As a nation we still continue to enjoy a literally unprecedented prosperity; and it is probable that only reckless speculation and disregard of legitimate business methods on the part of the business world can materially mar this prosperity. No Congress in our time has done more good work of importance than the present Congress. There were several matters left unfinished at your last session, however, which I most earnestly hope you will complete before your adjournment. I again recommend a law prohibiting all corporations from contributing to the campaign expenses of any party. Such a bill has already past one House of Congress. Let individuals contribute as they desire; but let us prohibit in effective fashion all corporations from making contributions for any political purpose, directly or indirectly. Another bill which has just past one House of the Congress and which it is urgently necessary should be enacted into law is that conferring upon the Government the right of appeal in criminal cases on questions of law. This right exists in many of the States; it exists in the District of Columbia by act of the Congress. It is of course not proposed that in any case a verdict for the defendant on the merits should be set aside. Recently in one district where the Government had indicted certain persons for conspiracy in connection with rebates, the court sustained the defendant's demurrer; while in another jurisdiction an indictment for conspiracy to obtain rebates has been sustained by the court, convictions obtained under it, and two defendants sentenced to imprisonment. The two cases referred to may not be in real conflict with each other, but it is unfortunate that there should even be an apparent conflict. At present there is no way by which the Government can cause such a conflict, when it occurs, to be solved by an appeal to a higher court; and the wheels of justice are blocked without any real decision of the question. I can not too strongly urge the passage of the bill in question. A failure to pass it will result in seriously hampering the Government in its effort to obtain justice, especially against wealthy individuals or corporations who do wrong; and may also prevent the Government from obtaining justice for wage-workers who are not themselves able effectively to contest a case where the judgment of an inferior court has been against them. I have specifically in view a recent decision by a district judge leaving railway employees without remedy for violation of a certain so-called labor statute. It seems an absurdity to permit a single district judge, against what may be the judgment of the immense majority of his colleagues on the bench, to declare a law solemnly enacted by the Congress to be "unconstitutional," and then to deny to the Government the right to have the Supreme Court definitely decide the question. It is well to recollect that the real efficiency of the law often depends not upon the passage of acts as to which there is great public excitement, but upon the passage of acts of this nature as to which there is not much public excitement, because there is little public understanding of their importance, while the interested parties are keenly alive to the desirability of defeating them. The importance of enacting into law the particular bill in question is further increased by the fact that the Government has now definitely begun a policy of resorting to the criminal law in those trust and interstate commerce cases where such a course offers a reasonable chance of success. At first, as was proper, every effort was made to enforce these laws by civil proceedings; but it has become increasingly evident that the action of the Government in finally deciding, in certain cases, to undertake criminal proceedings was justifiable; and tho there have been some conspicuous failures in these cases, we have had many successes, which have undoubtedly had a deterrent effect upon evil-doers, whether the penalty inflicted was in the shape of fine or imprisonment--and penalties of both kinds have already been inflicted by the courts. Of course, where the judge can see his way to inflict the penalty of imprisonment the deterrent effect of the punishment on other offenders is increased; but sufficiently heavy fines accomplish much. Judge Holt, of the New York district court, in a recent decision admirably stated the need for treating with just severity offenders of this kind. His opinion runs in part as follows: 'The Government's evidence to establish the defendant's guilt was clear, conclusive, and undisputed. The case was a flagrant one. The transactions which took place under this illegal contract were very large; the amounts of rebates returned were considerable; and the amount of the rebate itself was large, amounting to more than one-fifth of the entire tariff charge for the transportation of merchandise from this city to Detroit. It is not too much to say, in my opinion, that if this business was carried on for a considerable time on that basis--that is, if this discrimination in favor of this particular shipper was made with an 18 instead of a 23 cent rate and the tariff rate was maintained as against their competitors--the result might be and not improbably would be that their competitors would be driven out of business. This crime is one which in its nature is deliberate and premeditated. I think over a fortnight elapsed between the date of Palmer's letter requesting the reduced rate and the answer of the railroad company deciding to grant it, and then for months afterwards this business was carried on and these claims for rebates submitted month after month and checks in payment of them drawn month after month. Such a violation of the law, in my opinion, in its essential nature, is a very much more heinous act than the ordinary common, vulgar crimes which come before criminal courts constantly for punishment and which arise from sudden passion or temptation. This crime in this case was committed by men of education and of large business experience, whose standing in the community was such that they might have been expected to set an example of obedience to law upon the maintenance of which alone in this country the security of their property depends. It was committed on behalf of a great railroad corporation, which, like other railroad corporations, has received gratuitously from the State large and valuable privileges for the public's convenience and its own, which performs quasi public functions and which is charged with the highest obligation in the transaction of its business to treat the citizens of this country alike, and not to carry on its business with unjust discriminations between different citizens or different classes of citizens. This crime in its nature is one usually done with secrecy, and proof of which it is very difficult to obtain. The interstate commerce act was past in 1887, nearly twenty years ago. Ever since that time complaints of the granting of rebates by railroads have been common, urgent, and insistent, and altho the Congress has repeatedly past legislation endeavoring to put a stop to this evil, the difficulty of obtaining proof upon which to bring prosecution in these cases is so great that this is the first case that has ever been brought in this court, and, as I am formed, this case and one recently brought in Philadelphia are the only cases that have ever been brought in the eastern part of this country. In fact, but few cases of this kind have ever been brought in this country, East or West. Now, under these circumstances, I am forced to the conclusion, in a case in which the proof is so clear and the facts are so flagrant, it is the duty of the court to fix a penalty which shall in some degree be commensurate with the gravity of the offense. As between the two defendants, in my opinion, the principal penalty should be imposed on the corporation. The traffic manager in this case, presumably, acted without any advantage to himself and without any interest in the transaction, either by the direct authority or in accordance with what he understood to be the policy or the wishes of his employer. "The sentence of this court in this case is, that the defendant Pomeroy, for each of the six offenses upon which he has been convicted, be fined the sum of $1,000, making six fines, amounting in all to the sum of $6,000; and the defendant, The New York Central and Hudson River Railroad Company, for each of the six crimes of which it has been convicted, be fined the sum of $18,000, making six fines amounting in the aggregate to the sum of $108,000, and judgment to that effect will be entered in this case." In connection with this matter, I would like to call attention to the very unsatisfactory state of our criminal law, resulting in large part from the habit of setting aside the judgments of inferior courts on technicalities absolutely unconnected with the merits of the case, and where there is no attempt to show that there has been any failure of substantial justice. It would be well to enact a law providing something to the effect that: No judgment shall be set aside or new trial granted in any cause, civil or criminal, on the ground of misdirection of the jury or the improper admission or rejection of evidence, or for error as to any matter of pleading or procedure unless, in the opinion of the court to which the application is made, after an examination of the entire cause, it shall affirmatively appear that the error complained of has resulted in a miscarriage of justice. In my last message I suggested the enactment of a law in connection with the issuance of injunctions, attention having been sharply drawn to the matter by the demand that the right of applying injunctions in labor cases should be wholly abolished. It is at least doubtful whether a law abolishing altogether the use of injunctions in such cases would stand the test of the courts; in which case of course the legislation would be ineffective. Moreover, I believe it would be wrong altogether to prohibit the use of injunctions. It is criminal to permit sympathy for criminals to weaken our hands in upholding the law; and if men seek to destroy life or property by mob violence there should be no impairment of the power of the courts to deal with them in the most summary and effective way possible. But so far as possible the abuse of the power should be provided against by some such law as I advocated last year. In this matter of injunctions there is lodged in the hands of the judiciary a necessary power which is nevertheless subject to the possibility of grave abuse. It is a power that should be exercised with extreme care and should be subject to the jealous scrutiny of all men, and condemnation should be meted out as much to the judge who fails to use it boldly when necessary as to the judge who uses it wantonly or oppressively. Of course a judge strong enough to be fit for his office will enjoin any resort to violence or intimidation, especially by conspiracy, no matter what his opinion may be of the rights of the original quarrel. There must be no hesitation in dealing with disorder. But there must likewise be no such abuse of the injunctive power as is implied in forbidding laboring men to strive for their own betterment in peaceful and lawful ways; nor must the injunction be used merely to aid some big corporation in carrying out schemes for its own aggrandizement. It must be remembered that a preliminary injunction in a labor case, if granted without adequate proof (even when authority can be found to support the conclusions of law on which it is founded), may often settle the dispute between the parties; and therefore if improperly granted may do irreparable wrong. Yet there are many judges who assume a matter-of-course granting of a preliminary injunction to be the ordinary and proper judicial disposition of such cases; and there have undoubtedly been flagrant wrongs committed by judges in connection with labor disputes even within the last few years, altho I think much less often than in former years. Such judges by their unwise action immensely strengthen the hands of those who are striving entirely to do away with the power of injunction; and therefore such careless use of the injunctive process tends to threaten its very existence, for if the American people ever become convinced that this process is habitually abused, whether in matters affecting labor or in matters affecting corporations, it will be well-nigh impossible to prevent its abolition. It may be the highest duty of a judge at any given moment to disregard, not merely the wishes of individuals of great political or financial power, but the overwhelming tide of public sentiment; and the judge who does thus disregard public sentiment when it is wrong, who brushes aside the plea of any special interest when the pleading is not rounded on righteousness, performs the highest service to the country. Such a judge is deserving of all honor; and all honor can not be paid to this wise and fearless judge if we permit the growth of an absurd convention which would forbid any criticism of the judge of another type, who shows himself timid in the presence of arrogant disorder, or who on insufficient grounds grants an injunction that does grave injustice, or who in his capacity as a construer, and therefore in part a maker, of the law, in flagrant fashion thwarts the cause of decent government. The judge has a power over which no review can be exercised; he himself sits in review upon the acts of both the executive and legislative branches of the Government; save in the most extraordinary cases he is amenable only at the bar of public opinion; and it is unwise to maintain that public opinion in reference to a man with such power shall neither be exprest nor led. The best judges have ever been foremost to disclaim any immunity from criticism. This has been true since the days of the great English Lord Chancellor Parker, who said: "Let all people be at liberty to know what I found my judgment upon; that, so when I have given it in any cause, others may be at liberty to judge of me." The proprieties of the case were set forth with singular clearness and good temper by Judge W. H. Taft, when a United States circuit judge, eleven years ago, in 1895: "The opportunity freely and publicly to criticize judicial action is of vastly more importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts and judges from unjust aspersions and attack. Nothing tends more to render judges careful in their decisions and anxiously solicitous to do exact justice than the consciousness that every act of theirs is to be subjected to the intelligent scrutiny and candid criticism of their fellow-men. Such criticism is beneficial in proportion as it is fair, dispassionate, discriminating, and based on a knowledge of sound legal principles. The comments made by learned text writers and by the acute editors of the various law reviews upon judicial decisions are therefore highly useful. Such critics constitute more or less impartial tribunals of professional opinion before which each judgment is made to stand or fall on its merits, and thus exert a strong influence to secure uniformity of decision. But non-professional criticism also is by no means without its uses, even if accompanied, as it often is, by a direct attack upon the judicial fairness and motives of the occupants of the bench; for if the law is but the essence of common sense, the protest of many average men may evidence a defect in a judicial conclusion, tho based on the nicest legal reasoning and profoundest learning. The two important elements of moral character in a judge are an earnest desire to reach a just conclusion and courage to enforce it. In so far as fear of public comment does not affect the courage of a judge, but only spurs him on to search his conscience and to reach the result which approves itself to his inmost heart such comment serves a useful purpose. There are few men, whether they are judges for life or for a shorter term, who do not prefer to earn and hold the respect of all, and who can not be reached and made to pause and deliberate by hostile public criticism. In the case of judges having a life tenure, indeed their very independence makes the right freely to comment on their decisions of greater importance, because it is the only practical and available instrument in the hands of a free people to keep such judges alive to the reasonable demands of those they serve. "On the other hand, the danger of destroying the proper influence of judicial decisions by creating unfounded prejudices against the courts justifies and requires that unjust attacks shall be met and answered. Courts must ultimately rest their defense upon the inherent strength of the opinions they deliver as the ground for their conclusions and must trust to the calm and deliberate judgment of all the people as their best vindication." There is one consideration which should be taken into account by the good people who carry a sound proposition to an excess in objecting to any criticism of a judge's decision. The instinct of the American people as a whole is sound in this matter. They will not subscribe to the doctrine that any public servant is to be above all criticism. If the best citizens, those most competent to express their judgment in such matters, and above all those belonging to the great and honorable profession of the bar, so profoundly influential in American life, take the position that there shall be no criticism of a judge under any circumstances, their view will not be accepted by the American people as a whole. In such event the people will turn to, and tend to accept as justifiable, the intemperate and improper criticism uttered by unworthy agitators. Surely it is a misfortune to leave to such critics a function, right, in itself, which they are certain to abuse. Just and temperate criticism, when necessary, is a safeguard against the acceptance by the people as a whole of that intemperate antagonism towards the judiciary which must be combated by every right-thinking man, and which, if it became widespread among the people at large, would constitute a dire menace to the Republic. In connection with the delays of the law, I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. Each section, North, South, East, or West, has its own faults; no section can with wisdom spend its time jeering at the faults of another section; it should be busy trying to amend its own shortcomings. To deal with the crime of corruption It is necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing cause of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape--the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs frequently avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial deed, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for many other kinds of crimes, so that two-thirds of the lynchings are not for rape at all; while a considerable proportion of the individuals lynched are innocent of all crime. Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated on one occasion some years ago: "I can say of a verity that I have, within the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen innocent Negroes who were pursued by the mob, and brought them to trial in a court of law in which they were acquitted." As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi, has finely said: "When the rule of a mob obtains, that which distinguishes a high civilization is surrendered. The mob which lynches a negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man suspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to lift up his voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is threatening the integrity of this Republic." Governor Jelks, of Alabama, has recently spoken as follows: "The lynching of any person for whatever crime is inexcusable anywhere--it is a defiance of orderly government; but the killing of innocent people under any provocation is infinitely more horrible; and yet innocent people are likely to die when a mob's terrible lust is once aroused. The lesson is this: No good citizen can afford to countenance a defiance of the statutes, no matter what the provocation. The innocent frequently suffer, and, it is my observation, more usually suffer than the guilty. The white people of the South indict the whole colored race on the ground that even the better elements lend no assistance whatever in ferreting out criminals of their own color. The respectable colored people must learn not to harbor their criminals, but to assist the officers in bringing them to justice. This is the larger crime, and it provokes such atrocious offenses as the one at Atlanta. The two races can never get on until there is an understanding on the part of both to make common cause with the law-abiding against criminals of any color." Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the same rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment; for it is surely the highest wisdom to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens. Reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his own qualities of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to help the officers of the law in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender. Moreover, in my judgment, the crime of rape should always be punished with death, as is the case with murder; assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a human being without having his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans. Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the law, and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob. There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence. It is out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole political situation. In every community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid. This is as true of one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the Negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything towards making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The lowest and most brutal criminals, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little; just as they are almost invariably men who own no property; for the man who puts money by out of his earnings, like the man who acquires education, is usually lifted above mere brutal criminality. Of course the best type of education for the colored man, taken as a whole, is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young men and young women, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every graduate of these schools--and for the matter of that every other colored man or woman--who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great tho the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit, has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call "suggestion," greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing. When the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend, of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to cause the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself; and in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest. In dealing with both labor and capital, with the questions affecting both corporations and trades unions, there is one matter more important to remember than aught else, and that is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise and proper movements for the better control of corporations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth, into a campaign of hysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to madness the brutal passions of mankind. The sinister demagogs and foolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruction sometimes seek to associate themselves with those working for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods, and sometimes masquerade as such reformers. In reality they are the worst enemies of the cause they profess to advocate, just as the purveyors of sensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and governmental conditions. To preach hatred of the rich man as such, to carry on a campaign of slander and invective against him, to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard and who have not the kind of mental training which will permit them to appreciate the danger in the doctrines preached--all this is to commit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy principle and tradition of American national life. Moreover, while such preaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it, and may result in the temporary political success of others, in the long run every such movement will either fail or else will provoke a violent reaction, which will itself result not merely in undoing the mischief wrought by the demagog and the agitator, but also in undoing the good that the honest reformer, the true upholder of popular rights, has painfully and laboriously achieved. Corruption is never so rife as in communities where the demagog and the agitator bear full sway, because in such communities all moral bands become loosened, and hysteria and sensationalism replace the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as between man and man. In sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus produced men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who can restore order, and then their relief at being free from the intolerable burdens of class hatred, violence, and demagogy is such that they can not for some time be aroused to indignation against misdeeds by men of wealth; so that they permit a new growth of the very abuses which were in part responsible for the original outbreak. The one hope for success for our people lies in a resolute and fearless, but sane and cool-headed, advance along the path marked out last year by this very Congress. There must be a stern refusal to be misled into following either that base creature who appeals and panders to the lowest instincts and passions in order to arouse one set of Americans against their fellows, or that other creature, equally base but no baser, who in a spirit of greed, or to accumulate or add to an already huge fortune, seeks to exploit his fellow Americans with callous disregard to their welfare of soul and body. The man who debauches others in order to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who debauches others for financial profit; and when hatred is sown the crop which springs up can only be evil. The plain people who think--the mechanics, farmers, merchants, workers with head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors, owe it to themselves to remember that the most damaging blow that can be given popular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agitator on a platform of violence and hypocrisy. Whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from it, for in such case democracy is itself on trial, popular self-government under republican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end the honest man, whether rich or poor, who earns his own living and tries to deal justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagog, promising much and performing nothing, or else performing nothing but evil, who would set on the mob to plunder the rich, as from the crafty corruptionist, who, for his own ends, would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy. If we ever let this Government fall into the hands of men of either of these two classes, we shall show ourselves false to America's past. Moreover, the demagog and the corruptionist often work hand in hand. There are at this moment wealthy reactionaries of such obtuse morality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when they violate the law, or who seeks to make them bear their proper share of the public burdens, as being even more objectionable than the violent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich. There is nothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agitator; fundamentally they are alike in their selfish disregard of the rights of others; and it is natural that they should join in opposition to any movement of which the aim is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to all. I call your attention to the need of passing the bill limiting the number of hours of employment of railroad employees. The measure is a very moderate one and I can conceive of no serious objection to it. Indeed, so far as it is in our power, it should be our aim steadily to reduce the number of hours of labor, with as a goal the general introduction of an eight-hour day. There are industries in which it is not possible that the hours of labor should be reduced; just as there are communities not far enough advanced for such a movement to be for their good, or, if in the Tropics, so situated that there is no analogy between their needs and ours in this matter. On the Isthmus of Panama, for instance, the conditions are in every way so different from what they are here that an eight-hour day would be absurd; just as it is absurd, so far as the Isthmus is concerned, where white labor can not be employed, to bother as to whether the necessary work is done by alien black men or by alien yellow men. But the wageworkers of the United States are of so high a grade that alike from the merely industrial standpoint and from the civic standpoint it should be our object to do what we can in the direction of securing the general observance of an eight-hour day. Until recently the eight-hour law on our Federal statute books has been very scantily observed. Now, however, largely thru the instrumentality of the Bureau of Labor, it is being rigidly enforced, and I shall speedily be able to say whether or not there is need of further legislation in reference thereto; .for our purpose is to see it obeyed in spirit no less than in letter. Half holidays during summer should be established for Government employees; it is as desirable for wageworkers who toil with their hands as for salaried officials whose labor is mental that there should be a reasonable amount of holiday. The Congress at its last session wisely provided for a truant court for the District of Columbia; a marked step in advance on the path of properly caring for the children. Let me again urge that the Congress provide for a thoro investigation of the conditions of child labor and of the labor of women in the United States. More and more our people are growing to recognize the fact that the questions which are not merely of industrial but of social importance outweigh all others; and these two questions most emphatically come in the category of those which affect in the most far-reaching way the home life of the Nation. The horrors incident to the employment of young children in factories or at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization. It is true that each. State must ultimately settle the question in its own way; but a thoro official investigation of the matter, with the results published broadcast, would greatly help toward arousing the public conscience and securing unity of State action in the matter. There is, however, one law on the subject which should be enacted immediately, because there is no need for an investigation in reference thereto, and the failure to enact it is discreditable to the National Government. A drastic and thorogoing child-labor law should be enacted for the District of Columbia and the Territories. Among the excellent laws which the Congress past at the last session was an employers' liability law. It was a marked step in advance to get the recognition of employers' liability on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any line of industry to the actual conditions under which that industry is carried on, should be paid by that portion of the community for the benefit of which the industry is carried on--that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity. It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire "risk of a trade" upon the employer. Neither the Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws dealing with the question of employers' liability are sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like. The commission appointed by the President October 16, 1902, at the request of both the anthracite coal operators and miners, to inquire into, consider, and pass upon the questions in controversy in connection with the strike in the anthracite regions of Pennsylvania and the causes out of which the controversy arose, in their report, findings, and award exprest the belief "that the State and Federal governments should provide the machinery for what may be called the compulsory investigation of controversies between employers and employees when they arise." This expression of belief is deserving of the favorable consideration of the Congress and the enactment of its provisions into law. A bill has already been introduced to this end. Records show that during the twenty years from January 1, 1881, to, December 31, 1900, there were strikes affecting 117,509 establishments, and 6,105,694 employees were thrown out of employment. During the same period there were 1,005 lockouts, involving nearly 10,000 establishments, throwing over one million people out of employment. These strikes and lockouts involved an estimated loss to employees of $307,000,000 and to employers of $143,000,000, a total of $450,000,000. The public suffered directly and indirectly probably as great additional loss. But the money loss, great as it was, did not measure the anguish and suffering endured by the wives and children of employees whose pay stopt when their work stopt, or the disastrous effect of the strike or lockout upon the business of employers, or the increase in the cost of products and the inconvenience and loss to the public. Many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the parties to the dispute been required to appear before an unprejudiced body representing the nation and, face to face, state the reasons for their contention. In most instances the dispute would doubtless be found to be due to a misunderstanding by each of the other's rights, aggravated by an unwillingness of either party to accept as true the statements of the other as to the justice or injustice of the matters in dispute. The exercise of a judicial spirit by a disinterested body representing the Federal Government, such as would be provided by a commission on conciliation and arbitration, would tend to create an atmosphere of friendliness and conciliation between contending parties; and the giving each side an equal opportunity to present fully its case in the presence of the other would prevent many disputes from developing into serious strikes or lockouts, and, in other cases, would enable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to terms. In this age of great corporate and labor combinations, neither employers nor employees should be left completely at the mercy of the stronger party to a dispute, regardless of the righteousness of their respective claims. The proposed measure would be in the line of securing recognition of the fact that in many strikes the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded; an interest not merely of general convenience, for the question of a just and proper public policy must also be considered. In all legislation of this kind it is well to advance cautiously, testing each step by the actual results; the step proposed can surely be safely taken, for the decisions of the commission would not bind the parties in legal fashion, and yet would give a chance for public opinion to crystallize and thus to exert its full force for the right. It is not wise that the Nation should alienate its remaining coal lands. I have temporarily withdrawn from settlement all the lands which the Geological Survey has indicated as containing, or in all probability containing, coal. The question, however, can be properly settled only by legislation, which in my judgment should provide for the withdrawal of these lands from sale or from entry, save in certain especial circumstances. The ownership would then remain in the United States, which should not, however, attempt to work them, but permit them to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system, the Government keeping such control as to permit it to see that no excessive price was charged consumers. It would, of course, be as necessary to supervise the rates charged by the common carriers to transport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it; and the supervision must extend to the conduct of the common carriers, so that they shall in no way favor one competitor at the expense of another. The withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy analogous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the forest lands from ordinary settlement. The coal, like the forests, should be treated as the property of the public and its disposal should be under conditions which would inure to the benefit of the public as a whole. The present Congress has taken long strides in the direction of securing proper supervision and control by the National Government over corporations engaged in interstate business and the enormous majority of corporations of any size are engaged in interstate business. The passage of the railway rate bill, and only to a less degree the passage of the pure food bill, and the provision for increasing and rendering more effective national control over the beef-packing industry, mark an important advance in the proper direction. In the short session it will perhaps be difficult to do much further along this line; and it may be best to wait until the laws have been in operation for a number of months before endeavoring to increase their scope, because only operation will show with exactness their merits and their shortcomings and thus give opportunity to define what further remedial legislation is needed. Yet in my judgment it will in the end be advisable in connection with the packing house inspection law to provide for putting a date on the label and for charging the cost of inspection to the packers. All these laws have already justified their enactment. The interstate commerce law, for instance, has rather amusingly falsified the predictions, both of those who asserted that it would ruin the railroads and of those who asserted that it did not go far enough and would accomplish nothing. During the last five months the railroads have shown increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends; while during the same period the mere taking effect of the law has produced an unprecedented, a hitherto unheard of, number of voluntary reductions in freights and fares by the railroads. Since the founding of the Commission there has never been a time of equal length in which anything like so many reduced tariffs have been put into effect. On August 27, for instance, two days before the new law went into effect, the Commission received notices of over five thousand separate tariffs which represented reductions from previous rates. It must not be supposed, however, that with the passage of these laws it will be possible to stop progress along the line of increasing the power of the National Government over the use of capital interstate commerce. For example, there will ultimately be need of enlarging the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission along several different lines, so as to give it a larger and more efficient control over the railroads. It can not too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown the impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred different State legislatures anything but ineffective chaos in the way of dealing with the great corporations which do not operate exclusively within the limits of any one State. In some method, whether by a national license law or in other fashion, we must exercise, and that at an early date, a far more complete control than at present over these great corporations--a control that will among other things prevent the evils of excessive overcapitalization, and that will compel the disclosure by each big corporation of its stockholders and of its properties and business, whether owned directly or thru subsidiary or affiliated corporations. This will tend to put a stop to the securing of inordinate profits by favored individuals at the expense whether of the general public, the stockholders, or the wageworkers. Our effort should be not so much to prevent consolidation as such, but so to supervise and control it as to see that it results in no harm to the people. The reactionary or ultraconservative apologists for the misuse of wealth assail the effort to secure such control as a step toward socialism. As a matter of fact it is these reactionaries and ultraconservatives who are themselves most potent in increasing socialistic feeling. One of the most efficient methods of averting the consequences of a dangerous agitation, which is 80 per cent wrong, is to remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well rounded. The best way to avert the very undesirable move for the government ownership of railways is to secure by the Government on behalf of the people as a whole such adequate control and regulation of the great interstate common carriers as will do away with the evils which give rise to the agitation against them. So the proper antidote to the dangerous and wicked agitation against the men of wealth as such is to secure by proper legislation and executive action the abolition of the grave abuses which actually do obtain in connection with the business use of wealth under our present system--or rather no system--of failure to exercise any adequate control at all. Some persons speak as if the exercise of such governmental control would do away with the freedom of individual initiative and dwarf individual effort. This is not a fact. It would be a veritable calamity to fail to put a premium upon individual initiative, individual capacity and effort; upon the energy, character, and foresight which it is so important to encourage in the individual. But as a matter of fact the deadening and degrading effect of pure socialism, and especially of its extreme form communism, and the destruction of individual character which they would bring about, are in part achieved by the wholly unregulated competition which results in a single individual or corporation rising at the expense of all others until his or its rise effectually checks all competition and reduces former competitors to a position of utter inferiority and subordination. In enacting and enforcing such legislation as this Congress already has to its credit, we are working on a coherent plan, with the steady endeavor to secure the needed reform by the joint action of the moderate men, the plain men who do not wish anything hysterical or dangerous, but who do intend to deal in resolute common-sense fashion with the real and great evils of the present system. The reactionaries and the violent extremists show symptoms of joining hands against us. Both assert, for instance, that, if logical, we should go to government ownership of railroads and the like; the reactionaries, because on such an issue they think the people would stand with them, while the extremists care rather to preach discontent and agitation than to achieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position is as remote from that of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of the impracticable or sinister visionary. We hold that the Government should not conduct the business of the nation, but that it should exercise such supervision as will insure its being conducted in the interest of the nation. Our aim is, so far as may be, to secure, for all decent, hard working men, equality of opportunity and equality of burden. The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all combination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective. Combination of capital like combination of labor is a necessary element of our present industrial system. It is not possible completely to prevent it; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would do damage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to prevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring the public, or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten injury--for the mere fact that a combination has secured practically complete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances show that such combination was to be presumed to be adverse to the public interest. It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid all combinations, instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil. Rebates, for instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers (as was shown in the investigation of the Standard Oil Company and as has been shown since by the investigation of the tobacco and sugar trusts) as to the initiative of big railroads. Often railroads would like to combine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public. Such a combination, instead of being forbidden by law, should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements, provided these agreements were sanctioned by the Interstate Commerce Commission and were published. With these two conditions complied with it is impossible to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large. It is a public evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because both judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country; for the result is to make decent railroad men violators of the law against their will, and to put a premium on the behavior of the wilful wrongdoers. Such a result in turn tends to throw the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close association, and in the end to drag down the former to the latter's level; for the man who becomes a lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and to be willing to break it in many ways. No more scathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in the words of the Interstate Commerce Commission when, in commenting upon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically violate the law, they say: "The decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic Association case has produced no practical effect upon the railway operations of the country. Such associations, in fact, exist now as they did before these decisions, and with the same general effect. In justice to all parties, we ought probably to add that it is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be operated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and the railway without concerted action of the kind afforded thru these associations." This means that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is such that the business of the country can not be conducted without breaking it. I recommend that you give careful and early consideration to this subject, and if you find the opinion of the Interstate Commerce Commission justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil disclosed. The question of taxation is difficult in any country, but it is especially difficult in ours with its Federal system of government. Some taxes should on every ground be levied in a small district for use in that district. Thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one for the immediate locality in which the real estate is found. Again, there is no more legitimate tax for any State than a tax on the franchises conferred by that State upon street railroads and similar corporations which operate wholly within the State boundaries, sometimes in one and sometimes in several municipalities or other minor divisions of the State. But there are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the General Government so as to produce the best results, because, among other reasons, the attempt to impose them in one particular State too often results merely in driving the corporation or individual affected to some other locality or other State. The National Government has long derived its chief revenue from a tariff on imports and from an internal or excise tax. In addition to these there is every reason why, when next our system of taxation is revised, the National Government should impose a graduated inheritance tax, and, if possible, a graduated income tax. The man of great wealth owes a peculiar obligation to the State, because he derives special advantages from the mere existence of government. Not only should he recognize this obligation in the way he leads his daily life and in the way he earns and spends his money, but it should also be recognized by the way in which he pays for the protection the State gives him. On the one hand, it is desirable that he should assume his full and proper share of the burden of taxation; on the other hand, it is quite as necessary that in this kind of taxation, where the men who vote the tax pay but little of it, there should be clear recognition of the danger of inaugurating any such system save in a spirit of entire justice and moderation. Whenever we, as a people, undertake to remodel our taxation system along the lines suggested, we must make it clear beyond peradventure that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting the Government more equitably than at present; that we intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of absolute equality, and that we regard it as equally fatal to true democracy to do or permit injustice to the one as to do or permit injustice to the other. I am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in order that the people may become familiar with what is proposed to be done, may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with wisdom and self-restraint, and may make up their minds just how far they are willing to go in the matter; while only trained legislators can work out the project in necessary detail. But I feel that in the near future our national legislators should enact a law providing for a graduated inheritance tax by which a steadily increasing rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift, bequest, or devise to any individual or corporation. It may be well to make the tax heavy in proportion as the individual benefited is remote of kin. In any event, in my judgment the pro rata of the tax should increase very heavily with the increase of the amount left to any one individual after a certain point has been reached. It is most desirable to encourage thrift and ambition, and a potent source of thrift and ambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his children well off. This object can be attained by making the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left; because the prime object should be to put a constantly increasing burden on the inheritance of those swollen fortunes which it is certainly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate. There can be no question of the ethical propriety of the Government thus determining the conditions upon which any gift or inheritance should be received. Exactly how far the inheritance tax would, as an incident, have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or gift of the enormous fortunes in question it is not necessary at present to discuss. It is wise that progress in this direction should be gradual. At first a permanent national inheritance tax, while it might be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been, need not approximate, either in amount or in the extent of the increase by graduation, to what such a tax should ultimately be. This species of tax has again and again been imposed, altho only temporarily, by the National Government. It was first imposed by the act of July 6, 1797, when the makers of the Constitution were alive and at the head of affairs. It was a graduated tax; tho small in amount, the rate was increased with the amount left to any individual, exceptions being made in the case of certain close kin. A similar tax was again imposed by the act of July 1, 1862; a minimum sum of one thousand dollars in personal property being excepted from taxation, the tax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness of kin. The war-revenue act of June 13, 1898, provided for an inheritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars, the rate of the tax increasing both in accordance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee's remoteness of kin. The Supreme Court has held that the succession tax imposed at the time of the Civil War was not a direct tax but an impost or excise which was both constitutional and valid. More recently the Court, in an opinion delivered by Mr. Justice White, which contained an exceedingly able and elaborate discussion of the powers of the Congress to impose death duties, sustained the constitutionality of the inheritance-tax feature of the war-revenue act of 1898. In its incidents, and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue, an income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an inheritance tax; because it involves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhealthy size. The question is in its essence a question of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits. As the law now stands it is undoubtedly difficult to devise a national income tax which shall be constitutional. But whether it is absolutely impossible is another question; and if possible it is most certainly desirable. The first purely income-tax law was past by the Congress in 1861, but the most important law dealing with the subject was that of 1894. This the court held to be unconstitutional. The question is undoubtedly very intricate, delicate, and troublesome. The decision of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the law of the land, and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed by all good citizens. Nevertheless, the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole in coming to a conclusion, when considered together with the previous decisions on the subject, may perhaps indicate the possibility of devising a constitutional income-tax law which shall substantially accomplish the results aimed at. The difficulty of amending the Constitution is so great that only real necessity can justify a resort thereto. Every effort should be made in dealing with this subject, as with the subject of the proper control by the National Government over the use of corporate wealth in interstate business, to devise legislation which without such action shall attain the desired end; but if this fails, there will ultimately be no alternative to a constitutional amendment. It would be impossible to overstate (tho it is of course difficult quantitatively to measure) the effect upon a nation's growth to greatness of what may be called organized patriotism, which necessarily includes the substitution of a national feeling for mere local pride; with as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country. No country can develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of loyalty to the whole. This is true of sections and it is just as true of classes. The industrial and agricultural classes must work together, capitalists and wageworkers must work together, if the best work of which the country is capable is to be done. It is probable that a thoroly efficient system of education comes next to the influence of patriotism in bringing about national success of this kind. Our federal form of government, so fruitful of advantage to our people in certain ways, in other ways undoubtedly limits our national effectiveness. It is not possible, for instance, for the National Government to take the lead in technical industrial education, to see that the public school system of this country develops on all its technical, industrial, scientific, and commercial sides. This must be left primarily to the several States. Nevertheless, the National Government has control of the schools of the District of Columbia, and it should see that these schools promote and encourage the fullest development of the scholars in both commercial and industrial training. The commercial training should in one of its branches deal with foreign trade. The industrial training is even more important. It should be one of our prime objects as a Nation, so far as feasible, constantly to work toward putting the mechanic, the wageworker who works with his hands, on a higher plane of efficiency and reward, so as to increase his effectiveness in the economic world, and the dignity, the remuneration, and the power of his position in the social world. Unfortunately, at present the effect of some of the work in the public schools is in the exactly opposite direction. If boys and girls are trained merely in literary accomplishments, to the total exclusion of industrial, manual, and technical training, the tendency is to unfit them for industrial work and to make them reluctant to go into it, or unfitted to do well if they do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously combated. Our industrial development depends largely upon technical education, including in this term all industrial education, from that which fits a man to be a good mechanic, a good carpenter, or blacksmith, to that which fits a man to do the greatest engineering feat. The skilled mechanic, the skilled workman, can best become such by technical industrial education. The far-reaching usefulness of institutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering is now universally acknowledged, and no less far--reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school, a textile, or watch-making, or engraving school. All such training must develop not only manual dexterity but industrial intelligence. In international rivalry this country does not have to fear the competition of pauper labor as much as it has to fear the educated labor of specially trained competitors; and we should have the education of the hand, eye, and brain which will fit us to meet such competition. In every possible way we should help the wageworker who toils with his hands and who must (we hope in a constantly increasing measure) also toil with his brain. Under the Constitution the National Legislature can do but little of direct importance for his welfare save where he is engaged in work which permits it to act under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution; and this is one reason why I so earnestly hope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the Government will construe this clause of the Constitution in the broadest possible manner. We can, however, in such a matter as industrial training, in such a matter as child labor and factory laws, set an example to the States by enacting the most advanced legislation that can wisely be enacted for the District of Columbia. The only other persons whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the whole country as is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of the soil, the farmers. It is a mere truism to say that no growth of cities, no growth of wealth, no industrial development can atone for any falling off in the character and standing of the farming population. During the last few decades this fact has been recognized with ever-increasing clearness. There is no longer any failure to realize that farming, at least in certain branches, must become a technical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open to farmers the chance for technical and scientific training, not theoretical merely but of the most severely practical type. The farmer represents a peculiarly high type of American citizenship, and he must have the same chance to rise and develop as other American citizens have. Moreover, it is exactly as true of the farmer, as it is of the business man and the wageworker, that the ultimate success of the Nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity but upon high moral, mental, and physical development. This education of the farmer--self-education by preference but also education from the outside, as with all other men--is peculiarly necessary here in the United States, where the frontier conditions even in the newest States have now nearly vanished, where there must be a substitution of a more intensive system of cultivation for the old wasteful farm management, and where there must be a better business organization among the farmers themselves. Several factors must cooperate in the improvement of the farmer's condition. He must have the chance to be educated in the widest possible sense--in the sense which keeps ever in view the intimate relationship between the theory of education and the facts of life. In all education we should widen our aims. It is a good thing to produce a certain number of trained scholars and students; but the education superintended by the State must seek rather to produce a hundred good citizens than merely one scholar, and it must be turned now and then from the class book to the study of the great book of nature itself. This is especially true of the farmer, as has been pointed out again and again by all observers most competent to pass practical judgment on the problems of our country life. All students now realize that education must seek to train the executive powers of young people and to confer more real significance upon the phrase "dignity of labor," and to prepare the pupils so that, in addition to each developing in the highest degree his individual capacity for work, they may together help create a right public opinion, and show in many ways social and cooperative spirit. Organization has become necessary in the business world; and it has accomplished much for good in the world of labor. It is no less necessary for farmers. Such a movement as the grange movement is good in itself and is capable of a well-nigh infinite further extension for good so long as it is kept to its own legitimate business. The benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for mutual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological. Moreover, while in the long run voluntary efforts will prove more efficacious than government assistance, while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves, yet the Government can also do much. The Department of Agriculture has broken new ground in many directions, and year by year it finds how it can improve its methods and develop fresh usefulness. Its constant effort is to give the governmental assistance in the most effective way; that is, thru associations of farmers rather than to or thru individual farmers. It is also striving to coordinate its work with the agricultural departments of the several States, and so far as its own work is educational to coordinate it with the work of other educational authorities. Agricultural education is necessarily based upon general education, but our agricultural educational institutions are wisely specializing themselves, making their courses relate to the actual teaching of the agricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city people who wish to live in the country. Great progress has already been made among farmers by the creation of farmers' institutes, of dairy associations, of breeders' associations, horticultural associations, and the like. A striking example of how the Government and the farmers can cooperate is shown in connection with the menace offered to the cotton growers of the Southern States by the advance of the boll weevil. The Department is doing all it can to organize the farmers in the threatened districts, just as it has been doing all it can to organize them in aid of its work to eradicate the cattle fever tick in the South. The Department can and will cooperate with all such associations, and it must have their help if its own work is to be done in the most efficient style. Much is now being done for the States of the Rocky Mountains and Great Plains thru the development of the national policy of irrigation and forest preservation; no Government policy for the betterment of our internal conditions has been more fruitful of good than this. The forests of the White Mountains and Southern Appalachian regions should also be preserved; and they can not be unless the people of the States in which they lie, thru their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action by the National Government. I invite the attention of the Congress to the estimate of the Secretary of War for an appropriation to enable him to begin the preliminary work for the construction of a memorial amphitheater at Arlington. The Grand Army of the Republic in its national encampment has urged the erection of such an amphitheater as necessary for the proper observance Of Memorial Day and as a fitting monument to the soldier and sailor dead buried there. In this I heartily concur and commend the matter to the favorable consideration of the Congress. I am well aware of how difficult it is to pass a constitutional amendment. Nevertheless in my judgment the whole question of marriage and divorce should be relegated to the authority of the National Congress. At present the wide differences in the laws of the different States on this subject result in scandals and abuses; and surely there is nothing so vitally essential to the welfare of the nation, nothing around which the nation should so bend itself to throw every safeguard, as the home life of the average citizen. The change would be good from every standpoint. In particular it would be good because it would confer on the Congress the power at once to deal radically and efficiently with polygamy; and this should be done whether or not marriage and divorce are dealt with. It is neither safe nor proper to leave the question of polygamy to be dealt with by the several States. Power to deal with it should be conferred on the National Government. When home ties are loosened; when men and women cease to regard a worthy family life, with all its duties fully performed, and all its responsibilities lived up to, as the life best worth living; then evil days for the commonwealth are at hand. There are regions in our land, and classes of our population, where the birth rate has sunk below the death rate. Surely it should need no demonstration to show that wilful sterility is, from the standpoint of the nation, from the standpoint of the human race, the one sin for which the penalty is national death, race death; a sin for which there is no atonement; a sin which is the more dreadful exactly in proportion as the men and women guilty thereof are in other respects, in character, and bodily and mental powers, those whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the fathers and mothers of many healthy children, well brought up in homes made happy by their presence. No man, no woman, can shirk the primary duties of life, whether for love of ease and pleasure, or for any other cause, and retain his or her self-respect. Let me once again call the attention of the Congress to two subjects concerning which I have frequently before communicated with them. One is the question of developing American shipping. I trust that a law embodying in substance the views, or a major part of the views, exprest in the report on this subject laid before the House at its last session will be past. I am well aware that in former years objectionable measures have been proposed in reference to the encouragement of American shipping; but it seems to me that the proposed measure is as nearly unobjectionable as any can be. It will of course benefit primarily our seaboard States, such as Maine, Louisiana, and Washington; but what benefits part of our people in the end benefits all; just as Government aid to irrigation and forestry in the West is really of benefit, not only to the Rocky Mountain States, but to all our country. If it prove impracticable to enact a law for the encouragement of shipping generally, then at least provision should be made for better communication with South America, notably for fast mail lines to the chief South American ports. It is discreditable to us that our business people, for lack of direct communication in the shape of lines of steamers with South America, should in that great sister continent be at a disadvantage compared to the business people of Europe. I especially call your attention to the second subject, the condition of our currency laws. The national bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding the enormous business development of the country; and within ten years there has been an increase in circulation per capita from $21.41 to $33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating that additional legislation is needed. The recurrence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a revision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur liability of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has been a fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per cent; and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six months. The Secretary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise action put a stop to the most violent period of oscillation. Even worse than such fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty felt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial interests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call money in New York attract money from the interior banks into the speculative field; this depletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to pay abnormal rates; so that each fall a tax, in the shape of increased interest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country. The mere statement of these has shows that our present system is seriously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately, however, many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are complicated, are not easy of comprehension, and tend to, disturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan which would materially impair the value of the United States 2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circulations, the issue of which was made under conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treasury. I do not press any especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert committees of bankers. Among the plans which are possibly feasible and which certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present Secretary of the Treasury, the essential features of which have been approved by many prominent bankers and business men. According to this plan national banks should be permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes of a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade. This plan would not permit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits, but to meet the emergency presented by times of stringency. I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to emphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system which shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid all possibility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now obtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New York tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes; whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent need for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It must never be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally quite as much as bankers; especially is this true of stockmen, farmers, and business men in the West; for at present at certain seasons of the year the difference in interest rates between the East and the West is from 6 to 10 per cent, whereas in Canada the corresponding difference is but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of western and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interests of New York or Chicago bankers; and must be drawn from the standpoints of the farmer and the merchant no less than from the standpoints of the city banker and the country banker. The law should be amended so as specifically to provide that the funds derived from customs duties may be treated by the Secretary of the Treasury as he treats funds obtained under the internal-revenue laws. There should be a considerable increase in bills of small denominations. Permission should be given banks, if necessary under settled restrictions, to retire their circulation to a larger amount than three millions a month. I most earnestly hope that the bill to provide a lower tariff for or else absolute free trade in Philippine products will become a law. No harm will come to any American industry; and while there will be some small but real material benefit to the Filipinos, the main benefit will come by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for their welfare. So far our action in the Philippines has been abundantly justified, not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added dignity it has given us as a nation by proving that we are capable honorably and efficiently to bear the international burdens which a mighty people should bear, but even more because of the immense benefit that has come to the people of the Philippine Islands. In these islands we are steadily introducing both liberty and order, to a greater degree than their people have ever before known. We have secured justice. We have provided an efficient police force, and have put down ladronism. Only in the islands of Leyte and Samar is the authority of our Government resisted and this by wild mountain tribes under the superstitious inspiration of fakirs and pseudo-religions leaders. We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the islanders, and next spring, if conditions warrant, we shall take a great stride forward in testing their capacity for self-government by summoning the first Filipino legislative assembly; and the way in which they stand this test will largely determine whether the self-government thus granted will be increased or decreased; for if we have erred at all in the Philippines it has been in proceeding too rapidly in the direction of granting a large measure of self-government. We are building roads. We have, for the immeasurable good of the people, arranged for the building of railroads. Let us also see to it that they are given free access to our markets. This nation owes no more imperative duty to itself and mankind than the duty of managing the affairs of all the islands under the American flag--the Philippines, Porto Rico, and Hawaii--so as to make it evident that it is in every way to their advantage that the flag should fly over them. American citizenship should be conferred on the citizens of Porto Rico. The harbor of San Juan in Porto Rico should be dredged and improved. The expenses of the federal court of Porto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury. The administration of the affairs of Porto Rico, together with those of the Philippines, Hawaii, and our other insular possessions, should all be directed under one executive department; by preference the Department of State or the Department of War. The needs of Hawaii are peculiar; every aid should be given the islands; and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them along the lines of a community of small freeholders, not of great planters with coolie-tilled estates. Situated as this Territory is, in the middle of the Pacific, there are duties imposed upon this small community which do not fall in like degree or manner upon any other American community. This warrants our treating it differently from the way in which we treat Territories contiguous to or surrounded by sister Territories or other States, and justifies the setting aside of a portion of our revenues to be expended for educational and internal improvements therein. Hawaii is now making an effort to secure immigration fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship, and whenever the leaders in the various industries of those islands finally adopt our ideals and heartily join our administration in endeavoring to develop a middle class of substantial citizens, a way will then be found to deal with the commercial and industrial problems which now appear to them so serious. The best Americanism is that which aims for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship, rather than immediate returns on large masses of capital. Alaska's needs have been partially met, but there must be a complete reorganization of the governmental system, as I have before indicated to you. I ask your especial attention to this. Our fellow-citizens who dwell on the shores of Puget Sound with characteristic energy are arranging to hold in Seattle the Alaska Yukon Pacific Exposition. Its special aims include the upbuilding of Alaska and the development of American commerce on the Pacific Ocean. This exposition, in its purposes and scope, should appeal not only to the people of the Pacific slope, but to the people of the United States at large. Alaska since it was bought has yielded to the Government eleven millions of dollars of revenue, and has produced nearly three hundred millions of dollars in gold, furs, and fish. When properly developed it will become in large degree a land of homes. The countries bordering the Pacific Ocean have a population more numerous than that of all the countries of Europe; their annual foreign commerce amounts to over three billions of dollars, of which the share of the United States is some seven hundred millions of dollars. If this trade were thoroly understood and pushed by our manufacturers and producers, the industries not only of the Pacific slope, but of all our country, and particularly of our cotton-growing States, would be greatly benefited. Of course, in order to get these benefits, we must treat fairly the countries with which we trade. It is a mistake, and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism, to maintain that all international governmental action is, and must ever be, based upon mere selfishness, and that to advance ethical reasons for such action is always a sign of hypocrisy. This is no more necessarily true of the action of governments than of the action of individuals. It is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base motives for the actions of others. Unquestionably no nation can afford to disregard proper considerations of self-interest, any more than a private individual can so do. But it is equally true that the average private individual in any really decent community does many actions with reference to other men in which he is guided, not by self-interest, but by public spirit, by regard for the rights of others, by a disinterested purpose to do good to others, and to raise the tone of the community as a whole. Similarly, a really great nation must often act, and as a matter of fact often does act, toward other nations in a spirit not in the least of mere self-interest, but paying heed chiefly to ethical reasons; and as the centuries go by this disinterestedness in international action, this tendency of the individuals comprising a nation to require that nation to act with justice toward its neighbors, steadily grows and strengthens. It is neither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs, and it is foolish--and may be wicked--to think that other nations will disregard theirs. But it is wicked for a nation only to regard its own interest, and foolish to believe that such is the sole motive that actuates any other nation. It should be our steady aim to raise the ethical standard of national action just as we strive to raise the ethical standard of individual action. Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law. Whether they are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether they come from England or Germany, Russia, Japan, or Italy, matters nothing. All we have a right to question is the man's conduct. If he is honest and upright in his dealings with his neighbor and with the State, then he is entitled to respect and good treatment. Especially do we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It is the sure mark of a low civilization, a low morality, to abuse or discriminate against or in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and who is conducting himself properly. To remember this is incumbent on every American citizen, and it is of course peculiarly incumbent on every Government official, whether of the nation or of the several States. I am prompted to say this by the attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the Japanese in this country. This hostility is sporadic and is limited to a very few places. Nevertheless, it is most discreditable to us as a people, and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences to the nation. The friendship between the United States and Japan has been continuous since the time, over half a century ago, when Commodore Perry, by his expedition to Japan, first opened the islands to western civilization. Since then the growth of Japan has been literally astounding. There is not only nothing to parallel it, but nothing to approach it in the history of civilized mankind. Japan has a glorious and ancient past. Her civilization is older than that of the nations of northern Europe--the nations from whom the people of the United States have chiefly sprung. But fifty years ago Japan's development was still that of the Middle Ages. During that fifty years the progress of the country in every walk in life has been a marvel to mankind, and she now stands as one of the greatest of civilized nations; great in the arts of war and in the arts of peace; great in military, in industrial, in artistic development and achievement. Japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom history makes note. She has produced great generals and mighty admirals; her fighting men, afloat and ashore, show all the heroic courage, the unquestioning, unfaltering loyalty, the splendid indifference to hardship and death, which marked the Loyal Ronins; and they show also that they possess the highest ideal of patriotism. Japanese artists of every kind see their products eagerly sought for in all lands. The industrial and commercial development of Japan has been phenomenal; greater than that of any other country during the same period. At the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red Cross during the late war, the efficiency and humanity of the Japanese officials, nurses, and doctors, won the respectful admiration of all acquainted with the facts. Thru the Red Cross the Japanese people sent over $100,000 to the sufferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted with gratitude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally and individually, has become proverbial. To no other country has there been such an increasing number of visitors from this land as to Japan. In return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome, socially and intellectually, in all our colleges and institutions of higher learning, in all our professional and social bodies. The Japanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened peoples of Europe and America; they have won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality. The overwhelming mass of our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of Japan, and in almost every quarter of the Union the stranger from Japan is treated as he deserves; that is, he is treated as the stranger from any part of civilized Europe is and deserves to be treated. But here and there a most unworthy feeling has manifested itself toward the Japanese--the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the common schools in San Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there are no first-class colleges in the land, including the universities and colleges of California, which do not gladly welcome Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not reflect credit. We have as much to learn from Japan as Japan has to learn from us; and no nation is fit to teach unless it is also willing to learn. Thruout Japan Americans are well treated, and any failure on the part of Americans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our civilization. Our nation fronts on the Pacific, just as it fronts on the Atlantic. We hope to play a constantly growing part in the great ocean of the Orient. We wish, as we ought to wish, for a great commercial development in our dealings with Asia; and it is out of the question that we should permanently have such development unless we freely and gladly extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good treatment which we expect to receive in return. It is only a very small body of our citizens that act badly. Where the Federal Government has power it will deal summarily with any such. Where the several States have power I earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with such conduct, or else this small body of wrongdoers may bring shame upon the great mass of their innocent and right-thinking fellows--that is, upon our nation as a whole. Good manners should be an international no less than an individual attribute. I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Russians, or Italians. I ask it as due to humanity and civilization. I ask it as due to ourselves because we must act uprightly toward all men. I recommend to the Congress that an act be past specifically providing for the naturalization of Japanese who come here intending to become American citizens. One of the great embarrassments attending the performance of our international obligations is the fact that the Statutes of the United States are entirely inadequate. They fail to give to the National Government sufficiently ample power, thru United States courts and by the use of the Army and Navy, to protect aliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are the law of the land. I therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal and civil statutes of the United States be so amended and added to as to enable the President, acting for the United States Government, which is responsible in our international relations, to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties. Even as the law now is something can be done by the Federal Government toward this end, and in the matter now before me affecting the Japanese everything that it is in my power to do will be done, and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States which I may lawfully employ will be so employed. There should, however, be no particle of doubt as to the power of the National Government completely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations. The mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless violence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into war. That city by itself would be powerless to make defense against the foreign power thus assaulted, and if independent of this (Government it would never venture to perform or permit the performance of the acts complained of. The entire power and the whole duty to protect the offending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the United States Government. It is unthinkable that we should continue a policy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime against a friendly nation, and the United States Government limited, not to preventing the commission of the crime, but, in the last resort, to defending the people who have committed it against the consequences of their own wrongdoing. Last August an insurrection broke out in Cuba which it speedily grew evident that the existing Cuban Government was powerless to quell. This Government was repeatedly asked by the then Cuban Government to intervene, and finally was notified by the President of Cuba that he intended to resign; that his decision was irrevocable; that none of the other constitutional officers would consent to carry on the Government, and that he was powerless to maintain order. It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this Government to try to restore order the representatives of various European nations in the island would apply to their respective governments for armed intervention in order to protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All efforts to secure an agreement between the contending factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi--some provisional government of their own--failed. Finally the President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that there was no power to act on his resignation, and the Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the agreement was carried out. The provisional government has left the personnel of the old government and the old laws, so far as might be, unchanged, and will thus administer the island for a few months until tranquillity. can be restored, a new election properly held, and a new government inaugurated. Peace has come in the island; and the harvesting of the sugar-cane crop, the great crop of the island, is about to proceed. When the election has been held and the new government inaugurated in peaceful and orderly fashion the provisional government will come to an end. I take this opportunity of expressing upon behalf of the American people, with all possible solemnity, our most earnest hope that the people of Cuba will realize the imperative need of preserving justice and keeping order in the Island. The United States wishes nothing of Cuba except that it shall prosper morally and materially, and wishes nothing of the Cubans save that they shall be able to preserve order among themselves and therefore to preserve their independence. If the elections become a farce, and if the insurrectionary habit becomes confirmed in the Island, it is absolutely out of the question that the Island should continue independent; and the United States, which has assumed the sponsorship before the civilized world for Cuba's career as a nation, would again have to intervene and to see that the government was managed in such orderly fashion as to secure the safety cf life and property. The path to be trodden by those who exercise self-government is always hard, and we should have every charity and patience with the Cubans as they tread this difficult path. I have the utmost sympathy with, and regard for, them; but I most earnestly adjure them solemnly to weigh their responsibilities and to see that when their new government is started it shall run smoothly, and with freedom from flagrant denial of right on the one hand, and from insurrectionary disturbances on the other. The Second International Conference of American Republics, held in Mexico in the years 1901-2, provided for the holding of the third conference within five years, and committed the fixing of the time and place and the arrangements for the conference to the governing board of the Bureau of American Republics, composed of the representatives of all the American nations in Washington. That board discharged the duty imposed upon it with marked fidelity and painstaking care, and upon the courteous invitation of the United States of Brazil the conference was held at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from the 23d of July to the 29th of August last. Many subjects of common interest to all the American nations were discust by the conference, and the conclusions reached, embodied in a series of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be laid before you upon the coming in of the final report of the American delegates. They contain many matters of importance relating to the extension of trade, the increase of communication, the smoothing away of barriers to free intercourse, and the promotion of a better knowledge and good understanding between the different countries represented. The meetings of the conference were harmonious and the conclusions were reached with substantial unanimity. It is interesting to observe that in the successive conferences which have been held the representatives of the different American nations have been learning' to work together effectively, for, while the First Conference in Washington in 1889, and the Second Conference in Mexico in 1901-2, occupied many months, with much time wasted in an unregulated and fruitless discussion, the Third Conference at Rio exhibited much of the facility in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes permanent deliberative bodies, and completed its labors within the period of six weeks originally allotted for its sessions. Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by the conference, the example of the representatives of all the American nations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion of subjects of common interest is itself of great and substantial value for the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all international questions. The thanks of this country are due to the Government of Brazil and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the generous hospitality with which our delegates, in common with the others, were received, entertained, and facilitated in their work. Incidentally to the meeting of the conference, the Secretary of State visited the city of Rio de Janeiro and was cordially received by the conference, of which he was made an honorary president. The announcement of his intention to make this visit was followed by most courteous and urgent invitations from nearly all the countries of South America to visit them as the guest of their Governments. It was deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might appropriately express the real respect and friendship in which we hold our sister Republics of the southern continent, and the Secretary, accordingly, visited Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia. He refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message. The members of government, the press, the learned professions, the men of business, and the great masses of the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and cause which he represented. In many parts of South America there has been much misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the United States towards the other American Republics. An idea had become prevalent that our assertion of the Monroe Doctrine implied, or carried with it, an assumption of superiority, and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Yet that impression continued to be a serious barrier to good understanding, to friendly intercourse, to the introduction of American capital and the extension of American trade. The impression was so widespread that apparently it could not be reached by any ordinary means. It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded impression, and there is just cause to believe that he has succeeded. In an address to the Third Conference at Rio on the 31st of July--an address of such note that I send it in, together with this message--he said: "We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American Republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to extend our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together. Within a few months for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies, so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our Republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all." These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of South America. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure they will have yours, and I can not be wrong in the conviction that they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole American people. I can not better characterize the true attitude of the United States in its assertion of the Monroe Doctrine than in the words of the distinguished former minister of foreign affairs of Argentina, Doctor Drago, in his speech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He spoke of-- "The traditional policy of the United States (which) without accentuating superiority or seeking preponderance, condemned the oppression of the nations of this part of the world and the control of their destinies by the great Powers of Europe." It is gratifying to know that in the great city of Buenos Ayres, upon the arches which spanned the streets, entwined with Argentine and American flags for the reception of our representative, there were emblazoned not' only the names of Washington and Jefferson and Marshall, but also, in appreciative recognition of their services to the cause of South American independence, the names of James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Richard Rush. We take especial pleasure in the graceful courtesy of the Government of Brazil, which has given to the beautiful and stately building first used for the meeting of the conference the name of "Palacio Monroe." Our grateful acknowledgments are due to the Governments and the people of all the countries visited by the Secretary of State for the courtesy, the friendship, and the honor shown to our country in their generous hospitality to him. In my message to you on the 5th of December, 1905, I called your attention to the embarrassment that might be caused to this Government by the assertion by foreign nations of the right to collect by force of arms contract debts due by American republics to citizens of the collecting nation, and to the danger that the process of compulsory collection might result in the occupation of territory tending to become permanent. I then said: "Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wisht that all foreign governments would take the same view." This subject was one of the topics of consideration at the conference at Rio and a resolution was adopted by that conference recommending to the respective governments represented "to consider the advisability of asking the Second Peace Conference at The Hague to examine the question of the compulsory collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to diminish among nations conflicts of purely pecuniary origin." This resolution was supported by the representatives of the United States in accordance with the following instructions: "It has long been the established policy of the United States not to use its armed forces for the collection of ordinary contract debts due to its citizens by other governments. We have not considered the use of force for such a purpose consistent with that respect for the independent sovereignty of other members of the family of nations which is the most important principle of international law and the chief protection of weak nations against the oppression of the strong. It seems to us that the practise is injurious in its general effect upon the relations of nations and upon the welfare of weak and disordered states, whose development ought to be encouraged in the interests of civilization; that it offers frequent temptation to bullying and oppression and to unnecessary and unjustifiable warfare. We regret that other powers, whose opinions and sense of justice we esteem highly, have at times taken a different view and have permitted themselves, tho we believe with reluctance, to collect such debts by force. It is doubtless true that the non-payment of public debts may be accompanied by such circumstances of fraud and wrongdoing or violation of treaties as to justify the use of force. This Government would be glad to see an international consideration of the subject which shall discriminate between such cases and the simple nonperformance of a contract with a private person, and a resolution in favor of reliance upon peaceful means in cases of the latter class. "It is not felt, however, that the conference at Rio should undertake to make such a discrimination or to resolve upon such a rule. Most of the American countries are still debtor nations, while the countries of Europe are the creditors. If the Rio conference, therefore, were to take such action it would have the appearance of a meeting of debtors resolving how their creditors should act, and this would not inspire respect. The true course is indicated by the terms of the program, which proposes to request the Second Hague Conference, where both creditors and debtors will be assembled, to consider the subject." Last June trouble which had existed for some time between the Republics of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras culminated in war--a war which threatened to be ruinous to the countries involved and very destructive to the commercial interests of Americans, Mexicans, and other foreigners who are taking an important part in the development of these countries. The thoroly good understanding which exists between the United States and Mexico enabled this Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the means of livelihood. The Rio Conference past the following resolution in reference to this action: "That the Third International American Conference shall address to the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador." This affords an excellent example of one way in which the influence of the United States can properly be exercised for the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is, by action taken in concert with other American republics and therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which might attach if the action were taken by one alone. In this way it is possible to exercise a powerful influence toward the substitution of considerate action in the spirit of justice for the insurrectionary or international violence which has hitherto been so great a hindrance to the development of many of our neighbors. Repeated examples of united action by several or many American republics in favor of peace, by urging cool and reasonable, instead of excited and belligerent, treatment of international controversies, can not fail to promote the growth of a general public opinion among the American nations which will elevate the standards of international action, strengthen the sense of international duty among governments, and tell in favor of the peace of mankind. I have just returned from a trip to Panama and shall report to you at length later on the whole subject of the Panama Canal. The Algeciras Convention, which was signed by the United States as well as by most of the powers of Europe, supersedes the previous convention of 1880, which was also signed both by the United States and a majority of the European powers. This treaty confers upon us equal commercial rights with all European countries and does not entail a single obligation of any kind upon us, and I earnestly hope it may be speedily ratified. To refuse to ratify it would merely mean that we forfeited our commercial rights in Morocco and would not achieve another object of any kind. In the event of such refusal we would be left for the first time in a hundred and twenty years without any commercial treaty with Morocco; and this at a time when we are everywhere seeking new markets and outlets for trade. The destruction of the Pribilof Islands fur seals by pelagic sealing still continues. The herd which, according to the surveys made in 1874 by direction of the Congress, numbered 4,700,000, and which, according to the survey of both American and Canadian commissioners in 1891, amounted to 1,000,000, has now been reduced to about 180,000. This result has been brought about by Canadian and some other sealing vessels killing the female seals while in the water during their annual pilgrimage to and from the south, or in search of food. As a rule the female seal when killed is pregnant, and also has an unweaned pup on land, so that, for each skin taken by pelagic sealing, as a rule, three lives are destroyed--the mother, the unborn offspring, and the nursing pup, which is left to starve to death. No damage whatever is done to the herd by the carefully regulated killing on land; the custom of pelagic sealing is solely responsible for all of the present evil, and is alike indefensible from the economic standpoint and from the standpoint of humanity. In 1896 over 16,000 young seals were found dead from starvation on the Pribilof Islands. In 1897 it was estimated that since pelagic sealing began upward of 400,000 adult female seals had been killed at sea, and over 300,000 young seals had died of starvation as the result. The revolting barbarity of such a practise, as well as the wasteful destruction which it involves, needs no demonstration and is its own condemnation. The Bering Sea Tribunal, which sat in Paris in 1893, and which decided against the claims of the United States to exclusive jurisdiction in the waters of Bering Sea and to a property right in the fur seals when outside of the three-mile limit, determined also upon certain regulations which the Tribunal considered sufficient for the proper protection and preservation of the fur seal. in, or habitually resorting to, the Bering Sea. The Tribunal by its regulations established a close season, from the 1st of May to the 31st of July, and excluded all killing in the waters within 60 miles around the Pribilof Islands. They also provided that the regulations which they had determined upon, with a view to the protection and preservation of the seals, should be submitted every five years to new examination, so as to enable both interested Governments to consider whether, in the light of past experience, there was occasion for any modification thereof. The regulations have proved plainly inadequate to accomplish the object of protection and preservation of the fur seals, and for a long time this Government has been trying in vain to secure from Great Britain such revision and modification of the regulations as were contemplated and provided for by the award of the Tribunal of Paris. The process of destruction has been accelerated during recent years by the appearance of a number of Japanese vessels engaged in pelagic sealing. As these vessels have not been bound even by the inadequate limitations prescribed by the Tribunal of Paris, they have paid no attention either to the close season or to the sixty-mile limit imposed upon the Canadians, and have prosecuted their work up to the very islands themselves. On July 16 and 17 the crews from several Japanese vessels made raids upon the island of St. Paul, and before they were beaten off by the very meager and insufficiently armed guard, they succeeded in killing several hundred seals and carrying off the skins of most of them. Nearly all the seals killed were females and the work was done with frightful barbarity. Many of the seals appear to have been skinned alive and many were found half skinned and still alive. The raids were repelled only by the use of firearms, and five of the raiders were killed, two were wounded, and twelve captured, including the two wounded. Those captured have since been tried and sentenced to imprisonment. An attack of this kind had been wholly unlookt for, but such provision of vessels, arms, and ammunition will now be made that its repetition will not be found profitable. Suitable representations regarding the incident have been made to the Government of Japan, and we are assured that all practicable measures will be taken by that country to prevent any recurrence of the outrage. On our part, the guard on the island will be increased and better equipped and organized, and a better revenue-cutter patrol service about the islands will be established; next season a United States war vessel will also be sent there. We have not relaxed our efforts to secure an agreement with Great Britain for adequate protection of the seal herd, and negotiations with Japan for the same purpose are in progress. The laws for the protection of the seals within the jurisdiction of the United States need revision and amendment. Only the islands of St. Paul and St. George are now, in terms, included in the Government reservation, and the other islands are also to be included. The landing of aliens as well as citizens upon the islands, without a permit from the Department of Commerce and Labor, for any purpose except in case of stress of weather or for water, should be prohibited under adequate penalties. The approach of vessels for the excepted purposes should be regulated. The authority of the Government agents on the islands should be enlarged, and the chief agent should have the powers of a committing magistrate. The entrance of a vessel into the territorial waters surrounding the islands with intent to take seals should be made a criminal offense and cause of forfeiture. Authority for seizures in such cases should be given and the presence on any such vessel of seals or sealskins, or the paraphernalia for taking them, should be made prima facie evidence of such intent. I recommend what legislation is needed to accomplish these ends; and I commend to your attention the report of Mr. Sims, of the Department of Commerce and Labor, on this subject. In case we are compelled to abandon the hope of making arrangements with other governments to put an end to the hideous cruelty now incident to pelagic sealing, it will be a question for your serious consideration how far we should continue to protect and maintain the seal herd on land with the result of continuing such a practise, and whether it is not better to end the practice by exterminating the herd ourselves in the most humane way possible. In my last message I advised you that the Emperor of Russia had taken the initiative in bringing about a second peace conference at The Hague. Under the guidance of Russia the arrangement of the preliminaries for such a conference has been progressing during the past year. Progress has necessarily been slow, owing to the great number of countries to be consulted upon every question that has arisen. It is a matter of satisfaction that all of the American Republics have now, for the first time, been invited to join in the proposed conference. The close connection between the subjects to be taken up by the Red Cross Conference held at Geneva last summer and the subjects which naturally would come before The Hague Conference made it apparent that it was desirable to have the work of the Red Cross Conference completed and considered by the different powers before the meeting at The Hague. The Red Cross Conference ended its labors on the 6th day of July, and the revised and amended convention, which was signed by the American delegates, will be promptly laid before the Senate. By the special and highly appreciated courtesy of the Governments of Russia and the Netherlands, a proposal to call The Hague Conference together at a time which would conflict with the Conference of the American Republics at Rio de Janeiro in August was laid aside. No other date has yet been suggested. A tentative program for the conference has been proposed by the Government of Russia, and the subjects which it enumerates are undergoing careful examination and consideration in preparation for the conference. It must ever be kept in mind that war is not merely justifiable, but imperative, upon honorable men, upon an honorable nation, where peace can only be obtained by the sacrifice of conscientious conviction or of national welfare. Peace is normally a great good, and normally it coincides with righteousness; but it is righteousness and not peace which should bind the conscience of a nation as it should bind the conscience of an individual; and neither a nation nor an individual can surrender conscience to another's keeping. Neither can a nation, which is an entity, and which does not die as individuals die, refrain from taking thought for the interest of the generations that are to come, no less than for the interest of the generation of to-day; and no public men have a right, whether from shortsightedness, from selfish indifference, or from sentimentality, to sacrifice national interests which are vital in character. A just war is in the long run far better for a nation's soul than the most prosperous peace obtained by acquiescence in wrong or injustice. Moreover, tho it is criminal for a nation not to prepare for war, so that it may escape the dreadful consequences of being defeated in war, yet it must always be remembered that even to be defeated in war may be far better than not to have fought at all. As has been well and finely said, a beaten nation is not necessarily a disgraced nation; but the nation or man is disgraced if the obligation to defend right is shirked. We should as a nation do everything in our power for the cause of honorable peace. It is morally as indefensible for a nation to commit a wrong upon another nation, strong or weak, as for an individual thus to wrong his fellows. We should do all in our power to hasten the day when there shall be peace among the nations--a peace based upon justice and not upon cowardly submission to wrong. We can accomplish a good deal in this direction, but we can not accomplish everything, and the penalty of attempting to do too much would almost inevitably be to do worse than nothing; for it must be remembered that fantastic extremists are not in reality leaders of the causes which they espouse, but are ordinarily those who do most to hamper the real leaders of the cause and to damage the cause itself. As yet there is no likelihood of establishing any kind of international power, of whatever sort, which can effectively check wrongdoing, and in these circumstances it would be both a foolish and an evil thing for a great and free nation to deprive itself of the power to protect its own rights and even in exceptional cases to stand up for the rights of others. Nothing would more promote iniquity, nothing would further defer the reign upon earth of peace and righteousness, than for the free and enlightened peoples which, tho with much stumbling and many shortcomings, nevertheless strive toward justice, deliberately to render themselves powerless while leaving every despotism and barbarism armed and able to work their wicked will. The chance for the settlement of disputes peacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession by the nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make their purpose effective. The United States Navy is the surest guarantor of peace which this country possesses. It is earnestly to be wisht that we would profit by the teachings of history in this matter. A strong and wise people will study its own failures no less than its triumphs, for there is wisdom to be learned from the study of both, of the mistake as well as of the success. For this purpose nothing could be more instructive than a rational study of the war of 1812, as it is told, for instance, by Captain Mahan. There was only one way in which that war could have been avoided. If during the preceding twelve years a navy relatively as strong as that which this country now has had been built up, and an army provided relatively as good as that which the country now has, there never would have been the slightest necessity of fighting the war; and if the necessity had arisen the war would under such circumstances have ended with our speedy and overwhelming triumph. But our people during those twelve years refused to make any preparations whatever, regarding either the Army or the Navy. They saved a million or two of dollars by so doing; and in mere money paid a hundredfold for each million they thus saved during the three years of war which followed--a war which brought untold suffering upon our people, which at one time threatened the gravest national disaster, and which, in spite of the necessity of waging it, resulted merely in what was in effect a drawn battle, while the balance of defeat and triumph was almost even. I do not ask that we continue to increase our Navy. I ask merely that it be maintained at its present strength; and this can be done only if we replace the obsolete and outworn ships by new and good ones, the equals of any afloat in any navy. To stop building ships for one year means that for that year the Navy goes back instead of forward. The old battle ship Texas, for instance, would now be of little service in a stand-up fight with a powerful adversary. The old double-turret monitors have outworn their usefulness, while it was a waste of money to build the modern single-turret monitors. All these ships should be replaced by others; and this can be done by a well-settled program of providing for the building each year of at least one first-class battle ship equal in size and speed to any that any nation is at the same time building; the armament presumably to consist of as large a number as possible of very heavy guns of one caliber, together with smaller guns to repel torpedo attack; while there should be heavy armor, turbine engines, and in short, every modern device. Of course, from time to time, cruisers, colliers, torpedo-boat destroyers or torpedo boats, Will have to be built also. All this, be it remembered, would not increase our Navy, but would merely keep it at its present strength. Equally of course, the ships will be absolutely useless if the men aboard them are not so trained that they can get the best possible service out of the formidable but delicate and complicated mechanisms intrusted to their care. The marksmanship of our men has so improved during the last five years that I deem it within bounds to say that the Navy is more than twice as efficient, ship for ship, as half a decade ago. The Navy can only attain proper efficiency if enough officers and men are provided, and if these officers and men are given the chance (and required to take advantage of it) to stay continually at sea and to exercise the fleets singly and above all in squadron, the exercise to be of every kind and to include unceasing practise at the guns, conducted under conditions that will test marksmanship in time of war. In both the Army and the Navy there is urgent need that everything possible should be done to maintain the highest standard for the personnel, alike as regards the officers and the enlisted men. I do not believe that in any service there is a finer body of enlisted men and of junior officer than we have in both the Army and the Navy, including the Marine Corps. All possible encouragement to the enlisted men should be given, in pay and otherwise, and everything practicable done to render the service attractive to men of the right type. They should be held to the strictest discharge of their duty, and in them a spirit should be encouraged which demands not the mere performance of duty, but the performance of far more than duty, if it conduces to the honor and the interest of the American nation; and in return the amplest consideration should be theirs. West Point and Annapolis already turn out excellent officers. We do not need to have these schools made more scholastic. On the contrary we should never lose sight of the fact that the aim of each school is to turn out a man who shall be above everything else a fighting man. In the Army in particular it is not necessary that either the cavalry or infantry officer should have special mathematical ability. Probably in both schools the best part of the education is the high standard of character and of professional morale which it confers. But in both services there is urgent need for the establishment of a principle of selection which will eliminate men after a certain age if they can not be promoted from the subordinate ranks, and which will bring into the higher ranks fewer men, and these at an earlier age. This principle of selection will be objected to by good men of mediocre capacity, who are fitted to do well while young in the lower positions, but who are not fitted to do well when at an advanced age they come into positions of command and of great responsibility. But the desire of these men to be promoted to positions which they are not competent to fill should not weigh against the interest of the Navy and the country. At present our men, especially in the Navy, are kept far too long in the junior grades, and then, at much too advanced an age, are put quickly thru the senior grades, often not attaining to these senior grades until they are too old to be of real use in them; and if they are of real use, being put thru them so quickly that little benefit to the Navy comes from their having been in them at all. The Navy has one great advantage over the Army in the fact that the officers of high rank are actually trained in the continual performance of their duties; that is, in the management of the battle ships and armored cruisers gathered into fleets. This is not true of the army officers, who rarely have corresponding chances to exercise command over troops under service conditions. The conduct of the Spanish war showed the lamentable loss of life, the useless extravagance, and the inefficiency certain to result, if during peace the high officials of the War and Navy Departments are praised and rewarded only if they save money at no matter what cost to the efficiency of the service, and if the higher officers are given no chance whatever to exercise and practise command. For years prior to the Spanish war the Secretaries of War were praised chiefly if they practised economy; which economy, especially in connection with the quartermaster, commissary, and medical departments, was directly responsible for most of the mismanagement that occurred in the war itself--and parenthetically be it observed that the very people who clamored for the misdirected economy in the first place were foremost to denounce the mismanagement, loss, and suffering which were primarily due to this same misdirected economy and to the lack of preparation it involved. There should soon be an increase in the number of men for our coast defenses; these men should be of the right type and properly trained; and there should therefore be an increase of pay for certain skilled grades, especially in the coast artillery. Money should be appropriated to permit troops to be massed in body and exercised in maneuvers, particularly in marching. Such exercise during the summer just past has been of incalculable benefit to the Army and should under no circumstances be discontinued. If on these practise marches and in these maneuvers elderly officers prove unable to bear the strain, they should be retired at once, for the fact is conclusive as to their unfitness for war; that is, for the only purpose because of which they should be allowed to stay in the service. It is a real misfortune to have scores of small company or regimental posts scattered thruout the country; the Army should be gathered in a few brigade or division posts; and the generals should be practised in handling the men in masses. Neglect to provide for all of this means to incur the risk of future disaster and disgrace. The readiness and efficiency of both the Army and Navy in dealing with the recent sudden crisis in Cuba illustrate afresh their value to the Nation. This readiness and efficiency would have been very much less had it not been for the existence of the General Staff in the Army and the General Board in the Navy; both are essential to the proper development and use of our military forces afloat and ashore. The troops that were sent to Cuba were handled flawlessly. It was the swiftest mobilization and dispatch of troops over sea ever accomplished by our Government. The expedition landed completely equipped and ready for immediate service, several of its organizations hardly remaining in Havana over night before splitting up into detachments and going to their several posts, It was a fine demonstration of the value and efficiency of the General Staff. Similarly, it was owing in large part to the General Board that the Navy was able at the outset to meet the Cuban crisis with such instant efficiency; ship after ship appearing on the shortest notice at any threatened point, while the Marine Corps in particular performed indispensable service. The Army and Navy War Colleges are of incalculable value to the two services, and they cooperate with constantly increasing efficiency and importance. The Congress has most wisely provided for a National Board for the promotion of rifle practise. Excellent results have already come from this law, but it does not go far enough. Our Regular Army is so small that in any great war we should have to trust mainly to volunteers; and in such event these volunteers should already know how to shoot; for if a soldier has the fighting edge, and ability to take care of himself in the open, his efficiency on the line of battle is almost directly Proportionate to excellence in marksmanship. We should establish shooting galleries in all the large public and military schools, should maintain national target ranges in different parts of the country, and should in every way encourage the formation of rifle clubs thruout all parts of the land. The little Republic of Switzerland offers us an excellent example in all matters connected with building up an efficient citizen soldiery.
As a nation we still continue to enjoy a literally unprecedented prosperity; and it is probable that only reckless speculation and disregard of legitimate business methods on the part of the business world can materially mar this prosperity. No Congress in our time has done more good work of importance than the present Congress. There were several matters left unfinished at your last session, however, which I most earnestly hope you will complete before your adjournment. I again recommend a law prohibiting all corporations from contributing to the campaign expenses of any party. Such a bill has already past one House of Congress. Let individuals contribute as they desire; but let us prohibit in effective fashion all corporations from making contributions for any political purpose, directly or indirectly. Another bill which has just past one House of the Congress and which it is urgently necessary should be enacted into law is that conferring upon the Government the right of appeal in criminal cases on questions of law. This right exists in many of the States; it exists in the District of Columbia by act of the Congress. It is of course not proposed that in any case a verdict for the defendant on the merits should be set aside. Recently in one district where the Government had indicted certain persons for conspiracy in connection with rebates, the court sustained the defendant's demurrer; while in another jurisdiction an indictment for conspiracy to obtain rebates has been sustained by the court, convictions obtained under it, and two defendants sentenced to imprisonment. The two cases referred to may not be in real conflict with each other, but it is unfortunate that there should even be an apparent conflict. At present there is no way by which the Government can because such a conflict, when it occurs, to be solved by an appeal to a higher court; and the wheels of justice are blocked without any real decision of the question. I can not too strongly urge the passage of the bill in question. A failure to pass it will result in seriously hampering the Government in its effort to obtain justice, especially against wealthy individuals or corporations who do wrong; and may also prevent the Government from obtaining justice for wage-workers who are not themselves able effectively to contest a case where the judgment of an inferior court has been against them. I have specifically in view a recent decision by a district judge leaving railway employees without remedy for violation of a certain so-called labor statute. It seems an absurdity to permit a single district judge, against what may be the judgment of the immense majority of his colleagues on the bench, to declare a law solemnly enacted by the Congress to be "unconstitutional," and then to deny to the Government the right to have the Supreme Court definitely decide the question. It is well to recollect that the real efficiency of the law often depends not upon the passage of acts as to which there is great public excitement, but upon the passage of acts of this nature as to which there is not much public excitement, because there is little public understanding of their importance, while the interested parties are keenly alive to the desirability of defeating them. The importance of enacting into law the particular bill in question is further increased by the fact that the Government has now definitely begun a policy of resorting to the criminal law in those trust and interstate commerce cases where such a course offers a reasonable chance of success. At first, as was proper, every effort was made to enforce these laws by civil proceedings; but it has become increasingly evident that the action of the Government in finally deciding, in certain cases, to undertake criminal proceedings was justifiable; and though there have been some conspicuous failures in these cases, we have had many successes, which have undoubtedly had a deterrent effect upon evil-doers, whether the penalty inflicted was in the shape of fine or imprisonment--and penalties of both kinds have already been inflicted by the courts. Of course, where the judge can see his way to inflict the penalty of imprisonment the deterrent effect of the punishment on other offenders is increased; but sufficiently heavy fines accomplish much. Judge Holt, of the New York district court, in a recent decision admirably stated the need for treating with just severity offenders of this kind. His opinion runs in part as follows: 'The Government's evidence to establish the defendant's guilt was clear, conclusive, and undisputed. The case was a flagrant one. The transactions which took place under this illegal contract were very large; the amounts of rebates returned were considerable; and the amount of the rebate itself was large, amounting to more than one-fifth of the entire tariff charge for the transportation of merchandise from this city to Detroit. It is not too much to say, in my opinion, that if this business was carried on for a considerable time on that basis--that is, if this discrimination in favor of this particular shipper was made with an 18 instead of a 23 cent rate and the tariff rate was maintained as against their competitors--the result might be and not improbably would be that their competitors would be driven out of business. This crime is one which in its nature is deliberate and premeditated. I think over a fortnight elapsed between the date of Palmer's letter requesting the reduced rate and the answer of the railroad company deciding to grant it, and then for months afterwards this business was carried on and these claims for rebates submitted month after month and checks in payment of them drawn month after month. Such a violation of the law, in my opinion, in its essential nature, is a very much more heinous act than the ordinary common, vulgar crimes which come before criminal courts constantly for punishment and which arise from sudden passion or temptation. This crime in this case was committed by men of education and of large business experience, whose standing in the community was such that they might have been expected to set an example of obedience to law upon the maintenance of which alone in this country the security of their property depends. It was committed on behalf of a great railroad corporation, which, like other railroad corporations, has received gratuitously from the State large and valuable privileges for the public's convenience and its own, which performs quasi public functions and which is charged with the highest obligation in the transaction of its business to treat the citizens of this country alike, and not to carry on its business with unjust discriminations between different citizens or different classes of citizens. This crime in its nature is one usually done with secrecy, and proof of which it is very difficult to obtain. The interstate commerce act was past in 1887, nearly twenty years ago. Ever since that time complaints of the granting of rebates by railroads have been common, urgent, and insistent, and although the Congress has repeatedly past legislation endeavoring to put a stop to this evil, the difficulty of obtaining proof upon which to bring prosecution in these cases is so great that this is the first case that has ever been brought in this court, and, as I am formed, this case and one recently brought in Philadelphia are the only cases that have ever been brought in the eastern part of this country. In fact, but few cases of this kind have ever been brought in this country, East or West. Now, under these circumstances, I am forced to the conclusion, in a case in which the proof is so clear and the facts are so flagrant, it is the duty of the court to fix a penalty which shall in some degree be commensurate with the gravity of the offense. As between the two defendants, in my opinion, the principal penalty should be imposed on the corporation. The traffic manager in this case, presumably, acted without any advantage to himself and without any interest in the transaction, either by the direct authority or in accordance with what he understood to be the policy or the wishes of his employer. "The sentence of this court in this case is, that the defendant Pomeroy, for each of the six offenses upon which he has been convicted, be fined the sum of $1,000, making six fines, amounting in all to the sum of $6,000; and the defendant, The New York Central and Hudson River Railroad Company, for each of the six crimes of which it has been convicted, be fined the sum of $18,000, making six fines amounting in the aggregate to the sum of $108,000, and judgment to that effect will be entered in this case." In connection with this matter, I would like to call attention to the very unsatisfactory state of our criminal law, resulting in large part from the habit of setting aside the judgments of inferior courts on technicalities absolutely unconnected with the merits of the case, and where there is no attempt to show that there has been any failure of substantial justice. It would be well to enact a law providing something to the effect that: No judgment shall be set aside or new trial granted in any because, civil or criminal, on the ground of misdirection of the jury or the improper admission or rejection of evidence, or for error as to any matter of pleading or procedure unless, in the opinion of the court to which the application is made, after an examination of the entire because, it shall affirmatively appear that the error complained of has resulted in a miscarriage of justice. In my last message I suggested the enactment of a law in connection with the issuance of injunctions, attention having been sharply drawn to the matter by the demand that the right of applying injunctions in labor cases should be wholly abolished. It is at least doubtful whether a law abolishing altogether the use of injunctions in such cases would stand the test of the courts; in which case of course the legislation would be ineffective. Moreover, I believe it would be wrong altogether to prohibit the use of injunctions. It is criminal to permit sympathy for criminals to weaken our hands in upholding the law; and if men seek to destroy life or property by mob violence there should be no impairment of the power of the courts to deal with them in the most summary and effective way possible. But so far as possible the abuse of the power should be provided against by some such law as I advocated last year. In this matter of injunctions there is lodged in the hands of the judiciary a necessary power which is nevertheless subject to the possibility of grave abuse. It is a power that should be exercised with extreme care and should be subject to the jealous scrutiny of all men, and condemnation should be meted out as much to the judge who fails to use it boldly when necessary as to the judge who uses it wantonly or oppressively. Of course a judge strong enough to be fit for his office will enjoin any resort to violence or intimidation, especially by conspiracy, no matter what his opinion may be of the rights of the original quarrel. There must be no hesitation in dealing with disorder. But there must likewise be no such abuse of the injunctive power as is implied in forbidding laboring men to strive for their own betterment in peaceful and lawful ways; nor must the injunction be used merely to aid some big corporation in carrying out schemes for its own aggrandizement. It must be remembered that a preliminary injunction in a labor case, if granted without adequate proof (even when authority can be found to support the conclusions of law on which it is founded), may often settle the dispute between the parties; and therefore if improperly granted may do irreparable wrong. Yet there are many judges who assume a matter-of-course granting of a preliminary injunction to be the ordinary and proper judicial disposition of such cases; and there have undoubtedly been flagrant wrongs committed by judges in connection with labor disputes even within the last few years, although I think much less often than in former years. Such judges by their unwise action immensely strengthen the hands of those who are striving entirely to do away with the power of injunction; and therefore such careless use of the injunctive process tends to threaten its very existence, for if the American people ever become convinced that this process is habitually abused, whether in matters affecting labor or in matters affecting corporations, it will be well-nigh impossible to prevent its abolition. It may be the highest duty of a judge at any given moment to disregard, not merely the wishes of individuals of great political or financial power, but the overwhelming tide of public sentiment; and the judge who does thus disregard public sentiment when it is wrong, who brushes aside the plea of any special interest when the pleading is not rounded on righteousness, performs the highest service to the country. Such a judge is deserving of all honor; and all honor can not be paid to this wise and fearless judge if we permit the growth of an absurd convention which would forbid any criticism of the judge of another type, who shows himself timid in the presence of arrogant disorder, or who on insufficient grounds grants an injunction that does grave injustice, or who in his capacity as a construer, and therefore in part a maker, of the law, in flagrant fashion thwarts the because of decent government. The judge has a power over which no review can be exercised; he himself sits in review upon the acts of both the executive and legislative branches of the Government; save in the most extraordinary cases he is amenable only at the bar of public opinion; and it is unwise to maintain that public opinion in reference to a man with such power shall neither be exprest nor led. The best judges have ever been foremost to disclaim any immunity from criticism. This has been true since the days of the great English Lord Chancellor Parker, who said: "Let all people be at liberty to know what I found my judgment upon; that, so when I have given it in any because, others may be at liberty to judge of me." The proprieties of the case were set forth with singular clearness and good temper by Judge W. H. Taft, when a United States circuit judge, eleven years ago, in 1895: "The opportunity freely and publicly to criticize judicial action is of vastly more importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts and judges from unjust aspersions and attack. Nothing tends more to render judges careful in their decisions and anxiously solicitous to do exact justice than the consciousness that every act of theirs is to be subjected to the intelligent scrutiny and candid criticism of their fellow-men. Such criticism is beneficial in proportion as it is fair, dispassionate, discriminating, and based on a knowledge of sound legal principles. The comments made by learned text writers and by the acute editors of the various law reviews upon judicial decisions are therefore highly useful. Such critics constitute more or less impartial tribunals of professional opinion before which each judgment is made to stand or fall on its merits, and thus exert a strong influence to secure uniformity of decision. But non-professional criticism also is by no means without its uses, even if accompanied, as it often is, by a direct attack upon the judicial fairness and motives of the occupants of the bench; for if the law is but the essence of common sense, the protest of many average men may evidence a defect in a judicial conclusion, though based on the nicest legal reasoning and profoundest learning. The two important elements of moral character in a judge are an earnest desire to reach a just conclusion and courage to enforce it. In so far as fear of public comment does not affect the courage of a judge, but only spurs him on to search his conscience and to reach the result which approves itself to his inmost heart such comment serves a useful purpose. There are few men, whether they are judges for life or for a shorter term, who do not prefer to earn and hold the respect of all, and who can not be reached and made to pause and deliberate by hostile public criticism. In the case of judges having a life tenure, indeed their very independence makes the right freely to comment on their decisions of greater importance, because it is the only practical and available instrument in the hands of a free people to keep such judges alive to the reasonable demands of those they serve. "On the other hand, the danger of destroying the proper influence of judicial decisions by creating unfounded prejudices against the courts justifies and requires that unjust attacks shall be met and answered. Courts must ultimately rest their defense upon the inherent strength of the opinions they deliver as the ground for their conclusions and must trust to the calm and deliberate judgment of all the people as their best vindication." There is one consideration which should be taken into account by the good people who carry a sound proposition to an excess in objecting to any criticism of a judge's decision. The instinct of the American people as a whole is sound in this matter. They will not subscribe to the doctrine that any public servant is to be above all criticism. If the best citizens, those most competent to express their judgment in such matters, and above all those belonging to the great and honorable profession of the bar, so profoundly influential in American life, take the position that there shall be no criticism of a judge under any circumstances, their view will not be accepted by the American people as a whole. In such event the people will turn to, and tend to accept as justifiable, the intemperate and improper criticism uttered by unworthy agitators. Surely it is a misfortune to leave to such critics a function, right, in itself, which they are certain to abuse. Just and temperate criticism, when necessary, is a safeguard against the acceptance by the people as a whole of that intemperate antagonism towards the judiciary which must be combated by every right-thinking man, and which, if it became widespread among the people at large, would constitute a dire menace to the Republic. In connection with the delays of the law, I call your attention and the attention of the Nation to the prevalence of crime among us, and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up, now in one part of our country, now in another. Each section, North, South, East, or West, has its own faults; no section can with wisdom spend its time jeering at the faults of another section; it should be busy trying to amend its own shortcomings. To deal with the crime of corruption It is necessary to have an awakened public conscience, and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law. When we deal with lynching even more is necessary. A great many white men are lynched, but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men. The greatest existing because of lynching is the perpetration, especially by black men, of the hideous crime of rape--the most abominable in all the category of crimes, even worse than murder. Mobs frequently avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it; thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial deed, and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal. Lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon; and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for many other kinds of crimes, so that two-thirds of the lynchings are not for rape at all; while a considerable proportion of the individuals lynched are innocent of all crime. Governor Candler, of Georgia, stated on one occasion some years ago: "I can say of a verity that I have, within the last month, saved the lives of half a dozen innocent Negroes who were pursued by the mob, and brought them to trial in a court of law in which they were acquitted." As Bishop Galloway, of Mississippi, has finely said: "When the rule of a mob obtains, that which distinguishes a high civilization is surrendered. The mob which lynches a negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man suspected of crime. Every Christian patriot in America needs to lift up his voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is threatening the integrity of this Republic." Governor Jelks, of Alabama, has recently spoken as follows: "The lynching of any person for whatever crime is inexcusable anywhere--it is a defiance of orderly government; but the killing of innocent people under any provocation is infinitely more horrible; and yet innocent people are likely to die when a mob's terrible lust is once aroused. The lesson is this: No good citizen can afford to countenance a defiance of the statutes, no matter what the provocation. The innocent frequently suffer, and, it is my observation, more usually suffer than the guilty. The white people of the South indict the whole colored race on the ground that even the better elements lend no assistance whatever in ferreting out criminals of their own color. The respectable colored people must learn not to harbor their criminals, but to assist the officers in bringing them to justice. This is the larger crime, and it provokes such atrocious offenses as the one at Atlanta. The two races can never get on until there is an understanding on the part of both to make common because with the law-abiding against criminals of any color." Moreover, where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal, but the whole race, is attacked, the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling. There is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men; it is the same rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men; that is, to treat each man, whatever his color, his creed, or his social position, with even-handed justice on his real worth as a man. White people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment; for it is surely the highest wisdom to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest, industrious, law-abiding, and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens. Reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual. Evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race, good and bad, alike. There is no question of "social equality" or "negro domination" involved; only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men, and of securing to the good man the right to his life, his liberty, and the pursuit of his happiness as his own qualities of heart, head, and hand enable him to achieve it. Every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal, and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape; and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country, and against the colored race in particular, for a colored man to fail to help the officers of the law in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender. Moreover, in my judgment, the crime of rape should always be punished with death, as is the case with murder; assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime, at least in the discretion of the court; and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense; while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony, and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details. The members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization; that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein. No man can take part in the torture of a human being without having his own moral nature permanently lowered. Every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it, and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of Americans. Let justice be both sure and swift; but let it be justice under the law, and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob. There is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence. It is out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number. Even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer. No more shortsighted policy can be imagined than, in the fancied interest of one class, to prevent the education of another class. The free public school, the chance for each boy or girl to get a good elementary education, lies at the foundation of our whole political situation. In every community the poorest citizens, those who need the schools most, would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid. This is as true of one portion of our country as of another. It is as true for the negro as for the white man. The white man, if he is wise, will decline to allow the Negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education. Unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything towards making a man a good citizen; but it does much. The lowest and most brutal criminals, those for instance who commit the crime of rape, are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little; just as they are almost invariably men who own no property; for the man who puts money by out of his earnings, like the man who acquires education, is usually lifted above mere brutal criminality. Of course the best type of education for the colored man, taken as a whole, is such education as is conferred in schools like Hampton and Tuskegee; where the boys and girls, the young men and young women, are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches. The graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases, and hardly any of them become criminals, while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law. Every graduate of these schools--and for the matter of that every other colored man or woman--who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is, thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way; for next to the negro himself, the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him; and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two. Great though the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people, it may well be questioned whether the benefit, has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate. Be it remembered, furthermore, that the individuals who, whether from folly, from evil temper, from greed for office, or in a spirit of mere base demagogy, indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching, not only thus excite the mob, but also tend by what criminologists call "suggestion," greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing. When the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race, the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend, of course, to excite a bitter race feeling and to because the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself; and in addition, by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it. Swift, relentless, and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest. In dealing with both labor and capital, with the questions affecting both corporations and trades unions, there is one matter more important to remember than aught else, and that is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent. These are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth. They seek to turn wise and proper movements for the better control of corporations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth, into a campaign of hysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to madness the brutal passions of mankind. The sinister demagogs and foolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruction sometimes seek to associate themselves with those working for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods, and sometimes masquerade as such reformers. In reality they are the worst enemies of the because they profess to advocate, just as the purveyors of sensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and governmental conditions. To preach hatred of the rich man as such, to carry on a campaign of slander and invective against him, to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard and who have not the kind of mental training which will permit them to appreciate the danger in the doctrines preached--all this is to commit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy principle and tradition of American national life. Moreover, while such preaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it, and may result in the temporary political success of others, in the long run every such movement will either fail or else will provoke a violent reaction, which will itself result not merely in undoing the mischief wrought by the demagog and the agitator, but also in undoing the good that the honest reformer, the true upholder of popular rights, has painfully and laboriously achieved. Corruption is never so rife as in communities where the demagog and the agitator bear full sway, because in such communities all moral bands become loosened, and hysteria and sensationalism replace the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as between man and man. In sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus produced men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who can restore order, and then their relief at being free from the intolerable burdens of class hatred, violence, and demagogy is such that they can not for some time be aroused to indignation against misdeeds by men of wealth; so that they permit a new growth of the very abuses which were in part responsible for the original outbreak. The one hope for success for our people lies in a resolute and fearless, but sane and cool-headed, advance along the path marked out last year by this very Congress. There must be a stern refusal to be misled into following either that base creature who appeals and panders to the lowest instincts and passions in order to arouse one set of Americans against their fellows, or that other creature, equally base but no baser, who in a spirit of greed, or to accumulate or add to an already huge fortune, seeks to exploit his fellow Americans with callous disregard to their welfare of soul and body. The man who debauches others in order to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who debauches others for financial profit; and when hatred is sown the crop which springs up can only be evil. The plain people who think--the mechanics, farmers, merchants, workers with head or hand, the men to whom American traditions are dear, who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors, owe it to themselves to remember that the most damaging blow that can be given popular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agitator on a platform of violence and hypocrisy. Whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from it, for in such case democracy is itself on trial, popular self-government under republican forms is itself on trial. The triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy, and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other. In the end the honest man, whether rich or poor, who earns his own living and tries to deal justly by his fellows, has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagog, promising much and performing nothing, or else performing nothing but evil, who would set on the mob to plunder the rich, as from the crafty corruptionist, who, for his own ends, would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy. If we ever let this Government fall into the hands of men of either of these two classes, we shall show ourselves false to America's past. Moreover, the demagog and the corruptionist often work hand in hand. There are at this moment wealthy reactionaries of such obtuse morality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when they violate the law, or who seeks to make them bear their proper share of the public burdens, as being even more objectionable than the violent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich. There is nothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agitator; fundamentally they are alike in their selfish disregard of the rights of others; and it is natural that they should join in opposition to any movement of which the aim is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to all. I call your attention to the need of passing the bill limiting the number of hours of employment of railroad employees. The measure is a very moderate one and I can conceive of no serious objection to it. Indeed, so far as it is in our power, it should be our aim steadily to reduce the number of hours of labor, with as a goal the general introduction of an eight-hour day. There are industries in which it is not possible that the hours of labor should be reduced; just as there are communities not far enough advanced for such a movement to be for their good, or, if in the Tropics, so situated that there is no analogy between their needs and ours in this matter. On the Isthmus of Panama, for instance, the conditions are in every way so different from what they are here that an eight-hour day would be absurd; just as it is absurd, so far as the Isthmus is concerned, where white labor can not be employed, to bother as to whether the necessary work is done by alien black men or by alien yellow men. But the wageworkers of the United States are of so high a grade that alike from the merely industrial standpoint and from the civic standpoint it should be our object to do what we can in the direction of securing the general observance of an eight-hour day. Until recently the eight-hour law on our Federal statute books has been very scantily observed. Now, however, largely thru the instrumentality of the Bureau of Labor, it is being rigidly enforced, and I shall speedily be able to say whether or not there is need of further legislation in reference thereto; .for our purpose is to see it obeyed in spirit no less than in letter. Half holidays during summer should be established for Government employees; it is as desirable for wageworkers who toil with their hands as for salaried officials whose labor is mental that there should be a reasonable amount of holiday. The Congress at its last session wisely provided for a truant court for the District of Columbia; a marked step in advance on the path of properly caring for the children. Let me again urge that the Congress provide for a thoro investigation of the conditions of child labor and of the labor of women in the United States. More and more our people are growing to recognize the fact that the questions which are not merely of industrial but of social importance outweigh all others; and these two questions most emphatically come in the category of those which affect in the most far-reaching way the home life of the Nation. The horrors incident to the employment of young children in factories or at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization. It is true that each. State must ultimately settle the question in its own way; but a thoro official investigation of the matter, with the results published broadcast, would greatly help toward arousing the public conscience and securing unity of State action in the matter. There is, however, one law on the subject which should be enacted immediately, because there is no need for an investigation in reference thereto, and the failure to enact it is discreditable to the National Government. A drastic and thorogoing child-labor law should be enacted for the District of Columbia and the Territories. Among the excellent laws which the Congress past at the last session was an employers' liability law. It was a marked step in advance to get the recognition of employers' liability on the statute books; but the law did not go far enough. In spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every line of business connected with the mechanic arts. This inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum, but it can not be completely eliminated. It is a great social injustice to compel the employee, or rather the family of the killed or disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society shirks its duty by laying the whole cost on the victim, whereas the injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of the trade. Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any line of industry to the actual conditions under which that industry is carried on, should be paid by that portion of the community for the benefit of which the industry is carried on--that is, by those who profit by the industry. If the entire trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity. It is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire "risk of a trade" upon the employer. Neither the Federal law, nor, as far as I am informed, the State laws dealing with the question of employers' liability are sufficiently thorogoing. The Federal law should of course include employees in navy-yards, arsenals, and the like. The commission appointed by the President October 16, 1902, at the request of both the anthracite coal operators and miners, to inquire into, consider, and pass upon the questions in controversy in connection with the strike in the anthracite regions of Pennsylvania and the causes out of which the controversy arose, in their report, findings, and award exprest the belief "that the State and Federal governments should provide the machinery for what may be called the compulsory investigation of controversies between employers and employees when they arise." This expression of belief is deserving of the favorable consideration of the Congress and the enactment of its provisions into law. A bill has already been introduced to this end. Records show that during the twenty years from January 1, 1881, to, December 31, 1900, there were strikes affecting 117,509 establishments, and 6,105,694 employees were thrown out of employment. During the same period there were 1,005 lockouts, involving nearly 10,000 establishments, throwing over one million people out of employment. These strikes and lockouts involved an estimated loss to employees of $307,000,000 and to employers of $143,000,000, a total of $450,000,000. The public suffered directly and indirectly probably as great additional loss. But the money loss, great as it was, did not measure the anguish and suffering endured by the wives and children of employees whose pay stopt when their work stopt, or the disastrous effect of the strike or lockout upon the business of employers, or the increase in the cost of products and the inconvenience and loss to the public. Many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the parties to the dispute been required to appear before an unprejudiced body representing the nation and, face to face, state the reasons for their contention. In most instances the dispute would doubtless be found to be due to a misunderstanding by each of the other's rights, aggravated by an unwillingness of either party to accept as true the statements of the other as to the justice or injustice of the matters in dispute. The exercise of a judicial spirit by a disinterested body representing the Federal Government, such as would be provided by a commission on conciliation and arbitration, would tend to create an atmosphere of friendliness and conciliation between contending parties; and the giving each side an equal opportunity to present fully its case in the presence of the other would prevent many disputes from developing into serious strikes or lockouts, and, in other cases, would enable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to terms. In this age of great corporate and labor combinations, neither employers nor employees should be left completely at the mercy of the stronger party to a dispute, regardless of the righteousness of their respective claims. The proposed measure would be in the line of securing recognition of the fact that in many strikes the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded; an interest not merely of general convenience, for the question of a just and proper public policy must also be considered. In all legislation of this kind it is well to advance cautiously, testing each step by the actual results; the step proposed can surely be safely taken, for the decisions of the commission would not bind the parties in legal fashion, and yet would give a chance for public opinion to crystallize and thus to exert its full force for the right. It is not wise that the Nation should alienate its remaining coal lands. I have temporarily withdrawn from settlement all the lands which the Geological Survey has indicated as containing, or in all probability containing, coal. The question, however, can be properly settled only by legislation, which in my judgment should provide for the withdrawal of these lands from sale or from entry, save in certain especial circumstances. The ownership would then remain in the United States, which should not, however, attempt to work them, but permit them to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system, the Government keeping such control as to permit it to see that no excessive price was charged consumers. It would, of course, be as necessary to supervise the rates charged by the common carriers to transport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it; and the supervision must extend to the conduct of the common carriers, so that they shall in no way favor one competitor at the expense of another. The withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy analogous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the forest lands from ordinary settlement. The coal, like the forests, should be treated as the property of the public and its disposal should be under conditions which would inure to the benefit of the public as a whole. The present Congress has taken long strides in the direction of securing proper supervision and control by the National Government over corporations engaged in interstate business and the enormous majority of corporations of any size are engaged in interstate business. The passage of the railway rate bill, and only to a less degree the passage of the pure food bill, and the provision for increasing and rendering more effective national control over the beef-packing industry, mark an important advance in the proper direction. In the short session it will perhaps be difficult to do much further along this line; and it may be best to wait until the laws have been in operation for a number of months before endeavoring to increase their scope, because only operation will show with exactness their merits and their shortcomings and thus give opportunity to define what further remedial legislation is needed. Yet in my judgment it will in the end be advisable in connection with the packing house inspection law to provide for putting a date on the label and for charging the cost of inspection to the packers. All these laws have already justified their enactment. The interstate commerce law, for instance, has rather amusingly falsified the predictions, both of those who asserted that it would ruin the railroads and of those who asserted that it did not go far enough and would accomplish nothing. During the last five months the railroads have shown increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends; while during the same period the mere taking effect of the law has produced an unprecedented, a hitherto unheard of, number of voluntary reductions in freights and fares by the railroads. Since the founding of the Commission there has never been a time of equal length in which anything like so many reduced tariffs have been put into effect. On August 27, for instance, two days before the new law went into effect, the Commission received notices of over five thousand separate tariffs which represented reductions from previous rates. It must not be supposed, however, that with the passage of these laws it will be possible to stop progress along the line of increasing the power of the National Government over the use of capital interstate commerce. For example, there will ultimately be need of enlarging the powers of the Interstate Commerce Commission along several different lines, so as to give it a larger and more efficient control over the railroads. It can not too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown the impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred different State legislatures anything but ineffective chaos in the way of dealing with the great corporations which do not operate exclusively within the limits of any one State. In some method, whether by a national license law or in other fashion, we must exercise, and that at an early date, a far more complete control than at present over these great corporations--a control that will among other things prevent the evils of excessive overcapitalization, and that will compel the disclosure by each big corporation of its stockholders and of its properties and business, whether owned directly or thru subsidiary or affiliated corporations. This will tend to put a stop to the securing of inordinate profits by favored individuals at the expense whether of the general public, the stockholders, or the wageworkers. Our effort should be not so much to prevent consolidation as such, but so to supervise and control it as to see that it results in no harm to the people. The reactionary or ultraconservative apologists for the misuse of wealth assail the effort to secure such control as a step toward socialism. As a matter of fact it is these reactionaries and ultraconservatives who are themselves most potent in increasing socialistic feeling. One of the most efficient methods of averting the consequences of a dangerous agitation, which is 80 per cent wrong, is to remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well rounded. The best way to avert the very undesirable move for the government ownership of railways is to secure by the Government on behalf of the people as a whole such adequate control and regulation of the great interstate common carriers as will do away with the evils which give rise to the agitation against them. So the proper antidote to the dangerous and wicked agitation against the men of wealth as such is to secure by proper legislation and executive action the abolition of the grave abuses which actually do obtain in connection with the business use of wealth under our present system--or rather no system--of failure to exercise any adequate control at all. Some persons speak as if the exercise of such governmental control would do away with the freedom of individual initiative and dwarf individual effort. This is not a fact. It would be a veritable calamity to fail to put a premium upon individual initiative, individual capacity and effort; upon the energy, character, and foresight which it is so important to encourage in the individual. But as a matter of fact the deadening and degrading effect of pure socialism, and especially of its extreme form communism, and the destruction of individual character which they would bring about, are in part achieved by the wholly unregulated competition which results in a single individual or corporation rising at the expense of all others until his or its rise effectually checks all competition and reduces former competitors to a position of utter inferiority and subordination. In enacting and enforcing such legislation as this Congress already has to its credit, we are working on a coherent plan, with the steady endeavor to secure the needed reform by the joint action of the moderate men, the plain men who do not wish anything hysterical or dangerous, but who do intend to deal in resolute common-sense fashion with the real and great evils of the present system. The reactionaries and the violent extremists show symptoms of joining hands against us. Both assert, for instance, that, if logical, we should go to government ownership of railroads and the like; the reactionaries, because on such an issue they think the people would stand with them, while the extremists care rather to preach discontent and agitation than to achieve solid results. As a matter of fact, our position is as remote from that of the Bourbon reactionary as from that of the impracticable or sinister visionary. We hold that the Government should not conduct the business of the nation, but that it should exercise such supervision as will insure its being conducted in the interest of the nation. Our aim is, so far as may be, to secure, for all decent, hard working men, equality of opportunity and equality of burden. The actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all combination, good or bad, is noxious where it is not ineffective. Combination of capital like combination of labor is a necessary element of our present industrial system. It is not possible completely to prevent it; and if it were possible, such complete prevention would do damage to the body politic. What we need is not vainly to try to prevent all combination, but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring the public, or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten injury--for the mere fact that a combination has secured practically complete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances show that such combination was to be presumed to be adverse to the public interest. It is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid all combinations, instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil. Rebates, for instance, are as often due to the pressure of big shippers (as was shown in the investigation of the Standard Oil Company and as has been shown since by the investigation of the tobacco and sugar trusts) as to the initiative of big railroads. Often railroads would like to combine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public. Such a combination, instead of being forbidden by law, should be favored. In other words, it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements, provided these agreements were sanctioned by the Interstate Commerce Commission and were published. With these two conditions complied with it is impossible to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large. It is a public evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because both judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country; for the result is to make decent railroad men violators of the law against their will, and to put a premium on the behavior of the wilful wrongdoers. Such a result in turn tends to throw the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close association, and in the end to drag down the former to the latter's level; for the man who becomes a lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and to be willing to break it in many ways. No more scathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in the words of the Interstate Commerce Commission when, in commenting upon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically violate the law, they say: "The decision of the United States Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri case and the Joint Traffic Association case has produced no practical effect upon the railway operations of the country. Such associations, in fact, exist now as they did before these decisions, and with the same general effect. In justice to all parties, we ought probably to add that it is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be operated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and the railway without concerted action of the kind afforded thru these associations." This means that the law as construed by the Supreme Court is such that the business of the country can not be conducted without breaking it. I recommend that you give careful and early consideration to this subject, and if you find the opinion of the Interstate Commerce Commission justified, that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil disclosed. The question of taxation is difficult in any country, but it is especially difficult in ours with its Federal system of government. Some taxes should on every ground be levied in a small district for use in that district. Thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one for the immediate locality in which the real estate is found. Again, there is no more legitimate tax for any State than a tax on the franchises conferred by that State upon street railroads and similar corporations which operate wholly within the State boundaries, sometimes in one and sometimes in several municipalities or other minor divisions of the State. But there are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the General Government so as to produce the best results, because, among other reasons, the attempt to impose them in one particular State too often results merely in driving the corporation or individual affected to some other locality or other State. The National Government has long derived its chief revenue from a tariff on imports and from an internal or excise tax. In addition to these there is every reason why, when next our system of taxation is revised, the National Government should impose a graduated inheritance tax, and, if possible, a graduated income tax. The man of great wealth owes a peculiar obligation to the State, because he derives special advantages from the mere existence of government. Not only should he recognize this obligation in the way he leads his daily life and in the way he earns and spends his money, but it should also be recognized by the way in which he pays for the protection the State gives him. On the one hand, it is desirable that he should assume his full and proper share of the burden of taxation; on the other hand, it is quite as necessary that in this kind of taxation, where the men who vote the tax pay but little of it, there should be clear recognition of the danger of inaugurating any such system save in a spirit of entire justice and moderation. Whenever we, as a people, undertake to remodel our taxation system along the lines suggested, we must make it clear beyond peradventure that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting the Government more equitably than at present; that we intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of absolute equality, and that we regard it as equally fatal to true democracy to do or permit injustice to the one as to do or permit injustice to the other. I am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in order that the people may become familiar with what is proposed to be done, may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with wisdom and self-restraint, and may make up their minds just how far they are willing to go in the matter; while only trained legislators can work out the project in necessary detail. But I feel that in the near future our national legislators should enact a law providing for a graduated inheritance tax by which a steadily increasing rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift, bequest, or devise to any individual or corporation. It may be well to make the tax heavy in proportion as the individual benefited is remote of kin. In any event, in my judgment the pro rata of the tax should increase very heavily with the increase of the amount left to any one individual after a certain point has been reached. It is most desirable to encourage thrift and ambition, and a potent source of thrift and ambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his children well off. This object can be attained by making the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left; because the prime object should be to put a constantly increasing burden on the inheritance of those swollen fortunes which it is certainly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate. There can be no question of the ethical propriety of the Government thus determining the conditions upon which any gift or inheritance should be received. Exactly how far the inheritance tax would, as an incident, have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or gift of the enormous fortunes in question it is not necessary at present to discuss. It is wise that progress in this direction should be gradual. At first a permanent national inheritance tax, while it might be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been, need not approximate, either in amount or in the extent of the increase by graduation, to what such a tax should ultimately be. This species of tax has again and again been imposed, although only temporarily, by the National Government. It was first imposed by the act of July 6, 1797, when the makers of the Constitution were alive and at the head of affairs. It was a graduated tax; though small in amount, the rate was increased with the amount left to any individual, exceptions being made in the case of certain close kin. A similar tax was again imposed by the act of July 1, 1862; a minimum sum of one thousand dollars in personal property being excepted from taxation, the tax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness of kin. The war-revenue act of June 13, 1898, provided for an inheritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars, the rate of the tax increasing both in accordance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee's remoteness of kin. The Supreme Court has held that the succession tax imposed at the time of the Civil War was not a direct tax but an impost or excise which was both constitutional and valid. More recently the Court, in an opinion delivered by Mr. Justice White, which contained an exceedingly able and elaborate discussion of the powers of the Congress to impose death duties, sustained the constitutionality of the inheritance-tax feature of the war-revenue act of 1898. In its incidents, and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue, an income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an inheritance tax; because it involves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhealthy size. The question is in its essence a question of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits. As the law now stands it is undoubtedly difficult to devise a national income tax which shall be constitutional. But whether it is absolutely impossible is another question; and if possible it is most certainly desirable. The first purely income-tax law was past by the Congress in 1861, but the most important law dealing with the subject was that of 1894. This the court held to be unconstitutional. The question is undoubtedly very intricate, delicate, and troublesome. The decision of the court was only reached by one majority. It is the law of the land, and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed by all good citizens. Nevertheless, the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole in coming to a conclusion, when considered together with the previous decisions on the subject, may perhaps indicate the possibility of devising a constitutional income-tax law which shall substantially accomplish the results aimed at. The difficulty of amending the Constitution is so great that only real necessity can justify a resort thereto. Every effort should be made in dealing with this subject, as with the subject of the proper control by the National Government over the use of corporate wealth in interstate business, to devise legislation which without such action shall attain the desired end; but if this fails, there will ultimately be no alternative to a constitutional amendment. It would be impossible to overstate (though it is of course difficult quantitatively to measure) the effect upon a nation's growth to greatness of what may be called organized patriotism, which necessarily includes the substitution of a national feeling for mere local pride; with as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country. No country can develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of loyalty to the whole. This is true of sections and it is just as true of classes. The industrial and agricultural classes must work together, capitalists and wageworkers must work together, if the best work of which the country is capable is to be done. It is probable that a thoroly efficient system of education comes next to the influence of patriotism in bringing about national success of this kind. Our federal form of government, so fruitful of advantage to our people in certain ways, in other ways undoubtedly limits our national effectiveness. It is not possible, for instance, for the National Government to take the lead in technical industrial education, to see that the public school system of this country develops on all its technical, industrial, scientific, and commercial sides. This must be left primarily to the several States. Nevertheless, the National Government has control of the schools of the District of Columbia, and it should see that these schools promote and encourage the fullest development of the scholars in both commercial and industrial training. The commercial training should in one of its branches deal with foreign trade. The industrial training is even more important. It should be one of our prime objects as a Nation, so far as feasible, constantly to work toward putting the mechanic, the wageworker who works with his hands, on a higher plane of efficiency and reward, so as to increase his effectiveness in the economic world, and the dignity, the remuneration, and the power of his position in the social world. Unfortunately, at present the effect of some of the work in the public schools is in the exactly opposite direction. If boys and girls are trained merely in literary accomplishments, to the total exclusion of industrial, manual, and technical training, the tendency is to unfit them for industrial work and to make them reluctant to go into it, or unfitted to do well if they do go into it. This is a tendency which should be strenuously combated. Our industrial development depends largely upon technical education, including in this term all industrial education, from that which fits a man to be a good mechanic, a good carpenter, or blacksmith, to that which fits a man to do the greatest engineering feat. The skilled mechanic, the skilled workman, can best become such by technical industrial education. The far-reaching usefulness of institutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering is now universally acknowledged, and no less far--reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school, a textile, or watch-making, or engraving school. All such training must develop not only manual dexterity but industrial intelligence. In international rivalry this country does not have to fear the competition of pauper labor as much as it has to fear the educated labor of specially trained competitors; and we should have the education of the hand, eye, and brain which will fit us to meet such competition. In every possible way we should help the wageworker who toils with his hands and who must (we hope in a constantly increasing measure) also toil with his brain. Under the Constitution the National Legislature can do but little of direct importance for his welfare save where he is engaged in work which permits it to act under the interstate commerce clause of the Constitution; and this is one reason why I so earnestly hope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the Government will construe this clause of the Constitution in the broadest possible manner. We can, however, in such a matter as industrial training, in such a matter as child labor and factory laws, set an example to the States by enacting the most advanced legislation that can wisely be enacted for the District of Columbia. The only other persons whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the whole country as is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of the soil, the farmers. It is a mere truism to say that no growth of cities, no growth of wealth, no industrial development can atone for any falling off in the character and standing of the farming population. During the last few decades this fact has been recognized with ever-increasing clearness. There is no longer any failure to realize that farming, at least in certain branches, must become a technical and scientific profession. This means that there must be open to farmers the chance for technical and scientific training, not theoretical merely but of the most severely practical type. The farmer represents a peculiarly high type of American citizenship, and he must have the same chance to rise and develop as other American citizens have. Moreover, it is exactly as true of the farmer, as it is of the business man and the wageworker, that the ultimate success of the Nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity but upon high moral, mental, and physical development. This education of the farmer--self-education by preference but also education from the outside, as with all other men--is peculiarly necessary here in the United States, where the frontier conditions even in the newest States have now nearly vanished, where there must be a substitution of a more intensive system of cultivation for the old wasteful farm management, and where there must be a better business organization among the farmers themselves. Several factors must cooperate in the improvement of the farmer's condition. He must have the chance to be educated in the widest possible sense--in the sense which keeps ever in view the intimate relationship between the theory of education and the facts of life. In all education we should widen our aims. It is a good thing to produce a certain number of trained scholars and students; but the education superintended by the State must seek rather to produce a hundred good citizens than merely one scholar, and it must be turned now and then from the class book to the study of the great book of nature itself. This is especially true of the farmer, as has been pointed out again and again by all observers most competent to pass practical judgment on the problems of our country life. All students now realize that education must seek to train the executive powers of young people and to confer more real significance upon the phrase "dignity of labor," and to prepare the pupils so that, in addition to each developing in the highest degree his individual capacity for work, they may together help create a right public opinion, and show in many ways social and cooperative spirit. Organization has become necessary in the business world; and it has accomplished much for good in the world of labor. It is no less necessary for farmers. Such a movement as the grange movement is good in itself and is capable of a well-nigh infinite further extension for good so long as it is kept to its own legitimate business. The benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for mutual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological. Moreover, while in the long run voluntary efforts will prove more efficacious than government assistance, while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves, yet the Government can also do much. The Department of Agriculture has broken new ground in many directions, and year by year it finds how it can improve its methods and develop fresh usefulness. Its constant effort is to give the governmental assistance in the most effective way; that is, thru associations of farmers rather than to or thru individual farmers. It is also striving to coordinate its work with the agricultural departments of the several States, and so far as its own work is educational to coordinate it with the work of other educational authorities. Agricultural education is necessarily based upon general education, but our agricultural educational institutions are wisely specializing themselves, making their courses relate to the actual teaching of the agricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city people who wish to live in the country. Great progress has already been made among farmers by the creation of farmers' institutes, of dairy associations, of breeders' associations, horticultural associations, and the like. A striking example of how the Government and the farmers can cooperate is shown in connection with the menace offered to the cotton growers of the Southern States by the advance of the boll weevil. The Department is doing all it can to organize the farmers in the threatened districts, just as it has been doing all it can to organize them in aid of its work to eradicate the cattle fever tick in the South. The Department can and will cooperate with all such associations, and it must have their help if its own work is to be done in the most efficient style. Much is now being done for the States of the Rocky Mountains and Great Plains thru the development of the national policy of irrigation and forest preservation; no Government policy for the betterment of our internal conditions has been more fruitful of good than this. The forests of the White Mountains and Southern Appalachian regions should also be preserved; and they can not be unless the people of the States in which they lie, thru their representatives in the Congress, secure vigorous action by the National Government. I invite the attention of the Congress to the estimate of the Secretary of War for an appropriation to enable him to begin the preliminary work for the construction of a memorial amphitheater at Arlington. The Grand Army of the Republic in its national encampment has urged the erection of such an amphitheater as necessary for the proper observance Of Memorial Day and as a fitting monument to the soldier and sailor dead buried there. In this I heartily concur and commend the matter to the favorable consideration of the Congress. I am well aware of how difficult it is to pass a constitutional amendment. Nevertheless in my judgment the whole question of marriage and divorce should be relegated to the authority of the National Congress. At present the wide differences in the laws of the different States on this subject result in scandals and abuses; and surely there is nothing so vitally essential to the welfare of the nation, nothing around which the nation should so bend itself to throw every safeguard, as the home life of the average citizen. The change would be good from every standpoint. In particular it would be good because it would confer on the Congress the power at once to deal radically and efficiently with polygamy; and this should be done whether or not marriage and divorce are dealt with. It is neither safe nor proper to leave the question of polygamy to be dealt with by the several States. Power to deal with it should be conferred on the National Government. When home ties are loosened; when men and women cease to regard a worthy family life, with all its duties fully performed, and all its responsibilities lived up to, as the life best worth living; then evil days for the commonwealth are at hand. There are regions in our land, and classes of our population, where the birth rate has sunk below the death rate. Surely it should need no demonstration to show that wilful sterility is, from the standpoint of the nation, from the standpoint of the human race, the one sin for which the penalty is national death, race death; a sin for which there is no atonement; a sin which is the more dreadful exactly in proportion as the men and women guilty thereof are in other respects, in character, and bodily and mental powers, those whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the fathers and mothers of many healthy children, well brought up in homes made happy by their presence. No man, no woman, can shirk the primary duties of life, whether for love of ease and pleasure, or for any other because, and retain his or her self-respect. Let me once again call the attention of the Congress to two subjects concerning which I have frequently before communicated with them. One is the question of developing American shipping. I trust that a law embodying in substance the views, or a major part of the views, exprest in the report on this subject laid before the House at its last session will be past. I am well aware that in former years objectionable measures have been proposed in reference to the encouragement of American shipping; but it seems to me that the proposed measure is as nearly unobjectionable as any can be. It will of course benefit primarily our seaboard States, such as Maine, Louisiana, and Washington; but what benefits part of our people in the end benefits all; just as Government aid to irrigation and forestry in the West is really of benefit, not only to the Rocky Mountain States, but to all our country. If it prove impracticable to enact a law for the encouragement of shipping generally, then at least provision should be made for better communication with South America, notably for fast mail lines to the chief South American ports. It is discreditable to us that our business people, for lack of direct communication in the shape of lines of steamers with South America, should in that great sister continent be at a disadvantage compared to the business people of Europe. I especially call your attention to the second subject, the condition of our currency laws. The national bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding the enormous business development of the country; and within ten years there has been an increase in circulation per capita from $21.41 to $33.08. For several years evidence has been accumulating that additional legislation is needed. The recurrence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws. There must soon be a revision of them, because to leave them as they are means to incur liability of business disaster. Since your body adjourned there has been a fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per cent; and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six months. The Secretary of the Treasury had to step in and by wise action put a stop to the most violent period of oscillation. Even worse than such fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty felt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates. All commercial interests suffer during each crop period. Excessive rates for call money in New York attract money from the interior banks into the speculative field; this depletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses, and commercial borrowers are forced to pay abnormal rates; so that each fall a tax, in the shape of increased interest charges, is placed on the whole commerce of the country. The mere statement of these has shows that our present system is seriously defective. There is need of a change. Unfortunately, however, many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are complicated, are not easy of comprehension, and tend to, disturb existing rights and interests. We must also rule out any plan which would materially impair the value of the United States 2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circulations, the issue of which was made under conditions peculiarly creditable to the Treasury. I do not press any especial plan. Various plans have recently been proposed by expert committees of bankers. Among the plans which are possibly feasible and which certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present Secretary of the Treasury, the essential features of which have been approved by many prominent bankers and business men. According to this plan national banks should be permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes of a given kind, the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade. This plan would not permit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits, but to meet the emergency presented by times of stringency. I do not say that this is the right system. I only advance it to emphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system which shall be automatic and open to all sound banks, so as to avoid all possibility of discrimination and favoritism. Such a plan would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now obtain in the New York market; for at present there is too much currency at certain seasons of the year, and its accumulation at New York tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes; whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent need for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply. It must never be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally quite as much as bankers; especially is this true of stockmen, farmers, and business men in the West; for at present at certain seasons of the year the difference in interest rates between the East and the West is from 6 to 10 per cent, whereas in Canada the corresponding difference is but 2 per cent. Any plan must, of course, guard the interests of western and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interests of New York or Chicago bankers; and must be drawn from the standpoints of the farmer and the merchant no less than from the standpoints of the city banker and the country banker. The law should be amended so as specifically to provide that the funds derived from customs duties may be treated by the Secretary of the Treasury as he treats funds obtained under the internal-revenue laws. There should be a considerable increase in bills of small denominations. Permission should be given banks, if necessary under settled restrictions, to retire their circulation to a larger amount than three millions a month. I most earnestly hope that the bill to provide a lower tariff for or else absolute free trade in Philippine products will become a law. No harm will come to any American industry; and while there will be some small but real material benefit to the Filipinos, the main benefit will come by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for their welfare. So far our action in the Philippines has been abundantly justified, not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added dignity it has given us as a nation by proving that we are capable honorably and efficiently to bear the international burdens which a mighty people should bear, but even more because of the immense benefit that has come to the people of the Philippine Islands. In these islands we are steadily introducing both liberty and order, to a greater degree than their people have ever before known. We have secured justice. We have provided an efficient police force, and have put down ladronism. Only in the islands of Leyte and Samar is the authority of our Government resisted and this by wild mountain tribes under the superstitious inspiration of fakirs and pseudo-religions leaders. We are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the islanders, and next spring, if conditions warrant, we shall take a great stride forward in testing their capacity for self-government by summoning the first Filipino legislative assembly; and the way in which they stand this test will largely determine whether the self-government thus granted will be increased or decreased; for if we have erred at all in the Philippines it has been in proceeding too rapidly in the direction of granting a large measure of self-government. We are building roads. We have, for the immeasurable good of the people, arranged for the building of railroads. Let us also see to it that they are given free access to our markets. This nation owes no more imperative duty to itself and mankind than the duty of managing the affairs of all the islands under the American flag--the Philippines, Porto Rico, and Hawaii--so as to make it evident that it is in every way to their advantage that the flag should fly over them. American citizenship should be conferred on the citizens of Porto Rico. The harbor of San Juan in Porto Rico should be dredged and improved. The expenses of the federal court of Porto Rico should be met from the Federal Treasury. The administration of the affairs of Porto Rico, together with those of the Philippines, Hawaii, and our other insular possessions, should all be directed under one executive department; by preference the Department of State or the Department of War. The needs of Hawaii are peculiar; every aid should be given the islands; and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them along the lines of a community of small freeholders, not of great planters with coolie-tilled estates. Situated as this Territory is, in the middle of the Pacific, there are duties imposed upon this small community which do not fall in like degree or manner upon any other American community. This warrants our treating it differently from the way in which we treat Territories contiguous to or surrounded by sister Territories or other States, and justifies the setting aside of a portion of our revenues to be expended for educational and internal improvements therein. Hawaii is now making an effort to secure immigration fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full American citizenship, and whenever the leaders in the various industries of those islands finally adopt our ideals and heartily join our administration in endeavoring to develop a middle class of substantial citizens, a way will then be found to deal with the commercial and industrial problems which now appear to them so serious. The best Americanism is that which aims for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship, rather than immediate returns on large masses of capital. Alaska's needs have been partially met, but there must be a complete reorganization of the governmental system, as I have before indicated to you. I ask your especial attention to this. Our fellow-citizens who dwell on the shores of Puget Sound with characteristic energy are arranging to hold in Seattle the Alaska Yukon Pacific Exposition. Its special aims include the upbuilding of Alaska and the development of American commerce on the Pacific Ocean. This exposition, in its purposes and scope, should appeal not only to the people of the Pacific slope, but to the people of the United States at large. Alaska since it was bought has yielded to the Government eleven millions of dollars of revenue, and has produced nearly three hundred millions of dollars in gold, furs, and fish. When properly developed it will become in large degree a land of homes. The countries bordering the Pacific Ocean have a population more numerous than that of all the countries of Europe; their annual foreign commerce amounts to over three billions of dollars, of which the share of the United States is some seven hundred millions of dollars. If this trade were thoroly understood and pushed by our manufacturers and producers, the industries not only of the Pacific slope, but of all our country, and particularly of our cotton-growing States, would be greatly benefited. Of course, in order to get these benefits, we must treat fairly the countries with which we trade. It is a mistake, and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism, to maintain that all international governmental action is, and must ever be, based upon mere selfishness, and that to advance ethical reasons for such action is always a sign of hypocrisy. This is no more necessarily true of the action of governments than of the action of individuals. It is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base motives for the actions of others. Unquestionably no nation can afford to disregard proper considerations of self-interest, any more than a private individual can so do. But it is equally true that the average private individual in any really decent community does many actions with reference to other men in which he is guided, not by self-interest, but by public spirit, by regard for the rights of others, by a disinterested purpose to do good to others, and to raise the tone of the community as a whole. Similarly, a really great nation must often act, and as a matter of fact often does act, toward other nations in a spirit not in the least of mere self-interest, but paying heed chiefly to ethical reasons; and as the centuries go by this disinterestedness in international action, this tendency of the individuals comprising a nation to require that nation to act with justice toward its neighbors, steadily grows and strengthens. It is neither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs, and it is foolish--and may be wicked--to think that other nations will disregard theirs. But it is wicked for a nation only to regard its own interest, and foolish to believe that such is the sole motive that actuates any other nation. It should be our steady aim to raise the ethical standard of national action just as we strive to raise the ethical standard of individual action. Not only must we treat all nations fairly, but we must treat with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law. Whether they are Catholic or Protestant, Jew or Gentile; whether they come from England or Germany, Russia, Japan, or Italy, matters nothing. All we have a right to question is the man's conduct. If he is honest and upright in his dealings with his neighbor and with the State, then he is entitled to respect and good treatment. Especially do we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates. It is the sure mark of a low civilization, a low morality, to abuse or discriminate against or in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and who is conducting himself properly. To remember this is incumbent on every American citizen, and it is of course peculiarly incumbent on every Government official, whether of the nation or of the several States. I am prompted to say this by the attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the Japanese in this country. This hostility is sporadic and is limited to a very few places. Nevertheless, it is most discreditable to us as a people, and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences to the nation. The friendship between the United States and Japan has been continuous since the time, over half a century ago, when Commodore Perry, by his expedition to Japan, first opened the islands to western civilization. Since then the growth of Japan has been literally astounding. There is not only nothing to parallel it, but nothing to approach it in the history of civilized mankind. Japan has a glorious and ancient past. Her civilization is older than that of the nations of northern Europe--the nations from whom the people of the United States have chiefly sprung. But fifty years ago Japan's development was still that of the Middle Ages. During that fifty years the progress of the country in every walk in life has been a marvel to mankind, and she now stands as one of the greatest of civilized nations; great in the arts of war and in the arts of peace; great in military, in industrial, in artistic development and achievement. Japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom history makes note. She has produced great generals and mighty admirals; her fighting men, afloat and ashore, show all the heroic courage, the unquestioning, unfaltering loyalty, the splendid indifference to hardship and death, which marked the Loyal Ronins; and they show also that they possess the highest ideal of patriotism. Japanese artists of every kind see their products eagerly sought for in all lands. The industrial and commercial development of Japan has been phenomenal; greater than that of any other country during the same period. At the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked. The admirable management of the Japanese Red Cross during the late war, the efficiency and humanity of the Japanese officials, nurses, and doctors, won the respectful admiration of all acquainted with the facts. Thru the Red Cross the Japanese people sent over $100,000 to the sufferers of San Francisco, and the gift was accepted with gratitude by our people. The courtesy of the Japanese, nationally and individually, has become proverbial. To no other country has there been such an increasing number of visitors from this land as to Japan. In return, Japanese have come here in great numbers. They are welcome, socially and intellectually, in all our colleges and institutions of higher learning, in all our professional and social bodies. The Japanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened peoples of Europe and America; they have won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality. The overwhelming mass of our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of Japan, and in almost every quarter of the Union the stranger from Japan is treated as he deserves; that is, he is treated as the stranger from any part of civilized Europe is and deserves to be treated. But here and there a most unworthy feeling has manifested itself toward the Japanese--the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the common schools in San Francisco, and in mutterings against them in one or two other places, because of their efficiency as workers. To shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity, when there are no first-class colleges in the land, including the universities and colleges of California, which do not gladly welcome Japanese students and on which Japanese students do not reflect credit. We have as much to learn from Japan as Japan has to learn from us; and no nation is fit to teach unless it is also willing to learn. Thruout Japan Americans are well treated, and any failure on the part of Americans at home to treat the Japanese with a like courtesy and consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our civilization. Our nation fronts on the Pacific, just as it fronts on the Atlantic. We hope to play a constantly growing part in the great ocean of the Orient. We wish, as we ought to wish, for a great commercial development in our dealings with Asia; and it is out of the question that we should permanently have such development unless we freely and gladly extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good treatment which we expect to receive in return. It is only a very small body of our citizens that act badly. Where the Federal Government has power it will deal summarily with any such. Where the several States have power I earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with such conduct, or else this small body of wrongdoers may bring shame upon the great mass of their innocent and right-thinking fellows--that is, upon our nation as a whole. Good manners should be an international no less than an individual attribute. I ask fair treatment for the Japanese as I would ask fair treatment for Germans or Englishmen, Frenchmen, Russians, or Italians. I ask it as due to humanity and civilization. I ask it as due to ourselves because we must act uprightly toward all men. I recommend to the Congress that an act be past specifically providing for the naturalization of Japanese who come here intending to become American citizens. One of the great embarrassments attending the performance of our international obligations is the fact that the Statutes of the United States are entirely inadequate. They fail to give to the National Government sufficiently ample power, thru United States courts and by the use of the Army and Navy, to protect aliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are the law of the land. I therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal and civil statutes of the United States be so amended and added to as to enable the President, acting for the United States Government, which is responsible in our international relations, to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties. Even as the law now is something can be done by the Federal Government toward this end, and in the matter now before me affecting the Japanese everything that it is in my power to do will be done, and all of the forces, military and civil, of the United States which I may lawfully employ will be so employed. There should, however, be no particle of doubt as to the power of the National Government completely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations. The mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless violence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into war. That city by itself would be powerless to make defense against the foreign power thus assaulted, and if independent of this (Government it would never venture to perform or permit the performance of the acts complained of. The entire power and the whole duty to protect the offending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the United States Government. It is unthinkable that we should continue a policy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime against a friendly nation, and the United States Government limited, not to preventing the commission of the crime, but, in the last resort, to defending the people who have committed it against the consequences of their own wrongdoing. Last August an insurrection broke out in Cuba which it speedily grew evident that the existing Cuban Government was powerless to quell. This Government was repeatedly asked by the then Cuban Government to intervene, and finally was notified by the President of Cuba that he intended to resign; that his decision was irrevocable; that none of the other constitutional officers would consent to carry on the Government, and that he was powerless to maintain order. It was evident that chaos was impending, and there was every probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this Government to try to restore order the representatives of various European nations in the island would apply to their respective governments for armed intervention in order to protect the lives and property of their citizens. Thanks to the preparedness of our Navy, I was able immediately to send enough ships to Cuba to prevent the situation from becoming hopeless; and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secretary of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, in order that they might grapple with the situation on the ground. All efforts to secure an agreement between the contending factions, by which they should themselves come to an amicable understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi--some provisional government of their own--failed. Finally the President of the Republic resigned. The quorum of Congress assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so that there was no power to act on his resignation, and the Government came to a halt. In accordance with the so-called Platt amendment, which was embodied in the constitution of Cuba, I thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the island, the Secretary of War acting as provisional governor until he could be replaced by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to Panama and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus; troops were sent to support them and to relieve the Navy, the expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and efficiency. The insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their troops should lay down their arms and disband; and the agreement was carried out. The provisional government has left the personnel of the old government and the old laws, so far as might be, unchanged, and will thus administer the island for a few months until tranquillity. can be restored, a new election properly held, and a new government inaugurated. Peace has come in the island; and the harvesting of the sugar-cane crop, the great crop of the island, is about to proceed. When the election has been held and the new government inaugurated in peaceful and orderly fashion the provisional government will come to an end. I take this opportunity of expressing upon behalf of the American people, with all possible solemnity, our most earnest hope that the people of Cuba will realize the imperative need of preserving justice and keeping order in the Island. The United States wishes nothing of Cuba except that it shall prosper morally and materially, and wishes nothing of the Cubans save that they shall be able to preserve order among themselves and therefore to preserve their independence. If the elections become a farce, and if the insurrectionary habit becomes confirmed in the Island, it is absolutely out of the question that the Island should continue independent; and the United States, which has assumed the sponsorship before the civilized world for Cuba's career as a nation, would again have to intervene and to see that the government was managed in such orderly fashion as to secure the safety cf life and property. The path to be trodden by those who exercise self-government is always hard, and we should have every charity and patience with the Cubans as they tread this difficult path. I have the utmost sympathy with, and regard for, them; but I most earnestly adjure them solemnly to weigh their responsibilities and to see that when their new government is started it shall run smoothly, and with freedom from flagrant denial of right on the one hand, and from insurrectionary disturbances on the other. The Second International Conference of American Republics, held in Mexico in the years 1901-2, provided for the holding of the third conference within five years, and committed the fixing of the time and place and the arrangements for the conference to the governing board of the Bureau of American Republics, composed of the representatives of all the American nations in Washington. That board discharged the duty imposed upon it with marked fidelity and painstaking care, and upon the courteous invitation of the United States of Brazil the conference was held at Rio de Janeiro, continuing from the 23d of July to the 29th of August last. Many subjects of common interest to all the American nations were discust by the conference, and the conclusions reached, embodied in a series of resolutions and proposed conventions, will be laid before you upon the coming in of the final report of the American delegates. They contain many matters of importance relating to the extension of trade, the increase of communication, the smoothing away of barriers to free intercourse, and the promotion of a better knowledge and good understanding between the different countries represented. The meetings of the conference were harmonious and the conclusions were reached with substantial unanimity. It is interesting to observe that in the successive conferences which have been held the representatives of the different American nations have been learning' to work together effectively, for, while the First Conference in Washington in 1889, and the Second Conference in Mexico in 1901-2, occupied many months, with much time wasted in an unregulated and fruitless discussion, the Third Conference at Rio exhibited much of the facility in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes permanent deliberative bodies, and completed its labors within the period of six weeks originally allotted for its sessions. Quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by the conference, the example of the representatives of all the American nations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion of subjects of common interest is itself of great and substantial value for the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all international questions. The thanks of this country are due to the Government of Brazil and to the people of Rio de Janeiro for the generous hospitality with which our delegates, in common with the others, were received, entertained, and facilitated in their work. Incidentally to the meeting of the conference, the Secretary of State visited the city of Rio de Janeiro and was cordially received by the conference, of which he was made an honorary president. The announcement of his intention to make this visit was followed by most courteous and urgent invitations from nearly all the countries of South America to visit them as the guest of their Governments. It was deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might appropriately express the real respect and friendship in which we hold our sister Republics of the southern continent, and the Secretary, accordingly, visited Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, Peru, Panama, and Colombia. He refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, and Ecuador only because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable with the time at his disposal. He carried with him a message of peace and friendship, and of strong desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message. The members of government, the press, the learned professions, the men of business, and the great masses of the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and because which he represented. In many parts of South America there has been much misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the United States towards the other American Republics. An idea had become prevalent that our assertion of the Monroe Doctrine implied, or carried with it, an assumption of superiority, and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies. Nothing could be farther from the truth. Yet that impression continued to be a serious barrier to good understanding, to friendly intercourse, to the introduction of American capital and the extension of American trade. The impression was so widespread that apparently it could not be reached by any ordinary means. It was part of Secretary Root's mission to dispel this unfounded impression, and there is just because to believe that he has succeeded. In an address to the Third Conference at Rio on the 31st of July--an address of such note that I send it in, together with this message--he said: "We wish for no victories but those of peace; for no territory except our own; for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves. We deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire, and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong. We neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every American Republic. We wish to increase our prosperity, to extend our trade, to grow in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth, that we may all become greater and stronger together. Within a few months for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the American continents can be and I hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great World Congress at The Hague. This will be the world's formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the American continents is to be deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies, so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our Republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an all-American public opinion, whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong, and narrow the causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So shall come security and prosperity, production and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happiness for us all." These words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of South America. They have my hearty approval, as I am sure they will have yours, and I can not be wrong in the conviction that they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole American people. I can not better characterize the true attitude of the United States in its assertion of the Monroe Doctrine than in the words of the distinguished former minister of foreign affairs of Argentina, Doctor Drago, in his speech welcoming Mr. Root at Buenos Ayres. He spoke of-- "The traditional policy of the United States (which) without accentuating superiority or seeking preponderance, condemned the oppression of the nations of this part of the world and the control of their destinies by the great Powers of Europe." It is gratifying to know that in the great city of Buenos Ayres, upon the arches which spanned the streets, entwined with Argentine and American flags for the reception of our representative, there were emblazoned not' only the names of Washington and Jefferson and Marshall, but also, in appreciative recognition of their services to the because of South American independence, the names of James Monroe, John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay, and Richard Rush. We take especial pleasure in the graceful courtesy of the Government of Brazil, which has given to the beautiful and stately building first used for the meeting of the conference the name of "Palacio Monroe." Our grateful acknowledgments are due to the Governments and the people of all the countries visited by the Secretary of State for the courtesy, the friendship, and the honor shown to our country in their generous hospitality to him. In my message to you on the 5th of December, 1905, I called your attention to the embarrassment that might be caused to this Government by the assertion by foreign nations of the right to collect by force of arms contract debts due by American republics to citizens of the collecting nation, and to the danger that the process of compulsory collection might result in the occupation of territory tending to become permanent. I then said: "Our own Government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms. It is much to be wisht that all foreign governments would take the same view." This subject was one of the topics of consideration at the conference at Rio and a resolution was adopted by that conference recommending to the respective governments represented "to consider the advisability of asking the Second Peace Conference at The Hague to examine the question of the compulsory collection of public debts, and, in general, means tending to diminish among nations conflicts of purely pecuniary origin." This resolution was supported by the representatives of the United States in accordance with the following instructions: "It has long been the established policy of the United States not to use its armed forces for the collection of ordinary contract debts due to its citizens by other governments. We have not considered the use of force for such a purpose consistent with that respect for the independent sovereignty of other members of the family of nations which is the most important principle of international law and the chief protection of weak nations against the oppression of the strong. It seems to us that the practise is injurious in its general effect upon the relations of nations and upon the welfare of weak and disordered states, whose development ought to be encouraged in the interests of civilization; that it offers frequent temptation to bullying and oppression and to unnecessary and unjustifiable warfare. We regret that other powers, whose opinions and sense of justice we esteem highly, have at times taken a different view and have permitted themselves, though we believe with reluctance, to collect such debts by force. It is doubtless true that the non-payment of public debts may be accompanied by such circumstances of fraud and wrongdoing or violation of treaties as to justify the use of force. This Government would be glad to see an international consideration of the subject which shall discriminate between such cases and the simple nonperformance of a contract with a private person, and a resolution in favor of reliance upon peaceful means in cases of the latter class. "It is not felt, however, that the conference at Rio should undertake to make such a discrimination or to resolve upon such a rule. Most of the American countries are still debtor nations, while the countries of Europe are the creditors. If the Rio conference, therefore, were to take such action it would have the appearance of a meeting of debtors resolving how their creditors should act, and this would not inspire respect. The true course is indicated by the terms of the program, which proposes to request the Second Hague Conference, where both creditors and debtors will be assembled, to consider the subject." Last June trouble which had existed for some time between the Republics of Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras culminated in war--a war which threatened to be ruinous to the countries involved and very destructive to the commercial interests of Americans, Mexicans, and other foreigners who are taking an important part in the development of these countries. The thoroly good understanding which exists between the United States and Mexico enabled this Government and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation between the warring Republics; which mediation resulted, not without long-continued and patient effort, in bringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board a United States warship as neutral territory, and peace was there concluded; a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the means of livelihood. The Rio Conference past the following resolution in reference to this action: "That the Third International American Conference shall address to the Presidents of the United States of America and of the United States of Mexico a note in which the conference which is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction at the happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace between the Republics of Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador." This affords an excellent example of one way in which the influence of the United States can properly be exercised for the benefit of the peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is, by action taken in concert with other American republics and therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which might attach if the action were taken by one alone. In this way it is possible to exercise a powerful influence toward the substitution of considerate action in the spirit of justice for the insurrectionary or international violence which has hitherto been so great a hindrance to the development of many of our neighbors. Repeated examples of united action by several or many American republics in favor of peace, by urging cool and reasonable, instead of excited and belligerent, treatment of international controversies, can not fail to promote the growth of a general public opinion among the American nations which will elevate the standards of international action, strengthen the sense of international duty among governments, and tell in favor of the peace of mankind. I have just returned from a trip to Panama and shall report to you at length later on the whole subject of the Panama Canal. The Algeciras Convention, which was signed by the United States as well as by most of the powers of Europe, supersedes the previous convention of 1880, which was also signed both by the United States and a majority of the European powers. This treaty confers upon us equal commercial rights with all European countries and does not entail a single obligation of any kind upon us, and I earnestly hope it may be speedily ratified. To refuse to ratify it would merely mean that we forfeited our commercial rights in Morocco and would not achieve another object of any kind. In the event of such refusal we would be left for the first time in a hundred and twenty years without any commercial treaty with Morocco; and this at a time when we are everywhere seeking new markets and outlets for trade. The destruction of the Pribilof Islands fur seals by pelagic sealing still continues. The herd which, according to the surveys made in 1874 by direction of the Congress, numbered 4,700,000, and which, according to the survey of both American and Canadian commissioners in 1891, amounted to 1,000,000, has now been reduced to about 180,000. This result has been brought about by Canadian and some other sealing vessels killing the female seals while in the water during their annual pilgrimage to and from the south, or in search of food. As a rule the female seal when killed is pregnant, and also has an unweaned pup on land, so that, for each skin taken by pelagic sealing, as a rule, three lives are destroyed--the mother, the unborn offspring, and the nursing pup, which is left to starve to death. No damage whatever is done to the herd by the carefully regulated killing on land; the custom of pelagic sealing is solely responsible for all of the present evil, and is alike indefensible from the economic standpoint and from the standpoint of humanity. In 1896 over 16,000 young seals were found dead from starvation on the Pribilof Islands. In 1897 it was estimated that since pelagic sealing began upward of 400,000 adult female seals had been killed at sea, and over 300,000 young seals had died of starvation as the result. The revolting barbarity of such a practise, as well as the wasteful destruction which it involves, needs no demonstration and is its own condemnation. The Bering Sea Tribunal, which sat in Paris in 1893, and which decided against the claims of the United States to exclusive jurisdiction in the waters of Bering Sea and to a property right in the fur seals when outside of the three-mile limit, determined also upon certain regulations which the Tribunal considered sufficient for the proper protection and preservation of the fur seal. in, or habitually resorting to, the Bering Sea. The Tribunal by its regulations established a close season, from the 1st of May to the 31st of July, and excluded all killing in the waters within 60 miles around the Pribilof Islands. They also provided that the regulations which they had determined upon, with a view to the protection and preservation of the seals, should be submitted every five years to new examination, so as to enable both interested Governments to consider whether, in the light of past experience, there was occasion for any modification thereof. The regulations have proved plainly inadequate to accomplish the object of protection and preservation of the fur seals, and for a long time this Government has been trying in vain to secure from Great Britain such revision and modification of the regulations as were contemplated and provided for by the award of the Tribunal of Paris. The process of destruction has been accelerated during recent years by the appearance of a number of Japanese vessels engaged in pelagic sealing. As these vessels have not been bound even by the inadequate limitations prescribed by the Tribunal of Paris, they have paid no attention either to the close season or to the sixty-mile limit imposed upon the Canadians, and have prosecuted their work up to the very islands themselves. On July 16 and 17 the crews from several Japanese vessels made raids upon the island of St. Paul, and before they were beaten off by the very meager and insufficiently armed guard, they succeeded in killing several hundred seals and carrying off the skins of most of them. Nearly all the seals killed were females and the work was done with frightful barbarity. Many of the seals appear to have been skinned alive and many were found half skinned and still alive. The raids were repelled only by the use of firearms, and five of the raiders were killed, two were wounded, and twelve captured, including the two wounded. Those captured have since been tried and sentenced to imprisonment. An attack of this kind had been wholly unlookt for, but such provision of vessels, arms, and ammunition will now be made that its repetition will not be found profitable. Suitable representations regarding the incident have been made to the Government of Japan, and we are assured that all practicable measures will be taken by that country to prevent any recurrence of the outrage. On our part, the guard on the island will be increased and better equipped and organized, and a better revenue-cutter patrol service about the islands will be established; next season a United States war vessel will also be sent there. We have not relaxed our efforts to secure an agreement with Great Britain for adequate protection of the seal herd, and negotiations with Japan for the same purpose are in progress. The laws for the protection of the seals within the jurisdiction of the United States need revision and amendment. Only the islands of St. Paul and St. George are now, in terms, included in the Government reservation, and the other islands are also to be included. The landing of aliens as well as citizens upon the islands, without a permit from the Department of Commerce and Labor, for any purpose except in case of stress of weather or for water, should be prohibited under adequate penalties. The approach of vessels for the excepted purposes should be regulated. The authority of the Government agents on the islands should be enlarged, and the chief agent should have the powers of a committing magistrate. The entrance of a vessel into the territorial waters surrounding the islands with intent to take seals should be made a criminal offense and because of forfeiture. Authority for seizures in such cases should be given and the presence on any such vessel of seals or sealskins, or the paraphernalia for taking them, should be made prima facie evidence of such intent. I recommend what legislation is needed to accomplish these ends; and I commend to your attention the report of Mr. Sims, of the Department of Commerce and Labor, on this subject. In case we are compelled to abandon the hope of making arrangements with other governments to put an end to the hideous cruelty now incident to pelagic sealing, it will be a question for your serious consideration how far we should continue to protect and maintain the seal herd on land with the result of continuing such a practise, and whether it is not better to end the practice by exterminating the herd ourselves in the most humane way possible. In my last message I advised you that the Emperor of Russia had taken the initiative in bringing about a second peace conference at The Hague. Under the guidance of Russia the arrangement of the preliminaries for such a conference has been progressing during the past year. Progress has necessarily been slow, owing to the great number of countries to be consulted upon every question that has arisen. It is a matter of satisfaction that all of the American Republics have now, for the first time, been invited to join in the proposed conference. The close connection between the subjects to be taken up by the Red Cross Conference held at Geneva last summer and the subjects which naturally would come before The Hague Conference made it apparent that it was desirable to have the work of the Red Cross Conference completed and considered by the different powers before the meeting at The Hague. The Red Cross Conference ended its labors on the 6th day of July, and the revised and amended convention, which was signed by the American delegates, will be promptly laid before the Senate. By the special and highly appreciated courtesy of the Governments of Russia and the Netherlands, a proposal to call The Hague Conference together at a time which would conflict with the Conference of the American Republics at Rio de Janeiro in August was laid aside. No other date has yet been suggested. A tentative program for the conference has been proposed by the Government of Russia, and the subjects which it enumerates are undergoing careful examination and consideration in preparation for the conference. It must ever be kept in mind that war is not merely justifiable, but imperative, upon honorable men, upon an honorable nation, where peace can only be obtained by the sacrifice of conscientious conviction or of national welfare. Peace is normally a great good, and normally it coincides with righteousness; but it is righteousness and not peace which should bind the conscience of a nation as it should bind the conscience of an individual; and neither a nation nor an individual can surrender conscience to another's keeping. Neither can a nation, which is an entity, and which does not die as individuals die, refrain from taking thought for the interest of the generations that are to come, no less than for the interest of the generation of to-day; and no public men have a right, whether from shortsightedness, from selfish indifference, or from sentimentality, to sacrifice national interests which are vital in character. A just war is in the long run far better for a nation's soul than the most prosperous peace obtained by acquiescence in wrong or injustice. Moreover, though it is criminal for a nation not to prepare for war, so that it may escape the dreadful consequences of being defeated in war, yet it must always be remembered that even to be defeated in war may be far better than not to have fought at all. As has been well and finely said, a beaten nation is not necessarily a disgraced nation; but the nation or man is disgraced if the obligation to defend right is shirked. We should as a nation do everything in our power for the because of honorable peace. It is morally as indefensible for a nation to commit a wrong upon another nation, strong or weak, as for an individual thus to wrong his fellows. We should do all in our power to hasten the day when there shall be peace among the nations--a peace based upon justice and not upon cowardly submission to wrong. We can accomplish a good deal in this direction, but we can not accomplish everything, and the penalty of attempting to do too much would almost inevitably be to do worse than nothing; for it must be remembered that fantastic extremists are not in reality leaders of the causes which they espouse, but are ordinarily those who do most to hamper the real leaders of the because and to damage the because itself. As yet there is no likelihood of establishing any kind of international power, of whatever sort, which can effectively check wrongdoing, and in these circumstances it would be both a foolish and an evil thing for a great and free nation to deprive itself of the power to protect its own rights and even in exceptional cases to stand up for the rights of others. Nothing would more promote iniquity, nothing would further defer the reign upon earth of peace and righteousness, than for the free and enlightened peoples which, though with much stumbling and many shortcomings, nevertheless strive toward justice, deliberately to render themselves powerless while leaving every despotism and barbarism armed and able to work their wicked will. The chance for the settlement of disputes peacefully, by arbitration, now depends mainly upon the possession by the nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make their purpose effective. The United States Navy is the surest guarantor of peace which this country possesses. It is earnestly to be wisht that we would profit by the teachings of history in this matter. A strong and wise people will study its own failures no less than its triumphs, for there is wisdom to be learned from the study of both, of the mistake as well as of the success. For this purpose nothing could be more instructive than a rational study of the war of 1812, as it is told, for instance, by Captain Mahan. There was only one way in which that war could have been avoided. If during the preceding twelve years a navy relatively as strong as that which this country now has had been built up, and an army provided relatively as good as that which the country now has, there never would have been the slightest necessity of fighting the war; and if the necessity had arisen the war would under such circumstances have ended with our speedy and overwhelming triumph. But our people during those twelve years refused to make any preparations whatever, regarding either the Army or the Navy. They saved a million or two of dollars by so doing; and in mere money paid a hundredfold for each million they thus saved during the three years of war which followed--a war which brought untold suffering upon our people, which at one time threatened the gravest national disaster, and which, in spite of the necessity of waging it, resulted merely in what was in effect a drawn battle, while the balance of defeat and triumph was almost even. I do not ask that we continue to increase our Navy. I ask merely that it be maintained at its present strength; and this can be done only if we replace the obsolete and outworn ships by new and good ones, the equals of any afloat in any navy. To stop building ships for one year means that for that year the Navy goes back instead of forward. The old battle ship Texas, for instance, would now be of little service in a stand-up fight with a powerful adversary. The old double-turret monitors have outworn their usefulness, while it was a waste of money to build the modern single-turret monitors. All these ships should be replaced by others; and this can be done by a well-settled program of providing for the building each year of at least one first-class battle ship equal in size and speed to any that any nation is at the same time building; the armament presumably to consist of as large a number as possible of very heavy guns of one caliber, together with smaller guns to repel torpedo attack; while there should be heavy armor, turbine engines, and in short, every modern device. Of course, from time to time, cruisers, colliers, torpedo-boat destroyers or torpedo boats, Will have to be built also. All this, be it remembered, would not increase our Navy, but would merely keep it at its present strength. Equally of course, the ships will be absolutely useless if the men aboard them are not so trained that they can get the best possible service out of the formidable but delicate and complicated mechanisms intrusted to their care. The marksmanship of our men has so improved during the last five years that I deem it within bounds to say that the Navy is more than twice as efficient, ship for ship, as half a decade ago. The Navy can only attain proper efficiency if enough officers and men are provided, and if these officers and men are given the chance (and required to take advantage of it) to stay continually at sea and to exercise the fleets singly and above all in squadron, the exercise to be of every kind and to include unceasing practise at the guns, conducted under conditions that will test marksmanship in time of war. In both the Army and the Navy there is urgent need that everything possible should be done to maintain the highest standard for the personnel, alike as regards the officers and the enlisted men. I do not believe that in any service there is a finer body of enlisted men and of junior officer than we have in both the Army and the Navy, including the Marine Corps. All possible encouragement to the enlisted men should be given, in pay and otherwise, and everything practicable done to render the service attractive to men of the right type. They should be held to the strictest discharge of their duty, and in them a spirit should be encouraged which demands not the mere performance of duty, but the performance of far more than duty, if it conduces to the honor and the interest of the American nation; and in return the amplest consideration should be theirs. West Point and Annapolis already turn out excellent officers. We do not need to have these schools made more scholastic. On the contrary we should never lose sight of the fact that the aim of each school is to turn out a man who shall be above everything else a fighting man. In the Army in particular it is not necessary that either the cavalry or infantry officer should have special mathematical ability. Probably in both schools the best part of the education is the high standard of character and of professional morale which it confers. But in both services there is urgent need for the establishment of a principle of selection which will eliminate men after a certain age if they can not be promoted from the subordinate ranks, and which will bring into the higher ranks fewer men, and these at an earlier age. This principle of selection will be objected to by good men of mediocre capacity, who are fitted to do well while young in the lower positions, but who are not fitted to do well when at an advanced age they come into positions of command and of great responsibility. But the desire of these men to be promoted to positions which they are not competent to fill should not weigh against the interest of the Navy and the country. At present our men, especially in the Navy, are kept far too long in the junior grades, and then, at much too advanced an age, are put quickly thru the senior grades, often not attaining to these senior grades until they are too old to be of real use in them; and if they are of real use, being put thru them so quickly that little benefit to the Navy comes from their having been in them at all. The Navy has one great advantage over the Army in the fact that the officers of high rank are actually trained in the continual performance of their duties; that is, in the management of the battle ships and armored cruisers gathered into fleets. This is not true of the army officers, who rarely have corresponding chances to exercise command over troops under service conditions. The conduct of the Spanish war showed the lamentable loss of life, the useless extravagance, and the inefficiency certain to result, if during peace the high officials of the War and Navy Departments are praised and rewarded only if they save money at no matter what cost to the efficiency of the service, and if the higher officers are given no chance whatever to exercise and practise command. For years prior to the Spanish war the Secretaries of War were praised chiefly if they practised economy; which economy, especially in connection with the quartermaster, commissary, and medical departments, was directly responsible for most of the mismanagement that occurred in the war itself--and parenthetically be it observed that the very people who clamored for the misdirected economy in the first place were foremost to denounce the mismanagement, loss, and suffering which were primarily due to this same misdirected economy and to the lack of preparation it involved. There should soon be an increase in the number of men for our coast defenses; these men should be of the right type and properly trained; and there should therefore be an increase of pay for certain skilled grades, especially in the coast artillery. Money should be appropriated to permit troops to be massed in body and exercised in maneuvers, particularly in marching. Such exercise during the summer just past has been of incalculable benefit to the Army and should under no circumstances be discontinued. If on these practise marches and in these maneuvers elderly officers prove unable to bear the strain, they should be retired at once, for the fact is conclusive as to their unfitness for war; that is, for the only purpose because of which they should be allowed to stay in the service. It is a real misfortune to have scores of small company or regimental posts scattered thruout the country; the Army should be gathered in a few brigade or division posts; and the generals should be practised in handling the men in masses. Neglect to provide for all of this means to incur the risk of future disaster and disgrace. The readiness and efficiency of both the Army and Navy in dealing with the recent sudden crisis in Cuba illustrate afresh their value to the Nation. This readiness and efficiency would have been very much less had it not been for the existence of the General Staff in the Army and the General Board in the Navy; both are essential to the proper development and use of our military forces afloat and ashore. The troops that were sent to Cuba were handled flawlessly. It was the swiftest mobilization and dispatch of troops over sea ever accomplished by our Government. The expedition landed completely equipped and ready for immediate service, several of its organizations hardly remaining in Havana over night before splitting up into detachments and going to their several posts, It was a fine demonstration of the value and efficiency of the General Staff. Similarly, it was owing in large part to the General Board that the Navy was able at the outset to meet the Cuban crisis with such instant efficiency; ship after ship appearing on the shortest notice at any threatened point, while the Marine Corps in particular performed indispensable service. The Army and Navy War Colleges are of incalculable value to the two services, and they cooperate with constantly increasing efficiency and importance. The Congress has most wisely provided for a National Board for the promotion of rifle practise. Excellent results have already come from this law, but it does not go far enough. Our Regular Army is so small that in any great war we should have to trust mainly to volunteers; and in such event these volunteers should already know how to shoot; for if a soldier has the fighting edge, and ability to take care of himself in the open, his efficiency on the line of battle is almost directly Proportionate to excellence in marksmanship. We should establish shooting galleries in all the large public and military schools, should maintain national target ranges in different parts of the country, and should in every way encourage the formation of rifle clubs thruout all parts of the land. The little Republic of Switzerland offers us an excellent example in all matters connected with building up an efficient citizen soldiery.
as a nation we still continue to enjoy a literally unprecedented prosperity and it is probable that only reckless speculation and disregard of legitimate business methods on the part of the business world can materially mar this prosperity no congress in our time has done more good work of importance than the present congress there were several matters left unfinished at your last session however which i most earnestly hope you will complete before your adjournment i again recommend a law prohibiting all corporations from contributing to the campaign expenses of any party such a bill has already past one house of congress let individuals contribute as they desire but let us prohibit in effective fashion all corporations from making contributions for any political purpose directly or indirectly another bill which has just past one house of the congress and which it is urgently necessary should be enacted into law is that conferring upon the government the right of appeal in criminal cases on questions of law this right exists in many of the states it exists in the district of columbia by act of the congress it is of course not proposed that in any case a verdict for the defendant on the merits should be set aside recently in one district where the government had indicted certain persons for conspiracy in connection with rebates the court sustained the defendant demurrer while in another jurisdiction an indictment for conspiracy to obtain rebates has been sustained by the court convictions obtained under it and two defendants sentenced to imprisonment the two cases referred to may not be in real conflict with each other but it is unfortunate that there should even be an apparent conflict at present there is no way by which the government can because such a conflict when it occurs to be solved by an appeal to a higher court and the wheels of justice are blocked without any real decision of the question i can not too strongly urge the passage of the bill in question a failure to pass it will result in seriously hampering the government in its effort to obtain justice especially against wealthy individuals or corporations who do wrong and may also prevent the government from obtaining justice for who are not themselves able effectively to contest a case where the judgment of an inferior court has been against them i have specifically in view a recent decision by a district judge leaving railway employees without remedy for violation of a certain labor statute it seems an absurdity to permit a single district judge against what may be the judgment of the immense majority of his colleagues on the bench to declare a law solemnly enacted by the congress to be unconstitutional and then to deny to the government the right to have the supreme court definitely decide the question it is well to recollect that the real efficiency of the law often depends not upon the passage of acts as to which there is great public excitement but upon the passage of acts of this nature as to which there is not much public excitement because there is little public understanding of their importance while the interested parties are keenly alive to the desirability of defeating them the importance of enacting into law the particular bill in question is further increased by the fact that the government has now definitely begun a policy of resorting to the criminal law in those trust and interstate commerce cases where such a course offers a reasonable chance of success at first as was proper every effort was made to enforce these laws by civil proceedings but it has become increasingly evident that the action of the government in finally deciding in certain cases to undertake criminal proceedings was justifiable and though there have been some conspicuous failures in these cases we have had many successes which have undoubtedly had a deterrent effect upon whether the penalty inflicted was in the shape of fine or imprisonment and penalties of both kinds have already been inflicted by the courts of course where the judge can see his way to inflict the penalty of imprisonment the deterrent effect of the punishment on other offenders is increased but sufficiently heavy fines accomplish much judge holt of the new york district court in a recent decision admirably stated the need for treating with just severity offenders of this kind his opinion runs in part as follows government evidence to establish the defendant guilt was clear conclusive and undisputed the case was a flagrant one the transactions which took place under this illegal contract were very large the amounts of rebates returned were considerable and the amount of the rebate itself was large amounting to more than of the entire tariff charge for the transportation of merchandise from this city to detroit it is not too much to say in my opinion that if this business was carried on for a considerable time on that basis that is if this discrimination in favor of this particular shipper was made with an 18 instead of a 23 cent rate and the tariff rate was maintained as against their competitors the result might be and not improbably would be that their competitors would be driven out of business this crime is one which in its nature is deliberate and premeditated i think over a fortnight elapsed between the date of palmer letter requesting the reduced rate and the answer of the railroad company deciding to grant it and then for months afterwards this business was carried on and these claims for rebates submitted month after month and checks in payment of them drawn month after month such a violation of the law in my opinion in its essential nature is a very much more heinous act than the ordinary common vulgar crimes which come before criminal courts constantly for punishment and which arise from sudden passion or temptation this crime in this case was committed by men of education and of large business experience whose standing in the community was such that they might have been expected to set an example of obedience to law upon the maintenance of which alone in this country the security of their property depends it was committed on behalf of a great railroad corporation which like other railroad corporations has received gratuitously from the state large and valuable privileges for the public convenience and its own which performs quasi public functions and which is charged with the highest obligation in the transaction of its business to treat the citizens of this country alike and not to carry on its business with unjust discriminations between different citizens or different classes of citizens this crime in its nature is one usually done with secrecy and proof of which it is very difficult to obtain the interstate commerce act was past in 1887 nearly twenty years ago ever since that time complaints of the granting of rebates by railroads have been common urgent and insistent and although the congress has repeatedly past legislation endeavoring to put a stop to this evil the difficulty of obtaining proof upon which to bring prosecution in these cases is so great that this is the first case that has ever been brought in this court and as i am formed this case and one recently brought in philadelphia are the only cases that have ever been brought in the eastern part of this country in fact but few cases of this kind have ever been brought in this country east or west now under these circumstances i am forced to the conclusion in a case in which the proof is so clear and the facts are so flagrant it is the duty of the court to fix a penalty which shall in some degree be commensurate with the gravity of the offense as between the two defendants in my opinion the principal penalty should be imposed on the corporation the traffic manager in this case presumably acted without any advantage to himself and without any interest in the transaction either by the direct authority or in accordance with what he understood to be the policy or the wishes of his employer the sentence of this court in this case is that the defendant pomeroy for each of the six offenses upon which he has been convicted be fined the sum of making six fines amounting in all to the sum of and the defendant the new york central and hudson river railroad company for each of the six crimes of which it has been convicted be fined the sum of making six fines amounting in the aggregate to the sum of and judgment to that effect will be entered in this case in connection with this matter i would like to call attention to the very unsatisfactory state of our criminal law resulting in large part from the habit of setting aside the judgments of inferior courts on technicalities absolutely unconnected with the merits of the case and where there is no attempt to show that there has been any failure of substantial justice it would be well to enact a law providing something to the effect that no judgment shall be set aside or new trial granted in any because civil or criminal on the ground of misdirection of the jury or the improper admission or rejection of evidence or for error as to any matter of pleading or procedure unless in the opinion of the court to which the application is made after an examination of the entire because it shall affirmatively appear that the error complained of has resulted in a miscarriage of justice in my last message i suggested the enactment of a law in connection with the issuance of injunctions attention having been sharply drawn to the matter by the demand that the right of applying injunctions in labor cases should be wholly abolished it is at least doubtful whether a law abolishing altogether the use of injunctions in such cases would stand the test of the courts in which case of course the legislation would be ineffective moreover i believe it would be wrong altogether to prohibit the use of injunctions it is criminal to permit sympathy for criminals to weaken our hands in upholding the law and if men seek to destroy life or property by mob violence there should be no impairment of the power of the courts to deal with them in the most summary and effective way possible but so far as possible the abuse of the power should be provided against by some such law as i advocated last year in this matter of injunctions there is lodged in the hands of the judiciary a necessary power which is nevertheless subject to the possibility of grave abuse it is a power that should be exercised with extreme care and should be subject to the jealous scrutiny of all men and condemnation should be meted out as much to the judge who fails to use it boldly when necessary as to the judge who uses it wantonly or oppressively of course a judge strong enough to be fit for his office will enjoin any resort to violence or intimidation especially by conspiracy no matter what his opinion may be of the rights of the original quarrel there must be no hesitation in dealing with disorder but there must likewise be no such abuse of the injunctive power as is implied in forbidding laboring men to strive for their own betterment in peaceful and lawful ways nor must the injunction be used merely to aid some big corporation in carrying out schemes for its own aggrandizement it must be remembered that a preliminary injunction in a labor case if granted without adequate proof even when authority can be found to support the conclusions of law on which it is founded may often settle the dispute between the parties and therefore if improperly granted may do irreparable wrong yet there are many judges who assume a granting of a preliminary injunction to be the ordinary and proper judicial disposition of such cases and there have undoubtedly been flagrant wrongs committed by judges in connection with labor disputes even within the last few years although i think much less often than in former years such judges by their unwise action immensely strengthen the hands of those who are striving entirely to do away with the power of injunction and therefore such careless use of the injunctive process tends to threaten its very existence for if the american people ever become convinced that this process is habitually abused whether in matters affecting labor or in matters affecting corporations it will be impossible to prevent its abolition it may be the highest duty of a judge at any given moment to disregard not merely the wishes of individuals of great political or financial power but the overwhelming tide of public sentiment and the judge who does thus disregard public sentiment when it is wrong who brushes aside the plea of any special interest when the pleading is not rounded on righteousness performs the highest service to the country such a judge is deserving of all honor and all honor can not be paid to this wise and fearless judge if we permit the growth of an absurd convention which would forbid any criticism of the judge of another type who shows himself timid in the presence of arrogant disorder or who on insufficient grounds grants an injunction that does grave injustice or who in his capacity as a construer and therefore in part a maker of the law in flagrant fashion thwarts the because of decent government the judge has a power over which no review can be exercised he himself sits in review upon the acts of both the executive and legislative branches of the government save in the most extraordinary cases he is amenable only at the bar of public opinion and it is unwise to maintain that public opinion in reference to a man with such power shall neither be exprest nor led the best judges have ever been foremost to disclaim any immunity from criticism this has been true since the days of the great english lord chancellor parker who said let all people be at liberty to know what i found my judgment upon that so when i have given it in any because others may be at liberty to judge of me the proprieties of the case were set forth with singular clearness and good temper by judge taft when a united states circuit judge eleven years ago in 1895 the opportunity freely and publicly to criticize judicial action is of vastly more importance to the body politic than the immunity of courts and judges from unjust aspersions and attack nothing tends more to render judges careful in their decisions and anxiously solicitous to do exact justice than the consciousness that every act of theirs is to be subjected to the intelligent scrutiny and candid criticism of their such criticism is beneficial in proportion as it is fair dispassionate discriminating and based on a knowledge of sound legal principles the comments made by learned text writers and by the acute editors of the various law reviews upon judicial decisions are therefore highly useful such critics constitute more or less impartial tribunals of professional opinion before which each judgment is made to stand or fall on its merits and thus exert a strong influence to secure uniformity of decision but criticism also is by no means without its uses even if accompanied as it often is by a direct attack upon the judicial fairness and motives of the occupants of the bench for if the law is but the essence of common sense the protest of many average men may evidence a defect in a judicial conclusion though based on the nicest legal reasoning and profoundest learning the two important elements of moral character in a judge are an earnest desire to reach a just conclusion and courage to enforce it in so far as fear of public comment does not affect the courage of a judge but only spurs him on to search his conscience and to reach the result which approves itself to his inmost heart such comment serves a useful purpose there are few men whether they are judges for life or for a shorter term who do not prefer to earn and hold the respect of all and who can not be reached and made to pause and deliberate by hostile public criticism in the case of judges having a life tenure indeed their very independence makes the right freely to comment on their decisions of greater importance because it is the only practical and available instrument in the hands of a free people to keep such judges alive to the reasonable demands of those they serve on the other hand the danger of destroying the proper influence of judicial decisions by creating unfounded prejudices against the courts justifies and requires that unjust attacks shall be met and answered courts must ultimately rest their defense upon the inherent strength of the opinions they deliver as the ground for their conclusions and must trust to the calm and deliberate judgment of all the people as their best vindication there is one consideration which should be taken into account by the good people who carry a sound proposition to an excess in objecting to any criticism of a judge decision the instinct of the american people as a whole is sound in this matter they will not subscribe to the doctrine that any public servant is to be above all criticism if the best citizens those most competent to express their judgment in such matters and above all those belonging to the great and honorable profession of the bar so profoundly influential in american life take the position that there shall be no criticism of a judge under any circumstances their view will not be accepted by the american people as a whole in such event the people will turn to and tend to accept as justifiable the intemperate and improper criticism uttered by unworthy agitators surely it is a misfortune to leave to such critics a function right in itself which they are certain to abuse just and temperate criticism when necessary is a safeguard against the acceptance by the people as a whole of that intemperate antagonism towards the judiciary which must be combated by every man and which if it became widespread among the people at large would constitute a dire menace to the republic in connection with the delays of the law i call your attention and the attention of the nation to the prevalence of crime among us and above all to the epidemic of lynching and mob violence that springs up now in one part of our country now in another each section north south east or west has its own faults no section can with wisdom spend its time jeering at the faults of another section it should be busy trying to amend its own shortcomings to deal with the crime of corruption it is necessary to have an awakened public conscience and to supplement this by whatever legislation will add speed and certainty in the execution of the law when we deal with lynching even more is necessary a great many white men are lynched but the crime is peculiarly frequent in respect to black men the greatest existing because of lynching is the perpetration especially by black men of the hideous crime of rape the most abominable in all the category of crimes even worse than murder mobs frequently avenge the commission of this crime by themselves torturing to death the man committing it thus avenging in bestial fashion a bestial deed and reducing themselves to a level with the criminal lawlessness grows by what it feeds upon and when mobs begin to lynch for rape they speedily extend the sphere of their operations and lynch for many other kinds of crimes so that of the lynchings are not for rape at all while a considerable proportion of the individuals lynched are innocent of all crime governor candler of georgia stated on one occasion some years ago i can say of a verity that i have within the last month saved the lives of half a dozen innocent negroes who were pursued by the mob and brought them to trial in a court of law in which they were acquitted as bishop galloway of mississippi has finely said when the rule of a mob obtains that which distinguishes a high civilization is surrendered the mob which lynches a negro charged with rape will in a little while lynch a white man suspected of crime every christian patriot in america needs to lift up his voice in loud and eternal protest against the mob spirit that is threatening the integrity of this republic governor jelks of alabama has recently spoken as follows the lynching of any person for whatever crime is inexcusable anywhere it is a defiance of orderly government but the killing of innocent people under any provocation is infinitely more horrible and yet innocent people are likely to die when a mob terrible lust is once aroused the lesson is this no good citizen can afford to countenance a defiance of the statutes no matter what the provocation the innocent frequently suffer and it is my observation more usually suffer than the guilty the white people of the south indict the whole colored race on the ground that even the better elements lend no assistance whatever in ferreting out criminals of their own color the respectable colored people must learn not to harbor their criminals but to assist the officers in bringing them to justice this is the larger crime and it provokes such atrocious offenses as the one at atlanta the two races can never get on until there is an understanding on the part of both to make common because with the against criminals of any color moreover where any crime committed by a member of one race against a member of another race is avenged in such fashion that it seems as if not the individual criminal but the whole race is attacked the result is to exasperate to the highest degree race feeling there is but one safe rule in dealing with black men as with white men it is the same rule that must be applied in dealing with rich men and poor men that is to treat each man whatever his color his creed or his social position with justice on his real worth as a man white people owe it quite as much to themselves as to the colored race to treat well the colored man who shows by his life that he deserves such treatment for it is surely the highest wisdom to encourage in the colored race all those individuals who are honest industrious and who therefore make good and safe neighbors and citizens reward or punish the individual on his merits as an individual evil will surely come in the end to both races if we substitute for this just rule the habit of treating all the members of the race good and bad alike there is no question of social equality or negro domination involved only the question of relentlessly punishing bad men and of securing to the good man the right to his life his liberty and the pursuit of his happiness as his own qualities of heart head and hand enable him to achieve it every colored man should realize that the worst enemy of his race is the negro criminal and above all the negro criminal who commits the dreadful crime of rape and it should be felt as in the highest degree an offense against the whole country and against the colored race in particular for a colored man to fail to help the officers of the law in hunting down with all possible earnestness and zeal every such infamous offender moreover in my judgment the crime of rape should always be punished with death as is the case with murder assault with intent to commit rape should be made a capital crime at least in the discretion of the court and provision should be made by which the punishment may follow immediately upon the heels of the offense while the trial should be so conducted that the victim need not be wantonly shamed while giving testimony and that the least possible publicity shall be given to the details the members of the white race on the other hand should understand that every lynching represents by just so much a loosening of the bands of civilization that the spirit of lynching inevitably throws into prominence in the community all the foul and evil creatures who dwell therein no man can take part in the torture of a human being without having his own moral nature permanently lowered every lynching means just so much moral deterioration in all the children who have any knowledge of it and therefore just so much additional trouble for the next generation of americans let justice be both sure and swift but let it be justice under the law and not the wild and crooked savagery of a mob there is another matter which has a direct bearing upon this matter of lynching and of the brutal crime which sometimes calls it forth and at other times merely furnishes the excuse for its existence it is out of the question for our people as a whole permanently to rise by treading down any of their own number even those who themselves for the moment profit by such maltreatment of their fellows will in the long run also suffer no more shortsighted policy can be imagined than in the fancied interest of one class to prevent the education of another class the free public school the chance for each boy or girl to get a good elementary education lies at the foundation of our whole political situation in every community the poorest citizens those who need the schools most would be deprived of them if they only received school facilities proportioned to the taxes they paid this is as true of one portion of our country as of another it is as true for the negro as for the white man the white man if he is wise will decline to allow the negroes in a mass to grow to manhood and womanhood without education unquestionably education such as is obtained in our public schools does not do everything towards making a man a good citizen but it does much the lowest and most brutal criminals those for instance who commit the crime of rape are in the great majority men who have had either no education or very little just as they are almost invariably men who own no property for the man who puts money by out of his earnings like the man who acquires education is usually lifted above mere brutal criminality of course the best type of education for the colored man taken as a whole is such education as is conferred in schools like hampton and tuskegee where the boys and girls the young men and young women are trained industrially as well as in the ordinary public school branches the graduates of these schools turn out well in the great majority of cases and hardly any of them become criminals while what little criminality there is never takes the form of that brutal violence which invites lynch law every graduate of these schools and for the matter of that every other colored man or woman who leads a life so useful and honorable as to win the good will and respect of those whites whose neighbor he or she is thereby helps the whole colored race as it can be helped in no other way for next to the negro himself the man who can do most to help the negro is his white neighbor who lives near him and our steady effort should be to better the relations between the two great though the benefit of these schools has been to their colored pupils and to the colored people it may well be questioned whether the benefit has not been at least as great to the white people among whom these colored pupils live after they graduate be it remembered furthermore that the individuals who whether from folly from evil temper from greed for office or in a spirit of mere base demagogy indulge in the inflammatory and incendiary speeches and writings which tend to arouse mobs and to bring about lynching not only thus excite the mob but also tend by what criminologists call suggestion greatly to increase the likelihood of a repetition of the very crime against which they are inveighing when the mob is composed of the people of one race and the man lynched is of another race the men who in their speeches and writings either excite or justify the action tend of course to excite a bitter race feeling and to because the people of the opposite race to lose sight of the abominable act of the criminal himself and in addition by the prominence they give to the hideous deed they undoubtedly tend to excite in other brutal and depraved natures thoughts of committing it swift relentless and orderly punishment under the law is the only way by which criminality of this type can permanently be supprest in dealing with both labor and capital with the questions affecting both corporations and trades unions there is one matter more important to remember than aught else and that is the infinite harm done by preachers of mere discontent these are the men who seek to excite a violent class hatred against all men of wealth they seek to turn wise and proper movements for the better control of corporations and for doing away with the abuses connected with wealth into a campaign of hysterical excitement and falsehood in which the aim is to inflame to madness the brutal passions of mankind the sinister demagogs and foolish visionaries who are always eager to undertake such a campaign of destruction sometimes seek to associate themselves with those working for a genuine reform in governmental and social methods and sometimes masquerade as such reformers in reality they are the worst enemies of the because they profess to advocate just as the purveyors of sensational slander in newspaper or magazine are the worst enemies of all men who are engaged in an honest effort to better what is bad in our social and governmental conditions to preach hatred of the rich man as such to carry on a campaign of slander and invective against him to seek to mislead and inflame to madness honest men whose lives are hard and who have not the kind of mental training which will permit them to appreciate the danger in the doctrines preached all this is to commit a crime against the body politic and to be false to every worthy principle and tradition of american national life moreover while such preaching and such agitation may give a livelihood and a certain notoriety to some of those who take part in it and may result in the temporary political success of others in the long run every such movement will either fail or else will provoke a violent reaction which will itself result not merely in undoing the mischief wrought by the demagog and the agitator but also in undoing the good that the honest reformer the true upholder of popular rights has painfully and laboriously achieved corruption is never so rife as in communities where the demagog and the agitator bear full sway because in such communities all moral bands become loosened and hysteria and sensationalism replace the spirit of sound judgment and fair dealing as between man and man in sheer revolt against the squalid anarchy thus produced men are sure in the end to turn toward any leader who can restore order and then their relief at being free from the intolerable burdens of class hatred violence and demagogy is such that they can not for some time be aroused to indignation against misdeeds by men of wealth so that they permit a new growth of the very abuses which were in part responsible for the original outbreak the one hope for success for our people lies in a resolute and fearless but sane and advance along the path marked out last year by this very congress there must be a stern refusal to be misled into following either that base creature who appeals and panders to the lowest instincts and passions in order to arouse one set of americans against their fellows or that other creature equally base but no baser who in a spirit of greed or to accumulate or add to an already huge fortune seeks to exploit his fellow americans with callous disregard to their welfare of soul and body the man who debauches others in order to obtain a high office stands on an evil equality of corruption with the man who debauches others for financial profit and when hatred is sown the crop which springs up can only be evil the plain people who think the mechanics farmers merchants workers with head or hand the men to whom american traditions are dear who love their country and try to act decently by their neighbors owe it to themselves to remember that the most damaging blow that can be given popular government is to elect an unworthy and sinister agitator on a platform of violence and hypocrisy whenever such an issue is raised in this country nothing can be gained by flinching from it for in such case democracy is itself on trial popular under republican forms is itself on trial the triumph of the mob is just as evil a thing as the triumph of the plutocracy and to have escaped one danger avails nothing whatever if we succumb to the other in the end the honest man whether rich or poor who earns his own living and tries to deal justly by his fellows has as much to fear from the insincere and unworthy demagog promising much and performing nothing or else performing nothing but evil who would set on the mob to plunder the rich as from the crafty corruptionist who for his own ends would permit the common people to be exploited by the very wealthy if we ever let this government fall into the hands of men of either of these two classes we shall show ourselves false to america past moreover the demagog and the corruptionist often work hand in hand there are at this moment wealthy reactionaries of such obtuse morality that they regard the public servant who prosecutes them when they violate the law or who seeks to make them bear their proper share of the public burdens as being even more objectionable than the violent agitator who hounds on the mob to plunder the rich there is nothing to choose between such a reactionary and such an agitator fundamentally they are alike in their selfish disregard of the rights of others and it is natural that they should join in opposition to any movement of which the aim is fearlessly to do exact and even justice to all i call your attention to the need of passing the bill limiting the number of hours of employment of railroad employees the measure is a very moderate one and i can conceive of no serious objection to it indeed so far as it is in our power it should be our aim steadily to reduce the number of hours of labor with as a goal the general introduction of an day there are industries in which it is not possible that the hours of labor should be reduced just as there are communities not far enough advanced for such a movement to be for their good or if in the tropics so situated that there is no analogy between their needs and ours in this matter on the isthmus of panama for instance the conditions are in every way so different from what they are here that an day would be absurd just as it is absurd so far as the isthmus is concerned where white labor can not be employed to bother as to whether the necessary work is done by alien black men or by alien yellow men but the wageworkers of the united states are of so high a grade that alike from the merely industrial standpoint and from the civic standpoint it should be our object to do what we can in the direction of securing the general observance of an day until recently the law on our federal statute books has been very scantily observed now however largely thru the instrumentality of the bureau of labor it is being rigidly enforced and i shall speedily be able to say whether or not there is need of further legislation in reference thereto our purpose is to see it obeyed in spirit no less than in letter half holidays during summer should be established for government employees it is as desirable for wageworkers who toil with their hands as for salaried officials whose labor is mental that there should be a reasonable amount of holiday the congress at its last session wisely provided for a truant court for the district of columbia a marked step in advance on the path of properly caring for the children let me again urge that the congress provide for a thoro investigation of the conditions of child labor and of the labor of women in the united states more and more our people are growing to recognize the fact that the questions which are not merely of industrial but of social importance outweigh all others and these two questions most emphatically come in the category of those which affect in the most way the home life of the nation the horrors incident to the employment of young children in factories or at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization it is true that each state must ultimately settle the question in its own way but a thoro official investigation of the matter with the results published broadcast would greatly help toward arousing the public conscience and securing unity of state action in the matter there is however one law on the subject which should be enacted immediately because there is no need for an investigation in reference thereto and the failure to enact it is discreditable to the national government a drastic and thorogoing law should be enacted for the district of columbia and the territories among the excellent laws which the congress past at the last session was an employers liability law it was a marked step in advance to get the recognition of employers liability on the statute books but the law did not go far enough in spite of all precautions exercised by employers there are unavoidable accidents and even deaths involved in nearly every line of business connected with the mechanic arts this inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a minimum but it can not be completely eliminated it is a great social injustice to compel the employee or rather the family of the killed or disabled victim to bear the entire burden of such an inevitable sacrifice in other words society shirks its duty by laying the whole cost on the victim whereas the injury comes from what may be called the legitimate risks of the trade compensation for accidents or deaths due in any line of industry to the actual conditions under which that industry is carried on should be paid by that portion of the community for the benefit of which the industry is carried on that is by those who profit by the industry if the entire trade risk is placed upon the employer he will promptly and properly add it to the legitimate cost of production and assess it proportionately upon the consumers of his commodity it is therefore clear to my mind that the law should place this entire risk of a trade upon the employer neither the federal law nor as far as i am informed the state laws dealing with the question of employers liability are sufficiently thorogoing the federal law should of course include employees in arsenals and the like the commission appointed by the president october 16 1902 at the request of both the anthracite coal operators and miners to inquire into consider and pass upon the questions in controversy in connection with the strike in the anthracite regions of pennsylvania and the causes out of which the controversy arose in their report findings and award exprest the belief that the state and federal governments should provide the machinery for what may be called the compulsory investigation of controversies between employers and employees when they arise this expression of belief is deserving of the favorable consideration of the congress and the enactment of its provisions into law a bill has already been introduced to this end records show that during the twenty years from january 1 1881 to december 31 1900 there were strikes affecting establishments and employees were thrown out of employment during the same period there were lockouts involving nearly establishments throwing over one million people out of employment these strikes and lockouts involved an estimated loss to employees of and to employers of a total of the public suffered directly and indirectly probably as great additional loss but the money loss great as it was did not measure the anguish and suffering endured by the wives and children of employees whose pay stopt when their work stopt or the disastrous effect of the strike or lockout upon the business of employers or the increase in the cost of products and the inconvenience and loss to the public many of these strikes and lockouts would not have occurred had the parties to the dispute been required to appear before an unprejudiced body representing the nation and face to face state the reasons for their contention in most instances the dispute would doubtless be found to be due to a misunderstanding by each of the other rights aggravated by an unwillingness of either party to accept as true the statements of the other as to the justice or injustice of the matters in dispute the exercise of a judicial spirit by a disinterested body representing the federal government such as would be provided by a commission on conciliation and arbitration would tend to create an atmosphere of friendliness and conciliation between contending parties and the giving each side an equal opportunity to present fully its case in the presence of the other would prevent many disputes from developing into serious strikes or lockouts and in other cases would enable the commission to persuade the opposing parties to come to terms in this age of great corporate and labor combinations neither employers nor employees should be left completely at the mercy of the stronger party to a dispute regardless of the righteousness of their respective claims the proposed measure would be in the line of securing recognition of the fact that in many strikes the public has itself an interest which can not wisely be disregarded an interest not merely of general convenience for the question of a just and proper public policy must also be considered in all legislation of this kind it is well to advance cautiously testing each step by the actual results the step proposed can surely be safely taken for the decisions of the commission would not bind the parties in legal fashion and yet would give a chance for public opinion to crystallize and thus to exert its full force for the right it is not wise that the nation should alienate its remaining coal lands i have temporarily withdrawn from settlement all the lands which the geological survey has indicated as containing or in all probability containing coal the question however can be properly settled only by legislation which in my judgment should provide for the withdrawal of these lands from sale or from entry save in certain especial circumstances the ownership would then remain in the united states which should not however attempt to work them but permit them to be worked by private individuals under a royalty system the government keeping such control as to permit it to see that no excessive price was charged consumers it would of course be as necessary to supervise the rates charged by the common carriers to transport the product as the rates charged by those who mine it and the supervision must extend to the conduct of the common carriers so that they shall in no way favor one competitor at the expense of another the withdrawal of these coal lands would constitute a policy analogous to that which has been followed in withdrawing the forest lands from ordinary settlement the coal like the forests should be treated as the property of the public and its disposal should be under conditions which would inure to the benefit of the public as a whole the present congress has taken long strides in the direction of securing proper supervision and control by the national government over corporations engaged in interstate business and the enormous majority of corporations of any size are engaged in interstate business the passage of the railway rate bill and only to a less degree the passage of the pure food bill and the provision for increasing and rendering more effective national control over the industry mark an important advance in the proper direction in the short session it will perhaps be difficult to do much further along this line and it may be best to wait until the laws have been in operation for a number of months before endeavoring to increase their scope because only operation will show with exactness their merits and their shortcomings and thus give opportunity to define what further remedial legislation is needed yet in my judgment it will in the end be advisable in connection with the packing house inspection law to provide for putting a date on the label and for charging the cost of inspection to the packers all these laws have already justified their enactment the interstate commerce law for instance has rather amusingly falsified the predictions both of those who asserted that it would ruin the railroads and of those who asserted that it did not go far enough and would accomplish nothing during the last five months the railroads have shown increased earnings and some of them unusual dividends while during the same period the mere taking effect of the law has produced an unprecedented a hitherto unheard of number of voluntary reductions in freights and fares by the railroads since the founding of the commission there has never been a time of equal length in which anything like so many reduced tariffs have been put into effect on august 27 for instance two days before the new law went into effect the commission received notices of over five thousand separate tariffs which represented reductions from previous rates it must not be supposed however that with the passage of these laws it will be possible to stop progress along the line of increasing the power of the national government over the use of capital interstate commerce for example there will ultimately be need of enlarging the powers of the interstate commerce commission along several different lines so as to give it a larger and more efficient control over the railroads it can not too often be repeated that experience has conclusively shown the impossibility of securing by the actions of nearly half a hundred different state legislatures anything but ineffective chaos in the way of dealing with the great corporations which do not operate exclusively within the limits of any one state in some method whether by a national license law or in other fashion we must exercise and that at an early date a far more complete control than at present over these great corporations a control that will among other things prevent the evils of excessive overcapitalization and that will compel the disclosure by each big corporation of its stockholders and of its properties and business whether owned directly or thru subsidiary or affiliated corporations this will tend to put a stop to the securing of inordinate profits by favored individuals at the expense whether of the general public the stockholders or the wageworkers our effort should be not so much to prevent consolidation as such but so to supervise and control it as to see that it results in no harm to the people the reactionary or ultraconservative apologists for the misuse of wealth assail the effort to secure such control as a step toward socialism as a matter of fact it is these reactionaries and ultraconservatives who are themselves most potent in increasing socialistic feeling one of the most efficient methods of averting the consequences of a dangerous agitation which is 80 per cent wrong is to remedy the 20 per cent of evil as to which the agitation is well rounded the best way to avert the very undesirable move for the government ownership of railways is to secure by the government on behalf of the people as a whole such adequate control and regulation of the great interstate common carriers as will do away with the evils which give rise to the agitation against them so the proper antidote to the dangerous and wicked agitation against the men of wealth as such is to secure by proper legislation and executive action the abolition of the grave abuses which actually do obtain in connection with the business use of wealth under our present system or rather no system of failure to exercise any adequate control at all some persons speak as if the exercise of such governmental control would do away with the freedom of individual initiative and dwarf individual effort this is not a fact it would be a veritable calamity to fail to put a premium upon individual initiative individual capacity and effort upon the energy character and foresight which it is so important to encourage in the individual but as a matter of fact the deadening and degrading effect of pure socialism and especially of its extreme form communism and the destruction of individual character which they would bring about are in part achieved by the wholly unregulated competition which results in a single individual or corporation rising at the expense of all others until his or its rise effectually checks all competition and reduces former competitors to a position of utter inferiority and subordination in enacting and enforcing such legislation as this congress already has to its credit we are working on a coherent plan with the steady endeavor to secure the needed reform by the joint action of the moderate men the plain men who do not wish anything hysterical or dangerous but who do intend to deal in resolute fashion with the real and great evils of the present system the reactionaries and the violent extremists show symptoms of joining hands against us both assert for instance that if logical we should go to government ownership of railroads and the like the reactionaries because on such an issue they think the people would stand with them while the extremists care rather to preach discontent and agitation than to achieve solid results as a matter of fact our position is as remote from that of the bourbon reactionary as from that of the impracticable or sinister visionary we hold that the government should not conduct the business of the nation but that it should exercise such supervision as will insure its being conducted in the interest of the nation our aim is so far as may be to secure for all decent hard working men equality of opportunity and equality of burden the actual working of our laws has shown that the effort to prohibit all combination good or bad is noxious where it is not ineffective combination of capital like combination of labor is a necessary element of our present industrial system it is not possible completely to prevent it and if it were possible such complete prevention would do damage to the body politic what we need is not vainly to try to prevent all combination but to secure such rigorous and adequate control and supervision of the combinations as to prevent their injuring the public or existing in such form as inevitably to threaten injury for the mere fact that a combination has secured practically complete control of a necessary of life would under any circumstances show that such combination was to be presumed to be adverse to the public interest it is unfortunate that our present laws should forbid all combinations instead of sharply discriminating between those combinations which do good and those combinations which do evil rebates for instance are as often due to the pressure of big shippers as was shown in the investigation of the standard oil company and as has been shown since by the investigation of the tobacco and sugar trusts as to the initiative of big railroads often railroads would like to combine for the purpose of preventing a big shipper from maintaining improper advantages at the expense of small shippers and of the general public such a combination instead of being forbidden by law should be favored in other words it should be permitted to railroads to make agreements provided these agreements were sanctioned by the interstate commerce commission and were published with these two conditions complied with it is impossible to see what harm such a combination could do to the public at large it is a public evil to have on the statute books a law incapable of full enforcement because both judges and juries realize that its full enforcement would destroy the business of the country for the result is to make decent railroad men violators of the law against their will and to put a premium on the behavior of the wilful wrongdoers such a result in turn tends to throw the decent man and the wilful wrongdoer into close association and in the end to drag down the former to the latter level for the man who becomes a lawbreaker in one way unhappily tends to lose all respect for law and to be willing to break it in many ways no more scathing condemnation could be visited upon a law than is contained in the words of the interstate commerce commission when in commenting upon the fact that the numerous joint traffic associations do technically violate the law they say the decision of the united states supreme court in the case and the joint traffic association case has produced no practical effect upon the railway operations of the country such associations in fact exist now as they did before these decisions and with the same general effect in justice to all parties we ought probably to add that it is difficult to see how our interstate railways could be operated with due regard to the interest of the shipper and the railway without concerted action of the kind afforded thru these associations this means that the law as construed by the supreme court is such that the business of the country can not be conducted without breaking it i recommend that you give careful and early consideration to this subject and if you find the opinion of the interstate commerce commission justified that you amend the law so as to obviate the evil disclosed the question of taxation is difficult in any country but it is especially difficult in ours with its federal system of government some taxes should on every ground be levied in a small district for use in that district thus the taxation of real estate is peculiarly one for the immediate locality in which the real estate is found again there is no more legitimate tax for any state than a tax on the franchises conferred by that state upon street railroads and similar corporations which operate wholly within the state boundaries sometimes in one and sometimes in several municipalities or other minor divisions of the state but there are many kinds of taxes which can only be levied by the general government so as to produce the best results because among other reasons the attempt to impose them in one particular state too often results merely in driving the corporation or individual affected to some other locality or other state the national government has long derived its chief revenue from a tariff on imports and from an internal or excise tax in addition to these there is every reason why when next our system of taxation is revised the national government should impose a graduated inheritance tax and if possible a graduated income tax the man of great wealth owes a peculiar obligation to the state because he derives special advantages from the mere existence of government not only should he recognize this obligation in the way he leads his daily life and in the way he earns and spends his money but it should also be recognized by the way in which he pays for the protection the state gives him on the one hand it is desirable that he should assume his full and proper share of the burden of taxation on the other hand it is quite as necessary that in this kind of taxation where the men who vote the tax pay but little of it there should be clear recognition of the danger of inaugurating any such system save in a spirit of entire justice and moderation whenever we as a people undertake to remodel our taxation system along the lines suggested we must make it clear beyond peradventure that our aim is to distribute the burden of supporting the government more equitably than at present that we intend to treat rich man and poor man on a basis of absolute equality and that we regard it as equally fatal to true democracy to do or permit injustice to the one as to do or permit injustice to the other i am well aware that such a subject as this needs long and careful study in order that the people may become familiar with what is proposed to be done may clearly see the necessity of proceeding with wisdom and and may make up their minds just how far they are willing to go in the matter while only trained legislators can work out the project in necessary detail but i feel that in the near future our national legislators should enact a law providing for a graduated inheritance tax by which a steadily increasing rate of duty should be put upon all moneys or other valuables coming by gift bequest or devise to any individual or corporation it may be well to make the tax heavy in proportion as the individual benefited is remote of kin in any event in my judgment the pro rata of the tax should increase very heavily with the increase of the amount left to any one individual after a certain point has been reached it is most desirable to encourage thrift and ambition and a potent source of thrift and ambition is the desire on the part of the breadwinner to leave his children well off this object can be attained by making the tax very small on moderate amounts of property left because the prime object should be to put a constantly increasing burden on the inheritance of those swollen fortunes which it is certainly of no benefit to this country to perpetuate there can be no question of the ethical propriety of the government thus determining the conditions upon which any gift or inheritance should be received exactly how far the inheritance tax would as an incident have the effect of limiting the transmission by devise or gift of the enormous fortunes in question it is not necessary at present to discuss it is wise that progress in this direction should be gradual at first a permanent national inheritance tax while it might be more substantial than any such tax has hitherto been need not approximate either in amount or in the extent of the increase by graduation to what such a tax should ultimately be this species of tax has again and again been imposed although only temporarily by the national government it was first imposed by the act of july 6 1797 when the makers of the constitution were alive and at the head of affairs it was a graduated tax though small in amount the rate was increased with the amount left to any individual exceptions being made in the case of certain close kin a similar tax was again imposed by the act of july 1 1862 a minimum sum of one thousand dollars in personal property being excepted from taxation the tax then becoming progressive according to the remoteness of kin the act of june 13 1898 provided for an inheritance tax on any sum exceeding the value of ten thousand dollars the rate of the tax increasing both in accordance with the amounts left and in accordance with the legatee remoteness of kin the supreme court has held that the succession tax imposed at the time of the civil war was not a direct tax but an impost or excise which was both constitutional and valid more recently the court in an opinion delivered by justice white which contained an exceedingly able and elaborate discussion of the powers of the congress to impose death duties sustained the constitutionality of the feature of the act of 1898 in its incidents and apart from the main purpose of raising revenue an income tax stands on an entirely different footing from an inheritance tax because it involves no question of the perpetuation of fortunes swollen to an unhealthy size the question is in its essence a question of the proper adjustment of burdens to benefits as the law now stands it is undoubtedly difficult to devise a national income tax which shall be constitutional but whether it is absolutely impossible is another question and if possible it is most certainly desirable the first purely law was past by the congress in 1861 but the most important law dealing with the subject was that of 1894 this the court held to be unconstitutional the question is undoubtedly very intricate delicate and troublesome the decision of the court was only reached by one majority it is the law of the land and of course is accepted as such and loyally obeyed by all good citizens nevertheless the hesitation evidently felt by the court as a whole in coming to a conclusion when considered together with the previous decisions on the subject may perhaps indicate the possibility of devising a constitutional law which shall substantially accomplish the results aimed at the difficulty of amending the constitution is so great that only real necessity can justify a resort thereto every effort should be made in dealing with this subject as with the subject of the proper control by the national government over the use of corporate wealth in interstate business to devise legislation which without such action shall attain the desired end but if this fails there will ultimately be no alternative to a constitutional amendment it would be impossible to overstate though it is of course difficult quantitatively to measure the effect upon a nation growth to greatness of what may be called organized patriotism which necessarily includes the substitution of a national feeling for mere local pride with as a resultant a high ambition for the whole country no country can develop its full strength so long as the parts which make up the whole each put a feeling of loyalty to the part above the feeling of loyalty to the whole this is true of sections and it is just as true of classes the industrial and agricultural classes must work together capitalists and wageworkers must work together if the best work of which the country is capable is to be done it is probable that a thoroly efficient system of education comes next to the influence of patriotism in bringing about national success of this kind our federal form of government so fruitful of advantage to our people in certain ways in other ways undoubtedly limits our national effectiveness it is not possible for instance for the national government to take the lead in technical industrial education to see that the public school system of this country develops on all its technical industrial scientific and commercial sides this must be left primarily to the several states nevertheless the national government has control of the schools of the district of columbia and it should see that these schools promote and encourage the fullest development of the scholars in both commercial and industrial training the commercial training should in one of its branches deal with foreign trade the industrial training is even more important it should be one of our prime objects as a nation so far as feasible constantly to work toward putting the mechanic the wageworker who works with his hands on a higher plane of efficiency and reward so as to increase his effectiveness in the economic world and the dignity the remuneration and the power of his position in the social world unfortunately at present the effect of some of the work in the public schools is in the exactly opposite direction if boys and girls are trained merely in literary accomplishments to the total exclusion of industrial manual and technical training the tendency is to unfit them for industrial work and to make them reluctant to go into it or unfitted to do well if they do go into it this is a tendency which should be strenuously combated our industrial development depends largely upon technical education including in this term all industrial education from that which fits a man to be a good mechanic a good carpenter or blacksmith to that which fits a man to do the greatest engineering feat the skilled mechanic the skilled workman can best become such by technical industrial education the usefulness of institutes of technology and schools of mines or of engineering is now universally acknowledged and no less far reaching is the effect of a good building or mechanical trades school a textile or or engraving school all such training must develop not only manual dexterity but industrial intelligence in international rivalry this country does not have to fear the competition of pauper labor as much as it has to fear the educated labor of specially trained competitors and we should have the education of the hand eye and brain which will fit us to meet such competition in every possible way we should help the wageworker who toils with his hands and who must we hope in a constantly increasing measure also toil with his brain under the constitution the national legislature can do but little of direct importance for his welfare save where he is engaged in work which permits it to act under the interstate commerce clause of the constitution and this is one reason why i so earnestly hope that both the legislative and judicial branches of the government will construe this clause of the constitution in the broadest possible manner we can however in such a matter as industrial training in such a matter as child labor and factory laws set an example to the states by enacting the most advanced legislation that can wisely be enacted for the district of columbia the only other persons whose welfare is as vital to the welfare of the whole country as is the welfare of the wageworkers are the tillers of the soil the farmers it is a mere truism to say that no growth of cities no growth of wealth no industrial development can atone for any falling off in the character and standing of the farming population during the last few decades this fact has been recognized with clearness there is no longer any failure to realize that farming at least in certain branches must become a technical and scientific profession this means that there must be open to farmers the chance for technical and scientific training not theoretical merely but of the most severely practical type the farmer represents a peculiarly high type of american citizenship and he must have the same chance to rise and develop as other american citizens have moreover it is exactly as true of the farmer as it is of the business man and the wageworker that the ultimate success of the nation of which he forms a part must be founded not alone on material prosperity but upon high moral mental and physical development this education of the farmer by preference but also education from the outside as with all other men is peculiarly necessary here in the united states where the frontier conditions even in the newest states have now nearly vanished where there must be a substitution of a more intensive system of cultivation for the old wasteful farm management and where there must be a better business organization among the farmers themselves several factors must cooperate in the improvement of the farmer condition he must have the chance to be educated in the widest possible sense in the sense which keeps ever in view the intimate relationship between the theory of education and the facts of life in all education we should widen our aims it is a good thing to produce a certain number of trained scholars and students but the education superintended by the state must seek rather to produce a hundred good citizens than merely one scholar and it must be turned now and then from the class book to the study of the great book of nature itself this is especially true of the farmer as has been pointed out again and again by all observers most competent to pass practical judgment on the problems of our country life all students now realize that education must seek to train the executive powers of young people and to confer more real significance upon the phrase dignity of labor and to prepare the pupils so that in addition to each developing in the highest degree his individual capacity for work they may together help create a right public opinion and show in many ways social and cooperative spirit organization has become necessary in the business world and it has accomplished much for good in the world of labor it is no less necessary for farmers such a movement as the grange movement is good in itself and is capable of a infinite further extension for good so long as it is kept to its own legitimate business the benefits to be derived by the association of farmers for mutual advantage are partly economic and partly sociological moreover while in the long run voluntary efforts will prove more efficacious than government assistance while the farmers must primarily do most for themselves yet the government can also do much the department of agriculture has broken new ground in many directions and year by year it finds how it can improve its methods and develop fresh usefulness its constant effort is to give the governmental assistance in the most effective way that is thru associations of farmers rather than to or thru individual farmers it is also striving to coordinate its work with the agricultural departments of the several states and so far as its own work is educational to coordinate it with the work of other educational authorities agricultural education is necessarily based upon general education but our agricultural educational institutions are wisely specializing themselves making their courses relate to the actual teaching of the agricultural and kindred sciences to young country people or young city people who wish to live in the country great progress has already been made among farmers by the creation of farmers institutes of dairy associations of breeders associations horticultural associations and the like a striking example of how the government and the farmers can cooperate is shown in connection with the menace offered to the cotton growers of the southern states by the advance of the boll weevil the department is doing all it can to organize the farmers in the threatened districts just as it has been doing all it can to organize them in aid of its work to eradicate the cattle fever tick in the south the department can and will cooperate with all such associations and it must have their help if its own work is to be done in the most efficient style much is now being done for the states of the rocky mountains and great plains thru the development of the national policy of irrigation and forest preservation no government policy for the betterment of our internal conditions has been more fruitful of good than this the forests of the white mountains and southern appalachian regions should also be preserved and they can not be unless the people of the states in which they lie thru their representatives in the congress secure vigorous action by the national government i invite the attention of the congress to the estimate of the secretary of war for an appropriation to enable him to begin the preliminary work for the construction of a memorial amphitheater at arlington the grand army of the republic in its national encampment has urged the erection of such an amphitheater as necessary for the proper observance of memorial day and as a fitting monument to the soldier and sailor dead buried there in this i heartily concur and commend the matter to the favorable consideration of the congress i am well aware of how difficult it is to pass a constitutional amendment nevertheless in my judgment the whole question of marriage and divorce should be relegated to the authority of the national congress at present the wide differences in the laws of the different states on this subject result in scandals and abuses and surely there is nothing so vitally essential to the welfare of the nation nothing around which the nation should so bend itself to throw every safeguard as the home life of the average citizen the change would be good from every standpoint in particular it would be good because it would confer on the congress the power at once to deal radically and efficiently with polygamy and this should be done whether or not marriage and divorce are dealt with it is neither safe nor proper to leave the question of polygamy to be dealt with by the several states power to deal with it should be conferred on the national government when home ties are loosened when men and women cease to regard a worthy family life with all its duties fully performed and all its responsibilities lived up to as the life best worth living then evil days for the commonwealth are at hand there are regions in our land and classes of our population where the birth rate has sunk below the death rate surely it should need no demonstration to show that wilful sterility is from the standpoint of the nation from the standpoint of the human race the one sin for which the penalty is national death race death a sin for which there is no atonement a sin which is the more dreadful exactly in proportion as the men and women guilty thereof are in other respects in character and bodily and mental powers those whom for the sake of the state it would be well to see the fathers and mothers of many healthy children well brought up in homes made happy by their presence no man no woman can shirk the primary duties of life whether for love of ease and pleasure or for any other because and retain his or her let me once again call the attention of the congress to two subjects concerning which i have frequently before communicated with them one is the question of developing american shipping i trust that a law embodying in substance the views or a major part of the views exprest in the report on this subject laid before the house at its last session will be past i am well aware that in former years objectionable measures have been proposed in reference to the encouragement of american shipping but it seems to me that the proposed measure is as nearly unobjectionable as any can be it will of course benefit primarily our seaboard states such as maine louisiana and washington but what benefits part of our people in the end benefits all just as government aid to irrigation and forestry in the west is really of benefit not only to the rocky mountain states but to all our country if it prove impracticable to enact a law for the encouragement of shipping generally then at least provision should be made for better communication with south america notably for fast mail lines to the chief south american ports it is discreditable to us that our business people for lack of direct communication in the shape of lines of steamers with south america should in that great sister continent be at a disadvantage compared to the business people of europe i especially call your attention to the second subject the condition of our currency laws the national bank act has ably served a great purpose in aiding the enormous business development of the country and within ten years there has been an increase in circulation per capita from to for several years evidence has been accumulating that additional legislation is needed the recurrence of each crop season emphasizes the defects of the present laws there must soon be a revision of them because to leave them as they are means to incur liability of business disaster since your body adjourned there has been a fluctuation in the interest on call money from 2 per cent to 30 per cent and the fluctuation was even greater during the preceding six months the secretary of the treasury had to step in and by wise action put a stop to the most violent period of oscillation even worse than such fluctuation is the advance in commercial rates and the uncertainty felt in the sufficiency of credit even at high rates all commercial interests suffer during each crop period excessive rates for call money in new york attract money from the interior banks into the speculative field this depletes the fund that would otherwise be available for commercial uses and commercial borrowers are forced to pay abnormal rates so that each fall a tax in the shape of increased interest charges is placed on the whole commerce of the country the mere statement of these has shows that our present system is seriously defective there is need of a change unfortunately however many of the proposed changes must be ruled from consideration because they are complicated are not easy of comprehension and tend to disturb existing rights and interests we must also rule out any plan which would materially impair the value of the united states 2 per cent bonds now pledged to secure circulations the issue of which was made under conditions peculiarly creditable to the treasury i do not press any especial plan various plans have recently been proposed by expert committees of bankers among the plans which are possibly feasible and which certainly should receive your consideration is that repeatedly brought to your attention by the present secretary of the treasury the essential features of which have been approved by many prominent bankers and business men according to this plan national banks should be permitted to issue a specified proportion of their capital in notes of a given kind the issue to be taxed at so high a rate as to drive the notes back when not wanted in legitimate trade this plan would not permit the issue of currency to give banks additional profits but to meet the emergency presented by times of stringency i do not say that this is the right system i only advance it to emphasize my belief that there is need for the adoption of some system which shall be automatic and open to all sound banks so as to avoid all possibility of discrimination and favoritism such a plan would tend to prevent the spasms of high money and speculation which now obtain in the new york market for at present there is too much currency at certain seasons of the year and its accumulation at new york tempts bankers to lend it at low rates for speculative purposes whereas at other times when the crops are being moved there is urgent need for a large but temporary increase in the currency supply it must never be forgotten that this question concerns business men generally quite as much as bankers especially is this true of stockmen farmers and business men in the west for at present at certain seasons of the year the difference in interest rates between the east and the west is from 6 to 10 per cent whereas in canada the corresponding difference is but 2 per cent any plan must of course guard the interests of western and southern bankers as carefully as it guards the interests of new york or chicago bankers and must be drawn from the standpoints of the farmer and the merchant no less than from the standpoints of the city banker and the country banker the law should be amended so as specifically to provide that the funds derived from customs duties may be treated by the secretary of the treasury as he treats funds obtained under the laws there should be a considerable increase in bills of small denominations permission should be given banks if necessary under settled restrictions to retire their circulation to a larger amount than three millions a month i most earnestly hope that the bill to provide a lower tariff for or else absolute free trade in philippine products will become a law no harm will come to any american industry and while there will be some small but real material benefit to the filipinos the main benefit will come by the showing made as to our purpose to do all in our power for their welfare so far our action in the philippines has been abundantly justified not mainly and indeed not primarily because of the added dignity it has given us as a nation by proving that we are capable honorably and efficiently to bear the international burdens which a mighty people should bear but even more because of the immense benefit that has come to the people of the philippine islands in these islands we are steadily introducing both liberty and order to a greater degree than their people have ever before known we have secured justice we have provided an efficient police force and have put down ladronism only in the islands of leyte and samar is the authority of our government resisted and this by wild mountain tribes under the superstitious inspiration of fakirs and leaders we are constantly increasing the measure of liberty accorded the islanders and next spring if conditions warrant we shall take a great stride forward in testing their capacity for by summoning the first filipino legislative assembly and the way in which they stand this test will largely determine whether the thus granted will be increased or decreased for if we have erred at all in the philippines it has been in proceeding too rapidly in the direction of granting a large measure of we are building roads we have for the immeasurable good of the people arranged for the building of railroads let us also see to it that they are given free access to our markets this nation owes no more imperative duty to itself and mankind than the duty of managing the affairs of all the islands under the american flag the philippines porto rico and hawaii so as to make it evident that it is in every way to their advantage that the flag should fly over them american citizenship should be conferred on the citizens of porto rico the harbor of san juan in porto rico should be dredged and improved the expenses of the federal court of porto rico should be met from the federal treasury the administration of the affairs of porto rico together with those of the philippines hawaii and our other insular possessions should all be directed under one executive department by preference the department of state or the department of war the needs of hawaii are peculiar every aid should be given the islands and our efforts should be unceasing to develop them along the lines of a community of small freeholders not of great planters with estates situated as this territory is in the middle of the pacific there are duties imposed upon this small community which do not fall in like degree or manner upon any other american community this warrants our treating it differently from the way in which we treat territories contiguous to or surrounded by sister territories or other states and justifies the setting aside of a portion of our revenues to be expended for educational and internal improvements therein hawaii is now making an effort to secure immigration fit in the end to assume the duties and burdens of full american citizenship and whenever the leaders in the various industries of those islands finally adopt our ideals and heartily join our administration in endeavoring to develop a middle class of substantial citizens a way will then be found to deal with the commercial and industrial problems which now appear to them so serious the best americanism is that which aims for stability and permanency of prosperous citizenship rather than immediate returns on large masses of capital alaska needs have been partially met but there must be a complete reorganization of the governmental system as i have before indicated to you i ask your especial attention to this our who dwell on the shores of puget sound with characteristic energy are arranging to hold in seattle the alaska yukon pacific exposition its special aims include the upbuilding of alaska and the development of american commerce on the pacific ocean this exposition in its purposes and scope should appeal not only to the people of the pacific slope but to the people of the united states at large alaska since it was bought has yielded to the government eleven millions of dollars of revenue and has produced nearly three hundred millions of dollars in gold furs and fish when properly developed it will become in large degree a land of homes the countries bordering the pacific ocean have a population more numerous than that of all the countries of europe their annual foreign commerce amounts to over three billions of dollars of which the share of the united states is some seven hundred millions of dollars if this trade were thoroly understood and pushed by our manufacturers and producers the industries not only of the pacific slope but of all our country and particularly of our states would be greatly benefited of course in order to get these benefits we must treat fairly the countries with which we trade it is a mistake and it betrays a spirit of foolish cynicism to maintain that all international governmental action is and must ever be based upon mere selfishness and that to advance ethical reasons for such action is always a sign of hypocrisy this is no more necessarily true of the action of governments than of the action of individuals it is a sure sign of a base nature always to ascribe base motives for the actions of others unquestionably no nation can afford to disregard proper considerations of any more than a private individual can so do but it is equally true that the average private individual in any really decent community does many actions with reference to other men in which he is guided not by but by public spirit by regard for the rights of others by a disinterested purpose to do good to others and to raise the tone of the community as a whole similarly a really great nation must often act and as a matter of fact often does act toward other nations in a spirit not in the least of mere but paying heed chiefly to ethical reasons and as the centuries go by this disinterestedness in international action this tendency of the individuals comprising a nation to require that nation to act with justice toward its neighbors steadily grows and strengthens it is neither wise nor right for a nation to disregard its own needs and it is foolish and may be wicked to think that other nations will disregard theirs but it is wicked for a nation only to regard its own interest and foolish to believe that such is the sole motive that actuates any other nation it should be our steady aim to raise the ethical standard of national action just as we strive to raise the ethical standard of individual action not only must we treat all nations fairly but we must treat with justice and good will all immigrants who come here under the law whether they are catholic or protestant jew or gentile whether they come from england or germany russia japan or italy matters nothing all we have a right to question is the man conduct if he is honest and upright in his dealings with his neighbor and with the state then he is entitled to respect and good treatment especially do we need to remember our duty to the stranger within our gates it is the sure mark of a low civilization a low morality to abuse or discriminate against or in any way humiliate such stranger who has come here lawfully and who is conducting himself properly to remember this is incumbent on every american citizen and it is of course peculiarly incumbent on every government official whether of the nation or of the several states i am prompted to say this by the attitude of hostility here and there assumed toward the japanese in this country this hostility is sporadic and is limited to a very few places nevertheless it is most discreditable to us as a people and it may be fraught with the gravest consequences to the nation the friendship between the united states and japan has been continuous since the time over half a century ago when commodore perry by his expedition to japan first opened the islands to western civilization since then the growth of japan has been literally astounding there is not only nothing to parallel it but nothing to approach it in the history of civilized mankind japan has a glorious and ancient past her civilization is older than that of the nations of northern europe the nations from whom the people of the united states have chiefly sprung but fifty years ago japan development was still that of the middle ages during that fifty years the progress of the country in every walk in life has been a marvel to mankind and she now stands as one of the greatest of civilized nations great in the arts of war and in the arts of peace great in military in industrial in artistic development and achievement japanese soldiers and sailors have shown themselves equal in combat to any of whom history makes note she has produced great generals and mighty admirals her fighting men afloat and ashore show all the heroic courage the unquestioning unfaltering loyalty the splendid indifference to hardship and death which marked the loyal ronins and they show also that they possess the highest ideal of patriotism japanese artists of every kind see their products eagerly sought for in all lands the industrial and commercial development of japan has been phenomenal greater than that of any other country during the same period at the same time the advance in science and philosophy is no less marked the admirable management of the japanese red cross during the late war the efficiency and humanity of the japanese officials nurses and doctors won the respectful admiration of all acquainted with the facts thru the red cross the japanese people sent over to the sufferers of san francisco and the gift was accepted with gratitude by our people the courtesy of the japanese nationally and individually has become proverbial to no other country has there been such an increasing number of visitors from this land as to japan in return japanese have come here in great numbers they are welcome socially and intellectually in all our colleges and institutions of higher learning in all our professional and social bodies the japanese have won in a single generation the right to stand abreast of the foremost and most enlightened peoples of europe and america they have won on their own merits and by their own exertions the right to treatment on a basis of full and frank equality the overwhelming mass of our people cherish a lively regard and respect for the people of japan and in almost every quarter of the union the stranger from japan is treated as he deserves that is he is treated as the stranger from any part of civilized europe is and deserves to be treated but here and there a most unworthy feeling has manifested itself toward the japanese the feeling that has been shown in shutting them out from the common schools in san francisco and in mutterings against them in one or two other places because of their efficiency as workers to shut them out from the public schools is a wicked absurdity when there are no colleges in the land including the universities and colleges of california which do not gladly welcome japanese students and on which japanese students do not reflect credit we have as much to learn from japan as japan has to learn from us and no nation is fit to teach unless it is also willing to learn thruout japan americans are well treated and any failure on the part of americans at home to treat the japanese with a like courtesy and consideration is by just so much a confession of inferiority in our civilization our nation fronts on the pacific just as it fronts on the atlantic we hope to play a constantly growing part in the great ocean of the orient we wish as we ought to wish for a great commercial development in our dealings with asia and it is out of the question that we should permanently have such development unless we freely and gladly extend to other nations the same measure of justice and good treatment which we expect to receive in return it is only a very small body of our citizens that act badly where the federal government has power it will deal summarily with any such where the several states have power i earnestly ask that they also deal wisely and promptly with such conduct or else this small body of wrongdoers may bring shame upon the great mass of their innocent and fellows that is upon our nation as a whole good manners should be an international no less than an individual attribute i ask fair treatment for the japanese as i would ask fair treatment for germans or englishmen frenchmen russians or italians i ask it as due to humanity and civilization i ask it as due to ourselves because we must act uprightly toward all men i recommend to the congress that an act be past specifically providing for the naturalization of japanese who come here intending to become american citizens one of the great embarrassments attending the performance of our international obligations is the fact that the statutes of the united states are entirely inadequate they fail to give to the national government sufficiently ample power thru united states courts and by the use of the army and navy to protect aliens in the rights secured to them under solemn treaties which are the law of the land i therefore earnestly recommend that the criminal and civil statutes of the united states be so amended and added to as to enable the president acting for the united states government which is responsible in our international relations to enforce the rights of aliens under treaties even as the law now is something can be done by the federal government toward this end and in the matter now before me affecting the japanese everything that it is in my power to do will be done and all of the forces military and civil of the united states which i may lawfully employ will be so employed there should however be no particle of doubt as to the power of the national government completely to perform and enforce its own obligations to other nations the mob of a single city may at any time perform acts of lawless violence against some class of foreigners which would plunge us into war that city by itself would be powerless to make defense against the foreign power thus assaulted and if independent of this government it would never venture to perform or permit the performance of the acts complained of the entire power and the whole duty to protect the offending city or the offending community lies in the hands of the united states government it is unthinkable that we should continue a policy under which a given locality may be allowed to commit a crime against a friendly nation and the united states government limited not to preventing the commission of the crime but in the last resort to defending the people who have committed it against the consequences of their own wrongdoing last august an insurrection broke out in cuba which it speedily grew evident that the existing cuban government was powerless to quell this government was repeatedly asked by the then cuban government to intervene and finally was notified by the president of cuba that he intended to resign that his decision was irrevocable that none of the other constitutional officers would consent to carry on the government and that he was powerless to maintain order it was evident that chaos was impending and there was every probability that if steps were not immediately taken by this government to try to restore order the representatives of various european nations in the island would apply to their respective governments for armed intervention in order to protect the lives and property of their citizens thanks to the preparedness of our navy i was able immediately to send enough ships to cuba to prevent the situation from becoming hopeless and i furthermore dispatched to cuba the secretary of war and the assistant secretary of state in order that they might grapple with the situation on the ground all efforts to secure an agreement between the contending factions by which they should themselves come to an amicable understanding and settle upon some modus vivendi some provisional government of their own failed finally the president of the republic resigned the quorum of congress assembled failed by deliberate purpose of its members so that there was no power to act on his resignation and the government came to a halt in accordance with the platt amendment which was embodied in the constitution of cuba i thereupon proclaimed a provisional government for the island the secretary of war acting as provisional governor until he could be replaced by magoon the late minister to panama and governor of the canal zone on the isthmus troops were sent to support them and to relieve the navy the expedition being handled with most satisfactory speed and efficiency the insurgent chiefs immediately agreed that their troops should lay down their arms and disband and the agreement was carried out the provisional government has left the personnel of the old government and the old laws so far as might be unchanged and will thus administer the island for a few months until tranquillity can be restored a new election properly held and a new government inaugurated peace has come in the island and the harvesting of the crop the great crop of the island is about to proceed when the election has been held and the new government inaugurated in peaceful and orderly fashion the provisional government will come to an end i take this opportunity of expressing upon behalf of the american people with all possible solemnity our most earnest hope that the people of cuba will realize the imperative need of preserving justice and keeping order in the island the united states wishes nothing of cuba except that it shall prosper morally and materially and wishes nothing of the cubans save that they shall be able to preserve order among themselves and therefore to preserve their independence if the elections become a farce and if the insurrectionary habit becomes confirmed in the island it is absolutely out of the question that the island should continue independent and the united states which has assumed the sponsorship before the civilized world for cuba career as a nation would again have to intervene and to see that the government was managed in such orderly fashion as to secure the safety cf life and property the path to be trodden by those who exercise is always hard and we should have every charity and patience with the cubans as they tread this difficult path i have the utmost sympathy with and regard for them but i most earnestly adjure them solemnly to weigh their responsibilities and to see that when their new government is started it shall run smoothly and with freedom from flagrant denial of right on the one hand and from insurrectionary disturbances on the other the second international conference of american republics held in mexico in the years provided for the holding of the third conference within five years and committed the fixing of the time and place and the arrangements for the conference to the governing board of the bureau of american republics composed of the representatives of all the american nations in washington that board discharged the duty imposed upon it with marked fidelity and painstaking care and upon the courteous invitation of the united states of brazil the conference was held at rio de janeiro continuing from the 23d of july to the 29th of august last many subjects of common interest to all the american nations were discust by the conference and the conclusions reached embodied in a series of resolutions and proposed conventions will be laid before you upon the coming in of the final report of the american delegates they contain many matters of importance relating to the extension of trade the increase of communication the smoothing away of barriers to free intercourse and the promotion of a better knowledge and good understanding between the different countries represented the meetings of the conference were harmonious and the conclusions were reached with substantial unanimity it is interesting to observe that in the successive conferences which have been held the representatives of the different american nations have been learning to work together effectively for while the first conference in washington in 1889 and the second conference in mexico in occupied many months with much time wasted in an unregulated and fruitless discussion the third conference at rio exhibited much of the facility in the practical dispatch of business which characterizes permanent deliberative bodies and completed its labors within the period of six weeks originally allotted for its sessions quite apart from the specific value of the conclusions reached by the conference the example of the representatives of all the american nations engaging in harmonious and kindly consideration and discussion of subjects of common interest is itself of great and substantial value for the promotion of reasonable and considerate treatment of all international questions the thanks of this country are due to the government of brazil and to the people of rio de janeiro for the generous hospitality with which our delegates in common with the others were received entertained and facilitated in their work incidentally to the meeting of the conference the secretary of state visited the city of rio de janeiro and was cordially received by the conference of which he was made an honorary president the announcement of his intention to make this visit was followed by most courteous and urgent invitations from nearly all the countries of south america to visit them as the guest of their governments it was deemed that by the acceptance of these invitations we might appropriately express the real respect and friendship in which we hold our sister republics of the southern continent and the secretary accordingly visited brazil uruguay argentina chile peru panama and colombia he refrained from visiting paraguay bolivia and ecuador only because the distance of their capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable with the time at his disposal he carried with him a message of peace and friendship and of strong desire for good understanding and mutual helpfulness and he was everywhere received in the spirit of his message the members of government the press the learned professions the men of business and the great masses of the people united everywhere in emphatic response to his friendly expressions and in doing honor to the country and because which he represented in many parts of south america there has been much misunderstanding of the attitude and purposes of the united states towards the other american republics an idea had become prevalent that our assertion of the monroe doctrine implied or carried with it an assumption of superiority and of a right to exercise some kind of protectorate over the countries to whose territory that doctrine applies nothing could be farther from the truth yet that impression continued to be a serious barrier to good understanding to friendly intercourse to the introduction of american capital and the extension of american trade the impression was so widespread that apparently it could not be reached by any ordinary means it was part of secretary root mission to dispel this unfounded impression and there is just because to believe that he has succeeded in an address to the third conference at rio on the 31st of july an address of such note that i send it in together with this message he said we wish for no victories but those of peace for no territory except our own for no sovereignty except the sovereignty over ourselves we deem the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations entitled to as much respect as those of the greatest empire and we deem the observance of that respect the chief guaranty of the weak against the oppression of the strong we neither claim nor desire any rights or privileges or powers that we do not freely concede to every american republic we wish to increase our prosperity to extend our trade to grow in wealth in wisdom and in spirit but our conception of the true way to accomplish this is not to pull down others and profit by their ruin but to help all friends to a common prosperity and a common growth that we may all become greater and stronger together within a few months for the first time the recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon the american continents can be and i hope will be represented with the acknowledged rights of equal sovereign states in the great world congress at the hague this will be the world formal and final acceptance of the declaration that no part of the american continents is to be deemed subject to colonization let us pledge ourselves to aid each other in the full performance of the duty to humanity which that accepted declaration implies so that in time the weakest and most unfortunate of our republics may come to march with equal step by the side of the stronger and more fortunate let us help each other to show that for all the races of men the liberty for which we have fought and labored is the twin sister of justice and peace let us unite in creating and maintaining and making effective an public opinion whose power shall influence international conduct and prevent international wrong and narrow the causes of war and forever preserve our free lands from the burden of such armaments as are massed behind the frontiers of europe and bring us ever nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty so shall come security and prosperity production and trade wealth learning the arts and happiness for us all these words appear to have been received with acclaim in every part of south america they have my hearty approval as i am sure they will have yours and i can not be wrong in the conviction that they correctly represent the sentiments of the whole american people i can not better characterize the true attitude of the united states in its assertion of the monroe doctrine than in the words of the distinguished former minister of foreign affairs of argentina doctor drago in his speech welcoming root at buenos ayres he spoke of the traditional policy of the united states which without accentuating superiority or seeking preponderance condemned the oppression of the nations of this part of the world and the control of their destinies by the great powers of europe it is gratifying to know that in the great city of buenos ayres upon the arches which spanned the streets entwined with argentine and american flags for the reception of our representative there were emblazoned not only the names of washington and jefferson and marshall but also in appreciative recognition of their services to the because of south american independence the names of james monroe john quincy adams henry clay and richard rush we take especial pleasure in the graceful courtesy of the government of brazil which has given to the beautiful and stately building first used for the meeting of the conference the name of palacio monroe our grateful acknowledgments are due to the governments and the people of all the countries visited by the secretary of state for the courtesy the friendship and the honor shown to our country in their generous hospitality to him in my message to you on the 5th of december 1905 i called your attention to the embarrassment that might be caused to this government by the assertion by foreign nations of the right to collect by force of arms contract debts due by american republics to citizens of the collecting nation and to the danger that the process of compulsory collection might result in the occupation of territory tending to become permanent i then said our own government has always refused to enforce such contractual obligations on behalf of its citizens by an appeal to arms it is much to be wisht that all foreign governments would take the same view this subject was one of the topics of consideration at the conference at rio and a resolution was adopted by that conference recommending to the respective governments represented to consider the advisability of asking the second peace conference at the hague to examine the question of the compulsory collection of public debts and in general means tending to diminish among nations conflicts of purely pecuniary origin this resolution was supported by the representatives of the united states in accordance with the following instructions it has long been the established policy of the united states not to use its armed forces for the collection of ordinary contract debts due to its citizens by other governments we have not considered the use of force for such a purpose consistent with that respect for the independent sovereignty of other members of the family of nations which is the most important principle of international law and the chief protection of weak nations against the oppression of the strong it seems to us that the practise is injurious in its general effect upon the relations of nations and upon the welfare of weak and disordered states whose development ought to be encouraged in the interests of civilization that it offers frequent temptation to bullying and oppression and to unnecessary and unjustifiable warfare we regret that other powers whose opinions and sense of justice we esteem highly have at times taken a different view and have permitted themselves though we believe with reluctance to collect such debts by force it is doubtless true that the of public debts may be accompanied by such circumstances of fraud and wrongdoing or violation of treaties as to justify the use of force this government would be glad to see an international consideration of the subject which shall discriminate between such cases and the simple nonperformance of a contract with a private person and a resolution in favor of reliance upon peaceful means in cases of the latter class it is not felt however that the conference at rio should undertake to make such a discrimination or to resolve upon such a rule most of the american countries are still debtor nations while the countries of europe are the creditors if the rio conference therefore were to take such action it would have the appearance of a meeting of debtors resolving how their creditors should act and this would not inspire respect the true course is indicated by the terms of the program which proposes to request the second hague conference where both creditors and debtors will be assembled to consider the subject last june trouble which had existed for some time between the republics of salvador guatemala and honduras culminated in war a war which threatened to be ruinous to the countries involved and very destructive to the commercial interests of americans mexicans and other foreigners who are taking an important part in the development of these countries the thoroly good understanding which exists between the united states and mexico enabled this government and that of mexico to unite in effective mediation between the warring republics which mediation resulted not without and patient effort in bringing about a meeting of the representatives of the hostile powers on board a united states warship as neutral territory and peace was there concluded a peace which resulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in the prevention of an incalculable amount of misery and the destruction of property and of the means of livelihood the rio conference past the following resolution in reference to this action that the third international american conference shall address to the presidents of the united states of america and of the united states of mexico a note in which the conference which is being held at rio expresses its satisfaction at the happy results of their mediation for the celebration of peace between the republics of guatemala honduras and salvador this affords an excellent example of one way in which the influence of the united states can properly be exercised for the benefit of the peoples of the western hemisphere that is by action taken in concert with other american republics and therefore free from those suspicions and prejudices which might attach if the action were taken by one alone in this way it is possible to exercise a powerful influence toward the substitution of considerate action in the spirit of justice for the insurrectionary or international violence which has hitherto been so great a hindrance to the development of many of our neighbors repeated examples of united action by several or many american republics in favor of peace by urging cool and reasonable instead of excited and belligerent treatment of international controversies can not fail to promote the growth of a general public opinion among the american nations which will elevate the standards of international action strengthen the sense of international duty among governments and tell in favor of the peace of mankind i have just returned from a trip to panama and shall report to you at length later on the whole subject of the panama canal the algeciras convention which was signed by the united states as well as by most of the powers of europe supersedes the previous convention of 1880 which was also signed both by the united states and a majority of the european powers this treaty confers upon us equal commercial rights with all european countries and does not entail a single obligation of any kind upon us and i earnestly hope it may be speedily ratified to refuse to ratify it would merely mean that we forfeited our commercial rights in morocco and would not achieve another object of any kind in the event of such refusal we would be left for the first time in a hundred and twenty years without any commercial treaty with morocco and this at a time when we are everywhere seeking new markets and outlets for trade the destruction of the pribilof islands fur seals by pelagic sealing still continues the herd which according to the surveys made in 1874 by direction of the congress numbered and which according to the survey of both american and canadian commissioners in 1891 amounted to has now been reduced to about this result has been brought about by canadian and some other sealing vessels killing the female seals while in the water during their annual pilgrimage to and from the south or in search of food as a rule the female seal when killed is pregnant and also has an unweaned pup on land so that for each skin taken by pelagic sealing as a rule three lives are destroyed the mother the unborn offspring and the nursing pup which is left to starve to death no damage whatever is done to the herd by the carefully regulated killing on land the custom of pelagic sealing is solely responsible for all of the present evil and is alike indefensible from the economic standpoint and from the standpoint of humanity in 1896 over young seals were found dead from starvation on the pribilof islands in 1897 it was estimated that since pelagic sealing began upward of adult female seals had been killed at sea and over young seals had died of starvation as the result the revolting barbarity of such a practise as well as the wasteful destruction which it involves needs no demonstration and is its own condemnation the bering sea tribunal which sat in paris in 1893 and which decided against the claims of the united states to exclusive jurisdiction in the waters of bering sea and to a property right in the fur seals when outside of the limit determined also upon certain regulations which the tribunal considered sufficient for the proper protection and preservation of the fur seal in or habitually resorting to the bering sea the tribunal by its regulations established a close season from the 1st of may to the 31st of july and excluded all killing in the waters within 60 miles around the pribilof islands they also provided that the regulations which they had determined upon with a view to the protection and preservation of the seals should be submitted every five years to new examination so as to enable both interested governments to consider whether in the light of past experience there was occasion for any modification thereof the regulations have proved plainly inadequate to accomplish the object of protection and preservation of the fur seals and for a long time this government has been trying in vain to secure from great britain such revision and modification of the regulations as were contemplated and provided for by the award of the tribunal of paris the process of destruction has been accelerated during recent years by the appearance of a number of japanese vessels engaged in pelagic sealing as these vessels have not been bound even by the inadequate limitations prescribed by the tribunal of paris they have paid no attention either to the close season or to the limit imposed upon the canadians and have prosecuted their work up to the very islands themselves on july 16 and 17 the crews from several japanese vessels made raids upon the island of paul and before they were beaten off by the very meager and insufficiently armed guard they succeeded in killing several hundred seals and carrying off the skins of most of them nearly all the seals killed were females and the work was done with frightful barbarity many of the seals appear to have been skinned alive and many were found half skinned and still alive the raids were repelled only by the use of firearms and five of the raiders were killed two were wounded and twelve captured including the two wounded those captured have since been tried and sentenced to imprisonment an attack of this kind had been wholly unlookt for but such provision of vessels arms and ammunition will now be made that its repetition will not be found profitable suitable representations regarding the incident have been made to the government of japan and we are assured that all practicable measures will be taken by that country to prevent any recurrence of the outrage on our part the guard on the island will be increased and better equipped and organized and a better patrol service about the islands will be established next season a united states war vessel will also be sent there we have not relaxed our efforts to secure an agreement with great britain for adequate protection of the seal herd and negotiations with japan for the same purpose are in progress the laws for the protection of the seals within the jurisdiction of the united states need revision and amendment only the islands of paul and george are now in terms included in the government reservation and the other islands are also to be included the landing of aliens as well as citizens upon the islands without a permit from the department of commerce and labor for any purpose except in case of stress of weather or for water should be prohibited under adequate penalties the approach of vessels for the excepted purposes should be regulated the authority of the government agents on the islands should be enlarged and the chief agent should have the powers of a committing magistrate the entrance of a vessel into the territorial waters surrounding the islands with intent to take seals should be made a criminal offense and because of forfeiture authority for seizures in such cases should be given and the presence on any such vessel of seals or sealskins or the paraphernalia for taking them should be made prima facie evidence of such intent i recommend what legislation is needed to accomplish these ends and i commend to your attention the report of sims of the department of commerce and labor on this subject in case we are compelled to abandon the hope of making arrangements with other governments to put an end to the hideous cruelty now incident to pelagic sealing it will be a question for your serious consideration how far we should continue to protect and maintain the seal herd on land with the result of continuing such a practise and whether it is not better to end the practice by exterminating the herd ourselves in the most humane way possible in my last message i advised you that the emperor of russia had taken the initiative in bringing about a second peace conference at the hague under the guidance of russia the arrangement of the preliminaries for such a conference has been progressing during the past year progress has necessarily been slow owing to the great number of countries to be consulted upon every question that has arisen it is a matter of satisfaction that all of the american republics have now for the first time been invited to join in the proposed conference the close connection between the subjects to be taken up by the red cross conference held at geneva last summer and the subjects which naturally would come before the hague conference made it apparent that it was desirable to have the work of the red cross conference completed and considered by the different powers before the meeting at the hague the red cross conference ended its labors on the 6th day of july and the revised and amended convention which was signed by the american delegates will be promptly laid before the senate by the special and highly appreciated courtesy of the governments of russia and the netherlands a proposal to call the hague conference together at a time which would conflict with the conference of the american republics at rio de janeiro in august was laid aside no other date has yet been suggested a tentative program for the conference has been proposed by the government of russia and the subjects which it enumerates are undergoing careful examination and consideration in preparation for the conference it must ever be kept in mind that war is not merely justifiable but imperative upon honorable men upon an honorable nation where peace can only be obtained by the sacrifice of conscientious conviction or of national welfare peace is normally a great good and normally it coincides with righteousness but it is righteousness and not peace which should bind the conscience of a nation as it should bind the conscience of an individual and neither a nation nor an individual can surrender conscience to another keeping neither can a nation which is an entity and which does not die as individuals die refrain from taking thought for the interest of the generations that are to come no less than for the interest of the generation of and no public men have a right whether from shortsightedness from selfish indifference or from sentimentality to sacrifice national interests which are vital in character a just war is in the long run far better for a nation soul than the most prosperous peace obtained by acquiescence in wrong or injustice moreover though it is criminal for a nation not to prepare for war so that it may escape the dreadful consequences of being defeated in war yet it must always be remembered that even to be defeated in war may be far better than not to have fought at all as has been well and finely said a beaten nation is not necessarily a disgraced nation but the nation or man is disgraced if the obligation to defend right is shirked we should as a nation do everything in our power for the because of honorable peace it is morally as indefensible for a nation to commit a wrong upon another nation strong or weak as for an individual thus to wrong his fellows we should do all in our power to hasten the day when there shall be peace among the nations a peace based upon justice and not upon cowardly submission to wrong we can accomplish a good deal in this direction but we can not accomplish everything and the penalty of attempting to do too much would almost inevitably be to do worse than nothing for it must be remembered that fantastic extremists are not in reality leaders of the causes which they espouse but are ordinarily those who do most to hamper the real leaders of the because and to damage the because itself as yet there is no likelihood of establishing any kind of international power of whatever sort which can effectively check wrongdoing and in these circumstances it would be both a foolish and an evil thing for a great and free nation to deprive itself of the power to protect its own rights and even in exceptional cases to stand up for the rights of others nothing would more promote iniquity nothing would further defer the reign upon earth of peace and righteousness than for the free and enlightened peoples which though with much stumbling and many shortcomings nevertheless strive toward justice deliberately to render themselves powerless while leaving every despotism and barbarism armed and able to work their wicked will the chance for the settlement of disputes peacefully by arbitration now depends mainly upon the possession by the nations that mean to do right of sufficient armed strength to make their purpose effective the united states navy is the surest guarantor of peace which this country possesses it is earnestly to be wisht that we would profit by the teachings of history in this matter a strong and wise people will study its own failures no less than its triumphs for there is wisdom to be learned from the study of both of the mistake as well as of the success for this purpose nothing could be more instructive than a rational study of the war of 1812 as it is told for instance by captain mahan there was only one way in which that war could have been avoided if during the preceding twelve years a navy relatively as strong as that which this country now has had been built up and an army provided relatively as good as that which the country now has there never would have been the slightest necessity of fighting the war and if the necessity had arisen the war would under such circumstances have ended with our speedy and overwhelming triumph but our people during those twelve years refused to make any preparations whatever regarding either the army or the navy they saved a million or two of dollars by so doing and in mere money paid a hundredfold for each million they thus saved during the three years of war which followed a war which brought untold suffering upon our people which at one time threatened the gravest national disaster and which in spite of the necessity of waging it resulted merely in what was in effect a drawn battle while the balance of defeat and triumph was almost even i do not ask that we continue to increase our navy i ask merely that it be maintained at its present strength and this can be done only if we replace the obsolete and outworn ships by new and good ones the equals of any afloat in any navy to stop building ships for one year means that for that year the navy goes back instead of forward the old battle ship texas for instance would now be of little service in a fight with a powerful adversary the old monitors have outworn their usefulness while it was a waste of money to build the modern monitors all these ships should be replaced by others and this can be done by a program of providing for the building each year of at least one battle ship equal in size and speed to any that any nation is at the same time building the armament presumably to consist of as large a number as possible of very heavy guns of one caliber together with smaller guns to repel torpedo attack while there should be heavy armor turbine engines and in short every modern device of course from time to time cruisers colliers destroyers or torpedo boats will have to be built also all this be it remembered would not increase our navy but would merely keep it at its present strength equally of course the ships will be absolutely useless if the men aboard them are not so trained that they can get the best possible service out of the formidable but delicate and complicated mechanisms intrusted to their care the marksmanship of our men has so improved during the last five years that i deem it within bounds to say that the navy is more than twice as efficient ship for ship as half a decade ago the navy can only attain proper efficiency if enough officers and men are provided and if these officers and men are given the chance and required to take advantage of it to stay continually at sea and to exercise the fleets singly and above all in squadron the exercise to be of every kind and to include unceasing practise at the guns conducted under conditions that will test marksmanship in time of war in both the army and the navy there is urgent need that everything possible should be done to maintain the highest standard for the personnel alike as regards the officers and the enlisted men i do not believe that in any service there is a finer body of enlisted men and of junior officer than we have in both the army and the navy including the marine corps all possible encouragement to the enlisted men should be given in pay and otherwise and everything practicable done to render the service attractive to men of the right type they should be held to the strictest discharge of their duty and in them a spirit should be encouraged which demands not the mere performance of duty but the performance of far more than duty if it conduces to the honor and the interest of the american nation and in return the amplest consideration should be theirs west point and annapolis already turn out excellent officers we do not need to have these schools made more scholastic on the contrary we should never lose sight of the fact that the aim of each school is to turn out a man who shall be above everything else a fighting man in the army in particular it is not necessary that either the cavalry or infantry officer should have special mathematical ability probably in both schools the best part of the education is the high standard of character and of professional morale which it confers but in both services there is urgent need for the establishment of a principle of selection which will eliminate men after a certain age if they can not be promoted from the subordinate ranks and which will bring into the higher ranks fewer men and these at an earlier age this principle of selection will be objected to by good men of mediocre capacity who are fitted to do well while young in the lower positions but who are not fitted to do well when at an advanced age they come into positions of command and of great responsibility but the desire of these men to be promoted to positions which they are not competent to fill should not weigh against the interest of the navy and the country at present our men especially in the navy are kept far too long in the junior grades and then at much too advanced an age are put quickly thru the senior grades often not attaining to these senior grades until they are too old to be of real use in them and if they are of real use being put thru them so quickly that little benefit to the navy comes from their having been in them at all the navy has one great advantage over the army in the fact that the officers of high rank are actually trained in the continual performance of their duties that is in the management of the battle ships and armored cruisers gathered into fleets this is not true of the army officers who rarely have corresponding chances to exercise command over troops under service conditions the conduct of the spanish war showed the lamentable loss of life the useless extravagance and the inefficiency certain to result if during peace the high officials of the war and navy departments are praised and rewarded only if they save money at no matter what cost to the efficiency of the service and if the higher officers are given no chance whatever to exercise and practise command for years prior to the spanish war the secretaries of war were praised chiefly if they practised economy which economy especially in connection with the quartermaster commissary and medical departments was directly responsible for most of the mismanagement that occurred in the war itself and parenthetically be it observed that the very people who clamored for the misdirected economy in the first place were foremost to denounce the mismanagement loss and suffering which were primarily due to this same misdirected economy and to the lack of preparation it involved there should soon be an increase in the number of men for our coast defenses these men should be of the right type and properly trained and there should therefore be an increase of pay for certain skilled grades especially in the coast artillery money should be appropriated to permit troops to be massed in body and exercised in maneuvers particularly in marching such exercise during the summer just past has been of incalculable benefit to the army and should under no circumstances be discontinued if on these practise marches and in these maneuvers elderly officers prove unable to bear the strain they should be retired at once for the fact is conclusive as to their unfitness for war that is for the only purpose because of which they should be allowed to stay in the service it is a real misfortune to have scores of small company or regimental posts scattered thruout the country the army should be gathered in a few brigade or division posts and the generals should be practised in handling the men in masses neglect to provide for all of this means to incur the risk of future disaster and disgrace the readiness and efficiency of both the army and navy in dealing with the recent sudden crisis in cuba illustrate afresh their value to the nation this readiness and efficiency would have been very much less had it not been for the existence of the general staff in the army and the general board in the navy both are essential to the proper development and use of our military forces afloat and ashore the troops that were sent to cuba were handled flawlessly it was the swiftest mobilization and dispatch of troops over sea ever accomplished by our government the expedition landed completely equipped and ready for immediate service several of its organizations hardly remaining in havana over night before splitting up into detachments and going to their several posts it was a fine demonstration of the value and efficiency of the general staff similarly it was owing in large part to the general board that the navy was able at the outset to meet the cuban crisis with such instant efficiency ship after ship appearing on the shortest notice at any threatened point while the marine corps in particular performed indispensable service the army and navy war colleges are of incalculable value to the two services and they cooperate with constantly increasing efficiency and importance the congress has most wisely provided for a national board for the promotion of rifle practise excellent results have already come from this law but it does not go far enough our regular army is so small that in any great war we should have to trust mainly to volunteers and in such event these volunteers should already know how to shoot for if a soldier has the fighting edge and ability to take care of himself in the open his efficiency on the line of battle is almost directly proportionate to excellence in marksmanship we should establish shooting galleries in all the large public and military schools should maintain national target ranges in different parts of the country and should in every way encourage the formation of rifle clubs thruout all parts of the land the little republic of switzerland offers us an excellent example in all matters connected with building up an efficient citizen soldiery
nation still continue enjoy literally unprecedented prosperity probable reckless speculation disregard legitimate business methods part business world materially mar prosperity congress time done good work importance present congress several matters left unfinished last session however earnestly hope complete adjournment recommend law prohibiting corporations contributing campaign expenses party bill already past one house congress let individuals contribute desire let us prohibit effective fashion corporations making contributions political purpose directly indirectly another bill past one house congress urgently necessary enacted law conferring upon government right appeal criminal cases questions law right exists many states exists district columbia act congress course proposed case verdict defendant merits set aside recently one district government indicted certain persons conspiracy connection rebates court sustained defendant demurrer another jurisdiction indictment conspiracy obtain rebates sustained court convictions obtained two defendants sentenced imprisonment two cases referred may real conflict unfortunate even apparent conflict present way government conflict occurs solved appeal higher court wheels justice blocked without real decision question strongly urge passage bill question failure pass result seriously hampering government effort obtain justice especially wealthy individuals corporations wrong may also prevent government obtaining justice able effectively contest case judgment inferior court specifically view recent decision district judge leaving railway employees without remedy violation certain labor statute seems absurdity permit single district judge may judgment immense majority colleagues bench declare law solemnly enacted congress unconstitutional deny government right supreme court definitely decide question well recollect real efficiency law often depends upon passage acts great public excitement upon passage acts nature much public excitement little public understanding importance interested parties keenly alive desirability defeating importance enacting law particular bill question increased fact government definitely begun policy resorting criminal law trust interstate commerce cases course offers reasonable chance success first proper every effort made enforce laws civil proceedings become increasingly evident action government finally deciding certain cases undertake criminal proceedings justifiable though conspicuous failures cases many successes undoubtedly deterrent effect upon whether penalty inflicted shape fine imprisonment penalties kinds already inflicted courts course judge see way inflict penalty imprisonment deterrent effect punishment offenders increased sufficiently heavy fines accomplish much judge holt new york district court recent decision admirably stated need treating severity offenders kind opinion runs part follows government evidence establish defendant guilt clear conclusive undisputed case flagrant one transactions took place illegal contract large amounts rebates returned considerable amount rebate large amounting entire tariff charge transportation merchandise city detroit much say opinion business carried considerable time basis discrimination favor particular shipper made 18 instead 23 cent rate tariff rate maintained competitors result might improbably would competitors would driven business crime one nature deliberate premeditated think fortnight elapsed date palmer letter requesting reduced rate answer railroad company deciding grant months afterwards business carried claims rebates submitted month month checks payment drawn month month violation law opinion essential nature much heinous act ordinary common vulgar crimes come criminal courts constantly punishment arise sudden passion temptation crime case committed men education large business experience whose standing community might expected set example obedience law upon maintenance alone country security property depends committed behalf great railroad corporation like railroad corporations received gratuitously state large valuable privileges public convenience performs quasi public functions charged highest obligation transaction business treat citizens country alike carry business unjust discriminations different citizens different classes citizens crime nature one usually done secrecy proof difficult obtain interstate commerce act past 1887 nearly twenty years ago ever since time complaints granting rebates railroads common urgent insistent although congress repeatedly past legislation endeavoring put stop evil difficulty obtaining proof upon bring prosecution cases great first case ever brought court formed case one recently brought philadelphia cases ever brought eastern part country fact cases kind ever brought country east west circumstances forced conclusion case proof clear facts flagrant duty court fix penalty shall degree commensurate gravity offense two defendants opinion principal penalty imposed corporation traffic manager case presumably acted without advantage without interest transaction either direct authority accordance understood policy wishes employer sentence court case defendant pomeroy six offenses upon convicted fined sum making six fines amounting sum defendant new york central hudson river railroad company six crimes convicted fined sum making six fines amounting aggregate sum judgment effect entered case connection matter would like call attention unsatisfactory state criminal law resulting large part habit setting aside judgments inferior courts technicalities absolutely unconnected merits case attempt show failure substantial justice would well enact law providing something effect judgment shall set aside new trial granted civil criminal ground misdirection jury improper admission rejection evidence error matter pleading procedure unless opinion court application made examination entire shall affirmatively appear error complained resulted miscarriage justice last message suggested enactment law connection issuance injunctions attention sharply drawn matter demand right applying injunctions labor cases wholly abolished least doubtful whether law abolishing altogether use injunctions cases would stand test courts case course legislation would ineffective moreover believe would wrong altogether prohibit use injunctions criminal permit sympathy criminals weaken hands upholding law men seek destroy life property mob violence impairment power courts deal summary effective way possible far possible abuse power provided law advocated last year matter injunctions lodged hands judiciary necessary power nevertheless subject possibility grave abuse power exercised extreme care subject jealous scrutiny men condemnation meted much judge fails use boldly necessary judge uses wantonly oppressively course judge strong enough fit office enjoin resort violence intimidation especially conspiracy matter opinion may rights original quarrel must hesitation dealing disorder must likewise abuse injunctive power implied forbidding laboring men strive betterment peaceful lawful ways must injunction used merely aid big corporation carrying schemes aggrandizement must remembered preliminary injunction labor case granted without adequate proof even authority found support conclusions law founded may often settle dispute parties therefore improperly granted may irreparable wrong yet many judges assume granting preliminary injunction ordinary proper judicial disposition cases undoubtedly flagrant wrongs committed judges connection labor disputes even within last years although think much less often former years judges unwise action immensely strengthen hands striving entirely away power injunction therefore careless use injunctive process tends threaten existence american people ever become convinced process habitually abused whether matters affecting labor matters affecting corporations impossible prevent abolition may highest duty judge given moment disregard merely wishes individuals great political financial power overwhelming tide public sentiment judge thus disregard public sentiment wrong brushes aside plea special interest pleading rounded righteousness performs highest service country judge deserving honor honor paid wise fearless judge permit growth absurd convention would forbid criticism judge another type shows timid presence arrogant disorder insufficient grounds grants injunction grave injustice capacity construer therefore part maker law flagrant fashion thwarts decent government judge power review exercised sits review upon acts executive legislative branches government save extraordinary cases amenable bar public opinion unwise maintain public opinion reference man power shall neither exprest led best judges ever foremost disclaim immunity criticism true since days great english lord chancellor parker said let people liberty know found judgment upon given others may liberty judge proprieties case set forth singular clearness good temper judge taft united states circuit judge eleven years ago 1895 opportunity freely publicly criticize judicial action vastly importance body politic immunity courts judges unjust aspersions attack nothing tends render judges careful decisions anxiously solicitous exact justice consciousness every act subjected intelligent scrutiny candid criticism criticism beneficial proportion fair dispassionate discriminating based knowledge sound legal principles comments made learned text writers acute editors various law reviews upon judicial decisions therefore highly useful critics constitute less impartial tribunals professional opinion judgment made stand fall merits thus exert strong influence secure uniformity decision criticism also means without uses even accompanied often direct attack upon judicial fairness motives occupants bench law essence common sense protest many average men may evidence defect judicial conclusion though based nicest legal reasoning profoundest learning two important elements moral character judge earnest desire reach conclusion courage enforce far fear public comment affect courage judge spurs search conscience reach result approves inmost heart comment serves useful purpose men whether judges life shorter term prefer earn hold respect reached made pause deliberate hostile public criticism case judges life tenure indeed independence makes right freely comment decisions greater importance practical available instrument hands free people keep judges alive reasonable demands serve hand danger destroying proper influence judicial decisions creating unfounded prejudices courts justifies requires unjust attacks shall met answered courts must ultimately rest defense upon inherent strength opinions deliver ground conclusions must trust calm deliberate judgment people best vindication one consideration taken account good people carry sound proposition excess objecting criticism judge decision instinct american people whole sound matter subscribe doctrine public servant criticism best citizens competent express judgment matters belonging great honorable profession bar profoundly influential american life take position shall criticism judge circumstances view accepted american people whole event people turn tend accept justifiable intemperate improper criticism uttered unworthy agitators surely misfortune leave critics function right certain abuse temperate criticism necessary safeguard acceptance people whole intemperate antagonism towards judiciary must combated every man became widespread among people large would constitute dire menace republic connection delays law call attention attention nation prevalence crime among us epidemic lynching mob violence springs one part country another section north south east west faults section wisdom spend time jeering faults another section busy trying amend shortcomings deal crime corruption necessary awakened public conscience supplement whatever legislation add speed certainty execution law deal lynching even necessary great many white men lynched crime peculiarly frequent respect black men greatest existing lynching perpetration especially black men hideous crime rape abominable category crimes even worse murder mobs frequently avenge commission crime torturing death man committing thus avenging bestial fashion bestial deed reducing level criminal lawlessness grows feeds upon mobs begin lynch rape speedily extend sphere operations lynch many kinds crimes lynchings rape considerable proportion individuals lynched innocent crime governor candler georgia stated one occasion years ago say verity within last month saved lives half dozen innocent negroes pursued mob brought trial court law acquitted bishop galloway mississippi finely said rule mob obtains distinguishes high civilization surrendered mob lynches negro charged rape little lynch white man suspected crime every christian patriot america needs lift voice loud eternal protest mob spirit threatening integrity republic governor jelks alabama recently spoken follows lynching person whatever crime inexcusable anywhere defiance orderly government killing innocent people provocation infinitely horrible yet innocent people likely die mob terrible lust aroused lesson good citizen afford countenance defiance statutes matter provocation innocent frequently suffer observation usually suffer guilty white people south indict whole colored race ground even better elements lend assistance whatever ferreting criminals color respectable colored people must learn harbor criminals assist officers bringing justice larger crime provokes atrocious offenses one atlanta two races never get understanding part make common criminals color moreover crime committed member one race member another race avenged fashion seems individual criminal whole race attacked result exasperate highest degree race feeling one safe rule dealing black men white men rule must applied dealing rich men poor men treat man whatever color creed social position justice real worth man white people owe quite much colored race treat well colored man shows life deserves treatment surely highest wisdom encourage colored race individuals honest industrious therefore make good safe neighbors citizens reward punish individual merits individual evil surely come end races substitute rule habit treating members race good bad alike question social equality negro domination involved question relentlessly punishing bad men securing good man right life liberty pursuit happiness qualities heart head hand enable achieve every colored man realize worst enemy race negro criminal negro criminal commits dreadful crime rape felt highest degree offense whole country colored race particular colored man fail help officers law hunting possible earnestness zeal every infamous offender moreover judgment crime rape always punished death case murder assault intent commit rape made capital crime least discretion court provision made punishment may follow immediately upon heels offense trial conducted victim need wantonly shamed giving testimony least possible publicity shall given details members white race hand understand every lynching represents much loosening bands civilization spirit lynching inevitably throws prominence community foul evil creatures dwell therein man take part torture human without moral nature permanently lowered every lynching means much moral deterioration children knowledge therefore much additional trouble next generation americans let justice sure swift let justice law wild crooked savagery mob another matter direct bearing upon matter lynching brutal crime sometimes calls forth times merely furnishes excuse existence question people whole permanently rise treading number even moment profit maltreatment fellows long run also suffer shortsighted policy imagined fancied interest one class prevent education another class free public school chance boy girl get good elementary education lies foundation whole political situation every community poorest citizens need schools would deprived received school facilities proportioned taxes paid true one portion country another true negro white man white man wise decline allow negroes mass grow manhood womanhood without education unquestionably education obtained public schools everything towards making man good citizen much lowest brutal criminals instance commit crime rape great majority men either education little almost invariably men property man puts money earnings like man acquires education usually lifted mere brutal criminality course best type education colored man taken whole education conferred schools like hampton tuskegee boys girls young men young women trained industrially well ordinary public school branches graduates schools turn well great majority cases hardly become criminals little criminality never takes form brutal violence invites lynch law every graduate schools matter every colored man woman leads life useful honorable win good respect whites whose neighbor thereby helps whole colored race helped way next negro man help negro white neighbor lives near steady effort better relations two great though benefit schools colored pupils colored people may well questioned whether benefit least great white people among colored pupils live graduate remembered furthermore individuals whether folly evil temper greed office spirit mere base demagogy indulge inflammatory incendiary speeches writings tend arouse mobs bring lynching thus excite mob also tend criminologists call suggestion greatly increase likelihood repetition crime inveighing mob composed people one race man lynched another race men speeches writings either excite justify action tend course excite bitter race feeling people opposite race lose sight abominable act criminal addition prominence give hideous deed undoubtedly tend excite brutal depraved natures thoughts committing swift relentless orderly punishment law way criminality type permanently supprest dealing labor capital questions affecting corporations trades unions one matter important remember aught else infinite harm done preachers mere discontent men seek excite violent class hatred men wealth seek turn wise proper movements better control corporations away abuses connected wealth campaign hysterical excitement falsehood aim inflame madness brutal passions mankind sinister demagogs foolish visionaries always eager undertake campaign destruction sometimes seek associate working genuine reform governmental social methods sometimes masquerade reformers reality worst enemies profess advocate purveyors sensational slander newspaper magazine worst enemies men engaged honest effort better bad social governmental conditions preach hatred rich man carry campaign slander invective seek mislead inflame madness honest men whose lives hard kind mental training permit appreciate danger doctrines preached commit crime body politic false every worthy principle tradition american national life moreover preaching agitation may give livelihood certain notoriety take part may result temporary political success others long run every movement either fail else provoke violent reaction result merely undoing mischief wrought demagog agitator also undoing good honest reformer true upholder popular rights painfully laboriously achieved corruption never rife communities demagog agitator bear full sway communities moral bands become loosened hysteria sensationalism replace spirit sound judgment fair dealing man man sheer revolt squalid anarchy thus produced men sure end turn toward leader restore order relief free intolerable burdens class hatred violence demagogy time aroused indignation misdeeds men wealth permit new growth abuses part responsible original outbreak one hope success people lies resolute fearless sane advance along path marked last year congress must stern refusal misled following either base creature appeals panders lowest instincts passions order arouse one set americans fellows creature equally base baser spirit greed accumulate add already huge fortune seeks exploit fellow americans callous disregard welfare soul body man debauches others order obtain high office stands evil equality corruption man debauches others financial profit hatred sown crop springs evil plain people think mechanics farmers merchants workers head hand men american traditions dear love country try act decently neighbors owe remember damaging blow given popular government elect unworthy sinister agitator platform violence hypocrisy whenever issue raised country nothing gained flinching case democracy trial popular republican forms trial triumph mob evil thing triumph plutocracy escaped one danger avails nothing whatever succumb end honest man whether rich poor earns living tries deal justly fellows much fear insincere unworthy demagog promising much performing nothing else performing nothing evil would set mob plunder rich crafty corruptionist ends would permit common people exploited wealthy ever let government fall hands men either two classes shall show false america past moreover demagog corruptionist often work hand hand moment wealthy reactionaries obtuse morality regard public servant prosecutes violate law seeks make bear proper share public burdens even objectionable violent agitator hounds mob plunder rich nothing choose reactionary agitator fundamentally alike selfish disregard rights others natural join opposition movement aim fearlessly exact even justice call attention need passing bill limiting number hours employment railroad employees measure moderate one conceive serious objection indeed far power aim steadily reduce number hours labor goal general introduction day industries possible hours labor reduced communities far enough advanced movement good tropics situated analogy needs matter isthmus panama instance conditions every way different day would absurd absurd far isthmus concerned white labor employed bother whether necessary work done alien black men alien yellow men wageworkers united states high grade alike merely industrial standpoint civic standpoint object direction securing general observance day recently law federal statute books scantily observed however largely thru instrumentality bureau labor rigidly enforced shall speedily able say whether need legislation reference thereto purpose see obeyed spirit less letter half holidays summer established government employees desirable wageworkers toil hands salaried officials whose labor mental reasonable amount holiday congress last session wisely provided truant court district columbia marked step advance path properly caring children let urge congress provide thoro investigation conditions child labor labor women united states people growing recognize fact questions merely industrial social importance outweigh others two questions emphatically come category affect way home life nation horrors incident employment young children factories work anywhere blot civilization true state must ultimately settle question way thoro official investigation matter results published broadcast would greatly help toward arousing public conscience securing unity state action matter however one law subject enacted immediately need investigation reference thereto failure enact discreditable national government drastic thorogoing law enacted district columbia territories among excellent laws congress past last session employers liability law marked step advance get recognition employers liability statute books law go far enough spite precautions exercised employers unavoidable accidents even deaths involved nearly every line business connected mechanic arts inevitable sacrifice life may reduced minimum completely eliminated great social injustice compel employee rather family killed disabled victim bear entire burden inevitable sacrifice words society shirks duty laying whole cost victim whereas injury comes may called legitimate risks trade compensation accidents deaths due line industry actual conditions industry carried paid portion community benefit industry carried profit industry entire trade risk placed upon employer promptly properly add legitimate cost production assess proportionately upon consumers commodity therefore clear mind law place entire risk trade upon employer neither federal law far informed state laws dealing question employers liability sufficiently thorogoing federal law course include employees arsenals like commission appointed president october 16 1902 request anthracite coal operators miners inquire consider pass upon questions controversy connection strike anthracite regions pennsylvania causes controversy arose report findings award exprest belief state federal governments provide machinery may called compulsory investigation controversies employers employees arise expression belief deserving favorable consideration congress enactment provisions law bill already introduced end records show twenty years january 1 1881 december 31 1900 strikes affecting establishments employees thrown employment period lockouts involving nearly establishments throwing one million people employment strikes lockouts involved estimated loss employees employers total public suffered directly indirectly probably great additional loss money loss great measure anguish suffering endured wives children employees whose pay stopt work stopt disastrous effect strike lockout upon business employers increase cost products inconvenience loss public many strikes lockouts would occurred parties dispute required appear unprejudiced body representing nation face face state reasons contention instances dispute would doubtless found due misunderstanding rights aggravated unwillingness either party accept true statements justice injustice matters dispute exercise judicial spirit disinterested body representing federal government would provided commission conciliation arbitration would tend create atmosphere friendliness conciliation contending parties giving side equal opportunity present fully case presence would prevent many disputes developing serious strikes lockouts cases would enable commission persuade opposing parties come terms age great corporate labor combinations neither employers employees left completely mercy stronger party dispute regardless righteousness respective claims proposed measure would line securing recognition fact many strikes public interest wisely disregarded interest merely general convenience question proper public policy must also considered legislation kind well advance cautiously testing step actual results step proposed surely safely taken decisions commission would bind parties legal fashion yet would give chance public opinion crystallize thus exert full force right wise nation alienate remaining coal lands temporarily withdrawn settlement lands geological survey indicated containing probability containing coal question however properly settled legislation judgment provide withdrawal lands sale entry save certain especial circumstances ownership would remain united states however attempt work permit worked private individuals royalty system government keeping control permit see excessive price charged consumers would course necessary supervise rates charged common carriers transport product rates charged mine supervision must extend conduct common carriers shall way favor one competitor expense another withdrawal coal lands would constitute policy analogous followed withdrawing forest lands ordinary settlement coal like forests treated property public disposal conditions would inure benefit public whole present congress taken long strides direction securing proper supervision control national government corporations engaged interstate business enormous majority corporations size engaged interstate business passage railway rate bill less degree passage pure food bill provision increasing rendering effective national control industry mark important advance proper direction short session perhaps difficult much along line may best wait laws operation number months endeavoring increase scope operation show exactness merits shortcomings thus give opportunity define remedial legislation needed yet judgment end advisable connection packing house inspection law provide putting date label charging cost inspection packers laws already justified enactment interstate commerce law instance rather amusingly falsified predictions asserted would ruin railroads asserted go far enough would accomplish nothing last five months railroads shown increased earnings unusual dividends period mere taking effect law produced unprecedented hitherto unheard number voluntary reductions freights fares railroads since founding commission never time equal length anything like many reduced tariffs put effect august 27 instance two days new law went effect commission received notices five thousand separate tariffs represented reductions previous rates must supposed however passage laws possible stop progress along line increasing power national government use capital interstate commerce example ultimately need enlarging powers interstate commerce commission along several different lines give larger efficient control railroads often repeated experience conclusively shown impossibility securing actions nearly half hundred different state legislatures anything ineffective chaos way dealing great corporations operate exclusively within limits one state method whether national license law fashion must exercise early date far complete control present great corporations control among things prevent evils excessive overcapitalization compel disclosure big corporation stockholders properties business whether owned directly thru subsidiary affiliated corporations tend put stop securing inordinate profits favored individuals expense whether general public stockholders wageworkers effort much prevent consolidation supervise control see results harm people reactionary ultraconservative apologists misuse wealth assail effort secure control step toward socialism matter fact reactionaries ultraconservatives potent increasing socialistic feeling one efficient methods averting consequences dangerous agitation 80 per cent wrong remedy 20 per cent evil agitation well rounded best way avert undesirable move government ownership railways secure government behalf people whole adequate control regulation great interstate common carriers away evils give rise agitation proper antidote dangerous wicked agitation men wealth secure proper legislation executive action abolition grave abuses actually obtain connection business use wealth present system rather system failure exercise adequate control persons speak exercise governmental control would away freedom individual initiative dwarf individual effort fact would veritable calamity fail put premium upon individual initiative individual capacity effort upon energy character foresight important encourage individual matter fact deadening degrading effect pure socialism especially extreme form communism destruction individual character would bring part achieved wholly unregulated competition results single individual corporation rising expense others rise effectually checks competition reduces former competitors position utter inferiority subordination enacting enforcing legislation congress already credit working coherent plan steady endeavor secure needed reform joint action moderate men plain men wish anything hysterical dangerous intend deal resolute fashion real great evils present system reactionaries violent extremists show symptoms joining hands us assert instance logical go government ownership railroads like reactionaries issue think people would stand extremists care rather preach discontent agitation achieve solid results matter fact position remote bourbon reactionary impracticable sinister visionary hold government conduct business nation exercise supervision insure conducted interest nation aim far may secure decent hard working men equality opportunity equality burden actual working laws shown effort prohibit combination good bad noxious ineffective combination capital like combination labor necessary element present industrial system possible completely prevent possible complete prevention would damage body politic need vainly try prevent combination secure rigorous adequate control supervision combinations prevent injuring public existing form inevitably threaten injury mere fact combination secured practically complete control necessary life would circumstances show combination presumed adverse public interest unfortunate present laws forbid combinations instead sharply discriminating combinations good combinations evil rebates instance often due pressure big shippers shown investigation standard oil company shown since investigation tobacco sugar trusts initiative big railroads often railroads would like combine purpose preventing big shipper maintaining improper advantages expense small shippers general public combination instead forbidden law favored words permitted railroads make agreements provided agreements sanctioned interstate commerce commission published two conditions complied impossible see harm combination could public large public evil statute books law incapable full enforcement judges juries realize full enforcement would destroy business country result make decent railroad men violators law put premium behavior wilful wrongdoers result turn tends throw decent man wilful wrongdoer close association end drag former latter level man becomes lawbreaker one way unhappily tends lose respect law willing break many ways scathing condemnation could visited upon law contained words interstate commerce commission commenting upon fact numerous joint traffic associations technically violate law say decision united states supreme court case joint traffic association case produced practical effect upon railway operations country associations fact exist decisions general effect justice parties ought probably add difficult see interstate railways could operated due regard interest shipper railway without concerted action kind afforded thru associations means law construed supreme court business country conducted without breaking recommend give careful early consideration subject find opinion interstate commerce commission justified amend law obviate evil disclosed question taxation difficult country especially difficult federal system government taxes every ground levied small district use district thus taxation real estate peculiarly one immediate locality real estate found legitimate tax state tax franchises conferred state upon street railroads similar corporations operate wholly within state boundaries sometimes one sometimes several municipalities minor divisions state many kinds taxes levied general government produce best results among reasons attempt impose one particular state often results merely driving corporation individual affected locality state national government long derived chief revenue tariff imports internal excise tax addition every reason next system taxation revised national government impose graduated inheritance tax possible graduated income tax man great wealth owes peculiar obligation state derives special advantages mere existence government recognize obligation way leads daily life way earns spends money also recognized way pays protection state gives one hand desirable assume full proper share burden taxation hand quite necessary kind taxation men vote tax pay little clear recognition danger inaugurating system save spirit entire justice moderation whenever people undertake remodel taxation system along lines suggested must make clear beyond peradventure aim distribute burden supporting government equitably present intend treat rich man poor man basis absolute equality regard equally fatal true democracy permit injustice one permit injustice well aware subject needs long careful study order people may become familiar proposed done may clearly see necessity proceeding wisdom may make minds far willing go matter trained legislators work project necessary detail feel near future national legislators enact law providing graduated inheritance tax steadily increasing rate duty put upon moneys valuables coming gift bequest devise individual corporation may well make tax heavy proportion individual benefited remote kin event judgment pro rata tax increase heavily increase amount left one individual certain point reached desirable encourage thrift ambition potent source thrift ambition desire part breadwinner leave children well object attained making tax small moderate amounts property left prime object put constantly increasing burden inheritance swollen fortunes certainly benefit country perpetuate question ethical propriety government thus determining conditions upon gift inheritance received exactly far inheritance tax would incident effect limiting transmission devise gift enormous fortunes question necessary present discuss wise progress direction gradual first permanent national inheritance tax might substantial tax hitherto need approximate either amount extent increase graduation tax ultimately species tax imposed although temporarily national government first imposed act july 6 1797 makers constitution alive head affairs graduated tax though small amount rate increased amount left individual exceptions made case certain close kin similar tax imposed act july 1 1862 minimum sum one thousand dollars personal property excepted taxation tax becoming progressive according remoteness kin act june 13 1898 provided inheritance tax sum exceeding value ten thousand dollars rate tax increasing accordance amounts left accordance legatee remoteness kin supreme court held succession tax imposed time civil war direct tax impost excise constitutional valid recently court opinion delivered justice white contained exceedingly able elaborate discussion powers congress impose death duties sustained constitutionality feature act 1898 incidents apart main purpose raising revenue income tax stands entirely different footing inheritance tax involves question perpetuation fortunes swollen unhealthy size question essence question proper adjustment burdens benefits law stands undoubtedly difficult devise national income tax shall constitutional whether absolutely impossible another question possible certainly desirable first purely law past congress 1861 important law dealing subject 1894 court held unconstitutional question undoubtedly intricate delicate troublesome decision court reached one majority law land course accepted loyally obeyed good citizens nevertheless hesitation evidently felt court whole coming conclusion considered together previous decisions subject may perhaps indicate possibility devising constitutional law shall substantially accomplish results aimed difficulty amending constitution great real necessity justify resort thereto every effort made dealing subject subject proper control national government use corporate wealth interstate business devise legislation without action shall attain desired end fails ultimately alternative constitutional amendment would impossible overstate though course difficult quantitatively measure effect upon nation growth greatness may called organized patriotism necessarily includes substitution national feeling mere local pride resultant high ambition whole country country develop full strength long parts make whole put feeling loyalty part feeling loyalty whole true sections true classes industrial agricultural classes must work together capitalists wageworkers must work together best work country capable done probable thoroly efficient system education comes next influence patriotism bringing national success kind federal form government fruitful advantage people certain ways ways undoubtedly limits national effectiveness possible instance national government take lead technical industrial education see public school system country develops technical industrial scientific commercial sides must left primarily several states nevertheless national government control schools district columbia see schools promote encourage fullest development scholars commercial industrial training commercial training one branches deal foreign trade industrial training even important one prime objects nation far feasible constantly work toward putting mechanic wageworker works hands higher plane efficiency reward increase effectiveness economic world dignity remuneration power position social world unfortunately present effect work public schools exactly opposite direction boys girls trained merely literary accomplishments total exclusion industrial manual technical training tendency unfit industrial work make reluctant go unfitted well go tendency strenuously combated industrial development depends largely upon technical education including term industrial education fits man good mechanic good carpenter blacksmith fits man greatest engineering feat skilled mechanic skilled workman best become technical industrial education usefulness institutes technology schools mines engineering universally acknowledged less far reaching effect good building mechanical trades school textile engraving school training must develop manual dexterity industrial intelligence international rivalry country fear competition pauper labor much fear educated labor specially trained competitors education hand eye brain fit us meet competition every possible way help wageworker toils hands must hope constantly increasing measure also toil brain constitution national legislature little direct importance welfare save engaged work permits act interstate commerce clause constitution one reason earnestly hope legislative judicial branches government construe clause constitution broadest possible manner however matter industrial training matter child labor factory laws set example states enacting advanced legislation wisely enacted district columbia persons whose welfare vital welfare whole country welfare wageworkers tillers soil farmers mere truism say growth cities growth wealth industrial development atone falling character standing farming population last decades fact recognized clearness longer failure realize farming least certain branches must become technical scientific profession means must open farmers chance technical scientific training theoretical merely severely practical type farmer represents peculiarly high type american citizenship must chance rise develop american citizens moreover exactly true farmer business man wageworker ultimate success nation forms part must founded alone material prosperity upon high moral mental physical development education farmer preference also education outside men peculiarly necessary united states frontier conditions even newest states nearly vanished must substitution intensive system cultivation old wasteful farm management must better business organization among farmers several factors must cooperate improvement farmer condition must chance educated widest possible sense sense keeps ever view intimate relationship theory education facts life education widen aims good thing produce certain number trained scholars students education superintended state must seek rather produce hundred good citizens merely one scholar must turned class book study great book nature especially true farmer pointed observers competent pass practical judgment problems country life students realize education must seek train executive powers young people confer real significance upon phrase dignity labor prepare pupils addition developing highest degree individual capacity work may together help create right public opinion show many ways social cooperative spirit organization become necessary business world accomplished much good world labor less necessary farmers movement grange movement good capable infinite extension good long kept legitimate business benefits derived association farmers mutual advantage partly economic partly sociological moreover long run voluntary efforts prove efficacious government assistance farmers must primarily yet government also much department agriculture broken new ground many directions year year finds improve methods develop fresh usefulness constant effort give governmental assistance effective way thru associations farmers rather thru individual farmers also striving coordinate work agricultural departments several states far work educational coordinate work educational authorities agricultural education necessarily based upon general education agricultural educational institutions wisely specializing making courses relate actual teaching agricultural kindred sciences young country people young city people wish live country great progress already made among farmers creation farmers institutes dairy associations breeders associations horticultural associations like striking example government farmers cooperate shown connection menace offered cotton growers southern states advance boll weevil department organize farmers threatened districts organize aid work eradicate cattle fever tick south department cooperate associations must help work done efficient style much done states rocky mountains great plains thru development national policy irrigation forest preservation government policy betterment internal conditions fruitful good forests white mountains southern appalachian regions also preserved unless people states lie thru representatives congress secure vigorous action national government invite attention congress estimate secretary war appropriation enable begin preliminary work construction memorial amphitheater arlington grand army republic national encampment urged erection amphitheater necessary proper observance memorial day fitting monument soldier sailor dead buried heartily concur commend matter favorable consideration congress well aware difficult pass constitutional amendment nevertheless judgment whole question marriage divorce relegated authority national congress present wide differences laws different states subject result scandals abuses surely nothing vitally essential welfare nation nothing around nation bend throw every safeguard home life average citizen change would good every standpoint particular would good would confer congress power deal radically efficiently polygamy done whether marriage divorce dealt neither safe proper leave question polygamy dealt several states power deal conferred national government home ties loosened men women cease regard worthy family life duties fully performed responsibilities lived life best worth living evil days commonwealth hand regions land classes population birth rate sunk death rate surely need demonstration show wilful sterility standpoint nation standpoint human race one sin penalty national death race death sin atonement sin dreadful exactly proportion men women guilty thereof respects character bodily mental powers sake state would well see fathers mothers many healthy children well brought homes made happy presence man woman shirk primary duties life whether love ease pleasure retain let call attention congress two subjects concerning frequently communicated one question developing american shipping trust law embodying substance views major part views exprest report subject laid house last session past well aware former years objectionable measures proposed reference encouragement american shipping seems proposed measure nearly unobjectionable course benefit primarily seaboard states maine louisiana washington benefits part people end benefits government aid irrigation forestry west really benefit rocky mountain states country prove impracticable enact law encouragement shipping generally least provision made better communication south america notably fast mail lines chief south american ports discreditable us business people lack direct communication shape lines steamers south america great sister continent disadvantage compared business people europe especially call attention second subject condition currency laws national bank act ably served great purpose aiding enormous business development country within ten years increase circulation per capita several years evidence accumulating additional legislation needed recurrence crop season emphasizes defects present laws must soon revision leave means incur liability business disaster since body adjourned fluctuation interest call money 2 per cent 30 per cent fluctuation even greater preceding six months secretary treasury step wise action put stop violent period oscillation even worse fluctuation advance commercial rates uncertainty felt sufficiency credit even high rates commercial interests suffer crop period excessive rates call money new york attract money interior banks speculative field depletes fund would otherwise available commercial uses commercial borrowers forced pay abnormal rates fall tax shape increased interest charges placed whole commerce country mere statement shows present system seriously defective need change unfortunately however many proposed changes must ruled consideration complicated easy comprehension tend disturb existing rights interests must also rule plan would materially impair value united states 2 per cent bonds pledged secure circulations issue made conditions peculiarly creditable treasury press especial plan various plans recently proposed expert committees bankers among plans possibly feasible certainly receive consideration repeatedly brought attention present secretary treasury essential features approved many prominent bankers business men according plan national banks permitted issue specified proportion capital notes given kind issue taxed high rate drive notes back wanted legitimate trade plan would permit issue currency give banks additional profits meet emergency presented times stringency say right system advance emphasize belief need adoption system shall automatic open sound banks avoid possibility discrimination favoritism plan would tend prevent spasms high money speculation obtain new york market present much currency certain seasons year accumulation new york tempts bankers lend low rates speculative purposes whereas times crops moved urgent need large temporary increase currency supply must never forgotten question concerns business men generally quite much bankers especially true stockmen farmers business men west present certain seasons year difference interest rates east west 6 10 per cent whereas canada corresponding difference 2 per cent plan must course guard interests western southern bankers carefully guards interests new york chicago bankers must drawn standpoints farmer merchant less standpoints city banker country banker law amended specifically provide funds derived customs duties may treated secretary treasury treats funds obtained laws considerable increase bills small denominations permission given banks necessary settled restrictions retire circulation larger amount three millions month earnestly hope bill provide lower tariff else absolute free trade philippine products become law harm come american industry small real material benefit filipinos main benefit come showing made purpose power welfare far action philippines abundantly justified mainly indeed primarily added dignity given us nation proving capable honorably efficiently bear international burdens mighty people bear even immense benefit come people philippine islands islands steadily introducing liberty order greater degree people ever known secured justice provided efficient police force put ladronism islands leyte samar authority government resisted wild mountain tribes superstitious inspiration fakirs leaders constantly increasing measure liberty accorded islanders next spring conditions warrant shall take great stride forward testing capacity summoning first filipino legislative assembly way stand test largely determine whether thus granted increased decreased erred philippines proceeding rapidly direction granting large measure building roads immeasurable good people arranged building railroads let us also see given free access markets nation owes imperative duty mankind duty managing affairs islands american flag philippines porto rico hawaii make evident every way advantage flag fly american citizenship conferred citizens porto rico harbor san juan porto rico dredged improved expenses federal court porto rico met federal treasury administration affairs porto rico together philippines hawaii insular possessions directed one executive department preference department state department war needs hawaii peculiar every aid given islands efforts unceasing develop along lines community small freeholders great planters estates situated territory middle pacific duties imposed upon small community fall like degree manner upon american community warrants treating differently way treat territories contiguous surrounded sister territories states justifies setting aside portion revenues expended educational internal improvements therein hawaii making effort secure immigration fit end assume duties burdens full american citizenship whenever leaders various industries islands finally adopt ideals heartily join administration endeavoring develop middle class substantial citizens way found deal commercial industrial problems appear serious best americanism aims stability permanency prosperous citizenship rather immediate returns large masses capital alaska needs partially met must complete reorganization governmental system indicated ask especial attention dwell shores puget sound characteristic energy arranging hold seattle alaska yukon pacific exposition special aims include upbuilding alaska development american commerce pacific ocean exposition purposes scope appeal people pacific slope people united states large alaska since bought yielded government eleven millions dollars revenue produced nearly three hundred millions dollars gold furs fish properly developed become large degree land homes countries bordering pacific ocean population numerous countries europe annual foreign commerce amounts three billions dollars share united states seven hundred millions dollars trade thoroly understood pushed manufacturers producers industries pacific slope country particularly states would greatly benefited course order get benefits must treat fairly countries trade mistake betrays spirit foolish cynicism maintain international governmental action must ever based upon mere selfishness advance ethical reasons action always sign hypocrisy necessarily true action governments action individuals sure sign base nature always ascribe base motives actions others unquestionably nation afford disregard proper considerations private individual equally true average private individual really decent community many actions reference men guided public spirit regard rights others disinterested purpose good others raise tone community whole similarly really great nation must often act matter fact often act toward nations spirit least mere paying heed chiefly ethical reasons centuries go disinterestedness international action tendency individuals comprising nation require nation act justice toward neighbors steadily grows strengthens neither wise right nation disregard needs foolish may wicked think nations disregard wicked nation regard interest foolish believe sole motive actuates nation steady aim raise ethical standard national action strive raise ethical standard individual action must treat nations fairly must treat justice good immigrants come law whether catholic protestant jew gentile whether come england germany russia japan italy matters nothing right question man conduct honest upright dealings neighbor state entitled respect good treatment especially need remember duty stranger within gates sure mark low civilization low morality abuse discriminate way humiliate stranger come lawfully conducting properly remember incumbent every american citizen course peculiarly incumbent every government official whether nation several states prompted say attitude hostility assumed toward japanese country hostility sporadic limited places nevertheless discreditable us people may fraught gravest consequences nation friendship united states japan continuous since time half century ago commodore perry expedition japan first opened islands western civilization since growth japan literally astounding nothing parallel nothing approach history civilized mankind japan glorious ancient past civilization older nations northern europe nations people united states chiefly sprung fifty years ago japan development still middle ages fifty years progress country every walk life marvel mankind stands one greatest civilized nations great arts war arts peace great military industrial artistic development achievement japanese soldiers sailors shown equal combat history makes note produced great generals mighty admirals fighting men afloat ashore show heroic courage unquestioning unfaltering loyalty splendid indifference hardship death marked loyal ronins show also possess highest ideal patriotism japanese artists every kind see products eagerly sought lands industrial commercial development japan phenomenal greater country period time advance science philosophy less marked admirable management japanese red cross late war efficiency humanity japanese officials nurses doctors respectful admiration acquainted facts thru red cross japanese people sent sufferers san francisco gift accepted gratitude people courtesy japanese nationally individually become proverbial country increasing number visitors land japan return japanese come great numbers welcome socially intellectually colleges institutions higher learning professional social bodies japanese single generation right stand abreast foremost enlightened peoples europe america merits exertions right treatment basis full frank equality overwhelming mass people cherish lively regard respect people japan almost every quarter union stranger japan treated deserves treated stranger part civilized europe deserves treated unworthy feeling manifested toward japanese feeling shown shutting common schools san francisco mutterings one two places efficiency workers shut public schools wicked absurdity colleges land including universities colleges california gladly welcome japanese students japanese students reflect credit much learn japan japan learn us nation fit teach unless also willing learn thruout japan americans well treated failure part americans home treat japanese like courtesy consideration much confession inferiority civilization nation fronts pacific fronts atlantic hope play constantly growing part great ocean orient wish ought wish great commercial development dealings asia question permanently development unless freely gladly extend nations measure justice good treatment expect receive return small body citizens act badly federal government power deal summarily several states power earnestly ask also deal wisely promptly conduct else small body wrongdoers may bring shame upon great mass innocent fellows upon nation whole good manners international less individual attribute ask fair treatment japanese would ask fair treatment germans englishmen frenchmen russians italians ask due humanity civilization ask due must act uprightly toward men recommend congress act past specifically providing naturalization japanese come intending become american citizens one great embarrassments attending performance international obligations fact statutes united states entirely inadequate fail give national government sufficiently ample power thru united states courts use army navy protect aliens rights secured solemn treaties law land therefore earnestly recommend criminal civil statutes united states amended added enable president acting united states government responsible international relations enforce rights aliens treaties even law something done federal government toward end matter affecting japanese everything power done forces military civil united states may lawfully employ employed however particle doubt power national government completely perform enforce obligations nations mob single city may time perform acts lawless violence class foreigners would plunge us war city would powerless make defense foreign power thus assaulted independent government would never venture perform permit performance acts complained entire power whole duty protect offending city offending community lies hands united states government unthinkable continue policy given locality may allowed commit crime friendly nation united states government limited preventing commission crime last resort defending people committed consequences wrongdoing last august insurrection broke cuba speedily grew evident existing cuban government powerless quell government repeatedly asked cuban government intervene finally notified president cuba intended resign decision irrevocable none constitutional officers would consent carry government powerless maintain order evident chaos impending every probability steps immediately taken government try restore order representatives various european nations island would apply respective governments armed intervention order protect lives property citizens thanks preparedness navy able immediately send enough ships cuba prevent situation becoming hopeless furthermore dispatched cuba secretary war assistant secretary state order might grapple situation ground efforts secure agreement contending factions come amicable understanding settle upon modus vivendi provisional government failed finally president republic resigned quorum congress assembled failed deliberate purpose members power act resignation government came halt accordance platt amendment embodied constitution cuba thereupon proclaimed provisional government island secretary war acting provisional governor could replaced magoon late minister panama governor canal zone isthmus troops sent support relieve navy expedition handled satisfactory speed efficiency insurgent chiefs immediately agreed troops lay arms disband agreement carried provisional government left personnel old government old laws far might unchanged thus administer island months tranquillity restored new election properly held new government inaugurated peace come island harvesting crop great crop island proceed election held new government inaugurated peaceful orderly fashion provisional government come end take opportunity expressing upon behalf american people possible solemnity earnest hope people cuba realize imperative need preserving justice keeping order island united states wishes nothing cuba except shall prosper morally materially wishes nothing cubans save shall able preserve order among therefore preserve independence elections become farce insurrectionary habit becomes confirmed island absolutely question island continue independent united states assumed sponsorship civilized world cuba career nation would intervene see government managed orderly fashion secure safety cf life property path trodden exercise always hard every charity patience cubans tread difficult path utmost sympathy regard earnestly adjure solemnly weigh responsibilities see new government started shall run smoothly freedom flagrant denial right one hand insurrectionary disturbances second international conference american republics held mexico years provided holding third conference within five years committed fixing time place arrangements conference governing board bureau american republics composed representatives american nations washington board discharged duty imposed upon marked fidelity painstaking care upon courteous invitation united states brazil conference held rio de janeiro continuing 23d july 29th august last many subjects common interest american nations discust conference conclusions reached embodied series resolutions proposed conventions laid upon coming final report american delegates contain many matters importance relating extension trade increase communication smoothing away barriers free intercourse promotion better knowledge good understanding different countries represented meetings conference harmonious conclusions reached substantial unanimity interesting observe successive conferences held representatives different american nations learning work together effectively first conference washington 1889 second conference mexico occupied many months much time wasted unregulated fruitless discussion third conference rio exhibited much facility practical dispatch business characterizes permanent deliberative bodies completed labors within period six weeks originally allotted sessions quite apart specific value conclusions reached conference example representatives american nations engaging harmonious kindly consideration discussion subjects common interest great substantial value promotion reasonable considerate treatment international questions thanks country due government brazil people rio de janeiro generous hospitality delegates common others received entertained facilitated work incidentally meeting conference secretary state visited city rio de janeiro cordially received conference made honorary president announcement intention make visit followed courteous urgent invitations nearly countries south america visit guest governments deemed acceptance invitations might appropriately express real respect friendship hold sister republics southern continent secretary accordingly visited brazil uruguay argentina chile peru panama colombia refrained visiting paraguay bolivia ecuador distance capitals seaboard made impracticable time disposal carried message peace friendship strong desire good understanding mutual helpfulness everywhere received spirit message members government press learned professions men business great masses people united everywhere emphatic response friendly expressions honor country represented many parts south america much misunderstanding attitude purposes united states towards american republics idea become prevalent assertion monroe doctrine implied carried assumption superiority right exercise kind protectorate countries whose territory doctrine applies nothing could farther truth yet impression continued serious barrier good understanding friendly intercourse introduction american capital extension american trade impression widespread apparently could reached ordinary means part secretary root mission dispel unfounded impression believe succeeded address third conference rio 31st july address note send together message said wish victories peace territory except sovereignty except sovereignty deem independence equal rights smallest weakest member family nations entitled much respect greatest empire deem observance respect chief guaranty weak oppression strong neither claim desire rights privileges powers freely concede every american republic wish increase prosperity extend trade grow wealth wisdom spirit conception true way accomplish pull others profit ruin help friends common prosperity common growth may become greater stronger together within months first time recognized possessors every foot soil upon american continents hope represented acknowledged rights equal sovereign states great world congress hague world formal final acceptance declaration part american continents deemed subject colonization let us pledge aid full performance duty humanity accepted declaration implies time weakest unfortunate republics may come march equal step side stronger fortunate let us help show races men liberty fought labored twin sister justice peace let us unite creating maintaining making effective public opinion whose power shall influence international conduct prevent international wrong narrow causes war forever preserve free lands burden armaments massed behind frontiers europe bring us ever nearer perfection ordered liberty shall come security prosperity production trade wealth learning arts happiness us words appear received acclaim every part south america hearty approval sure wrong conviction correctly represent sentiments whole american people better characterize true attitude united states assertion monroe doctrine words distinguished former minister foreign affairs argentina doctor drago speech welcoming root buenos ayres spoke traditional policy united states without accentuating superiority seeking preponderance condemned oppression nations part world control destinies great powers europe gratifying know great city buenos ayres upon arches spanned streets entwined argentine american flags reception representative emblazoned names washington jefferson marshall also appreciative recognition services south american independence names james monroe john quincy adams henry clay richard rush take especial pleasure graceful courtesy government brazil given beautiful stately building first used meeting conference name palacio monroe grateful acknowledgments due governments people countries visited secretary state courtesy friendship honor shown country generous hospitality message 5th december 1905 called attention embarrassment might caused government assertion foreign nations right collect force arms contract debts due american republics citizens collecting nation danger process compulsory collection might result occupation territory tending become permanent said government always refused enforce contractual obligations behalf citizens appeal arms much wisht foreign governments would take view subject one topics consideration conference rio resolution adopted conference recommending respective governments represented consider advisability asking second peace conference hague examine question compulsory collection public debts general means tending diminish among nations conflicts purely pecuniary origin resolution supported representatives united states accordance following instructions long established policy united states use armed forces collection ordinary contract debts due citizens governments considered use force purpose consistent respect independent sovereignty members family nations important principle international law chief protection weak nations oppression strong seems us practise injurious general effect upon relations nations upon welfare weak disordered states whose development ought encouraged interests civilization offers frequent temptation bullying oppression unnecessary unjustifiable warfare regret powers whose opinions sense justice esteem highly times taken different view permitted though believe reluctance collect debts force doubtless true public debts may accompanied circumstances fraud wrongdoing violation treaties justify use force government would glad see international consideration subject shall discriminate cases simple nonperformance contract private person resolution favor reliance upon peaceful means cases latter class felt however conference rio undertake make discrimination resolve upon rule american countries still debtor nations countries europe creditors rio conference therefore take action would appearance meeting debtors resolving creditors act would inspire respect true course indicated terms program proposes request second hague conference creditors debtors assembled consider subject last june trouble existed time republics salvador guatemala honduras culminated war war threatened ruinous countries involved destructive commercial interests americans mexicans foreigners taking important part development countries thoroly good understanding exists united states mexico enabled government mexico unite effective mediation warring republics mediation resulted without patient effort bringing meeting representatives hostile powers board united states warship neutral territory peace concluded peace resulted saving thousands lives prevention incalculable amount misery destruction property means livelihood rio conference past following resolution reference action third international american conference shall address presidents united states america united states mexico note conference held rio expresses satisfaction happy results mediation celebration peace republics guatemala honduras salvador affords excellent example one way influence united states properly exercised benefit peoples western hemisphere action taken concert american republics therefore free suspicions prejudices might attach action taken one alone way possible exercise powerful influence toward substitution considerate action spirit justice insurrectionary international violence hitherto great hindrance development many neighbors repeated examples united action several many american republics favor peace urging cool reasonable instead excited belligerent treatment international controversies fail promote growth general public opinion among american nations elevate standards international action strengthen sense international duty among governments tell favor peace mankind returned trip panama shall report length later whole subject panama canal algeciras convention signed united states well powers europe supersedes previous convention 1880 also signed united states majority european powers treaty confers upon us equal commercial rights european countries entail single obligation kind upon us earnestly hope may speedily ratified refuse ratify would merely mean forfeited commercial rights morocco would achieve another object kind event refusal would left first time hundred twenty years without commercial treaty morocco time everywhere seeking new markets outlets trade destruction pribilof islands fur seals pelagic sealing still continues herd according surveys made 1874 direction congress numbered according survey american canadian commissioners 1891 amounted reduced result brought canadian sealing vessels killing female seals water annual pilgrimage south search food rule female seal killed pregnant also unweaned pup land skin taken pelagic sealing rule three lives destroyed mother unborn offspring nursing pup left starve death damage whatever done herd carefully regulated killing land custom pelagic sealing solely responsible present evil alike indefensible economic standpoint standpoint humanity 1896 young seals found dead starvation pribilof islands 1897 estimated since pelagic sealing began upward adult female seals killed sea young seals died starvation result revolting barbarity practise well wasteful destruction involves needs demonstration condemnation bering sea tribunal sat paris 1893 decided claims united states exclusive jurisdiction waters bering sea property right fur seals outside limit determined also upon certain regulations tribunal considered sufficient proper protection preservation fur seal habitually resorting bering sea tribunal regulations established close season 1st may 31st july excluded killing waters within 60 miles around pribilof islands also provided regulations determined upon view protection preservation seals submitted every five years new examination enable interested governments consider whether light past experience occasion modification thereof regulations proved plainly inadequate accomplish object protection preservation fur seals long time government trying vain secure great britain revision modification regulations contemplated provided award tribunal paris process destruction accelerated recent years appearance number japanese vessels engaged pelagic sealing vessels bound even inadequate limitations prescribed tribunal paris paid attention either close season limit imposed upon canadians prosecuted work islands july 16 17 crews several japanese vessels made raids upon island paul beaten meager insufficiently armed guard succeeded killing several hundred seals carrying skins nearly seals killed females work done frightful barbarity many seals appear skinned alive many found half skinned still alive raids repelled use firearms five raiders killed two wounded twelve captured including two wounded captured since tried sentenced imprisonment attack kind wholly unlookt provision vessels arms ammunition made repetition found profitable suitable representations regarding incident made government japan assured practicable measures taken country prevent recurrence outrage part guard island increased better equipped organized better patrol service islands established next season united states war vessel also sent relaxed efforts secure agreement great britain adequate protection seal herd negotiations japan purpose progress laws protection seals within jurisdiction united states need revision amendment islands paul george terms included government reservation islands also included landing aliens well citizens upon islands without permit department commerce labor purpose except case stress weather water prohibited adequate penalties approach vessels excepted purposes regulated authority government agents islands enlarged chief agent powers committing magistrate entrance vessel territorial waters surrounding islands intent take seals made criminal offense forfeiture authority seizures cases given presence vessel seals sealskins paraphernalia taking made prima facie evidence intent recommend legislation needed accomplish ends commend attention report sims department commerce labor subject case compelled abandon hope making arrangements governments put end hideous cruelty incident pelagic sealing question serious consideration far continue protect maintain seal herd land result continuing practise whether better end practice exterminating herd humane way possible last message advised emperor russia taken initiative bringing second peace conference hague guidance russia arrangement preliminaries conference progressing past year progress necessarily slow owing great number countries consulted upon every question arisen matter satisfaction american republics first time invited join proposed conference close connection subjects taken red cross conference held geneva last summer subjects naturally would come hague conference made apparent desirable work red cross conference completed considered different powers meeting hague red cross conference ended labors 6th day july revised amended convention signed american delegates promptly laid senate special highly appreciated courtesy governments russia netherlands proposal call hague conference together time would conflict conference american republics rio de janeiro august laid aside date yet suggested tentative program conference proposed government russia subjects enumerates undergoing careful examination consideration preparation conference must ever kept mind war merely justifiable imperative upon honorable men upon honorable nation peace obtained sacrifice conscientious conviction national welfare peace normally great good normally coincides righteousness righteousness peace bind conscience nation bind conscience individual neither nation individual surrender conscience another keeping neither nation entity die individuals die refrain taking thought interest generations come less interest generation public men right whether shortsightedness selfish indifference sentimentality sacrifice national interests vital character war long run far better nation soul prosperous peace obtained acquiescence wrong injustice moreover though criminal nation prepare war may escape dreadful consequences defeated war yet must always remembered even defeated war may far better fought well finely said beaten nation necessarily disgraced nation nation man disgraced obligation defend right shirked nation everything power honorable peace morally indefensible nation commit wrong upon another nation strong weak individual thus wrong fellows power hasten day shall peace among nations peace based upon justice upon cowardly submission wrong accomplish good deal direction accomplish everything penalty attempting much would almost inevitably worse nothing must remembered fantastic extremists reality leaders causes espouse ordinarily hamper real leaders damage yet likelihood establishing kind international power whatever sort effectively check wrongdoing circumstances would foolish evil thing great free nation deprive power protect rights even exceptional cases stand rights others nothing would promote iniquity nothing would defer reign upon earth peace righteousness free enlightened peoples though much stumbling many shortcomings nevertheless strive toward justice deliberately render powerless leaving every despotism barbarism armed able work wicked chance settlement disputes peacefully arbitration depends mainly upon possession nations mean right sufficient armed strength make purpose effective united states navy surest guarantor peace country possesses earnestly wisht would profit teachings history matter strong wise people study failures less triumphs wisdom learned study mistake well success purpose nothing could instructive rational study war 1812 told instance captain mahan one way war could avoided preceding twelve years navy relatively strong country built army provided relatively good country never would slightest necessity fighting war necessity arisen war would circumstances ended speedy overwhelming triumph people twelve years refused make preparations whatever regarding either army navy saved million two dollars mere money paid hundredfold million thus saved three years war followed war brought untold suffering upon people one time threatened gravest national disaster spite necessity waging resulted merely effect drawn battle balance defeat triumph almost even ask continue increase navy ask merely maintained present strength done replace obsolete outworn ships new good ones equals afloat navy stop building ships one year means year navy goes back instead forward old battle ship texas instance would little service fight powerful adversary old monitors outworn usefulness waste money build modern monitors ships replaced others done program providing building year least one battle ship equal size speed nation time building armament presumably consist large number possible heavy guns one caliber together smaller guns repel torpedo attack heavy armor turbine engines short every modern device course time time cruisers colliers destroyers torpedo boats built also remembered would increase navy would merely keep present strength equally course ships absolutely useless men aboard trained get best possible service formidable delicate complicated mechanisms intrusted care marksmanship men improved last five years deem within bounds say navy twice efficient ship ship half decade ago navy attain proper efficiency enough officers men provided officers men given chance required take advantage stay continually sea exercise fleets singly squadron exercise every kind include unceasing practise guns conducted conditions test marksmanship time war army navy urgent need everything possible done maintain highest standard personnel alike regards officers enlisted men believe service finer body enlisted men junior officer army navy including marine corps possible encouragement enlisted men given pay otherwise everything practicable done render service attractive men right type held strictest discharge duty spirit encouraged demands mere performance duty performance far duty conduces honor interest american nation return amplest consideration west point annapolis already turn excellent officers need schools made scholastic contrary never lose sight fact aim school turn man shall everything else fighting man army particular necessary either cavalry infantry officer special mathematical ability probably schools best part education high standard character professional morale confers services urgent need establishment principle selection eliminate men certain age promoted subordinate ranks bring higher ranks fewer men earlier age principle selection objected good men mediocre capacity fitted well young lower positions fitted well advanced age come positions command great responsibility desire men promoted positions competent fill weigh interest navy country present men especially navy kept far long junior grades much advanced age put quickly thru senior grades often attaining senior grades old real use real use put thru quickly little benefit navy comes navy one great advantage army fact officers high rank actually trained continual performance duties management battle ships armored cruisers gathered fleets true army officers rarely corresponding chances exercise command troops service conditions conduct spanish war showed lamentable loss life useless extravagance inefficiency certain result peace high officials war navy departments praised rewarded save money matter cost efficiency service higher officers given chance whatever exercise practise command years prior spanish war secretaries war praised chiefly practised economy economy especially connection quartermaster commissary medical departments directly responsible mismanagement occurred war parenthetically observed people clamored misdirected economy first place foremost denounce mismanagement loss suffering primarily due misdirected economy lack preparation involved soon increase number men coast defenses men right type properly trained therefore increase pay certain skilled grades especially coast artillery money appropriated permit troops massed body exercised maneuvers particularly marching exercise summer past incalculable benefit army circumstances discontinued practise marches maneuvers elderly officers prove unable bear strain retired fact conclusive unfitness war purpose allowed stay service real misfortune scores small company regimental posts scattered thruout country army gathered brigade division posts generals practised handling men masses neglect provide means incur risk future disaster disgrace readiness efficiency army navy dealing recent sudden crisis cuba illustrate afresh value nation readiness efficiency would much less existence general staff army general board navy essential proper development use military forces afloat ashore troops sent cuba handled flawlessly swiftest mobilization dispatch troops sea ever accomplished government expedition landed completely equipped ready immediate service several organizations hardly remaining havana night splitting detachments going several posts fine demonstration value efficiency general staff similarly owing large part general board navy able outset meet cuban crisis instant efficiency ship ship appearing shortest notice threatened point marine corps particular performed indispensable service army navy war colleges incalculable value two services cooperate constantly increasing efficiency importance congress wisely provided national board promotion rifle practise excellent results already come law go far enough regular army small great war trust mainly volunteers event volunteers already know shoot soldier fighting edge ability take care open efficiency line battle almost directly proportionate excellence marksmanship establish shooting galleries large public military schools maintain national target ranges different parts country every way encourage formation rifle clubs thruout parts land little republic switzerland offers us excellent example matters connected building efficient citizen soldiery
nation still continue enjoy literally unprecedented prosperity probable reckless speculation disregard legitimate business method part business world materially mar prosperity congress time do good work importance present congress several matter leave unfinished last session however earnestly hope complete adjournment recommend law prohibit corporation contribute campaign expense party bill already past one house congress let individual contribute desire let u prohibit effective fashion corporation make contribution political purpose directly indirectly another bill past one house congress urgently necessary enact law confer upon government right appeal criminal case question law right exist many state exists district columbia act congress course propose case verdict defendant merit set aside recently one district government indict certain person conspiracy connection rebate court sustain defendant demurrer another jurisdiction indictment conspiracy obtain rebate sustain court conviction obtain two defendant sentence imprisonment two case refer may real conflict unfortunate even apparent conflict present way government conflict occur solve appeal high court wheel justice block without real decision question strongly urge passage bill question failure pas result seriously hampering government effort obtain justice especially wealthy individual corporation wrong may also prevent government obtain justice able effectively contest case judgment inferior court specifically view recent decision district judge leave railway employee without remedy violation certain labor statute seem absurdity permit single district judge may judgment immense majority colleague bench declare law solemnly enact congress unconstitutional deny government right supreme court definitely decide question well recollect real efficiency law often depend upon passage act great public excitement upon passage act nature much public excitement little public understand importance interested party keenly alive desirability defeat importance enact law particular bill question increase fact government definitely begin policy resort criminal law trust interstate commerce case course offer reasonable chance success first proper every effort make enforce law civil proceeding become increasingly evident action government finally decide certain case undertake criminal proceeding justifiable though conspicuous failure case many success undoubtedly deterrent effect upon whether penalty inflict shape fine imprisonment penalty kinds already inflict court course judge see way inflict penalty imprisonment deterrent effect punishment offender increase sufficiently heavy fine accomplish much judge holt new york district court recent decision admirably state need treat severity offender kind opinion run part follow government evidence establish defendant guilt clear conclusive undisputed case flagrant one transaction take place illegal contract large amount rebate return considerable amount rebate large amount entire tariff charge transportation merchandise city detroit much say opinion business carry considerable time basis discrimination favor particular shipper make 18 instead 23 cent rate tariff rate maintain competitor result might improbably would competitor would drive business crime one nature deliberate premeditate think fortnight elapse date palmer letter request reduce rate answer railroad company decide grant month afterwards business carry claim rebate submit month month check payment draw month month violation law opinion essential nature much heinous act ordinary common vulgar crime come criminal court constantly punishment arise sudden passion temptation crime case commit men education large business experience whose stand community might expect set example obedience law upon maintenance alone country security property depend committed behalf great railroad corporation like railroad corporation receive gratuitously state large valuable privilege public convenience performs quasi public function charge high obligation transaction business treat citizen country alike carry business unjust discrimination different citizen different class citizen crime nature one usually do secrecy proof difficult obtain interstate commerce act past 1887 nearly twenty year ago ever since time complaint grant rebate railroad common urgent insistent although congress repeatedly past legislation endeavor put stop evil difficulty obtain proof upon bring prosecution case great first case ever bring court form case one recently bring philadelphia case ever bring eastern part country fact case kind ever bring country east west circumstance force conclusion case proof clear fact flagrant duty court fix penalty shall degree commensurate gravity offense two defendant opinion principal penalty impose corporation traffic manager case presumably act without advantage without interest transaction either direct authority accordance understood policy wish employer sentence court case defendant pomeroy six offenses upon convict fined sum make six fine amount sum defendant new york central hudson river railroad company six crime convict fined sum make six fine amount aggregate sum judgment effect enter case connection matter would like call attention unsatisfactory state criminal law result large part habit set aside judgment inferior court technicality absolutely unconnected merit case attempt show failure substantial justice would well enact law provide something effect judgment shall set aside new trial grant civil criminal ground misdirection jury improper admission rejection evidence error matter plead procedure unless opinion court application make examination entire shall affirmatively appear error complain resulted miscarriage justice last message suggest enactment law connection issuance injunction attention sharply draw matter demand right apply injunction labor case wholly abolish least doubtful whether law abolish altogether use injunction case would stand test court case course legislation would ineffective moreover believe would wrong altogether prohibit use injunction criminal permit sympathy criminal weaken hand upholding law men seek destroy life property mob violence impairment power court deal summary effective way possible far possible abuse power provide law advocate last year matter injunction lodge hand judiciary necessary power nevertheless subject possibility grave abuse power exercise extreme care subject jealous scrutiny men condemnation meted much judge fails use boldly necessary judge use wantonly oppressively course judge strong enough fit office enjoin resort violence intimidation especially conspiracy matter opinion may right original quarrel must hesitation deal disorder must likewise abuse injunctive power imply forbid labor men strive betterment peaceful lawful way must injunction use merely aid big corporation carry scheme aggrandizement must remember preliminary injunction labor case grant without adequate proof even authority find support conclusion law found may often settle dispute party therefore improperly grant may irreparable wrong yet many judge assume grant preliminary injunction ordinary proper judicial disposition case undoubtedly flagrant wrong commit judge connection labor dispute even within last year although think much less often former year judge unwise action immensely strengthen hand strive entirely away power injunction therefore careless use injunctive process tends threaten existence american people ever become convinced process habitually abuse whether matter affect labor matter affect corporation impossible prevent abolition may high duty judge give moment disregard merely wishes individual great political financial power overwhelm tide public sentiment judge thus disregard public sentiment wrong brush aside plea special interest pleading round righteousness performs high service country judge deserve honor honor pay wise fearless judge permit growth absurd convention would forbid criticism judge another type show timid presence arrogant disorder insufficient ground grant injunction grave injustice capacity construer therefore part maker law flagrant fashion thwart decent government judge power review exercise sits review upon act executive legislative branch government save extraordinary case amenable bar public opinion unwise maintain public opinion reference man power shall neither exprest lead best judge ever foremost disclaim immunity criticism true since day great english lord chancellor parker say let people liberty know find judgment upon give others may liberty judge propriety case set forth singular clearness good temper judge taft united state circuit judge eleven year ago 1895 opportunity freely publicly criticize judicial action vastly importance body politic immunity court judge unjust aspersion attack nothing tends render judge careful decision anxiously solicitous exact justice consciousness every act subject intelligent scrutiny candid criticism criticism beneficial proportion fair dispassionate discriminate base knowledge sound legal principle comment make learned text writer acute editor various law review upon judicial decision therefore highly useful critic constitute less impartial tribunal professional opinion judgment make stand fall merit thus exert strong influence secure uniformity decision criticism also mean without us even accompany often direct attack upon judicial fairness motif occupants bench law essence common sense protest many average men may evidence defect judicial conclusion though base nice legal reasoning profound learn two important element moral character judge earnest desire reach conclusion courage enforce far fear public comment affect courage judge spur search conscience reach result approve inmost heart comment serve useful purpose men whether judge life short term prefer earn hold respect reach make pause deliberate hostile public criticism case judge life tenure indeed independence make right freely comment decision great importance practical available instrument hand free people keep judge alive reasonable demand serve hand danger destroy proper influence judicial decision create unfounded prejudice court justifies require unjust attack shall meet answered court must ultimately rest defense upon inherent strength opinion deliver ground conclusion must trust calm deliberate judgment people best vindication one consideration take account good people carry sound proposition excess object criticism judge decision instinct american people whole sound matter subscribe doctrine public servant criticism best citizen competent express judgment matter belong great honorable profession bar profoundly influential american life take position shall criticism judge circumstance view accept american people whole event people turn tend accept justifiable intemperate improper criticism utter unworthy agitator surely misfortune leave critic function right certain abuse temperate criticism necessary safeguard acceptance people whole intemperate antagonism towards judiciary must combat every man become widespread among people large would constitute dire menace republic connection delay law call attention attention nation prevalence crime among u epidemic lynch mob violence spring one part country another section north south east west fault section wisdom spend time jeering fault another section busy try amend shortcoming deal crime corruption necessary awaken public conscience supplement whatever legislation add speed certainty execution law deal lynch even necessary great many white men lynch crime peculiarly frequent respect black men great exist lynch perpetration especially black men hideous crime rape abominable category crime even bad murder mobs frequently avenge commission crime torture death man commit thus avenge bestial fashion bestial deed reduce level criminal lawlessness grows feed upon mob begin lynch rape speedily extend sphere operation lynch many kind crime lynching rape considerable proportion individual lynch innocent crime governor candler georgia state one occasion year ago say verity within last month save live half dozen innocent negro pursue mob brought trial court law acquit bishop galloway mississippi finely say rule mob obtain distinguishes high civilization surrender mob lynches negro charge rape little lynch white man suspect crime every christian patriot america need lift voice loud eternal protest mob spirit threaten integrity republic governor jelks alabama recently speak follow lynch person whatever crime inexcusable anywhere defiance orderly government kill innocent people provocation infinitely horrible yet innocent people likely die mob terrible lust arouse lesson good citizen afford countenance defiance statute matter provocation innocent frequently suffer observation usually suffer guilty white people south indict whole color race ground even well element lend assistance whatever ferreting criminal color respectable colored people must learn harbor criminal assist officer bring justice large crime provokes atrocious offense one atlanta two race never get understanding part make common criminal color moreover crime commit member one race member another race avenge fashion seem individual criminal whole race attack result exasperate high degree race feel one safe rule deal black men white men rule must apply deal rich men poor men treat man whatever color creed social position justice real worth man white people owe quite much color race treat well color man show life deserves treatment surely high wisdom encourage color race individual honest industrious therefore make good safe neighbor citizen reward punish individual merit individual evil surely come end race substitute rule habit treat member race good bad alike question social equality negro domination involve question relentlessly punish bad men secure good man right life liberty pursuit happiness quality heart head hand enable achieve every colored man realize bad enemy race negro criminal negro criminal commits dreadful crime rape felt high degree offense whole country color race particular color man fail help officer law hunt possible earnestness zeal every infamous offender moreover judgment crime rape always punish death case murder assault intent commit rape make capital crime least discretion court provision make punishment may follow immediately upon heel offense trial conduct victim need wantonly sham give testimony least possible publicity shall give detail member white race hand understand every lynching represent much loosening band civilization spirit lynch inevitably throw prominence community foul evil creature dwell therein man take part torture human without moral nature permanently lower every lynching mean much moral deterioration child knowledge therefore much additional trouble next generation american let justice sure swift let justice law wild crook savagery mob another matter direct bearing upon matter lynch brutal crime sometimes call forth time merely furnishes excuse existence question people whole permanently rise tread number even moment profit maltreatment fellows long run also suffer shortsighted policy imagine fancied interest one class prevent education another class free public school chance boy girl get good elementary education lie foundation whole political situation every community poorest citizen need school would deprive received school facility proportion tax pay true one portion country another true negro white man white man wise decline allow negro mass grow manhood womanhood without education unquestionably education obtain public school everything towards make man good citizen much low brutal criminal instance commit crime rape great majority men either education little almost invariably men property man put money earnings like man acquire education usually lift mere brutal criminality course best type education color man take whole education confer school like hampton tuskegee boys girl young men young woman train industrially well ordinary public school branch graduate school turn well great majority case hardly become criminal little criminality never take form brutal violence invite lynch law every graduate school matter every color man woman lead life useful honorable win good respect white whose neighbor thereby help whole colored race help way next negro man help negro white neighbor life near steady effort well relation two great though benefit school color pupil color people may well question whether benefit least great white people among colored pupil live graduate remember furthermore individual whether folly evil temper greed office spirit mere base demagogy indulge inflammatory incendiary speech writing tend arouse mobs bring lynch thus excite mob also tend criminologist call suggestion greatly increase likelihood repetition crime inveigh mob compose people one race man lynch another race men speeches writing either excite justify action tend course excite bitter race feel people opposite race lose sight abominable act criminal addition prominence give hideous deed undoubtedly tend excite brutal deprave nature thought commit swift relentless orderly punishment law way criminality type permanently supprest deal labor capital question affect corporation trade union one matter important remember aught else infinite harm do preacher mere discontent men seek excite violent class hatred men wealth seek turn wise proper movement well control corporation away abuse connect wealth campaign hysterical excitement falsehood aim inflame madness brutal passion mankind sinister demagog foolish visionary always eager undertake campaign destruction sometimes seek associate work genuine reform governmental social method sometimes masquerade reformer reality bad enemy profess advocate purveyor sensational slander newspaper magazine bad enemy men engage honest effort well bad social governmental condition preach hatred rich man carry campaign slander invective seek mislead inflame madness honest men whose life hard kind mental training permit appreciate danger doctrine preach commit crime body politic false every worthy principle tradition american national life moreover preach agitation may give livelihood certain notoriety take part may result temporary political success others long run every movement either fail else provoke violent reaction result merely undoing mischief work demagog agitator also undo good honest reformer true upholder popular right painfully laboriously achieve corruption never rife community demagog agitator bear full sway community moral band become loosened hysteria sensationalism replace spirit sound judgment fair deal man man sheer revolt squalid anarchy thus produce men sure end turn toward leader restore order relief free intolerable burden class hatred violence demagogy time arouse indignation misdeed men wealth permit new growth abuse part responsible original outbreak one hope success people lie resolute fearless sane advance along path mark last year congress must stern refusal mislead follow either base creature appeal pander lowest instinct passion order arouse one set americans fellows creature equally base baser spirit greed accumulate add already huge fortune seek exploit fellow american callous disregard welfare soul body man debauch others order obtain high office stand evil equality corruption man debauch others financial profit hatred sown crop spring evil plain people think mechanic farmer merchant worker head hand men american tradition dear love country try act decently neighbor owe remember damaging blow give popular government elect unworthy sinister agitator platform violence hypocrisy whenever issue raise country nothing gain flinch case democracy trial popular republican form trial triumph mob evil thing triumph plutocracy escape one danger avail nothing whatever succumb end honest man whether rich poor earns live try deal justly fellows much fear insincere unworthy demagog promise much perform nothing else perform nothing evil would set mob plunder rich crafty corruptionist end would permit common people exploit wealthy ever let government fall hand men either two class shall show false america past moreover demagog corruptionist often work hand hand moment wealthy reactionary obtuse morality regard public servant prosecute violate law seek make bear proper share public burden even objectionable violent agitator hound mob plunder rich nothing choose reactionary agitator fundamentally alike selfish disregard right others natural join opposition movement aim fearlessly exact even justice call attention need pass bill limit number hour employment railroad employee measure moderate one conceive serious objection indeed far power aim steadily reduce number hour labor goal general introduction day industry possible hour labor reduce community far enough advanced movement good tropic situate analogy need matter isthmus panama instance condition every way different day would absurd absurd far isthmus concerned white labor employ bother whether necessary work do alien black men alien yellow men wageworkers united state high grade alike merely industrial standpoint civic standpoint object direction secure general observance day recently law federal statute book scantily observe however largely thru instrumentality bureau labor rigidly enforce shall speedily able say whether need legislation reference thereto purpose see obey spirit less letter half holiday summer establish government employee desirable wageworkers toil hand salaried official whose labor mental reasonable amount holiday congress last session wisely provide truant court district columbia mark step advance path properly care child let urge congress provide thoro investigation condition child labor labor woman united state people grow recognize fact question merely industrial social importance outweigh others two question emphatically come category affect way home life nation horror incident employment young child factory work anywhere blot civilization true state must ultimately settle question way thoro official investigation matter result publish broadcast would greatly help toward arouse public conscience secure unity state action matter however one law subject enact immediately need investigation reference thereto failure enact discreditable national government drastic thorogoing law enact district columbia territory among excellent law congress past last session employer liability law mark step advance get recognition employer liability statute book law go far enough spite precaution exercise employer unavoidable accident even death involve nearly every line business connect mechanic art inevitable sacrifice life may reduce minimum completely eliminate great social injustice compel employee rather family kill disabled victim bear entire burden inevitable sacrifice word society shirks duty lay whole cost victim whereas injury come may call legitimate risk trade compensation accident death due line industry actual condition industry carry paid portion community benefit industry carry profit industry entire trade risk place upon employer promptly properly add legitimate cost production assess proportionately upon consumer commodity therefore clear mind law place entire risk trade upon employer neither federal law far informed state law deal question employer liability sufficiently thorogoing federal law course include employee arsenal like commission appoint president october 16 1902 request anthracite coal operator miner inquire consider pas upon question controversy connection strike anthracite region pennsylvania cause controversy arose report finding award exprest belief state federal government provide machinery may call compulsory investigation controversy employer employee arise expression belief deserve favorable consideration congress enactment provision law bill already introduced end record show twenty year january 1 1881 december 31 1900 strike affect establishment employee thrown employment period lockouts involve nearly establishment throw one million people employment strike lockout involve estimated loss employee employer total public suffer directly indirectly probably great additional loss money loss great measure anguish suffering endure wife child employee whose pay stopt work stopt disastrous effect strike lockout upon business employer increase cost product inconvenience loss public many strike lockout would occur party dispute require appear unprejudiced body represent nation face face state reason contention instance dispute would doubtless find due misunderstand right aggravate unwillingness either party accept true statement justice injustice matter dispute exercise judicial spirit disinterested body represent federal government would provide commission conciliation arbitration would tend create atmosphere friendliness conciliation contend party give side equal opportunity present fully case presence would prevent many dispute develop serious strike lockouts case would enable commission persuade oppose party come term age great corporate labor combination neither employer employee leave completely mercy strong party dispute regardless righteousness respective claim propose measure would line secure recognition fact many strike public interest wisely disregard interest merely general convenience question proper public policy must also consider legislation kind well advance cautiously test step actual result step propose surely safely take decision commission would bind party legal fashion yet would give chance public opinion crystallize thus exert full force right wise nation alienate remain coal land temporarily withdraw settlement land geological survey indicate contain probability contain coal question however properly settle legislation judgment provide withdrawal land sale entry save certain especial circumstance ownership would remain united state however attempt work permit work private individual royalty system government keep control permit see excessive price charge consumer would course necessary supervise rate charge common carrier transport product rate charge mine supervision must extend conduct common carrier shall way favor one competitor expense another withdrawal coal land would constitute policy analogous follow withdraw forest land ordinary settlement coal like forest treat property public disposal condition would inure benefit public whole present congress take long strides direction secure proper supervision control national government corporation engage interstate business enormous majority corporation size engage interstate business passage railway rate bill less degree passage pure food bill provision increase render effective national control industry mark important advance proper direction short session perhaps difficult much along line may best wait law operation number month endeavor increase scope operation show exactness merit shortcoming thus give opportunity define remedial legislation need yet judgment end advisable connection pack house inspection law provide put date label charge cost inspection packer law already justified enactment interstate commerce law instance rather amusingly falsified prediction assert would ruin railroad assert go far enough would accomplish nothing last five month railroad show increased earnings unusual dividend period mere take effect law produce unprecedented hitherto unheard number voluntary reduction freight fare railroad since found commission never time equal length anything like many reduced tariff put effect august 27 instance two day new law go effect commission receive notice five thousand separate tariff represent reduction previous rate must suppose however passage law possible stop progress along line increase power national government use capital interstate commerce example ultimately need enlarge power interstate commerce commission along several different line give large efficient control railroad often repeat experience conclusively show impossibility secure action nearly half hundred different state legislature anything ineffective chaos way deal great corporation operate exclusively within limit one state method whether national license law fashion must exercise early date far complete control present great corporation control among thing prevent evils excessive overcapitalization compel disclosure big corporation stockholder property business whether own directly thru subsidiary affiliate corporation tend put stop secure inordinate profit favor individual expense whether general public stockholder wageworkers effort much prevent consolidation supervise control see result harm people reactionary ultraconservative apologist misuse wealth assail effort secure control step toward socialism matter fact reactionaries ultraconservatives potent increase socialistic feel one efficient method avert consequence dangerous agitation 80 per cent wrong remedy 20 per cent evil agitation well round best way avert undesirable move government ownership railways secure government behalf people whole adequate control regulation great interstate common carrier away evil give rise agitation proper antidote dangerous wicked agitation men wealth secure proper legislation executive action abolition grave abuse actually obtain connection business use wealth present system rather system failure exercise adequate control person speak exercise governmental control would away freedom individual initiative dwarf individual effort fact would veritable calamity fail put premium upon individual initiative individual capacity effort upon energy character foresight important encourage individual matter fact deaden degrade effect pure socialism especially extreme form communism destruction individual character would bring part achieve wholly unregulated competition result single individual corporation rise expense others rise effectually check competition reduce former competitor position utter inferiority subordination enact enforce legislation congress already credit work coherent plan steady endeavor secure need reform joint action moderate men plain men wish anything hysterical dangerous intend deal resolute fashion real great evil present system reactionary violent extremist show symptom join hand u assert instance logical go government ownership railroad like reactionary issue think people would stand extremist care rather preach discontent agitation achieve solid result matter fact position remote bourbon reactionary impracticable sinister visionary hold government conduct business nation exercise supervision insure conduct interest nation aim far may secure decent hard work men equality opportunity equality burden actual work law show effort prohibit combination good bad noxious ineffective combination capital like combination labor necessary element present industrial system possible completely prevent possible complete prevention would damage body politic need vainly try prevent combination secure rigorous adequate control supervision combination prevent injure public exist form inevitably threaten injury mere fact combination secure practically complete control necessary life would circumstance show combination presumed adverse public interest unfortunate present law forbid combination instead sharply discriminate combination good combination evil rebate instance often due pressure big shipper show investigation standard oil company show since investigation tobacco sugar trust initiative big railroad often railroad would like combine purpose prevent big shipper maintain improper advantage expense small shipper general public combination instead forbidden law favor word permit railroad make agreement provide agreement sanctioned interstate commerce commission publish two condition comply impossible see harm combination could public large public evil statute book law incapable full enforcement judge jury realize full enforcement would destroy business country result make decent railroad men violator law put premium behavior wilful wrongdoer result turn tends throw decent man wilful wrongdoer close association end drag former latter level man become lawbreaker one way unhappily tend lose respect law willing break many way scathing condemnation could visit upon law contain word interstate commerce commission comment upon fact numerous joint traffic association technically violate law say decision united state supreme court case joint traffic association case produce practical effect upon railway operation country association fact exist decision general effect justice party ought probably add difficult see interstate railway could operate due regard interest shipper railway without concerted action kind afford thru association mean law construe supreme court business country conduct without break recommend give careful early consideration subject find opinion interstate commerce commission justify amend law obviate evil disclose question taxation difficult country especially difficult federal system government tax every ground levy small district use district thus taxation real estate peculiarly one immediate locality real estate find legitimate tax state tax franchise confer state upon street railroad similar corporation operate wholly within state boundary sometimes one sometimes several municipality minor division state many kind tax levy general government produce best result among reason attempt impose one particular state often result merely drive corporation individual affect locality state national government long derive chief revenue tariff import internal excise tax addition every reason next system taxation revise national government impose graduate inheritance tax possible graduated income tax man great wealth owes peculiar obligation state derive special advantage mere existence government recognize obligation way lead daily life way earn spend money also recognize way pay protection state give one hand desirable assume full proper share burden taxation hand quite necessary kind taxation men vote tax pay little clear recognition danger inaugurate system save spirit entire justice moderation whenever people undertake remodel taxation system along line suggest must make clear beyond peradventure aim distribute burden support government equitably present intend treat rich man poor man basis absolute equality regard equally fatal true democracy permit injustice one permit injustice well aware subject need long careful study order people may become familiar propose do may clearly see necessity proceed wisdom may make mind far willing go matter train legislator work project necessary detail feel near future national legislator enact law providing graduate inheritance tax steadily increase rate duty put upon money valuable come gift bequest devise individual corporation may well make tax heavy proportion individual benefit remote kin event judgment pro rata tax increase heavily increase amount leave one individual certain point reach desirable encourage thrift ambition potent source thrift ambition desire part breadwinner leave child well object attain make tax small moderate amount property leave prime object put constantly increase burden inheritance swell fortune certainly benefit country perpetuate question ethical propriety government thus determine condition upon gift inheritance receive exactly far inheritance tax would incident effect limit transmission devise gift enormous fortune question necessary present discus wise progress direction gradual first permanent national inheritance tax might substantial tax hitherto need approximate either amount extent increase graduation tax ultimately species tax impose although temporarily national government first impose act july 6 1797 maker constitution alive head affair graduate tax though small amount rate increase amount leave individual exception make case certain close kin similar tax impose act july 1 1862 minimum sum one thousand dollar personal property except taxation tax become progressive accord remoteness kin act june 13 1898 provide inheritance tax sum exceed value ten thousand dollar rate tax increase accordance amount leave accordance legatee remoteness kin supreme court hold succession tax impose time civil war direct tax impost excise constitutional valid recently court opinion deliver justice white contain exceedingly able elaborate discussion power congress impose death duty sustain constitutionality feature act 1898 incident apart main purpose raise revenue income tax stand entirely different footing inheritance tax involve question perpetuation fortune swell unhealthy size question essence question proper adjustment burden benefit law stand undoubtedly difficult devise national income tax shall constitutional whether absolutely impossible another question possible certainly desirable first purely law past congress 1861 important law deal subject 1894 court hold unconstitutional question undoubtedly intricate delicate troublesome decision court reach one majority law land course accept loyally obey good citizen nevertheless hesitation evidently felt court whole come conclusion consider together previous decision subject may perhaps indicate possibility devise constitutional law shall substantially accomplish result aim difficulty amend constitution great real necessity justify resort thereto every effort make deal subject subject proper control national government use corporate wealth interstate business devise legislation without action shall attain desired end fail ultimately alternative constitutional amendment would impossible overstate though course difficult quantitatively measure effect upon nation growth greatness may call organize patriotism necessarily include substitution national feeling mere local pride resultant high ambition whole country country develop full strength long part make whole put feel loyalty part feel loyalty whole true section true class industrial agricultural class must work together capitalist wageworkers must work together best work country capable do probable thoroly efficient system education come next influence patriotism bring national success kind federal form government fruitful advantage people certain way way undoubtedly limit national effectiveness possible instance national government take lead technical industrial education see public school system country develop technical industrial scientific commercial side must leave primarily several state nevertheless national government control school district columbia see school promote encourage full development scholar commercial industrial train commercial train one branch deal foreign trade industrial train even important one prime object nation far feasible constantly work toward put mechanic wageworker work hand high plane efficiency reward increase effectiveness economic world dignity remuneration power position social world unfortunately present effect work public school exactly opposite direction boy girl train merely literary accomplishment total exclusion industrial manual technical training tendency unfit industrial work make reluctant go unfit well go tendency strenuously combat industrial development depend largely upon technical education include term industrial education fit man good mechanic good carpenter blacksmith fit man great engineering feat skilled mechanic skilled workman best become technical industrial education usefulness institute technology school mine engineering universally acknowledge less far reach effect good building mechanical trade school textile engrave school training must develop manual dexterity industrial intelligence international rivalry country fear competition pauper labor much fear educate labor specially trained competitor education hand eye brain fit u meet competition every possible way help wageworker toil hand must hope constantly increase measure also toil brain constitution national legislature little direct importance welfare save engage work permit act interstate commerce clause constitution one reason earnestly hope legislative judicial branch government construe clause constitution broad possible manner however matter industrial train matter child labor factory law set example state enact advanced legislation wisely enact district columbia person whose welfare vital welfare whole country welfare wageworkers tiller soil farmer mere truism say growth city growth wealth industrial development atone fall character stand farm population last decade fact recognize clearness longer failure realize farm least certain branch must become technical scientific profession mean must open farmer chance technical scientific training theoretical merely severely practical type farmer represent peculiarly high type american citizenship must chance rise develop american citizen moreover exactly true farmer business man wageworker ultimate success nation form part must found alone material prosperity upon high moral mental physical development education farmer preference also education outside men peculiarly necessary united state frontier condition even new state nearly vanish must substitution intensive system cultivation old wasteful farm management must better business organization among farmer several factor must cooperate improvement farmer condition must chance educate wide possible sense sense keep ever view intimate relationship theory education fact life education widen aims good thing produce certain number train scholars student education superintend state must seek rather produce hundred good citizen merely one scholar must turn class book study great book nature especially true farmer point observer competent pas practical judgment problem country life student realize education must seek train executive power young people confer real significance upon phrase dignity labor prepare pupils addition develop high degree individual capacity work may together help create right public opinion show many way social cooperative spirit organization become necessary business world accomplish much good world labor less necessary farmer movement grange movement good capable infinite extension good long kept legitimate business benefit derive association farmer mutual advantage partly economic partly sociological moreover long run voluntary effort prove efficacious government assistance farmer must primarily yet government also much department agriculture broken new ground many direction year year find improve method develop fresh usefulness constant effort give governmental assistance effective way thru association farmer rather thru individual farmer also strive coordinate work agricultural department several state far work educational coordinate work educational authority agricultural education necessarily base upon general education agricultural educational institution wisely specialize make course relate actual teach agricultural kindred science young country people young city people wish live country great progress already make among farmer creation farmer institute dairy association breeder association horticultural association like strike example government farmer cooperate show connection menace offer cotton grower southern state advance boll weevil department organize farmer threaten district organize aid work eradicate cattle fever tick south department cooperate association must help work do efficient style much do state rocky mountain great plain thru development national policy irrigation forest preservation government policy betterment internal condition fruitful good forest white mountain southern appalachian region also preserve unless people state lie thru representative congress secure vigorous action national government invite attention congress estimate secretary war appropriation enable begin preliminary work construction memorial amphitheater arlington grand army republic national encampment urge erection amphitheater necessary proper observance memorial day fit monument soldier sailor dead bury heartily concur commend matter favorable consideration congress well aware difficult pas constitutional amendment nevertheless judgment whole question marriage divorce relegate authority national congress present wide difference law different state subject result scandal abuse surely nothing vitally essential welfare nation nothing around nation bend throw every safeguard home life average citizen change would good every standpoint particular would good would confer congress power deal radically efficiently polygamy do whether marriage divorce deal neither safe proper leave question polygamy deal several state power deal confer national government home tie loosen men woman cease regard worthy family life duty fully perform responsibility live life best worth live evil day commonwealth hand region land class population birth rate sink death rate surely need demonstration show wilful sterility standpoint nation standpoint human race one sin penalty national death race death sin atonement sin dreadful exactly proportion men woman guilty thereof respect character bodily mental power sake state would well see father mother many healthy child well bring home make happy presence man woman shirk primary duty life whether love ease pleasure retain let call attention congress two subject concern frequently communicate one question develop american shipping trust law embody substance view major part view exprest report subject lay house last session past well aware former year objectionable measure propose reference encouragement american shipping seem propose measure nearly unobjectionable course benefit primarily seaboard state maine louisiana washington benefit part people end benefit government aid irrigation forestry west really benefit rocky mountain state country prove impracticable enact law encouragement ship generally least provision make good communication south america notably fast mail line chief south american port discreditable u business people lack direct communication shape line steamer south america great sister continent disadvantage compare business people europe especially call attention second subject condition currency law national bank act ably serve great purpose aid enormous business development country within ten year increase circulation per capita several year evidence accumulate additional legislation need recurrence crop season emphasize defect present law must soon revision leave mean incur liability business disaster since body adjourn fluctuation interest call money 2 per cent 30 per cent fluctuation even great precede six month secretary treasury step wise action put stop violent period oscillation even bad fluctuation advance commercial rate uncertainty felt sufficiency credit even high rate commercial interest suffer crop period excessive rate call money new york attract money interior bank speculative field deplete fund would otherwise available commercial use commercial borrower force pay abnormal rate fall tax shape increase interest charge place whole commerce country mere statement show present system seriously defective need change unfortunately however many propose change must rule consideration complicate easy comprehension tend disturb exist right interest must also rule plan would materially impair value united state 2 per cent bond pledge secure circulation issue make condition peculiarly creditable treasury press especial plan various plan recently propose expert committee banker among plan possibly feasible certainly receive consideration repeatedly bring attention present secretary treasury essential feature approve many prominent banker business men accord plan national bank permit issue specify proportion capital note give kind issue tax high rate drive note back want legitimate trade plan would permit issue currency give bank additional profit meet emergency present time stringency say right system advance emphasize belief need adoption system shall automatic open sound bank avoid possibility discrimination favoritism plan would tend prevent spasm high money speculation obtain new york market present much currency certain season year accumulation new york tempts banker lend low rate speculative purpose whereas time crop move urgent need large temporary increase currency supply must never forget question concern business men generally quite much banker especially true stockman farmer business men west present certain season year difference interest rate east west 6 10 per cent whereas canada correspond difference 2 per cent plan must course guard interest western southern banker carefully guard interest new york chicago banker must draw standpoint farmer merchant less standpoint city banker country banker law amend specifically provide fund derive custom duty may treat secretary treasury treat fund obtain law considerable increase bill small denomination permission give bank necessary settle restriction retire circulation large amount three million month earnestly hope bill provide low tariff else absolute free trade philippine product become law harm come american industry small real material benefit filipinos main benefit come show make purpose power welfare far action philippine abundantly justify mainly indeed primarily add dignity give u nation prove capable honorably efficiently bear international burden mighty people bear even immense benefit come people philippine islands island steadily introduce liberty order great degree people ever know secured justice provide efficient police force put ladronism island leyte samar authority government resist wild mountain tribe superstitious inspiration fakirs leader constantly increase measure liberty accord islander next spring condition warrant shall take great stride forward test capacity summon first filipino legislative assembly way stand test largely determine whether thus grant increase decrease erred philippine proceed rapidly direction grant large measure build road immeasurable good people arrange build railroad let u also see give free access market nation owe imperative duty mankind duty manage affair island american flag philippine porto rico hawaii make evident every way advantage flag fly american citizenship confer citizen porto rico harbor san juan porto rico dredge improved expense federal court porto rico meet federal treasury administration affair porto rico together philippine hawaii insular possession direct one executive department preference department state department war need hawaii peculiar every aid give island effort unceasing develop along line community small freeholder great planter estate situate territory middle pacific duty impose upon small community fall like degree manner upon american community warrant treat differently way treat territory contiguous surround sister territory state justifies set aside portion revenue expend educational internal improvement therein hawaii make effort secure immigration fit end assume duty burden full american citizenship whenever leader various industry islands finally adopt ideal heartily join administration endeavor develop middle class substantial citizen way find deal commercial industrial problem appear serious best americanism aim stability permanency prosperous citizenship rather immediate return large mass capital alaska need partially meet must complete reorganization governmental system indicate ask especial attention dwell shore puget sound characteristic energy arrange hold seattle alaska yukon pacific exposition special aim include upbuilding alaska development american commerce pacific ocean exposition purpose scope appeal people pacific slope people united state large alaska since buy yielded government eleven million dollar revenue produce nearly three hundred million dollar gold fur fish properly develop become large degree land home country border pacific ocean population numerous country europe annual foreign commerce amount three billion dollar share united state seven hundred million dollar trade thoroly understood push manufacturer producer industry pacific slope country particularly state would greatly benefited course order get benefit must treat fairly country trade mistake betrays spirit foolish cynicism maintain international governmental action must ever base upon mere selfishness advance ethical reason action always sign hypocrisy necessarily true action government action individual sure sign base nature always ascribe base motif action others unquestionably nation afford disregard proper consideration private individual equally true average private individual really decent community many action reference men guide public spirit regard right others disinterested purpose good others raise tone community whole similarly really great nation must often act matter fact often act toward nation spirit least mere pay heed chiefly ethical reason century go disinterestedness international action tendency individual comprise nation require nation act justice toward neighbor steadily grow strengthens neither wise right nation disregard need foolish may wicked think nation disregard wicked nation regard interest foolish believe sole motive actuates nation steady aim raise ethical standard national action strive raise ethical standard individual action must treat nation fairly must treat justice good immigrant come law whether catholic protestant jew gentile whether come england germany russia japan italy matter nothing right question man conduct honest upright dealing neighbor state entitle respect good treatment especially need remember duty stranger within gate sure mark low civilization low morality abuse discriminate way humiliate stranger come lawfully conduct properly remember incumbent every american citizen course peculiarly incumbent every government official whether nation several state prompt say attitude hostility assume toward japanese country hostility sporadic limited place nevertheless discreditable u people may fraught grave consequence nation friendship united state japan continuous since time half century ago commodore perry expedition japan first open island western civilization since growth japan literally astound nothing parallel nothing approach history civilize mankind japan glorious ancient past civilization older nation northern europe nation people united state chiefly sprung fifty year ago japan development still middle age fifty year progress country every walk life marvel mankind stand one great civilize nation great art war art peace great military industrial artistic development achievement japanese soldier sailor show equal combat history make note produce great general mighty admiral fight men afloat ashore show heroic courage unquestioning unfaltering loyalty splendid indifference hardship death mark loyal ronins show also possess high ideal patriotism japanese artist every kind see product eagerly seek land industrial commercial development japan phenomenal great country period time advance science philosophy less mark admirable management japanese red cross late war efficiency humanity japanese official nurse doctor respectful admiration acquaint fact thru red cross japanese people send sufferer san francisco gift accept gratitude people courtesy japanese nationally individually become proverbial country increase number visitor land japan return japanese come great number welcome socially intellectually colleges institution higher learn professional social body japanese single generation right stand abreast foremost enlightened people europe america merit exertion right treatment basis full frank equality overwhelming mass people cherish lively regard respect people japan almost every quarter union stranger japan treat deserves treat strange part civilize europe deserve treat unworthy feeling manifest toward japanese feel show shut common school san francisco muttering one two place efficiency worker shut public school wicked absurdity college land include university college california gladly welcome japanese student japanese student reflect credit much learn japan japan learn u nation fit teach unless also willing learn thruout japan american well treat failure part americans home treat japanese like courtesy consideration much confession inferiority civilization nation front pacific front atlantic hope play constantly grow part great ocean orient wish ought wish great commercial development dealing asia question permanently development unless freely gladly extend nation measure justice good treatment expect receive return small body citizen act badly federal government power deal summarily several state power earnestly ask also deal wisely promptly conduct else small body wrongdoer may bring shame upon great mass innocent fellows upon nation whole good manner international less individual attribute ask fair treatment japanese would ask fair treatment german englishmen frenchman russian italian ask due humanity civilization ask due must act uprightly toward men recommend congress act past specifically provide naturalization japanese come intend become american citizen one great embarrassment attend performance international obligation fact statute united state entirely inadequate fail give national government sufficiently ample power thru united state court use army navy protect alien right secure solemn treaty law land therefore earnestly recommend criminal civil statute united state amend add enable president act united state government responsible international relation enforce right alien treaty even law something do federal government toward end matter affect japanese everything power do force military civil unite state may lawfully employ employ however particle doubt power national government completely perform enforce obligation nation mob single city may time perform act lawless violence class foreigner would plunge u war city would powerless make defense foreign power thus assault independent government would never venture perform permit performance act complain entire power whole duty protect offend city offend community lie hand united state government unthinkable continue policy give locality may allow commit crime friendly nation united state government limit prevent commission crime last resort defend people committed consequence wrongdoing last august insurrection break cuba speedily grow evident exist cuban government powerless quell government repeatedly ask cuban government intervene finally notify president cuba intend resign decision irrevocable none constitutional officer would consent carry government powerless maintain order evident chaos impend every probability step immediately take government try restore order representative various european nation island would apply respective government arm intervention order protect live property citizen thanks preparedness navy able immediately send enough ship cuba prevent situation become hopeless furthermore dispatched cuba secretary war assistant secretary state order might grapple situation ground effort secure agreement contend faction come amicable understanding settle upon modus vivendi provisional government fail finally president republic resign quorum congress assemble failed deliberate purpose member power act resignation government come halt accordance platt amendment embody constitution cuba thereupon proclaim provisional government island secretary war act provisional governor could replace magoon late minister panama governor canal zone isthmus troop send support relieve navy expedition handle satisfactory speed efficiency insurgent chief immediately agree troop lay arm disband agreement carry provisional government leave personnel old government old law far might unchanged thus administer island month tranquillity restore new election properly hold new government inaugurate peace come island harvest crop great crop island proceed election hold new government inaugurate peaceful orderly fashion provisional government come end take opportunity express upon behalf american people possible solemnity earnest hope people cuba realize imperative need preserve justice keep order island united state wish nothing cuba except shall prosper morally materially wish nothing cuban save shall able preserve order among therefore preserve independence election become farce insurrectionary habit becomes confirm island absolutely question island continue independent united state assume sponsorship civilized world cuba career nation would intervene see government manage orderly fashion secure safety cf life property path trodden exercise always hard every charity patience cuban tread difficult path utmost sympathy regard earnestly adjure solemnly weigh responsibility see new government start shall run smoothly freedom flagrant denial right one hand insurrectionary disturbance second international conference american republic hold mexico year provide hold third conference within five year commit fixing time place arrangement conference govern board bureau american republic compose representative american nation washington board discharge duty impose upon marked fidelity painstaking care upon courteous invitation united state brazil conference hold rio de janeiro continue 23d july 29th august last many subject common interest american nation discust conference conclusion reach embodied series resolution propose convention lay upon come final report american delegate contain many matter importance relate extension trade increase communication smooth away barrier free intercourse promotion well knowledge good understanding different country represent meeting conference harmonious conclusion reach substantial unanimity interest observe successive conference hold representative different american nation learn work together effectively first conference washington 1889 second conference mexico occupy many month much time waste unregulated fruitless discussion third conference rio exhibit much facility practical dispatch business characterize permanent deliberative body complete labor within period six week originally allot session quite apart specific value conclusion reach conference example representative american nation engage harmonious kindly consideration discussion subject common interest great substantial value promotion reasonable considerate treatment international question thanks country due government brazil people rio de janeiro generous hospitality delegate common others receive entertained facilitated work incidentally meet conference secretary state visit city rio de janeiro cordially receive conference make honorary president announcement intention make visit follow courteous urgent invitation nearly country south america visit guest government deem acceptance invitation might appropriately express real respect friendship hold sister republic southern continent secretary accordingly visit brazil uruguay argentina chile peru panama colombia refrain visit paraguay bolivia ecuador distance capital seaboard make impracticable time disposal carry message peace friendship strong desire good understand mutual helpfulness everywhere receive spirit message member government press learn profession men business great mass people unite everywhere emphatic response friendly expression honor country represent many part south america much misunderstand attitude purpose united state towards american republic idea become prevalent assertion monroe doctrine imply carried assumption superiority right exercise kind protectorate country whose territory doctrine applies nothing could farther truth yet impression continue serious barrier good understanding friendly intercourse introduction american capital extension american trade impression widespread apparently could reach ordinary mean part secretary root mission dispel unfounded impression believe succeed address third conference rio 31st july address note send together message say wish victory peace territory except sovereignty except sovereignty deem independence equal right small weak member family nation entitle much respect great empire deem observance respect chief guaranty weak oppression strong neither claim desire right privilege power freely concede every american republic wish increase prosperity extend trade grow wealth wisdom spirit conception true way accomplish pull others profit ruin help friends common prosperity common growth may become great strong together within month first time recognize possessor every foot soil upon american continent hope represent acknowledged right equal sovereign state great world congress hague world formal final acceptance declaration part american continent deem subject colonization let u pledge aid full performance duty humanity accept declaration implies time weak unfortunate republic may come march equal step side strong fortunate let u help show race men liberty fought labor twin sister justice peace let u unite create maintain make effective public opinion whose power shall influence international conduct prevent international wrong narrow cause war forever preserve free land burden armament mass behind frontier europe bring u ever near perfection order liberty shall come security prosperity production trade wealth learn art happiness u word appear receive acclaim every part south america hearty approval sure wrong conviction correctly represent sentiment whole american people well characterize true attitude united state assertion monroe doctrine word distinguish former minister foreign affair argentina doctor drago speech welcome root buenos ayres speak traditional policy unite state without accentuate superiority seek preponderance condemn oppression nation part world control destinies great power europe gratify know great city buenos ayres upon arch span street entwine argentine american flag reception representative emblazon name washington jefferson marshall also appreciative recognition service south american independence name jam monroe john quincy adam henry clay richard rush take especial pleasure graceful courtesy government brazil give beautiful stately build first use meeting conference name palacio monroe grateful acknowledgment due government people country visit secretary state courtesy friendship honor show country generous hospitality message 5th december 1905 call attention embarrassment might cause government assertion foreign nation right collect force arm contract debt due american republic citizen collect nation danger process compulsory collection might result occupation territory tend become permanent say government always refuse enforce contractual obligation behalf citizen appeal arm much wisht foreign government would take view subject one topic consideration conference rio resolution adopt conference recommend respective government represent consider advisability ask second peace conference hague examine question compulsory collection public debts general mean tend diminish among nation conflict purely pecuniary origin resolution support representative united state accordance follow instruction long establish policy united state use armed force collection ordinary contract debt due citizen government consider use force purpose consistent respect independent sovereignty member family nation important principle international law chief protection weak nation oppression strong seem u practise injurious general effect upon relation nation upon welfare weak disordered state whose development ought encourage interest civilization offer frequent temptation bully oppression unnecessary unjustifiable warfare regret power whose opinion sense justice esteem highly time take different view permit though believe reluctance collect debt force doubtless true public debt may accompany circumstance fraud wrongdoing violation treaty justify use force government would glad see international consideration subject shall discriminate case simple nonperformance contract private person resolution favor reliance upon peaceful mean case latter class felt however conference rio undertake make discrimination resolve upon rule american country still debtor nation country europe creditor rio conference therefore take action would appearance meeting debtor resolve creditor act would inspire respect true course indicate term program propose request second hague conference creditor debtor assemble consider subject last june trouble exist time republic salvador guatemala honduras culminate war war threaten ruinous country involve destructive commercial interest american mexican foreigner take important part development country thoroly good understanding exists unite state mexico enabled government mexico unite effective mediation war republic mediation result without patient effort bring meet representative hostile power board unite state warship neutral territory peace conclude peace result save thousand live prevention incalculable amount misery destruction property mean livelihood rio conference past follow resolution reference action third international american conference shall address president united state america united state mexico note conference hold rio express satisfaction happy result mediation celebration peace republic guatemala honduras salvador affords excellent example one way influence united state properly exercise benefit people western hemisphere action take concert american republic therefore free suspicion prejudice might attach action take one alone way possible exercise powerful influence toward substitution considerate action spirit justice insurrectionary international violence hitherto great hindrance development many neighbor repeat example united action several many american republic favor peace urging cool reasonable instead excited belligerent treatment international controversy fail promote growth general public opinion among american nation elevate standard international action strengthen sense international duty among government tell favor peace mankind return trip panama shall report length later whole subject panama canal algeciras convention sign united state well power europe supersede previous convention 1880 also sign united state majority european power treaty confers upon u equal commercial right european country entail single obligation kind upon u earnestly hope may speedily ratify refuse ratify would merely mean forfeit commercial right morocco would achieve another object kind event refusal would leave first time hundred twenty year without commercial treaty morocco time everywhere seek new market outlet trade destruction pribilof islands fur seal pelagic seal still continue herd accord survey make 1874 direction congress number accord survey american canadian commissioner 1891 amount reduce result bring canadian sealing vessel kill female seal water annual pilgrimage south search food rule female seal kill pregnant also unweaned pup land skin take pelagic sealing rule three live destroy mother unborn offspring nursing pup leave starve death damage whatever do herd carefully regulate kill land custom pelagic seal solely responsible present evil alike indefensible economic standpoint standpoint humanity 1896 young seal find dead starvation pribilof island 1897 estimate since pelagic seal begin upward adult female seal kill sea young seal die starvation result revolt barbarity practise well wasteful destruction involve need demonstration condemnation bering sea tribunal sat paris 1893 decide claim united state exclusive jurisdiction water bering sea property right fur seal outside limit determine also upon certain regulation tribunal consider sufficient proper protection preservation fur seal habitually resort bering sea tribunal regulation establish close season 1st may 31st july exclude kill water within 60 mile around pribilof island also provide regulation determine upon view protection preservation seal submit every five year new examination enable interested government consider whether light past experience occasion modification thereof regulation prove plainly inadequate accomplish object protection preservation fur seal long time government try vain secure great britain revision modification regulation contemplate provided award tribunal paris process destruction accelerate recent year appearance number japanese vessel engage pelagic sealing vessel bound even inadequate limitation prescribe tribunal paris pay attention either close season limit impose upon canadian prosecute work island july 16 17 crew several japanese vessel make raid upon island paul beaten meager insufficiently arm guard succeed kill several hundred seal carry skin nearly seal kill female work do frightful barbarity many seal appear skin alive many find half skin still alive raid repel use firearm five raider kill two wound twelve capture include two wound capture since try sentenced imprisonment attack kind wholly unlookt provision vessel arm ammunition make repetition find profitable suitable representation regard incident make government japan assure practicable measure take country prevent recurrence outrage part guard island increase good equip organize well patrol service island establish next season united state war vessel also send relaxed effort secure agreement great britain adequate protection seal herd negotiation japan purpose progress law protection seal within jurisdiction united state need revision amendment islands paul george term include government reservation island also include landing alien well citizen upon island without permit department commerce labor purpose except case stress weather water prohibit adequate penalty approach vessel except purpose regulate authority government agent islands enlarged chief agent power commit magistrate entrance vessel territorial water surround islands intent take seal make criminal offense forfeiture authority seizures case give presence vessel seal sealskins paraphernalia take make prima facie evidence intent recommend legislation need accomplish end commend attention report sims department commerce labor subject case compel abandon hope make arrangement government put end hideous cruelty incident pelagic seal question serious consideration far continue protect maintain seal herd land result continue practise whether good end practice exterminate herd humane way possible last message advise emperor russia take initiative bring second peace conference hague guidance russia arrangement preliminary conference progress past year progress necessarily slow owe great number country consult upon every question arise matter satisfaction american republic first time invite join propose conference close connection subject take red cross conference hold geneva last summer subject naturally would come hague conference make apparent desirable work red cross conference complete consider different power meet hague red cross conference end labor 6th day july revise amend convention sign american delegate promptly lay senate special highly appreciated courtesy government russia netherlands proposal call hague conference together time would conflict conference american republic rio de janeiro august lay aside date yet suggest tentative program conference propose government russia subject enumerate undergo careful examination consideration preparation conference must ever keep mind war merely justifiable imperative upon honorable men upon honorable nation peace obtain sacrifice conscientious conviction national welfare peace normally great good normally coincide righteousness righteousness peace bind conscience nation bind conscience individual neither nation individual surrender conscience another keep neither nation entity die individual die refrain take thought interest generation come less interest generation public men right whether shortsightedness selfish indifference sentimentality sacrifice national interest vital character war long run far good nation soul prosperous peace obtain acquiescence wrong injustice moreover though criminal nation prepare war may escape dreadful consequence defeat war yet must always remember even defeat war may far good fight well finely say beaten nation necessarily disgrace nation nation man disgrace obligation defend right shirk nation everything power honorable peace morally indefensible nation commit wrong upon another nation strong weak individual thus wrong fellow power hasten day shall peace among nation peace base upon justice upon cowardly submission wrong accomplish good deal direction accomplish everything penalty attempt much would almost inevitably worse nothing must remember fantastic extremist reality leader cause espouse ordinarily hamper real leader damage yet likelihood establish kind international power whatever sort effectively check wrongdoing circumstance would foolish evil thing great free nation deprive power protect right even exceptional case stand right others nothing would promote iniquity nothing would defer reign upon earth peace righteousness free enlighten people though much stumble many shortcoming nevertheless strive toward justice deliberately render powerless leave every despotism barbarism arm able work wicked chance settlement dispute peacefully arbitration depend mainly upon possession nation mean right sufficient arm strength make purpose effective united state navy sure guarantor peace country possess earnestly wisht would profit teaching history matter strong wise people study failure less triumphs wisdom learn study mistake well success purpose nothing could instructive rational study war 1812 tell instance captain mahan one way war could avoid precede twelve year navy relatively strong country build army provide relatively good country never would slightest necessity fight war necessity arisen war would circumstance end speedy overwhelming triumph people twelve year refuse make preparation whatever regard either army navy save million two dollar mere money pay hundredfold million thus save three year war follow war bring untold suffering upon people one time threaten grave national disaster spite necessity wag result merely effect drawn battle balance defeat triumph almost even ask continue increase navy ask merely maintain present strength do replace obsolete outwear ship new good one equal afloat navy stop building ship one year mean year navy go back instead forward old battle ship texas instance would little service fight powerful adversary old monitor outwear usefulness waste money build modern monitor ship replace others do program providing build year least one battle ship equal size speed nation time build armament presumably consist large number possible heavy gun one caliber together small gun repel torpedo attack heavy armor turbine engine short every modern device course time time cruiser collier destroyer torpedo boat build also remember would increase navy would merely keep present strength equally course ship absolutely useless men aboard train get best possible service formidable delicate complicate mechanism intrust care marksmanship men improve last five year deem within bound say navy twice efficient ship ship half decade ago navy attain proper efficiency enough officer men provide officer men give chance require take advantage stay continually sea exercise fleet singly squadron exercise every kind include unceasing practise gun conduct condition test marksmanship time war army navy urgent need everything possible do maintain high standard personnel alike regard officer enlist men believe service finer body enlist men junior officer army navy include marine corp possible encouragement enlist men give pay otherwise everything practicable do render service attractive men right type hold strict discharge duty spirit encourage demand mere performance duty performance far duty conduces honor interest american nation return ample consideration west point annapolis already turn excellent officer need school make scholastic contrary never lose sight fact aim school turn man shall everything else fight man army particular necessary either cavalry infantry officer special mathematical ability probably school best part education high standard character professional morale confers service urgent need establishment principle selection eliminate men certain age promote subordinate rank bring high rank few men earlier age principle selection object good men mediocre capacity fit well young low position fit well advanced age come position command great responsibility desire men promote position competent fill weigh interest navy country present men especially navy keep far long junior grade much advanced age put quickly thru senior grade often attain senior grade old real use real use put thru quickly little benefit navy come navy one great advantage army fact officer high rank actually trained continual performance duty management battle ship armor cruiser gathered fleet true army officer rarely correspond chance exercise command troop service condition conduct spanish war show lamentable loss life useless extravagance inefficiency certain result peace high official war navy department praise reward save money matter cost efficiency service high officer give chance whatever exercise practise command year prior spanish war secretary war praise chiefly practised economy economy especially connection quartermaster commissary medical department directly responsible mismanagement occur war parenthetically observed people clamor misdirected economy first place foremost denounce mismanagement loss suffer primarily due misdirect economy lack preparation involve soon increase number men coast defense men right type properly train therefore increase pay certain skilled grade especially coast artillery money appropriate permit troop mass body exercised maneuver particularly march exercise summer past incalculable benefit army circumstance discontinue practise march maneuver elderly officer prove unable bear strain retire fact conclusive unfitness war purpose allow stay service real misfortune score small company regimental post scatter thruout country army gather brigade division post general practise handle men mass neglect provide mean incur risk future disaster disgrace readiness efficiency army navy deal recent sudden crisis cuba illustrate afresh value nation readiness efficiency would much less existence general staff army general board navy essential proper development use military force afloat ashore troops send cuba handle flawlessly swift mobilization dispatch troop sea ever accomplished government expedition land completely equip ready immediate service several organization hardly remain havana night split detachment go several post fine demonstration value efficiency general staff similarly owe large part general board navy able outset meet cuban crisis instant efficiency ship ship appear short notice threaten point marine corp particular perform indispensable service army navy war college incalculable value two service cooperate constantly increase efficiency importance congress wisely provide national board promotion rifle practise excellent result already come law go far enough regular army small great war trust mainly volunteer event volunteer already know shoot soldier fight edge ability take care open efficiency line battle almost directly proportionate excellence marksmanship establish shoot gallery large public military school maintain national target range different part country every way encourage formation rifle club thruout part land little republic switzerland offer u excellent example matter connect build efficient citizen soldiery