respect law compares favorably federal statute question politics appointment retention men engaged merely ministerial work practically eliminated almost entire field government employment covered civil service law action congress providing commission force instead requiring rely detailed clerks justified increased work done smaller cost government urge upon congress careful consideration recommendations contained annual report commission copyright laws urgently need revision imperfect definition confused inconsistent expression omit provision many articles modern reproductive processes entitled protection impose hardships upon copyright proprietor essential fair protection public difficult courts interpret impossible copyright office administer satisfaction public attempts improve amendment frequent less twelve acts purpose passed since revised statutes perfect amendment seems impracticable complete revision essential revision meet modern conditions found necessary germany austria sweden foreign countries bills embodying pending england australian colonies urged proposals commission undertake time time pressed upon congress inconveniences present conditions great attempt frame appropriate legislation made copyright office called conferences various interests especially practically concerned operation copyright laws secured suggestions changes necessary added experience investigations drafted bill embodies changes additions full discussion expert criticism appeared sound safe form bill would replace existing insufficient inconsistent laws one general copyright statute presented congress coming session deserves prompt consideration recommend law enacted regulate commerce misbranded adulterated foods drinks drugs law would protect legitimate manufacture commerce would tend secure health welfare consuming public traffic debased adulterated injure health deceive purchasers forbidden law forbidding emission dense black gray smoke city washington sustained courts something accomplished much remains done would preserve capital city defacement smoke nuisance repeated prosecutions law desired effect recommend made stringent increasing minimum maximum fine providing imprisonment cases repeated violation affording remedy injunction continuation operation plants persistent offenders recommend also increase number inspectors whose duty shall detect violations act call attention generous act state california conferring upon united states government ownership yosemite valley mariposa big tree grove delay accepting gift appropriations made including thereof yosemite national park care policing park california acted wisely well great magnanimity matter certain mighty natural features land preserved perpetuity children children children judgment grand canyon colorado made national park greatly wished state new york copy regards niagara state california done regards yosemite nothing allowed interfere preservation niagara falls beauty majesty state see earnestly wished willing turn national government case possible conjunction canadian government assume burden responsibility preserving unharmed niagara falls gladly assume similar burden responsibility yosemite national park already assumed yellowstone national park adequate provision made congress proper care supervision national parks boundaries yellowstone national park extended south east take portions abutting forest reservations enable government protect elk winter range characteristic animal western plains great wild ox bison commonly known buffalo small fragments herds exist domesticated state yellowstone park herd reservation allowed go existence either reservation forest reserve like wichita reserve game refuge provision made preservation herd believe scheme would economic advantage robe buffalo high market value true robe crossbred animals call especial attention desirability giving members life saving service pensions given firemen policemen great cities men life saving service continually matter fact way deeds make americans proud country political influence live remote places really heroic services continually render receive scantiest recognition public unjust great nation like permit men become totally disabled meet death performance hazardous duty yet give sort reward one serves thirty years life position surely entitled retire half pay fireman policeman becomes totally incapacitated accident sickness loses health discharge duty family receive pension soldier call attention especial earnestness matter appeals judgment sympathy people whose behalf ask comparatively number render incalculable service particularly dangerous kind one speak year past phase indian question sharply brought public attention larger legal significance indian induction citizenship made manifest great access litigation citizen indian figures party defendant widespread disposition levy local taxation upon personalty decision united states supreme court struck away main prop hitherto rested government benevolent effort protect evils intemperance court holds effect indian becomes virtue allotment land citizen state land situated passes federal control matters acts congress prohibiting sale gift intoxicants become substantially inoperative gratifying note states municipalities west stake welfare indians taking subject trying supply measure least abdication trusteeship forced upon federal government nevertheless would urgently press upon attention congress question whether amendment internal revenue laws might aid prosecuting malefactors known indian country bootleggers engaged defrauding united states treasury taxes far important debauching indians carrying liquors illicitly territory still completely federal jurisdiction among crying present needs indians day schools situated midst settlements effective instruction industries pursued farms liberal tension service means education indian women arts home making mothers well started right direction reasonably expect much children soon form integral part american citizenship moreover excuse continually advanced male adult indians refusing offers remunerative employment distance homes dare leave families long sight one effectual remedy state things employ minds strengthen moral fibre indian women end work field matron especially directed trust congress make appropriations indian day schools field matrons generous may consist pressing demands upon providence last year philippine islands slowly recovering series disasters since american occupation greatly reduced amount agricultural products produced spanish times war rinderpest locusts drought cholera united causes prevent return prosperity much needed islands serious destruction rinderpest 75 per cent draught cattle take several years breeding restore necessary number indispensable aids agriculture commission attempted supply purchase adjoining countries needed cattle experiments made unsuccessful cattle imported unable withstand change climate rigors voyage died diseases rinderpest income philippine government necessarily reduced reason business agricultural depression islands government obliged exercise great economy cut expenses reduce salaries every way avoid deficit adopted internal revenue law imposing taxes cigars cigarettes distilled liquors abolishing old spanish industrial taxes law operated smoothly hoped although principle undoubtedly correct may need amendments purpose reconciling people provisions income derived partly made reduction customs revenue marked increase number filipinos employed civil service corresponding decrease number americans government every one departments rendered efficient elimination undesirable material promotion deserving public servants improvements harbors roads bridges continue although cutting revenue forbids expenditure great amount current income purposes steps taken advertisement competitive bids secure construction maintenance miles railway private corporations recent enabling legislation congress transfer friar lands accordance contract made two years ago completely effected purchase money paid provision made statute speedy settlement special proceeding supreme court controversies possession title church buildings rectories arising roman catholic church schismatics claiming ancient municipalities negotiations hearings settlement amount due roman catholic church rent occupation churches rectories army united states progress hoped satisfactory conclusion may submitted congress end session tranquillity existed past year throughout archipelago except province cavite province batangas province samar island jolo among moros jolo disturbance put end several sharp short engagements peace prevails moro province cavite mother ladrones spanish times permeated traditional sympathy people ladronism make difficult stamp disease batangas disturbed reason fugitive ladrones cavite samar thrown disturbance uneducated partly savage peoples living mountains given municipal code power able exercise discreetly elected municipal officers abused trusts compelled people raising hemp sell much less price worth abuses drove people resistance constituted authority cavite samar instances reposing much confidence power people disturbances suppressed hoped lessons local governments formed secure quiet peace deserving inhabitants incident another proof fact error regards giving philippines direction giving quickly slowly year next april first legislative assembly islands held sanity body much depend far future islands concerned encouraging feature whole situation great interest taken common people education great increase number enrolled students public schools increase half million pupils average attendance 70 per cent limit upon number pupils seems capacity government furnish teachers school houses agricultural conditions islands enforce strongly ever argument favor reducing tariff products philippine islands entering united states earnestly recommend tariff imposed dingley bill upon products philippine islands entirely removed except tariff sugar tobacco tariff reduced 25 per cent present rates dingley act july 1 1909 tariff upon tobacco sugar produced philippine islands entirely removed free trade islands united states products country provided law statute force enacted april 15 1904 suspends operation coastwise laws united states upon trade philippine islands united states july 1 1906 earnestly recommend suspension postponed july 1 1909 think doubtful utility apply coastwise laws trade united states philippines circumstances convinced good whatever american bottoms interfere obstacle trade philippines united states coastwise law must thus applied certainly ought effect free trade enjoyed people united states people philippine islands respective products anticipate free trade islands united states produce revolution sugar tobacco production philippine islands primitive methods agriculture philippine islands slow capital going islands many difficulties surround large agricultural enterprise islands many many years products islands effect whatever upon markets united states problem labor also formidable one sugar tobacco producers islands best friends filipino people people utterly opposed admission chinese coolie labor hence solution training filipino labor take long time enactment law congress united states making provision free trade islands united states however great importance political sentimental standpoint actual benefit doubtless exaggerated people islands accept measure justice indication people united states anxious aid people philippine islands every way especially agricultural development archipelago aid filipinos without injuring interests america judgment immediate steps taken fortification hawaii important point pacific fortify order conserve interests country would hard overstate importance need hawaii heavily taxed laws enacted setting aside period say twenty years 75 per cent internal revenue customs receipts hawaii special fund expended islands educational public buildings harbor improvements military naval defenses often repeated aim must develop territory hawaii traditional american lines territory serious commercial industrial problems reckon measure relief considered looks legislation admitting chinese restricting statute field labor domestic service status servility never tolerated american soil concede proper solution problems special legislation admitting hawaii class laborers denied admission states territories obstacles great obstacles way building representative american community hawaiian islands american character give face difficulty many american commonwealth built odds equal confront hawaii merely effort meet problems american communities met accepted final hawaii shall never become territory governing class rich planters exists means coolie labor even rate growth territory thereby rendered slower growth must take place admission immigrants fit end assume duties burdens full american citizenship aim must develop territory basis stable citizenship exists continent earnestly advocate adoption legislation explicitly confer american citizenship citizens porto rico judgment excuse failure harbor san juan dredged improved expenses federal court porto rico met federal treasury porto rican treasury elections porto rico take place every four years legislature meet session every two years present form government porto rico provides appointment president members executive council upper house legislature proved satisfactory inspired confidence property owners investors deem advisable present time change form material feature problems needs island industrial commercial rather political wish call attention congress one question affects insular possessions generally namely need increased liberality treatment whole franchise question islands proper desire prevent islands exploited speculators develop interests people error made refusing grant sufficiently liberal terms induce investment american capital philippines porto rico elsewhere message spoken strongly jealousy mere wealth especially corporate wealth particularly regrettable allow jealousy developed dealing either insular foreign affairs big corporation achieved present position business world simply effective instrument business competition foreign affairs afford put people disadvantage competitors way discriminating efficiency business organizations way afford allow insular possessions lag behind industrial development twisted jealousy business success course mere truism say business interests islands developed becomes financial interest somebody develop yet development one things earnestly wished interest islands paying possible heed political educational interests islands important though objects less important favor industrial development government certain ways help directly building good roads fundamental vital help must given development industries islands efficient means end encourage big american corporations start industries means make advantageous limit ownership mining claims done philippines absurd philippines porto rico limit holdings land largely raised earnestly ask alaska given elective delegate person chosen speak authority needs territory government aid construction railroad gulf alaska yukon river american territory last two messages advocated certain additional action behalf alaska shall repeat recommendations shall lay stress upon one recommendation giving alaska one authorized speak prefer delegate made elective deemed wise make appointive rate give alaska person whose business shall speak authority behalf congress natural resources alaska great chief needs peculiarly energetic typically american white population alaska set forth last message also earnestly ask attention needs alaskan indians indians competent receive full rights american citizenship instance gross indefensible wrong deny indians metlakahtlas right obtain licenses captains pilots engineers right enter mining claims profit homestead law particular indians civilized competent entitled put basis white men round recommend indian territory oklahoma admitted one state new mexico arizona admitted one state obligation upon us treat territorial subdivisions matters convenience binding us question admission statehood nothing taken time congress past years question statehood granted four territories mentioned careful consideration developed discussions question recommend immediately admitted two states justification delay advisability making four territories two states clearly established territories legislative assemblies issue licenses gambling congress law forbid practice harmful results obvious glance treaty united states republic panama construction panama canal made possible went effect ratification united states senate february 23 1904 canal properties french canal company transferred united states april 23 1904 payment company april 1 1905 commission reorganized consists theodore shonts chairman charles magoon benjamin harrod rear admiral mordecai endicott brig peter hains oswald ernst john stevens appointed chief engineer july 1 last active work canal construction mainly preparatory progress less year half period two points canal ceased open debate first question route canal built isthmus panama second question feasibility physical obstacles route american engineering skill able overcome without serious difficulty prevent completion canal within reasonable time reasonable cost virtually unanimous testimony engineers investigated matter government point remains unsettled question type whether canal shall one several locks sea level sea level single tide lock point hope lay congress early day findings advisory board american european engineers invitation considering subject together report commission thereon comments thereon recommendations reference thereto may seem necessary american people pledged speediest possible construction canal adequate meet demands commerce world make upon appeal earnestly congress aid fulfillment pledge gratifying progress made past year especially past four months greater part necessary preliminary work done actual work excavation could begun limited scale till canal zone made healthful place live work isthmus sanitated first task thoroughly accomplished yellow fever virtually extirpated isthmus general health conditions vastly improved methods converted island cuba pest hole menaced health world healthful place abode applied isthmus satisfactory results reason doubt plans water supply paving sewerage panama colon large labor camps fully carried isthmus tropics unusually healthy place abode work far advanced health employed canal work well guarded similar work country elsewhere addition sanitating isthmus satisfactory quarters provided employes adequate system supplying wholesome food reasonable prices created hospitals established equipped without superiors kind anywhere country thus made fit work provision made welfare comfort work past year large portion plant work done ordered confidently believed middle approaching year sufficient proportion plant installed enable us resume work excavation large scale needed without delay appropriation congress meet current accruing expenses commission first appropriation authorized spooner act made three years ago nearly exhausted barely enough remaining carry commission end year unless congress shall appropriate time work must cease arrest progress length time matters advancing satisfactorily would deplorable money meet pay roll obligations none meet bills coming due materials supplies demoralization forces isthmus working harmoniously effectively delay granting emergency appropriation estimates amount necessary found accompanying reports secretary war commission recommend adequate provision made heretofore work department state within years great increase amount importance work done department washington abroad caused great increase foreign trade increase wealth among people enables travel generally heretofore increase american capital seeking investment foreign countries growth power weight councils civilized world corresponding increase facilities work afforded department charge foreign relations neither home abroad sufficient working force business properly many respects system adequate work years even ten years ago inadequate changed consular force classified appointments made several classes authority executive assign members class duty posts interests service require instead appointments made present specified posts adequate inspection service department may able inform business consulate done instead depending upon casual private information rumor fee system entirely abolished due equivalent made salary officers eke subsistence means fees sufficient provision made clerical force every consulate composed entirely americans instead insufficient provision made compels employment great numbers citizens foreign countries whose services obtained less money large part consulates office quarters clerical force inadequate performance onerous duties imposed recent provisions immigration laws well increasing trade many parts world lack suitable quarters embassies legations consulates detracts respect officers ought held seriously impairs weight influence suitable provision made expense keeping diplomatic officers fully informed done day day progress diplomatic affairs countries lack information caused insufficient appropriations available cable tolls clerical messenger service frequently puts officers great disadvantage detracts usefulness salary list readjusted correspond either importance service rendered degrees ability experience required different positions differences cost living many cases salaries quite inadequate
people country continue enjoy great prosperity undoubtedly ebb flow prosperity ebb flow felt less member community deserve undeserving wrath lord wisdom man avail time flood drought human ingenuity partially repair disaster general failure crop would hurt u folly man mar general innocent folly pay part penalty incur guilty folly panic bring speculative folly part business community would hurt whole business community stoppage welfare though might severe would last long run one vital factor permanent prosperity country high individual character average american worker average american citizen matter whether work mental manual whether farmer business man professional man industrial social system interest men closely intertwine immense majority case man efficiency ingenuity industry benefit must also benefit others normally man great productive capacity become rich guide labor many men enable produce could produce without guidance share benefit come also public large superficial fact share may unequal must never blind u underlying fact share benefit come degree man concern normally man small mean average consumer well average producer alike help make condition man exceptional business ability receive exceptional reward ability something do legislation help general prosperity help permanently beneficial character give less able less fortunate save result policy shall inure advantage industrious efficient people act decently another way say benefit come less able less fortunate must necessity come even able fortunate therefore less fortunate man move envy fortunate brother strike condition though unequally prosper result assuredly danger may come one struck visit even heavy load one strike blow take whole must go together yet merely admit insist upon also true governmental restraint supervision exceptional men use energy way common good way tell common good fortune amass corporate organization large vest power wield make matter necessity give sovereign government represent people whole effective power supervision corporate use order insure healthy social industrial life every big corporation hold responsible accountable sovereign strong enough control conduct sense hostile corporation age combination effort prevent combination useless end vicious contempt law failure enforce law inevitably produce moreover recognize cordial ample fashion immense good effect corporate agency country wealth intellect energy fidelity devote service therefore normally service public officer director corporation come stay trade union come stay do great good favor long good sharply checked act law justice long finance nation keep upon honest basis question internal economy congress power deal begin approach importance matter endeavor secure proper industrial condition individual especially great corporation interstate business act maker national constitution provide especially regulation interstate commerce come within sphere general government argument favor take stand even overwhelm far strong today view enormous development great business agency usually corporate form experience show conclusively useless try get adequate regulation supervision great corporation state action regulation supervision effectively exercise sovereign whose jurisdiction coextensive field work corporation national government believe regulation supervision obtain enactment law congress prove impossible certainly necessary ultimately confer full form power upon national government proper amendment constitution would obviously unwise endeavor secure amendment certain result obtain constitution law congress several state hitherto pass upon court result often show state power matter national government power present exists unfortunate condition thing great corporation interstate business occupy position subject without sovereign neither state government national government effective control steady aim legislation cautiously carefully undertaken resolutely persevere assert sovereignty national government affirmative action form innovation substance merely restoration early time regulation industrial activity recognize action lawmaking body propose meet change condition manner prevent commonwealth abdicate power always possess country also england since country become separate nation misfortune national law subject hitherto negative prohibitive rather affirmative kind still part seek prohibit could effectively prohibit part prohibition confound allow allow generally useless try prohibit restraint competition whether restraint reasonable unreasonable useless generally hurtful event show possible adequately secure enforcement law kind incessant appeal court department justice last four year devote attention enforcement legislation anything else much accomplish particularly marked moral effect prosecution increasingly evident insufficient beneficial result way economic change successful prosecution one device evade law immediately develop another device accomplish purpose need sweeping prohibition every arrangement good bad may tend restrict competition adequate supervision regulation prevent restriction competition detriment public well supervision regulation prevent abuse way connect restriction competition abuse perhaps chief although mean one overcapitalization generally result dishonest promotion myriad evils brings train overcapitalization often mean inflation invite business panic always conceals true relation profit earn capital actually invest create burden interest payment fertile improper reduction limitation wage damage small investor discourage thrift encourages gamble speculation perhaps bad trickiness dishonesty implies harm moral worse possible harm material interest debauchery politics business great dishonest corporation far bad actual material evil public national government obtain manner wisdom congress may suggest proper control big corporation engage interstate commerce great majority big corporation impossible deal adequately evils well aware difficulty legislation suggest need temperate cautious action secure emphatically protest improperly radical hasty action first thing deal great corporation engage business interstate transportation say message december 6 last immediate press need far legislation concern enactment law scheme secure agent government supervision regulation rate charge railroad country engage interstate traffic shall summarily effectively prevent imposition unjust unreasonable rate must include put complete stop rebate every shape form power regulate rate like similar power business world exercise moderation caution exist effectively exercise need arises first consideration keep mind power affirmative give administrative body create congress give present interstate commerce commission reorganize interstate commerce commission commission make unequivocally administrative believe government interfere private business necessary believe government undertake work propriety leave private hand neither believe government flinch oversee work becomes evident abuse sure obtain therein unless governmental supervision province indicate exact term law enact call attention congress certain exist condition desirable deal judgment important provision law contain confer upon competent administrative body power decide upon case bring whether give rate prescribe railroad reasonable find unreasonable unjust full investigation complaint prescribe limit rate beyond shall lawful go maximum reasonable rate commonly call decision go effect within reasonable time obtain thence onward subject review court sometimes happen present rate high favor shipper give low rate case commission would right fix already establish minimum rate maximum would need one two decision commission cure railroad company practice give improper minimum rate call attention fact proposal give commission power initiate originate rate generally regulate rate already fix originate road upon complaint investigation heavy penalty exact corporation fails respect order commission regard power establish maximum rate essential scheme real reform matter railway regulation first necessity secure unless grant commission little use touch subject illegal transaction often occur form law often occur shipper told traffic officer buy large quantity commodity buy open reduction make rate take effect immediately arrangement result profit one shipper one railroad damage competitor must forget big shipper least much blame railroad matter rebate law make clear nobody fail understand kind commission pay freight shipment whether form form fictitious damage concession free pas reduce passenger rate payment brokerage illegal worth consider whether would wise confer government right civil action beneficiary rebate least twice value rebate would help stop really blackmail elevator allowance stop grown extent demoralize use rebate best possible regulation rate would course regulation secure honest agreement among railroad carry law general agreement would instance put stop effort one big shipper big railroad discriminate secure advantage rival agreement would make railroad agent enforce law power vested government put stop agreement detriment public judgment accompany power permit specify condition careful supervision agreement clearly interest public judgment necessity give power mean great necessity give commission administrative body power enumerate may well inadvisable attempt vest particular power commission administrative body already possess exercise regard far important power recommend indeed vitally important power fix give maximum rate rate lapse reasonable time go full effect subject review court line industrial road refrigerator charge like expressly put supervision interstate commerce commission similar body far rate agreement practically affect rate concerned private car owner owner industrial railroad entitle fair reasonable compensation investment neither private car industrial railroad spur track utilized device secure preferential rate rebate icing charge mileage division rate refrigerating charge pernicious rebate way lower rate apply good import actually obtain domestic good american seaboard destination except case water competition control influence publicity account common carrier common carrier engage interstate business keep book memoranda report pursuant law regulation book memoranda open inspection government way violation evasion law surely detected system examination railroad account provide similar conducted national bank bank examiner railroad accountant proper direction proper authority inspect book paper could accomplish much prevent willful violation law would necessary examine account railroad unless good reason direct interstate commerce commission greatly desire way might find agreement transportation within state intend operate fraud upon federal interstate commerce law could bring jurisdiction federal authority present occurs large shipment interstate traffic control concession purely state business course amount evasion law commission power enforce fair treatment great trunk line lateral branch line urge upon congress need provide expeditious action interstate commerce commission matter whether regulate rate transportation store handle property commodity transit history case litigate present commerce act show efficacy great degree destroy weapon delay almost formidable weapon hand whose purpose violate law let earnestly say recommendation make spirit hostility railroad ethical ground ground right hostility would intolerable ground mere national must remember hostility would tell welfare merely rich men multitude small investor multitude railway employes wage worker severely interest public whole believe whole railroad do well ill railroad men wish well expose competition desire way secure end give government tribunal power see justice do unwilling exactly gladly do willing moreover government body give increased power effect furnish authoritative answer behalf railroad whenever irrational clamor raise whenever charge make disprove ask legislation interest public interest honest railroad man honest shipper alike chiefly jeoparded practice dishonest competitor legislation enact spirit remote possible hysteria rancor american body politic true tradition inherit shall always scorn effort make u hate man rich much scorn effort make u look upon treat contemptuously man poor judge man conduct character wealth intellect make fortune honestly quarrel indeed nothing kindly feeling admiration successful business man behave decently whether make success build manage railroad ship good railroad big railroad men big shipper simply americans ordinary type develop extraordinary degree certain great business quality neither good bad small mean merely able certain line therefore expose certain peculiarly strong temptation temptation spring newly exceptionally successful among mankind always expose grown amazingly power result extraordinary development industrialism along new line new condition old could foresee therefore could provide become serious menace demand entirely new remedy interest best type railroad man best type shipper less public governmental supervision regulation great business operation reason interest corporation wish treat employes aright effective employer liability act effective system factory law prevent abuse woman child legislation free corporation wish well driven ill order compete rival prefers desire set moral standard delusion fatal nation delusion standard profit business prosperity sufficient judging business political question rate legislation municipal government business success whether individual nation good thing far accompany develops high standard conduct honor integrity civic courage kind business prosperity blunts standard honor put inordinate value mere wealth make man ruthless conscienceless trade weak cowardly citizenship good thing bad thing nation government stand manhood first business adjunct manhood question transportation lie root industrial success revolution transportation take place last half century important factor growth new industrial condition emphatically wish see man great talent refuse reward talent still less wish see penalized desire see system railroad transportation handle strong man shall give advantage weak man wish insure fair treatment small town big city small shipper big shipper old day highway commerce whether water road land open belong public traffic along free present railway highway must best see kept open equal term unlike old highway difficult complex thing manage far well manage private individual government manage condition justice do public judgment public ownership railroad highly undesirable would probably country entail disaster wish see supervision regulation interest public make evident need public ownership opponent government regulation dwell upon difficulty encounter intricate involved nature problem contention true complicate delicate problem kinds difficulty sure arise connection plan solution plan bring benefit hop optimistic adherent moreover healthy plan benefit develop gradually rapidly finally must clearly understand public servant peculiarly responsible delicate work must high type regard integrity efficiency must well pay otherwise able men long run secure must possess lofty probity revolt quickly think pander gust popular prejudice rich men think anything even remotely resemble subserviency rich men fully admit difficulty way moment admit difficulty warrant u stop effort secure wise system effect spur u exercise resolution justice fertility resource like think typically american end achieve good result field activity task great one underlies task deal whole industrial problem fact great problem warrant u shrink attempt solve present face utter lack supervision freedom restraint law excellent men often literally force deplored otherwise leave mercy unscrupulous competitor rail assail men do best could condition accomplish little need develop orderly system system come gradually increase exercise right efficient government control annual message congress third session call attention necessity legislation require use block signal upon railroad engage interstate commerce number serious collision upon unblocked road occur within past year add force recommendation make congress provide appropriate legislation introduction block signal upon railroad engage interstate commerce early practicable date measure increase safety travel public decision supreme court unite state low federal court case bring adjudication safety appliance law materially strengthened government enable secure effective enforcement almost case result condition railroad equipment throughout country much improve railroad employes perform duty safer condition heretofore government effective aid arrive result inspection service improve condition general due insufficient number inspector employ inspection service fully demonstrate usefulness appropriate maintenance congress make provision increase number inspector excessive hour labor railroad employes train service many case subject also matter may well engage serious attention congress strain mental physical upon engaged movement operation railroad train modern condition perhaps great exists industry reason limit law hour labor employment certainly apply peculiar force employment upon whose vigilance alertness performance duty safety travel rail depend annual message congress second session recommend passage employer liability law district columbia navy yard renew recommendation message congress second session suggest appointment commission make comprehensive study employer liability view enactment wise constitutional law cover subject applicable industry within scope federal power hope law prepare enact speedily possible national government rule little occasion deal formidable group problem connect less directly know labor question great majority case problem must deal state municipal authority national government national government control district columbia however see city washington make model city respect regard park public playground proper regulation system housing away evils alley tenement proper system education proper system deal truancy juvenile offender proper handle charitable work district moreover proper factory law prevent abuse employment woman child district useful chiefly object lesson even limit amount usefulness would real national value demand deprive court power issue injunction labor dispute special limitation equity power court would unwise true judge misuse power justify denial power improper exercise power call strike labor leader would justify denial right strike remedy regulate procedure require judge give due notice adverse party grant writ hear ex parte adverse party appear time place order due notice must depend upon fact case use pretext permit violation law jeopardize life property course would authorize issue restrain order injunction case already authorize exist law renew recommendation make last annual message investigation department commerce labor general labor condition especial attention pay condition child labor legislation several state investigation take account various problem question child labor connect true problem actually meet case state would well nation endeavor secure publish comprehensive information condition labor child different state spur behindhand secure approximately uniform legislation high character among several state republic one thing afford neglect problem turn decent citizen future nation depend upon citizenship generation come child today tomorrow shape destiny land afford neglect legislature colorado recommend national government provide general measure protection abuse child dumb animal throughout united state lay matter trust favorable consideration department commerce labor also make thorough investigation condition woman industry five million american woman engage gainful occupation yet almost complete dearth data upon base trustworthy conclusion regard subject important vast complicate need full knowledge base action look toward state municipal legislation protection work woman introduction woman industry work change disturbance domestic social life nation decrease marriage especially birth rate coincident must face accomplished fact adjustment factory condition must make surely make less friction less harmful effect family life case whole matter reality form one great sociological phenomenon time social question first importance far great importance merely political economic question solve need ample data gather sane scientific spirit course exhaustive investigation great labor disturbance employer employe interested third party general public every considerable labor difficulty interstate commerce involve investigated government fact officially report public question secure healthy mutually sympathetic attitude employer employe capitalist difficult one phase labor problem prove difficult approach underlying principle root principle accordance problem must solve entirely simple get justice right deal put paramount importance principle treat man worth man rather reference social position occupation class belong selfish brutal men rank life capitalist selfishness brutality may take form hard indifference suffer greedy disregard every moral restraint interferes accumulation wealth exploitation weak laborer form laziness sullen envy fortunate willingness perform deeds murderous violence conduct reprehensible one case honest farseeing men join war wherever becomes manifest individual capitalist individual corporation union alike entitle protection law must alike obey law moreover addition mere obedience law man really good citizen must show broad sympathy neighbor genuine desire look question arise standpoint neighbor less end essential capitalist consult freely one strive bring closer day shall realize properly partner enemy approach question inevitably arise solely standpoint treat side mass enemy side mass wicked foolish past direful among influence bring downfall republic ever growth class spirit growth spirit tends make man subordinate welfare public whole welfare particular class belongs substitution loyalty class loyalty nation inevitably bring tendency treat man merit individual position belong certain class community spirit grow republic ultimately prove fatal u past proved fatal every community become dominant unless continue keep quick lively sense great fundamental truth concern individual worth individual man government permanently hold place achieve among nation vital line cleavage among people correspond indeed run right angle line cleavage divide occupation occupation divide capitalists farmer banker men small mean men large mean men live town men live country vital line cleavage line divide honest man try well neighbor dishonest man ill neighbor word standard establish standard conduct standard occupation mean social position man moral quality attitude toward great question concern humanity cleanliness life power duty toward toward others really count substitute standard personal judgment treat man accord merit another standard accordance men one class favor men another class discriminate shall irreparable damage body politic believe people sane fit ever adopt attitude government never shall government plutocracy government never shall government mob shall continue future past government base theory man rich poor treat simply solely worth man personal property right safeguard neither wrong others suffer wrong others noble forms government also difficult possess priceless boon desire hand child child child ever bear mind think finely express burke men qualify civil liberty exact proportion disposition put moral chain upon appetite proportion dispose listen counsel wise good preference flattery knaves society exist unless control power upon appetite place somewhere less within must without ordain eternal constitution thing men intemperate mind free passion forge fetter great insurance company afford strike example corporation whose business extend far beyond jurisdiction state create preclude strict enforcement supervision regulation parent state last annual message recommend congress carefully consider whether power bureau corporation constitutionally extend cover interstate transaction insurance recent event emphasize importance early exhaustive consideration question see whether possible furnish good safeguard several state able furnish corruption flagrant kind expose clearly show certain men head large corporation take small note ethical distinction honesty dishonesty draw line side may call kind honesty necessary order avoid fall clutch law course complete remedy condition must find arouse public conscience high sense ethical conduct community large especially among business men great profession law growth spirit condemns dishonesty whether rich man poor man whether take shape bribery blackmail much do legislation drastic practical need far stricter uniform regulation vast insurance interest country unite state respect follow policy nation provide adequate national supervision commercial interest clearly national character predecessor repeatedly recognize foreign business company important part foreign commercial relation administration president cleveland harrison mckinley state department exercise influence diplomatic channel prevent unjust discrimination foreign country american insurance company negotiation illustrate propriety congress recognize national character insurance absence federal legislation state department could give expression wish authority several state whose policy ineffective want uniformity repeat previous recommendation congress also consider whether federal government power owes duty respect domestic transaction insurance interstate character state supervision prove inadequate generally concede burden upon insurance company therefore policy holder conflict regulation many state unquestioned little effective check impose upon able unscrupulous man desire exploit company interest expense policy holder public inability state regulate effectively insurance corporation create law state transact large part business elsewhere also clear remedy evil conflict ineffective yet burdensome regulation many year widespread demand federal supervision congress already recognize interstate insurance may proper subject federal legislation create bureau corporation authorize publish supply useful information concern interstate corporation include corporation engage insurance obvious compilation statistic limit federal power wholly ineffective regulate form commercial intercourse state insurance business outgrown magnitude possibility adequate state supervision congress carefully consider whether legislation bad say applies equal force fraternal benevolent organization contract life insurance need stability attempt attain ideal perfection method raise revenue shock strain business world certain attend serious change method render change inadvisable unless grave reason possible lay general rule determine moment reason outweigh reason change much must depend merely needs desire people whole needs desire necessarily identical course change make line beneficial desire one section one state must something like general agreement among citizen several state represent congress change need desired interest people whole sincere intelligent disinterested effort make shape combine far possible maximum good people large minimum necessary disregard special interest locality class time peace revenue must average taking series year together equal expenditure else revenue must increase last year deficit unless expenditure keep within revenue revenue law must readjust yet early attempt outline shape readjustment take yet early say whether need consider whether desirable tariff law provide apply favor nation maximum minimum tariff rate establish congress secure certain reciprocity treatment nation view even large consideration policy purely economic nature would judgment well endeavor bring closer commercial connection people continent happy able announce russia treat u basis earnestly recommend congress need economy end rigid scrutiny appropriation examples merely call attention one two specific matter unnecessary office abolish commissioner general land office recommend abolishment office receiver public money unite state land office effect save quarter million dollar year business nation grow inevitable time time legitimate increase number official fact render important office become unnecessary abolished public printing also large save public money make constantly grow tendency publish mass unimportant information probably unfair say many ten thousand volumes publish human ever look real demand whatever yet speak economy must wise understood advocate false economy end worst extravagance cut navy instance would crime nation fail push forward work panama canal would great folly message december 2 1902 congress say interest rate potent factor business activity order rate may equalize meet vary need season widely separate community prevent recurrence financial stringency injuriously affect legitimate business necessary element elasticity monetary system bank natural servant commerce upon place far practicable burden furnish maintain circulation adequate supply need diversified industry domestic foreign commerce issue regulate sufficient supply always available business interest country every consideration prudence demand addition element elasticity currency system evil consist inadequate volume money rigidity volume respond vary needs community season inflation must avoid provision make insure large volume money fall winter month less active season year currency contract speculation expand need legitimate business present treasury department irregularly recur interval oblige interest business world interest american public try avert financial crisis provide remedy provide congressional action various time instituted investigation organization conduct business executive department none inquiry yet progress far enough warrant final conclusion already confirm emphasize general impression organization department often faulty principle wasteful result many business method antiquate inefficient every reason executive governmental machinery least well planned economical efficient best machinery great business organization present case make task complex detail essentially executive nature probably legislative body matter wise able could undertake reasonable prospect success recommend congress consider subject view provide legislation transfer distribution consolidation assignment duty executive organization part organization change business method within several department best promote economy efficiency high character government work last annual message say power government protect integrity election official inherent recognize affirm repeat declaration supreme court enemy free government dangerous none insidious corruption electorate one defend excuse corruption would seem follow none would oppose vigorous measure eradicate recommend enactment law direct bribery corruption federal election detail law may safely leave wise discretion congress go far constitution possible go include severe penalty give receives bribe intend influence act opinion elector provision publication expenditures nomination election candidate also contribution receive expenditure make political committee desire repeat recommendation political campaign country large populous inevitable much expense entirely legitimate kind course mean many contribution large size must make matter fact big political contest contribution always make side entirely proper give receive unless improper motive connect either gift reception extort kind pressure promise express imply direct indirect way favor immunity give receive becomes improper criminal undoubtedly difficult matter practical detail shape act shall guard reasonable certainty misconduct possible secure law full verify publication detail sum contribute expended candidate committee political party result wholesome contribution corporation political committee political purpose forbidden law director permit use stockholder money purpose moreover prohibition kind would far go effective method stop evil aim corrupt practice act national several state legislature forbid officer corporation use money corporation election also forbid use money connection legislation save employment counsel public manner distinctly legal service first conference nation hold hague 1899 unable dispose business recommend consideration settlement number important question another conference call subsequently early date question follow 1 right duty neutral 2 limitation arm force land sea military budget 3 use new type calibres military naval gun 4 inviolability private property sea time war 5 bombardment port city village naval force october 1904 instance interparliamentary union conference hold united state attend lawmaker fifteen different nation reiterate demand second conference nation issue invitation power signatory hague convention send delegate conference suggest held hague note december 16 1904 united state government communicate representative foreign government belief conference could best arranged provision present hague treaty power acceptance receive coupled case condition wait end war wag russia japan emperor russia immediately treaty peace happily terminate war note present president september 13 ambassador rosen take initiative recommending conference call united state government response express cordial acquiescence state would matter course take part new conference endeavor aim assume civilized government support movement conference assure fact government everything power secure success conference end substantial progress may make international peace justice good render proper time say something general attitude government toward peace war come look upon lamentable evil thing wanton useless war war mere aggression short war begin carry conscienceless spirit condemn peculiarly atrocious crime humanity however nothing permanent value peace unless keep ever clearly mind ethical element lie root problem aim righteousness peace normally rightousness peace righteousness conflict great upright people never moment hesitate follow path lead toward righteousness even though path also lead war person advocate peace price others follow false analogy think long necessary civilized country individual protect right strong hand therefore unnecessary nation ready defend right person would irreparable harm nation adopt principle even seriously hamper advocate tend render absurd eye sensible patriotic men bad foe mankind general country particular demagogue war man mere folly serve selfish end continually rail abuse nation seek excite countryman foreigner insufficient pretext excite inflames perverse aggressive national vanity may occasion wantonly bring conflict nation nation demagogues peace demagogue war movement hague conference essential mislead one set extremists whenever possible nation individual work real peace assuredly failure duty strive war necessary righteous either man nation shrink forfeit title scant sympathy sentimentalist dread oppression less physical suffering would prefer shameful peace pain toil sometimes lamentably necessary order secure righteous peace yet partial imperfect analogy international law internal municipal law sanction force execute former case latter private citizen protect right law law rest last resort upon force exercise form law man defend right hand call upon police upon sheriff posse upon militia certain extreme case upon army defend sanction force international law present could great calamity free people enlighten independent people disarm yet leave open barbarism despotism remain arm long world unorganized army navy people whole stand justice offer best possible security peace instance united state alone company nation whole tend act justly disarm might sometimes avoid bloodshed would cease weight secure peace justice real peace men must time willing fight world nation equip peace know fight shrink fight ever condition become war demand name high morality much emphatically necessary say order position united state may misunderstand genuine effort bring near day peace justice among nation may hamper folly strive achieve impossible would render hopeless attempt achievement practical recognize clearly set forth remain clear duty strive every practicable way bring near time sword shall arbiter among nation present practical thing try minimize number case must arbiter offer least civilized power substitute war available least considerable number instance much do another hague conference direction earnestly urge nation power try movement make result decision hague conference effective earnestly hope conference may able devise way make arbitration nation customary way settle international dispute save class case sharply define rigidly limited present governmental social development world permit possible general arbitration treaty negotiate among nation represent conference neutral right property protect sea protect land international agreement purpose similar agreement define contraband war last century distinct diminution number war civilize nation international relation become closer development hague tribunal symptom grow closeness relationship mean growth further aim time time take step may possible toward create something like organization civilize nation world become highly organize need navy armies diminish possible secure anything like immediate disarmament would first necessary settle people whole menace rest mankind provide disarmament rest turn movement would really chiefly benefit obnoxious people may possible exercise check upon tendency swell indefinitely budget military expenditure course effort could succeed attempt much undertaken spirit sanity far remove possible merely hysterical worth point since end insurrection philippine nation show practical faith policy disarmament reduce little army disarmament never prime importance need get rid cause war implement war dwell much danger avoid steer clear mere foolish sentimentality wish peace genuine earnest real great desire second hague conference may mark long stride forward direction secure peace justice throughout world object good worthy attention enlighten statesmanship establishment surer method exist secure justice nation protection little nation prevention war big nation aim endeavor avert bloodshed effectively strengthen force right golden rule world grow morality guide rule conduct among nation among individual though golden rule must construe fantastic manner forbid exercise police power mighty free republic ever deal state great small basis high honor respect right jealously safeguard one effective instrument peace monroe doctrine gradually developed nation accept nation policy could efficient promote peace western hemisphere give nation thereon chance develop along line refuse apply doctrine change condition would completely outwear would meet needs present day indeed would probably time sunk complete oblivion useful home meeting recognition abroad adapt application meet grow change need hemisphere announce policy monroe doctrine thereby commit consequence policy consequence time time alter question claim right yet shirk responsibility exercise american republic benefit existence doctrine must recognize obligation nation regard foreign people less duty insist upon right right interest deeply concerned maintenance doctrine clear hardly need argument especially true view construction panama canal mere matter must exercise close watch approach canal mean must thoroughly alive interest caribbean sea certain essential point must never forget regard monroe doctrine first place must nation make evident intend treat shape way excuse aggrandizement part expense republic south must recognize fact south american country much suspicion l interpret monroe doctrine way inimical interest must try convince nation continent orderly government anything fear u certain republic south u already reach point stability order prosperity though yet hardly consciously among guarantor doctrine republic meet basis entire equality spirit frank respectful friendship hope mutual republic south u grow allude already grow need u especial champion doctrine disappear stable grow american republic wish see great military power acquire territory neighborhood country desire republic continent shall happy prosperous happy prosperous unless maintain order within boundary behave regard obligation toward outsider must understand circumstance united state use monroe doctrine cloak territorial aggression desire peace world perhaps people american continent course limit wrong nation endure always possible wrong action toward nation toward citizen nation state unable keep order among people unable secure justice outsider unwilling justice outsider treat well may result take action protect right action take view territorial aggression take extreme reluctance become evident every resource exhaust moreover must make evident intend permit monroe doctrine use nation continent shield protect consequence misdeeds foreign nation republic south u commit tort foreign nation outrage citizen nation monroe doctrine force u interfere prevent punishment tort save see punishment assume form territorial occupation shape case difficult refers contractual obligation government always refuse enforce contractual obligation behalf citizen appeal arm much wish foreign government would take view consequence liable time bring face face disagreeable alternative one hand country would certainly decline go war prevent foreign government collect debt hand inadvisable permit foreign power take possession even temporarily custom house american republic order enforce payment obligation temporary occupation might turn permanent occupation escape alternative may time must undertake bring arrangement much possible obligation shall pay far good country put arrangement rather allow foreign country undertake insures default republic pay debt improper character duress also insure honest creditor republic pass interest dishonest grasp creditor moreover united state take position offer possible way insure u clash foreign power position therefore interest peace well interest justice benefit people benefit foreign people really benefit people country concern brings one fundamental object monroe doctrine must good faith try help upward toward peace order sister republic need help gradual growth ethical element relation one individual another even though slowly come recognize duty bear one another burden among individual also among nation santo domingo turn make appeal u help every principle wisdom every generous instinct within u bid u respond appeal slight consequence whether grant aid need santo domingo incident wise development monroe doctrine regard case santo domingo stand wholly treat general principle reference monroe doctrine important point give need aid case certainly sufficiently peculiar deserve judge purely merits condition santo domingo number year grown bad bad year ago society verge dissolution fortunately time ruler sprang santo domingo colleague saw danger threaten country appeal friendship great powerful neighbor possess power hop also help imminent danger foreign intervention previous ruler santo domingo recklessly incur debt owe internal disorder cease able provide mean pay debt patience foreign creditor become exhaust least two foreign nation point intervention prevent intervene unofficial assurance government would strive help santo domingo hour need case one nation actual opening negotiation end government prevent seizure territory santo domingo european power debt incur character really render obligatory proper santo domingo pay full could pay unless stability assured government people accordingly executive department government negotiate treaty try help dominican people straighten finance treaty pending senate meantime temporary arrangement make last senate time take action upon treaty arrangement dominican government appoint american important position custom service see honest collection revenue turn 45 per cent government run expense put 55 per cent safe depository equitable division case treaty shall ratify among various creditor whether european american custom house offer source revenue santo domingo different revolution usually real aim obtain custom house mere fact collector custom american perform duty efficiency honesty treaty pending senate give certain moral power government santo domingo completely discourage revolutionary movement already produce increase revenue government actually get 45 per cent american collector turn get formerly take entire revenue enable poor harass people santo domingo turn attention industry free cure interminable revolutionary disturbance offer creditor american european really good chance obtain justly entitle return give santo domingo opportunity defense claim ought pay meet view senate shall thoroughly examine claim whether american foreign see none improper pay course opposition treaty dishonest creditor foreign american professional revolutionist island already reason believe creditor dare expose claim honest scrutiny endeavor stir sedition island opposition treaty meantime exercise authority vest joint resolution congress prevent introduction arm island revolutionary purpose course take stability order benefit peace last come santo domingo danger foreign intervention suspend last prospect creditor get justice less arrangement terminate failure treaty chaos follow chaos follow sooner late government may involve serious difficulty foreign government island else may force intervene island unpleasant fashion propose treaty independence island scrupulously respect danger violation monroe doctrine intervention foreign power vanishes interference government minimize shall act conjunction santo domingo authority secure proper administration custom therefore secure payment debt secure dominican government demand unjust debt propose method give people santo domingo chance move onward upward already give people cuba doubly discredit nation fail take advantage chance damage incalculable damage santo domingo every consideration wise policy every consideration large generosity bid u meet request santo domingo try meet consider question foreign policy without time treat army navy small army indeed one infinitesimal compare army large nation course army nearly perfect kind size possible believe army world well average enlist men well type junior officer army train act effectively mass provision make sufficient appropriation manoeuvers practical kind troop may learn take care actual service condition every march instance make soldier load exactly would active campaign general colonel would thereby opportunity handle regiment brigade division commissary medical department would test field provision make exercise least brigade preference division march embark point coast disembark point continue march number post army kept time peace materially diminished post leave make correspondingly large local interest allow stand way assemble great part troop would need form field army station size permit best train give personnel grade include high officer staff officer accomplish end must company regimental garrison brigade division garrison promotion mere seniority never result thoroughly efficient corp officer higher rank unless accompanies vigorous process process process selection chief feature four year course young officer west point good reason stop immediately upon graduation west point drop unless come certain standard excellence graduate take rank army accord rank graduation result good west point army something achieve end certain age reach average officer unfit good work certain grade provision make promotion exceptionally meritorious men head comrade retirement men reach give age without get beyond give rank age retirement course change rank rank army navy principle selection promotion merit resolute effort eliminate age officer reputable character possess special efficiency increase coast artillery force coast fortification degree adequately man special need increase reorganization medical department army army navy must thorough training duty staff corp fight line training advance sure actual war field operation sea carry successfully importance show conclusively wars work medical department japanese army navy especially worthy study renew recommendation january 9 1905 medical department army call attention equal importance need staff corp navy medical department navy first importance reorganization hospital corp line gallinger bill february 1 1904 reapportionment different grade medical officer meet service requirement seem advisable also medical officer army navy similar rank pay respective grade duty carry without friction bring together base hospital navy put condition meet modern requirement hospital ship provide unless provide ample forethought medical need army navy appal suffer preventable kind sure occur ever country go war reasonable expect successful administration time war department lack third number officer necessary perform medical service time peace need men merely doctor must train administration military medical service navy must relatively navies nation always great size army wisely continue number year build navy reach fairly high standard efficiency standard efficiency must maintain increase seem necessary however navy least immediate future increase beyond present number unit clearly necessary substitute efficient inefficient unit latter become worn becomes apparent useless probably result would attain add single battleship navy year supersede outworn vessel lay broken thus replace four monitor build immediately close spanish war instance vessel would little use event war money spend upon could usefully spend way thus would far well never build single one monitor put money ample supply reserve gun small cruiser gunboat though serve useful purpose far need international police work would add strength navy conflict serious foe urgent need provide large increase number officer especially number enlist men recent naval history emphasize certain lesson ought need emphasis seagoing torpedo boat destroyer indispensable make night attack surprise upon enemy even battle finish already cripple ship exceptional circumstance submarine boat would doubtless use fast scout need main strength navy however lie lie great battleship heavily armor heavily gun vessel decide mastery sea cruiser also play useful part unarm cruiser swift enough useful scout antagonist approximately equal prowess comparative perfection instrument war ordinarily determine fight course true man behind gun man engine room man con tower consider individually especially regard way work together even important weapon work formidable battleship course helpless even light cruiser men aboard unable hit anything gun thoroughly cruiser may count seriously engagement much superior vessel men aboard latter ineffective whether lack training modern warship formidable mechanism well handle utterly useless well handle handle without long careful train training circumstance give war broken fight ship first class ever lay save necessary repair crew kept constantly exercise high sea may stand high point perfection put new untrained crew upon powerful battleship send meet formidable enemy invite insure disaster disgrace improvise crew outbreak war far serious fight craft concern absolutely hopeless officer men thoroughly skilled thoroughly trained duty would far well keep ship port hostility send formidable opponent result could would either sunk capture marksmanship navy whole gratify condition great improvement fleet practice need additional seaman need large store reserve gun need sufficient money ample target practice ample practice every kind sea substitute comparatively inefficient type old battleship texas monitor mention indeed monitor old cruiser efficient modern seagoing vessel seagoing destroyer substitute small torpedo boat present congress need addition aggregate number unit navy navy though small relatively navies nation present sufficient point number need must constantly strive make efficiency high need addition total ship build building save way substitution outline recommend report secretary navy careful consideration congress especially view legislation therein advocate past year evidence accumulate confirm expression contain last two annual message importance revise appropriate legislation system naturalize alien appoint last march commission make careful examination naturalization law suggest appropriate measure avoid notorious abuse result improvident unlawful grant citizenship commission compose officer department state department justice department commerce labor discharge duty impose upon submit report transmit congress consideration hope favor able action distinguish recommendation commission first federal bureau naturalization establish department commerce labor supervise administration naturalization law receive return naturalization pending accomplished second uniformity naturalization certificate fee charge procedure third exact qualification citizenship fourth preliminary declaration intention abolish alien naturalize least ninety day file petition fifth jurisdiction naturalize alien confine united state district court state court jurisdiction civil action amount controversy unlimited city inhabitant united state district court exclusive jurisdiction naturalization alien resident city last message ask attention congress urgent need action make criminal law effective earnestly request pay heed report attorney general subject century ago especially needful throw every safeguard round accuse danger l wrong state danger exactly reverse law custom tell immensely favor criminal interest public wrong antiquated outworn rule safeguard threatened right private citizen merely work harm general body politic criminal law united state stand urgent need revision criminal process court unite state run throughout entire territorial extent country delay criminal law less civil amount great evil seem statute united state provide punishment united state attorney officer government corruptly agree wrongfully wrongfully refrain act consideration corrupt agreement one possess money value ought remedied appropriate legislation legislation also enact cover explicitly unequivocally beyond question breach trust shape prematurely divulge official secret officer employe united state provide suitable penalty therefor officer employe owe duty united state guard carefully divulge manner use prematurely information accessible officer employe reason official position breach public trust already cover law one impossible matter much care use prevent occasional appointment public service man tempt prof unfaithful every mean provide detect every effort make punish wrongdoer far power see every wrongdoer shall relentlessly hunt instance past spar instance future shall spar crime crime every honest man nation crime whole body politic yet dwell misdeed unjust add altogether exceptional whole employes government render upright faithful service people exception notably one two branch service time nation history public service nation take whole stood high plane alike regard honesty regard efficiency call attention condition public land law recent development give new urgency need change fit law actual present condition honest disposal right use remain public land fundamental importance iniquitous method monopolize public land bring present law become generally know exist law furnish effective remedy recommendation public land commission upon subject wise give effect creation small irrigated farm reclamation act powerful offset tendency certain law foster permit monopoly land act construction great irrigation work proceed rapidly successfully land reclaimed eagerly take prospect policy national irrigation accomplish expect bright act extend include state texas reclamation act derive much value fact tend secure great possible number home land create community freeholder part settlement public land part force subdivision large private holding get water government irrigation work law require right use water land private ownership shall sell tract exceed 160 acre one land owner provision excite active powerful hostility success law depend wise firm enforcement afford substitute tenant freeholder public domain great part remain public land irrigate present probably always great value graze purpose fact lead graze homestead 640 acre nebraska propose extension state argue family support 160 acre arid graze land obviously true neither family support 640 acre much land propose apply graze homestead establish universally arbitrary limit would unwise present time would probably result one hand enlarge holding great land owner needless suffer failure part considerable proportion bona fide settler give faith imply assurance government area sufficient best use public grazing land require careful examination classification land order give settler land enough support family work do land settled government take control open range reasonable regulation suit local need follow general policy already successful operation forest reserve probable present graze value open public range scarcely half might easily careful regulation forest policy administration appear enjoy unbroken support people great user timber forwarding movement forest preservation organize opposition forest preserve west disappear since consolidation government forest work national forest service rapid notable gain usefulness forest reserve people public appreciation value national park within adjacent forest reserve transfer charge forest service also national government already something connection construction maintenance great system levee along low course mississippi judgment much spread trade peace defense flag war great prosperous merchant marine indispensable ship seaman convey good neutral market case need reinforce battle line source regret uneasiness u line communication sister republic south america chiefly foreign control good thing american merchant manufacturer send good letter south america via europe wish security dispatch even pacific ship hold well atlantic merchant flag threaten liberal aid bestow government steam line ask earnest consideration report merchant marine commission follow long careful inquiry heartily commend favorable consideration tercentennial celebration jamestown appreciate desirability commemoration congress pass act march 3 1905 authorize year 1907 near water hampton road state virginia international naval marine military celebration honor event authority vest act make proclamation say celebration issue conformity instruction invitation nation earth participate send naval vessel military organization may practicable celebration would fail full purpose unless endure result commensurate importance event celebrate event nation date birth earnestly hope celebration already indorsed congress united state legislatures sixteen state since action congress receive additional aid hand make worthy great event intend celebrate thereby enable government united state make provision exhibition resource likewise enable people undertaken work celebration provide suitable proper entertainment instruction historic event country may visit exposition tender hospitality matter unmixed satisfaction call attention excellent work pension bureau veteran civil war great claim upon u class citizen first among people honor due seven year ago lament predecessor president mckinley state time come nation care grave confederate dead recommend congress take action toward end first need take charge graf confederate dead die northern prison question immigration vital interest country year end june 30 1905 come united state alien immigrant word single year elapse come country great number people come one hundred year colonial life intervene first land jamestown declaration independence clearly show report commissioner general immigration much enormous immigration undoubtedly healthy natural considerable proportion undesirable one reason another moreover considerable proportion probably large proportion include undesirable class come initiative activity agent great transportation company agent distribute throughout europe offer kinds inducement wheedle cajole many immigrant often best interest come serious obstacle encounter effort secure proper regulation immigration shore arises determined opposition foreign steamship line interest whatever matter save increase return capital carrying mass immigrant hither steerage quarter ship say last message congress much immigration right sort none whatever wrong sort course desirable even right kind immigration properly distribute country need immigration south special effort make secure perhaps would possible limit number immigrant allow come one year new york northern city leave unlimited number allow come south always provide however strict effort make see immigrant right kind come country anywhere actual practice prove difficult enforce migration law long stretch frontier mark imaginary line alone intervene u neighbor recommend immigrant allow come canada mexico save native two country much possible do distribute immigrant upon land keep away contested district great city distribution palliative cure prime need keep immigrant make good american citizen law exist exclusion undesirable immigrant strengthen adequate mean adopt enforced sufficient penalty compel steamship company engage passenger business observe good faith law forbids encourage solicit immigration unite state moreover sharp limitation impose upon vessel come port number immigrant ratio tonnage vessel carry ratio high enough insure come hither good class alien possible provision make sure punishment induce alien come country promise assurance employment make possible inflict sufficiently heavy penalty employer violate law deter take risk seem wise international conference hold deal question immigration merely national significance conference could among thing enter length method secure thorough inspection immigrant port desire embark permit embark deal question unwise depart old american tradition discriminate man desire come become citizen save ground man fitness citizenship right duty consider moral social quality standard living pressure competition lower standard living must ever prime object legislation keep high standard live man seek come moral social standpoint character bid fair add value community heartily welcome afford pay heed whether one creed another one nation another afford consider whether catholic protestant jew gentile whether englishman irishman frenchman german japanese italian scandinavian slav magyar desire find individual quality individual man judgment end view shall prepare agent far rigid inspection country immigrants come great deal well few immigrant right kind great number immigrant many necessarily wrong kind far possible wish limit immigration country person propose become citizen country well afford insist upon adequate scrutiny character thus propose future citizenship increase stringency law keep insane idiotic epileptic pauper immigrant mean enough merely anarchist every man anarchistic tendency violent disorderly people people bad character incompetent lazy vicious physically unfit defective degenerate keep stock american citizenship build strong healthy sound body mind character objected government agent would always select well answer would certaintly select good agent broker foreign steamship company people whatever selection do question arise connection chinese immigration stand condition china entire chinese coolie class class chinese laborer skilled unskilled legitimately come head undesirable immigrant country number low wage work low standard live interest country keep chinese authority desire admit present entrance prohibit law amply adequate accomplish purpose law thoroughly enforce violation number infinitesimal entirely disregard serious proposal alter immigration law regard chinese laborer skilled unskilled excuse man feel affect feel slight alarm subject effort carry policy exclude chinese laborer chinese cooly grave injustice wrong do nation people china therefore ultimately nation chinese student business professional men kinds merchant banker doctor manufacturer professor traveler like encourage come treat precisely foot treat student business men traveler like nation law treaty frame put people except class state admit chinese except chinese coolie class chinese skilled unskilled laborer would least danger provision would result relaxation law laborer condition keep absolutely easy see justice courtesy show ought show chinese law treaty frame suggested examination complete port departure china purpose provide adequate consular service china appropriation office consuls office force consulates increased people talk much open door china expect quite rightly intend insist upon justice show u chinese expect receive equity unless equity ask chinese u unwilling would perfect right exclude labor men labor men threaten come country number jeopardize chinese population mutatis mutandis condition chinese immigration actually bring people face face perfect right chinese government way contest act acted matter restrict coolie immigration right exist country explicitly acknowledge last treaty two country must treat chinese student traveler business man spirit broad justice courtesy expect similar treatment accord people similar rank go china much trouble come past summer organize boycott american good start china main factor produce boycott resentment felt student business people china chinese leader harshness law toward educate chinaman professional business class government friendly feel china desire china cordially sympathize announce purpose japan stand integrity china attitude tends peace world civil service law statute book year every president vast majority head department office period favor gradual extension merit system thoroughly principle understand great favor law regard administration officer attempt carry great executive department government without law would inevitably result chaos civil service commissioner excellent work compensation inadequate consider service perform statement examination practical character base misapprehension practice commission department invariably consult requirement desire character question shall ask general invitation frequently send head department ask whether change scope character examination require word department prescribe requirement qualification desire civil service commission secure person qualification insure open impartial competition large number examination example trade position educational requirement whatever person neither read write may pass high average vacancy service fill reasonable expedition machinery commission reach every part country best agency yet devise find people suitable qualification various office fill write competitive examination make ideal method fill position represent immeasurable advance upon spoil method outside politician really make appointment nominally make executive officer appointee choose politician question great majority case reason totally unconnected need service public statistic gather census bureau show tenure office government service differ materially enjoy employes large business corporation head executive department member commission call attention fact rule require filing charge three day notice employe could separate service inefficiency serve good purpose whatever matter upon hear employe find inefficient value practice rule provide notice hear merely result keep certain number incompetent reluctance head department bureau chief go required procedure experience show rule wholly ineffective save man superior improper reason wish remove mischievous sometimes serve keep service incompetent men guilty specific wrongdoing fact view rule amend provide inefficiency incapacity come within personal knowledge head department removal may make without notice reason therefor file make record department absolute right removal rest always rest head department limitation absolute right result grave injury public service change merely one procedure much need produce good result civil service law energetically impartially enforce large majority case complaint violation either law rule discover unfounded respect law compare favorably federal statute question politics appointment retention men engage merely ministerial work practically eliminate almost entire field government employment cover civil service law action congress provide commission force instead require rely detail clerk justify increased work do small cost government urge upon congress careful consideration recommendation contain annual report commission copyright law urgently need revision imperfect definition confuse inconsistent expression omit provision many article modern reproductive process entitle protection impose hardship upon copyright proprietor essential fair protection public difficult court interpret impossible copyright office administer satisfaction public attempt improve amendment frequent less twelve act purpose pass since revise statute perfect amendment seem impracticable complete revision essential revision meet modern condition find necessary germany austria sweden foreign country bill embody pending england australian colony urge proposal commission undertake time time press upon congress inconvenience present condition great attempt frame appropriate legislation make copyright office call conference various interest especially practically concerned operation copyright law secure suggestion change necessary add experience investigation draft bill embodies change addition full discussion expert criticism appear sound safe form bill would replace exist insufficient inconsistent law one general copyright statute present congress come session deserves prompt consideration recommend law enact regulate commerce misbranded adulterate food drink drug law would protect legitimate manufacture commerce would tend secure health welfare consume public traffic debase adulterated injure health deceive purchaser forbid law forbid emission dense black gray smoke city washington sustain court something accomplished much remain do would preserve capital city defacement smoke nuisance repeat prosecution law desire effect recommend make stringent increase minimum maximum fine provide imprisonment case repeat violation afford remedy injunction continuation operation plant persistent offender recommend also increase number inspector whose duty shall detect violation act call attention generous act state california confer upon united state government ownership yosemite valley mariposa big tree grove delay accept gift appropriation make include thereof yosemite national park care police park california act wisely well great magnanimity matter certain mighty natural feature land preserve perpetuity child child child judgment grand canyon colorado make national park greatly wish state new york copy regard niagara state california do regard yosemite nothing allow interfere preservation niagara fall beauty majesty state see earnestly wish willing turn national government case possible conjunction canadian government assume burden responsibility preserve unharmed niagara fall gladly assume similar burden responsibility yosemite national park already assume yellowstone national park adequate provision make congress proper care supervision national park boundary yellowstone national park extend south east take portion abut forest reservation enable government protect elk winter range characteristic animal western plain great wild ox bison commonly know buffalo small fragment herd exist domesticated state yellowstone park herd reservation allow go existence either reservation forest reserve like wichita reserve game refuge provision make preservation herd believe scheme would economic advantage robe buffalo high market value true robe crossbreed animal call especial attention desirability give member life save service pension give fireman policeman great city men life save service continually matter fact way deed make american proud country political influence live remote place really heroic service continually render receive scanty recognition public unjust great nation like permit men become totally disabled meet death performance hazardous duty yet give sort reward one serve thirty year life position surely entitle retire half pay fireman policeman become totally incapacitated accident sickness lose health discharge duty family receive pension soldier call attention especial earnestness matter appeal judgment sympathy people whose behalf ask comparatively number render incalculable service particularly dangerous kind one speak year past phase indian question sharply bring public attention large legal significance indian induction citizenship make manifest great access litigation citizen indian figure party defendant widespread disposition levy local taxation upon personalty decision united state supreme court strike away main prop hitherto rest government benevolent effort protect evil intemperance court hold effect indian become virtue allotment land citizen state land situate pass federal control matter act congress prohibit sale gift intoxicants become substantially inoperative gratify note state municipality west stake welfare indians take subject try supply measure least abdication trusteeship force upon federal government nevertheless would urgently press upon attention congress question whether amendment internal revenue law might aid prosecuting malefactor know indian country bootlegger engage defraud united state treasury tax far important debauch indian carry liquor illicitly territory still completely federal jurisdiction among cry present need indian day school situate midst settlement effective instruction industry pursue farm liberal tension service mean education indian woman arts home making mother well start right direction reasonably expect much child soon form integral part american citizenship moreover excuse continually advanced male adult indian refuse offer remunerative employment distance home dare leave family long sight one effectual remedy state thing employ mind strengthen moral fibre indian woman end work field matron especially direct trust congress make appropriation indian day school field matron generous may consist press demand upon providence last year philippine islands slowly recovering series disaster since american occupation greatly reduce amount agricultural product produce spanish time war rinderpest locust drought cholera united cause prevent return prosperity much need islands serious destruction rinderpest 75 per cent draught cattle take several year breed restore necessary number indispensable aid agriculture commission attempt supply purchase adjoin country need cattle experiment make unsuccessful cattle import unable withstand change climate rigor voyage died disease rinderpest income philippine government necessarily reduce reason business agricultural depression island government oblige exercise great economy cut expense reduce salary every way avoid deficit adopt internal revenue law impose tax cigar cigarette distil liquor abolish old spanish industrial tax law operate smoothly hop although principle undoubtedly correct may need amendment purpose reconcile people provision income derive partly make reduction custom revenue mark increase number filipinos employ civil service correspond decrease number americans government every one department render efficient elimination undesirable material promotion deserve public servant improvement harbor roads bridge continue although cut revenue forbids expenditure great amount current income purpose step take advertisement competitive bid secure construction maintenance mile railway private corporation recent enable legislation congress transfer friar land accordance contract make two year ago completely effected purchase money pay provision make statute speedy settlement special proceed supreme court controversy possession title church building rectory arise roman catholic church schismatics claim ancient municipality negotiation hearing settlement amount due roman catholic church rent occupation church rectory army united state progress hop satisfactory conclusion may submit congress end session tranquillity exist past year throughout archipelago except province cavite province batangas province samar island jolo among moros jolo disturbance put end several sharp short engagement peace prevail moro province cavite mother ladrones spanish time permeate traditional sympathy people ladronism make difficult stamp disease batangas disturb reason fugitive ladrones cavite samar thrown disturbance uneducated partly savage people live mountain give municipal code power able exercise discreetly elect municipal officer abuse trust compel people raise hemp sell much less price worth abuse drove people resistance constitute authority cavite samar instance repose much confidence power people disturbance suppress hoped lesson local government form secure quiet peace deserve inhabitant incident another proof fact error regard give philippine direction give quickly slowly year next april first legislative assembly island hold sanity body much depend far future island concerned encouraging feature whole situation great interest take common people education great increase number enrolled student public school increase half million pupils average attendance 70 per cent limit upon number pupil seem capacity government furnish teacher school house agricultural condition island enforce strongly ever argument favor reduce tariff product philippine island enter united state earnestly recommend tariff impose dingley bill upon product philippine island entirely remove except tariff sugar tobacco tariff reduce 25 per cent present rate dingley act july 1 1909 tariff upon tobacco sugar produce philippine island entirely remove free trade island united state product country provide law statute force enact april 15 1904 suspends operation coastwise law united state upon trade philippine island united state july 1 1906 earnestly recommend suspension postpone july 1 1909 think doubtful utility apply coastwise law trade unite state philippine circumstance convince good whatever american bottom interfere obstacle trade philippine unite state coastwise law must thus apply certainly ought effect free trade enjoy people united state people philippine island respective product anticipate free trade island united state produce revolution sugar tobacco production philippine island primitive method agriculture philippine island slow capital go island many difficulty surround large agricultural enterprise islands many many year product island effect whatever upon market united state problem labor also formidable one sugar tobacco producer islands best friend filipino people people utterly oppose admission chinese coolie labor hence solution training filipino labor take long time enactment law congress united state make provision free trade island united state however great importance political sentimental standpoint actual benefit doubtless exaggerated people island accept measure justice indication people united state anxious aid people philippine island every way especially agricultural development archipelago aid filipino without injure interest america judgment immediate step take fortification hawaii important point pacific fortify order conserve interest country would hard overstate importance need hawaii heavily tax law enact set aside period say twenty year 75 per cent internal revenue custom receipt hawaii special fund expend island educational public building harbor improvement military naval defense often repeat aim must develop territory hawaii traditional american line territory serious commercial industrial problem reckon measure relief consider look legislation admit chinese restrict statute field labor domestic service status servility never tolerate american soil concede proper solution problem special legislation admit hawaii class laborer deny admission state territory obstacles great obstacle way build representative american community hawaiian island american character give face difficulty many american commonwealth build odds equal confront hawaii merely effort meet problem american community meet accepted final hawaii shall never become territory govern class rich planter exists mean coolie labor even rate growth territory thereby render slow growth must take place admission immigrant fit end assume duty burden full american citizenship aim must develop territory basis stable citizenship exist continent earnestly advocate adoption legislation explicitly confer american citizenship citizen porto rico judgment excuse failure harbor san juan dredge improved expense federal court porto rico meet federal treasury porto rican treasury election porto rico take place every four year legislature meet session every two year present form government porto rico provide appointment president member executive council upper house legislature prove satisfactory inspired confidence property owner investor deem advisable present time change form material feature problem need island industrial commercial rather political wish call attention congress one question affect insular possession generally namely need increased liberality treatment whole franchise question islands proper desire prevent island exploit speculator develop interest people error make refuse grant sufficiently liberal term induce investment american capital philippine porto rico elsewhere message speak strongly jealousy mere wealth especially corporate wealth particularly regrettable allow jealousy develop deal either insular foreign affair big corporation achieve present position business world simply effective instrument business competition foreign affair afford put people disadvantage competitor way discriminate efficiency business organization way afford allow insular possession lag behind industrial development twist jealousy business success course mere truism say business interest island develop becomes financial interest somebody develop yet development one thing earnestly wish interest island pay possible heed political educational interest islands important though object less important favor industrial development government certain way help directly build good road fundamental vital help must give development industry islands efficient mean end encourage big american corporation start industry mean make advantageous limit ownership mining claim do philippine absurd philippine porto rico limit holding land largely raise earnestly ask alaska give elective delegate person choose speak authority need territory government aid construction railroad gulf alaska yukon river american territory last two message advocate certain additional action behalf alaska shall repeat recommendation shall lay stress upon one recommendation give alaska one authorize speak prefer delegate make elective deemed wise make appointive rate give alaska person whose business shall speak authority behalf congress natural resource alaska great chief need peculiarly energetic typically american white population alaska set forth last message also earnestly ask attention need alaskan indian indians competent receive full right american citizenship instance gross indefensible wrong deny indian metlakahtlas right obtain license captain pilot engineer right enter mine claim profit homestead law particular indian civilize competent entitle put basis white men round recommend indian territory oklahoma admit one state new mexico arizona admit one state obligation upon u treat territorial subdivision matter convenience bind u question admission statehood nothing take time congress past year question statehood grant four territory mention careful consideration develop discussion question recommend immediately admit two state justification delay advisability make four territory two state clearly establish territory legislative assembly issue license gamble congress law forbid practice harmful result obvious glance treaty united state republic panama construction panama canal make possible go effect ratification unite state senate february 23 1904 canal property french canal company transfer united state april 23 1904 payment company april 1 1905 commission reorganize consists theodore shonts chairman charles magoon benjamin harrod rear admiral mordecai endicott brig peter hains oswald ernst john stevens appoint chief engineer july 1 last active work canal construction mainly preparatory progress less year half period two point canal cease open debate first question route canal build isthmus panama second question feasibility physical obstacle route american engineering skill able overcome without serious difficulty prevent completion canal within reasonable time reasonable cost virtually unanimous testimony engineer investigate matter government point remain unsettled question type whether canal shall one several lock sea level sea level single tide lock point hope lay congress early day finding advisory board american european engineer invitation consider subject together report commission thereon comment thereon recommendation reference thereto may seem necessary american people pledge speedy possible construction canal adequate meet demand commerce world make upon appeal earnestly congress aid fulfillment pledge gratify progress make past year especially past four month great part necessary preliminary work do actual work excavation could begin limited scale till canal zone make healthful place live work isthmus sanitate first task thoroughly accomplish yellow fever virtually extirpate isthmus general health condition vastly improve method convert island cuba pest hole menace health world healthful place abode apply isthmus satisfactory result reason doubt plan water supply pave sewerage panama colon large labor camp fully carry isthmus tropic unusually healthy place abode work far advanced health employ canal work well guard similar work country elsewhere addition sanitate isthmus satisfactory quarter provide employes adequate system supply wholesome food reasonable price create hospital establish equip without superior kind anywhere country thus make fit work provision make welfare comfort work past year large portion plant work do order confidently believe middle approach year sufficient proportion plant instal enable u resume work excavation large scale need without delay appropriation congress meet current accrue expense commission first appropriation authorize spooner act make three year ago nearly exhaust barely enough remain carry commission end year unless congress shall appropriate time work must cease arrest progress length time matter advance satisfactorily would deplorable money meet pay roll obligation none meet bill come due material supply demoralization force isthmus work harmoniously effectively delay grant emergency appropriation estimate amount necessary find accompany report secretary war commission recommend adequate provision make heretofore work department state within year great increase amount importance work do department washington abroad cause great increase foreign trade increase wealth among people enable travel generally heretofore increase american capital seek investment foreign country growth power weight council civilize world correspond increase facility work afford department charge foreign relation neither home abroad sufficient work force business properly many respect system adequate work year even ten year ago inadequate change consular force classify appointment make several class authority executive assign member class duty post interest service require instead appointment make present specified post adequate inspection service department may able inform business consulate do instead depend upon casual private information rumor fee system entirely abolish due equivalent make salary officer eke subsistence mean fee sufficient provision make clerical force every consulate compose entirely americans instead insufficient provision make compels employment great number citizens foreign country whose service obtain less money large part consulates office quarter clerical force inadequate performance onerous duty impose recent provision immigration law well increase trade many part world lack suitable quarter embassy legation consulate detracts respect officer ought hold seriously impairs weight influence suitable provision make expense keep diplomatic officer fully inform do day day progress diplomatic affair country lack information cause insufficient appropriation available cable toll clerical messenger service frequently put officer great disadvantage detracts usefulness salary list readjust correspond either importance service render degree ability experience require different position difference cost live many case salary quite inadequate