Since your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests has passed, and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way all will yet be well. The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place during the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the close of the last session of Congress. If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers which at the beginning of our domestic difficulties so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent would soon recede from that position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the temporary reverses which afterwards befell the national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. The civil war, which has so radically changed for the moment the occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has at the same time excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between foreign states and between parties or factions in such states. We have attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this Government, even if it were just, would certainly be unwise. The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it on the part of Her Majesty's Government has been marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens. The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the Stade dues has been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose. A blockade of 3,000 miles of seacoast could not be established and vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like the present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects. A civil war occurring in a country, where foreigners reside and carry on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship. In clear cases of these kinds I have so far as possible heard and redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases upon which the Government is unable to agree with the governments whose protection is demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many cases in which the United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of those states are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to some of the foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to examine and adjust such complaints. This proposition has been made especially to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted. I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston from leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed the Secretary of State to cause the papers in the case to be communicated to the proper committees. Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home and abroad--some from interested motives, others upon patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic sentiments--have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand, several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state without first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen; and I have at the same time offered to the several States situated within the Tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries from the United States. The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of Turkey has been carried into execution. A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the Senate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pending with the Republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement of the national commerce is expected to result from these measures. Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the other European States remain undisturbed. Very favorable relations also continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan. During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous relations with the independent States of our own continent, but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be entertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so intimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chile. The commission under the convention with the Republic of New Granada closed its session without having audited and passed upon all the claims which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the convention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The joint commission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica has completed its labors and submitted its report. I have favored the project for connecting the United States with Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is being extended across the Russian Empire. The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions have remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union. The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the Government and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether some extraordinary measures to promote that end can not be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign countries--results which can not fail to be auspicious. The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent consideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and the public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented forces now in the field demand your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the least possible burdens upon labor. The suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the commencement of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops and the satisfaction of other just demands be so economically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made them an universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time, the long-felt want of an uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and exchanges. A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible with due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certain convertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and surest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of United States notes payable in coin and sufficiently large for the wants of the people can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured? I know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same time so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations, under a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such associations the Government might furnish circulating notes, on the security of United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. These notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and security and convertible always into coin, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges. A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit, moreover, would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for Government bonds which the adoption of the proposed system would create. It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight, in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing interests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and unsecured, now issued by them. The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, of which sum $49,056,397.62 were derived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands, $152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, :$2,257,065.80, was the balance from last year. The disbursements during the same period were: For Congressional, executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939.009.29; for foreign intercourse, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans, Post-Office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and other like charges, $14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Department, 985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy Department, $42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt, $13,190,324.45; and for payment of public debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan and redemptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate of $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1862, of $13,043,546.81. It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in the loans made, may be properly deducted both from receipts and expenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97, and the expenditures $474,744,778.16. Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations conducted through those Departments. Nor could I give a summary of them here upon any principle which would admit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves. I therefore content myself with laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them. It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial condition of the Post-Office Department as compared with several preceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to $8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of the Union for three quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less than was derived from all the States of the Union during the previous year. The expenditures show a still more favorable result. The amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11. For the last year the amount has been reduced to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about $2,481,000 in the expenditures as compared with the preceding year, and about $3,750,000 as compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the Department for the previous year was $4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the insurrectionary States and in part to a careful review of all expenditures in that Department in the interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. The Postmaster-General has also opened a correspondence through the Department of State with foreign governments proposing a convention of postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country, has been favorably entertained and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General in his report respecting the further legislation required, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the public lands: The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the 1st July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were $137,476.26--a sum much less than the expenses of our land system during the same period. The homestead law, which will take effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements to settlers that sales for cash can not be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the expenses of the General Land Office and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into market. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as reported from the Treasury Department arises, as I understand, from the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not really coincident at the beginning point, the Treasury report including a considerable sum now which had previously been reported from the Interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the Interior and not by the Treasury. The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have during the past year manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have engaged in open hostilities against the white settlements in their vicinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to the United States and entered into treaties with the insurgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were constrained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required. In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was wholly unexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been provided. It is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the Indians, and a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust, need not to be stated. Information was received by the Indian Bureau from different sources about the time hostilities were commenced that a simultaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the tribes between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that State manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as a guaranty against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be remodeled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest completion of this road, and also the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now pending before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation, and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michigan Canal and improving the Illinois River is presented in the report of Colonel Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States to be organized. The Commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this Department has established an extensive system of correspondence and exchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. Also, that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally diffused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report, which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valuable tests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory. The creation of this Department was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your approbation, but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the fruitful source of advantage to all our people. On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that paper, I now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called "compensated emancipation." A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. "One generation passeth away and another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever." It is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people. In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of disunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two sections. I did so in language which I can not improve, and which, therefore, I beg to repeat: One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them, Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary upon which to divide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line between the free and slave country. and we shall find a little more than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up on the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause, along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its place. But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above 10,000,000 people, and will have 50,000,000 within fifty years if not prevented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United States--certainly more than 1,000,000 square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than 75,000,000 people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it. the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which has as yet been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has no seacoast--touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco; but separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no proper question. All are better than either, and all of right belong to that people and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit: not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of men--and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation. In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States: Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses concurring), That the following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said legislatures (or conventions ), to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, viz:
 ART.--. Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the 1st day of January., A. D. 1900, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit: The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds of the United States bearing interest at the rate of per cent per annum to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of____for each slave shown to have been therein by the Eighth Census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such State by installments or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such State; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid and afterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein shall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. ART--All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion shall be forever free; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. ART.--Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons with their own consent at any place or places without the United States. I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly and without compensation; some would abolish it gradually and with compensation: some would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we should harmonize and act together. This would be compromise, but it would be compromise among the friends and not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. if the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first article, the main points are, first, the emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consummating it (thirty-seven years); and, thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden derangement--in fact, from the necessity of any derangement--while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each State choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay and not to receive will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property--property acquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property. It is no less true for having been often said that the people of the South are not more responsible for the original introduction of this property than are the people of the North; and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then, for a common object this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it? Let us consider it, then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave States the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds even any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of people to share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before, because our territory will not have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from our first national census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period? Our abundant room, our broad national homestead, is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away. But such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging 73 1/3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our country at some time average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are already above the average of Europe 73 1/3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each 80. Also two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The States already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows: This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these seven periods is either 2 per cent below or 2 per cent above the average, thus showing how inflexible, and consequently how reliable, the law of increase in our case is. Assuming that it will continue, it gives the following results: These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our territory, at 73 1/3 persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain 217,186,000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us. While it can not be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With these we should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at 6 per cent per annum, simple interest, from the end of our revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has been greater than 6 per cent--has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number 100,000,000 what by a different policy we would have to pay now, when we number but 31,000,000. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense belong to loyal owners, and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported and the American voters, through their representatives in Congress. I can not make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor colonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and very surely would not reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed--the freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market--increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor. But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land. Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites and this without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites, and yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipation South send the free people North? People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from. Hertofore colored people to some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And in any event, can not the North decide for itself whether to receive them? Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this District last spring? What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here. The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption. Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone, while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of payment and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It can not become such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and afterwards three-fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and save the Union forever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation, nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here--Congress and Executive can secure its adoption? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not "Can any of us imagine better?" but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, "Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and this Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.
Since your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests has passed, and while it has not pleased the Almighty to bless us with a return of peace, we can but press on, guided by the best light He gives us, trusting that in His own good time and wise way all will yet be well. The correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place during the last year is herewith submitted, in virtual compliance with a request to that effect made by the House of Representatives near the close of the last session of Congress. If the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying than it has usually been at former periods, it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might reasonably have apprehended. In the month of June last there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers which at the beginning of our domestic difficulties so unwisely and unnecessarily, as we think, recognized the insurgents as a belligerent would soon recede from that position, which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our own country. But the temporary reverses which afterwards befell the national arms, and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad, have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice. The civil war, which has so radically changed for the moment the occupations and habits of the American people, has necessarily disturbed the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a century. It has at the same time excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation throughout the civilized world. In this unusual agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between foreign states and between parties or factions in such states. We have attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution. But we have left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs. Our struggle has been, of course, contemplated by foreign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations themselves. Nevertheless, complaint on the part of this Government, even if it were just, would certainly be unwise. The treaty with Great Britain for the suppression of the slave trade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success. It is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it on the part of Her Majesty's Government has been marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the United States and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens. The convention with Hanover for the abolition of the Stade dues has been carried into full effect under the act of Congress for that purpose. A blockade of 3,000 miles of seacoast could not be established and vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like the present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects. A civil war occurring in a country, where foreigners reside and carry on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the violation of neutral rights. All such collisions tend to excite misapprehensions, and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship. In clear cases of these kinds I have so far as possible heard and redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly powers. There is still, however, a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases upon which the Government is unable to agree with the governments whose protection is demanded by the claimants. There are, moreover, many cases in which the United States or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of those states are not at once prepared to redress. I have proposed to some of the foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to examine and adjust such complaints. This proposition has been made especially to Great Britain, to France, to Spain, and to Prussia. In each case it has been kindly received, but has not yet been formally adopted. I deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of the Norwegian bark Admiral P. Tordenskiold, which vessel was in May, 1861, prevented by the commander of the blockading force off Charleston from leaving that port with cargo, notwithstanding a similar privilege had shortly before been granted to an English vessel. I have directed the Secretary of State to because the papers in the case to be communicated to the proper committees. Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such colonization as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other parties, at home and abroad--some from interested motives, others upon patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic sentiments--have suggested similar measures, while, on the other hand, several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any state without first obtaining the consent of its government, with an agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen; and I have at the same time offered to the several States situated within the Tropics, or having colonies there, to negotiate with them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories, upon conditions which shall be equal, just, and humane. Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonists of African descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to migrate to those countries as to some others, nor so willing as I think their interest demands. I believe, however, opinion among them in this respect is improving, and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries from the United States. The new commercial treaty between the United States and the Sultan of Turkey has been carried into execution. A commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated, subject to the Senate's consent, with Liberia, and a similar negotiation is now pending with the Republic of Hayti. A considerable improvement of the national commerce is expected to result from these measures. Our relations with Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Russia, Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, Austria, the Netherlands, Italy, Rome, and the other European States remain undisturbed. Very favorable relations also continue to be maintained with Turkey, Morocco, China, and Japan. During the last year there has not only been no change of our previous relations with the independent States of our own continent, but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be entertained by these neighbors, whose safety and progress are so intimately connected with our own. This statement especially applies to Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Honduras, Peru, and Chile. The commission under the convention with the Republic of New Granada closed its session without having audited and passed upon all the claims which were submitted to it. A proposition is pending to revive the convention, that it may be able to do more complete justice. The joint commission between the United States and the Republic of Costa Rica has completed its labors and submitted its report. I have favored the project for connecting the United States with Europe by an Atlantic telegraph, and a similar project to extend the telegraph from San Francisco to connect by a Pacific telegraph with the line which is being extended across the Russian Empire. The Territories of the United States, with unimportant exceptions have remained undisturbed by the civil war; and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as States and be constitutionally admitted into the Federal Union. The immense mineral resources of some of those Territories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible. Every step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the Government and diminish the burdens of the people. It is worthy of your serious consideration whether some extraordinary measures to promote that end can not be adopted. The means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those Territories with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign countries--results which can not fail to be auspicious. The condition of the finances will claim your most diligent consideration. The vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances, and the public credit has been fully maintained. The continuance of the war, however, and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented forces now in the field demand your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the least possible burdens upon labor. The suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the commencement of your last session made large issues of United States notes unavoidable. In no other way could the payment of the troops and the satisfaction of other just demands be so economically or so well provided for. The judicious legislation of Congress, securing the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts, has made them an universal currency, and has satisfied, partially at least, and for the time, the long-felt want of an uniform circulating medium, saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and exchanges. A return to specie payments, however, at the earliest period compatible with due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view. Fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious, and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation. Convertibility, prompt and certain convertibility, into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and surest safeguard against them; and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of United States notes payable in coin and sufficiently large for the wants of the people can be permanently, usefully, and safely maintained. Is there, then, any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured? I know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same time so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations, under a general act of Congress, well guarded in its provisions. To such associations the Government might furnish circulating notes, on the security of United States bonds deposited in the Treasury. These notes, prepared under the supervision of proper officers, being uniform in appearance and security and convertible always into coin, would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges. A moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate the United States for the preparation and distribution of the notes and a general supervision of the system, and would lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities. The public credit, moreover, would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for Government bonds which the adoption of the proposed system would create. It is an additional recommendation of the measure, of considerable weight, in my judgment, that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing interests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to reorganize under the act, substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for the local and various circulation, secured and unsecured, now issued by them. The receipts into the treasury from all sources, including loans and balance from the preceding year, for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June, 1862, were $583,885,247.06, of which sum $49,056,397.62 were derived from customs; $1,795,331.73 from the direct tax; from public lands, $152,203.77; from miscellaneous sources, $931,787.64; from loans in all forms, $529,692,460.50. The remainder, :$2,257,065.80, was the balance from last year. The disbursements during the same period were: For Congressional, executive, and judicial purposes, $5,939.009.29; for foreign intercourse, $1,339,710.35; for miscellaneous expenses, including the mints, loans, Post-Office deficiencies, collection of revenue, and other like charges, $14,129,771.50; for expenses under the Interior Department, 985.52; under the War Department, $394,368,407.36; under the Navy Department, $42,674,569.69; for interest on public debt, $13,190,324.45; and for payment of public debt, including reimbursement of temporary loan and redemptions, $96,096,922.09; making an aggregate of $570,841,700.25, and leaving a balance in the Treasury on the 1st day of July, 1862, of $13,043,546.81. It should be observed that the sum of $96,096,922.09, expended for reimbursements and redemption of public debt, being included also in the loans made, may be properly deducted both from receipts and expenditures, leaving the actual receipts for the year $487,788,324.97, and the expenditures $474,744,778.16. Other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose statements and views I invite your most candid and considerate attention. The reports of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy are herewith transmitted. These reports, though lengthy, are scarcely more than brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations conducted through those Departments. Nor could I give a summary of them here upon any principle which would admit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves. I therefore content myself with laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them. It gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial condition of the Post-Office Department as compared with several preceding years. The receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to $8,349,296.40, which embraced the revenue from all the States of the Union for three quarters of that year. Notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the so-called seceded States during the last fiscal year, the increase of the correspondence of the loyal States has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of $8,299,820.90, being only $50,000 less than was derived from all the States of the Union during the previous year. The expenditures show a still more favorable result. The amount expended in 1861 was $13,606,759.11. For the last year the amount has been reduced to $11,125,364.13, showing a decrease of about $2,481,000 in the expenditures as compared with the preceding year, and about $3,750,000 as compared with the fiscal year 1860. The deficiency in the Department for the previous year was $4,551,966.98. For the last fiscal year it was reduced to $2,112,814.57. These favorable results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the insurrectionary States and in part to a careful review of all expenditures in that Department in the interest of economy. The efficiency of the postal service, it is believed, has also been much improved. The Postmaster-General has also opened a correspondence through the Department of State with foreign governments proposing a convention of postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign mails. This proposition, equally important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country, has been favorably entertained and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have been received. I ask the attention of Congress to the suggestions of the Postmaster-General in his report respecting the further legislation required, in his opinion, for the benefit of the postal service. The Secretary of the Interior reports as follows in regard to the public lands: The public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue. From the 1st July, 1861, to the 30th September, 1862, the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were $137,476.26--a sum much less than the expenses of our land system during the same period. The homestead law, which will take effect on the 1st of January next, offers such inducements to settlers that sales for cash can not be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the expenses of the General Land Office and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into market. The discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as reported from the Treasury Department arises, as I understand, from the fact that the periods of time, though apparently, were not really coincident at the beginning point, the Treasury report including a considerable sum now which had previously been reported from the Interior, sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the Interior and not by the Treasury. The Indian tribes upon our frontiers have during the past year manifested a spirit of insubordination, and at several points have engaged in open hostilities against the white settlements in their vicinity. The tribes occupying the Indian country south of Kansas renounced their allegiance to the United States and entered into treaties with the insurgents. Those who remained loyal to the United States were driven from the country. The chief of the Cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the United States. He alleges that they were constrained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents, and that the United States neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required. In the month of August last the Sioux Indians in Minnesota attacked the settlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity, killing indiscriminately men, women, and children. This attack was wholly unexpected, and therefore no means of defense had been provided. It is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the Indians, and a large amount of property was destroyed. How this outbreak was induced is not definitely known, and suspicions, which may be unjust, need not to be stated. Information was received by the Indian Bureau from different sources about the time hostilities were commenced that a simultaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the tribes between the Mississippi River and the Rocky Mountains. The State of Minnesota has suffered great injury from this Indian war. A large portion of her territory has been depopulated, and a severe loss has been sustained by the destruction of property. The people of that State manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the State as a guaranty against future hostilities. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs will furnish full details. I submit for your especial consideration whether our Indian system shall not be remodeled. Many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done. I submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners, which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the Pacific Railroad. And this suggests the earliest completion of this road, and also the favorable action of Congress upon the projects now pending before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in New York and Illinois, as being of vital and rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation, and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some greater length. I purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this subject. The military and commercial importance of enlarging the Illinois and Michigan Canal and improving the Illinois River is presented in the report of Colonel Webster to the Secretary of War, and now transmitted to Congress. I respectfully ask attention to it. To carry out the provisions of the act of Congress of the 15th of May last, I have caused the Department of Agriculture of the United States to be organized. The Commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this Department has established an extensive system of correspondence and exchanges, both at home and abroad, which promises to effect highly beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture, in the introduction of new products, and in the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different States. Also, that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds, cereals, plants, and cuttings, and has already published and liberally diffused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report, which will in due time be furnished, embracing some valuable tests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory. The creation of this Department was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our most valuable citizens, and I trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your approbation, but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the fruitful source of advantage to all our people. On the 22d day of September last a proclamation was issued by the Executive, a copy of which is herewith submitted. In accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that paper, I now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called "compensated emancipation." A nation may be said to consist of its territory, its people, and its laws. The territory is the only part which is of certain durability. "One generation passeth away and another generation cometh, but the earth abideth forever." It is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this ever-enduring part. That portion of the earth's surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the United States is well adapted to be the home of one national family, and it is not well adapted for two or more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people, whatever they might have been in former ages. Steam, telegraphs, and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people. In the inaugural address I briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of disunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two sections. I did so in language which I can not improve, and which, therefore, I beg to repeat: One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive-slave clause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This I think, can not be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section, while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them, Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. There is no line, straight or crooked, suitable for a national boundary upon which to divide. Trace through, from east to west, upon the line between the free and slave country. and we shall find a little more than one-third of its length are rivers, easy to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, thickly upon both sides; while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors' lines, over which people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their presence. No part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary. The fact of separation, if it comes, gives up on the part of the seceding section the fugitive-slave clause, along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from, while I should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its place. But there is another difficulty. The great interior region bounded east by the Alleghanies, north by the British dominions, west by the Rocky Mountains, and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets, and which includes part of Virginia, part of Tennessee, all of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Iowa, Minnesota, and the Territories of Dakota, Nebraska, and part of Colorado, already has above 10,000,000 people, and will have 50,000,000 within fifty years if not prevented by any political folly or mistake. It contains more than one-third of the country owned by the United States--certainly more than 1,000,000 square miles. Once half as populous as Massachusetts already is, it would have more than 75,000,000 people. A glance at the map shows that, territorially speaking, it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts are but marginal borders to it. the magnificent region sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific being the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped resources. In the production of provisions grains, grasses, and all which proceed from them this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world. Ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which has as yet been brought into cultivation, and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its products, and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect presented. And yet this region has no seacoast--touches no ocean anywhere. As part of one nation, its people now find, and may forever find, their way to Europe by New York, to South America and Africa by New Orleans, and to Asia by San Francisco; but separate our common country into two nations, as designed by the present rebellion, and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier, but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations. And this is true, wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed. Place it between the now free and slave country, or place it south of Kentucky or north of Ohio, and still the truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it, and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it, except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them. These outlets, east, west, and south, are indispensable to the well-being of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast interior region. Which of the three may be the best is no proper question. All are better than either, and all of right belong to that people and to their successors forever. True to themselves, they will not ask where a line of separation shall be, but will vow rather that there shall be no such line. Nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to and through them to the great outside world. They, too, and each of them, must have access to this Egypt of the West without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary. Our national strife springs not from our permanent part; not from the land we inhabit: not from our national homestead. There is no possible severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us. In all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation. In fact, it would ere long force reunion, however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost. Our strife pertains to ourselves--to the passing generations of men--and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation. In this view I recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles amendatory to the Constitution of the United States: Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of both Houses concurring), That the following articles be proposed to the legislatures (or conventions) of the several States as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said legislatures (or conventions ), to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, viz: ART.--. Every State wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the 1st day of January., A. D. 1900, shall receive compensation from the United States as follows, to wit: The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State bonds of the United States bearing interest at the rate of per cent per annum to an amount equal to the aggregate sum of____for each slave shown to have been therein by the Eighth Census of the United States, said bonds to be delivered to such State by installments or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, accordingly as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such State; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid and afterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein shall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. ART--All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion shall be forever free; but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery, but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. ART.--Congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons with their own consent at any place or places without the United States. I beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length. Without slavery the rebellion could never have existed; without slavery it could not continue. Among the friends of the Union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the African race amongst us. Some would perpetuate slavery; some would abolish it suddenly and without compensation; some would abolish it gradually and with compensation: some would remove the freed people from us, and some would retain them with us; and there are yet other minor diversities. Because of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves. By mutual concession we should harmonize and act together. This would be compromise, but it would be compromise among the friends and not with the enemies of the Union. These articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions. if the plan shall be adopted, it is assumed that emancipation will follow, at least in several of the States. As to the first article, the main points are, first, the emancipation; secondly, the length of time for consummating it (thirty-seven years); and, thirdly, the compensation. The emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery, but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction. The time spares both races from the evils of sudden derangement--in fact, from the necessity of any derangement--while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation. They will never see it. Another class will hail the prospect of emancipation, but will deprecate the length of time. They will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves. But it really gives them much. It saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great, and it gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free forever. The plan leaves to each State choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now or at the end of the century, or at any intermediate time, or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the period, and it obliges no two States to proceed alike. It also provides for compensation, and generally the mode of making it. This, it would seem, must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery, and especially of those who are to receive the compensation. Doubtless some of those who are to pay and not to receive will object. Yet the measure is both just and economical. In a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property--property acquired by descent or by purchase, the same as any other property. It is no less true for having been often said that the people of the South are not more responsible for the original introduction of this property than are the people of the North; and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of dealing in them, it may not be quite safe to say that the South has been more responsible than the North for its continuance. If, then, for a common object this property is to be sacrificed, is it not just that it be done at a common charge? And if with less money, or money more easily paid, we can preserve the benefits of the Union by this means than we can by the war alone, is it not also economical to do it? Let us consider it, then. Let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last March, and consider whether if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave States the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done. If so, the measure would save money, and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure. Certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing, but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one. And it is easier to pay any sum when we are able than it is to pay it before we are able. The war requires large sums, and requires them at once. The aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large. But it would require no ready cash, nor the bonds even any faster than the emancipation progresses. This might not, and probably would not, close before the end of the thirty-seven years. At that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of people to share the burden, instead of thirty-one millions as now. And not only so, but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before, because our territory will not have become full. I do not state this inconsiderately. At the same ratio of increase which we have maintained, on an average, from our first national census, in 1790, until that of 1860, we should in 1900 have a population of 103,208,415. And why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period? Our abundant room, our broad national homestead, is our ample resource. Were our territory as limited as are the British Isles, very certainly our population could not expand as stated. Instead of receiving the foreign born as now, we should be compelled to send part of the native born away. But such is not our condition. We have 2,963,000 square miles. Europe has 3,800,000, with a population averaging 73 1/3 persons to the square mile. Why may not our country at some time average as many? Is it less fertile? Has it more waste surface by mountains, rivers, lakes, deserts, or other causes? Is it inferior to Europe in any natural advantage? If, then, we are at some time to be as populous as Europe, how soon? As to when this may be, we can judge by the past and the present; as to when it will be, if ever, depends much on whether we maintain the Union. Several of our States are already above the average of Europe 73 1/3 to the square mile. Massachusetts has 157; Rhode Island, 133; Connecticut, 99; New York and New Jersey, each 80. Also two other great States, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are not far below, the former having 63 and the latter 59. The States already above the European average, except New York, have increased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before, while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population. Taking the nation in the aggregate, and we find its population and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows: This shows an average decennial increase of 34.60 per cent in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken. It is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these seven periods is either 2 per cent below or 2 per cent above the average, thus showing how inflexible, and consequently how reliable, the law of increase in our case is. Assuming that it will continue, it gives the following results: These figures show that our country may be as populous as Europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930--say about 1925--our territory, at 73 1/3 persons to the square mile, being of capacity to contain 217,186,000. And we will reach this, too, if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us. While it can not be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession, breeding lesser ones indefinitely, would retard population, civilization, and prosperity, no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious. The proposed emancipation would shorten the war, perpetuate peace, insure this increase of population, and proportionately the wealth of the country. With these we should pay all the emancipation would cost, together with our other debt, easier than we should pay our other debt without it. If we had allowed our old national debt to run at 6 per cent per annum, simple interest, from the end of our revolutionary struggle until to-day, without paying anything on either principal or interest, each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then; and this because our increase of men through the whole period has been greater than 6 per cent--has run faster than the interest upon the debt. Thus time alone relieves a debtor nation, so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt. This fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due, but it shows the great importance of time in this connection--the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number 100,000,000 what by a different policy we would have to pay now, when we number but 31,000,000. In a word, it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan. And then the latter will cost no blood, no precious life. It will be a saving of both. As to the second article, I think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated. Some of them, doubtless, in the property sense belong to loyal owners, and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such. The third article relates to the future of the freed people. It does not oblige, but merely authorizes Congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent. This ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other, insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported and the American voters, through their representatives in Congress. I can not make it better known than it already is that I strongly favor colonization; and yet I wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers. If there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments, that time surely is not now. In times like the present men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity. Is it true, then, that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in their old places, they jostle no white laborers; if they leave their old places, they leave them open to white laborers. Logically, there is neither more nor less of it. Emancipation, even without deportation, would probably enhance the wages of white labor, and very surely would not reduce them. Thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed--the freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it, and very probably for a time would do less, leaving an increased part to white laborers, bringing their labor into greater demand, and consequently enhancing the wages of it. With deportation, even to a limited extent, enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically certain. Labor is like any other commodity in the market--increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it. Reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the country, and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor. But it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land. Are they not already in the land? Will liberation make them any more numerous? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country, and there would be but one colored to seven whites. Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites and this without any apparent consciousness of evil from it. The District of Columbia and the States of Maryland and Delaware are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites, and yet in its frequent petitions to Congress I believe it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances. But why should emancipation South send the free people North? People of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from. Hertofore colored people to some extent have fled North from bondage, and now, perhaps, from both bondage and destitution. But if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted, they will have neither to flee from. Their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured, and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and race. This proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved. And in any event, can not the North decide for itself whether to receive them? Again, as practice proves more than theory in any case, has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this District last spring? What I have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the District is from the census of 1860, having no reference to persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of Congress abolishing slavery here. The plan consisting of these articles is recommended, not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption. Nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of September 22, 1862, be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan. Its timely adoption, I doubt not, would bring restoration, and thereby stay both. And notwithstanding this plan, the recommendation that Congress provide by law for compensating any State which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed. Such would be only an advance part of the plan, and the same arguments apply to both. This plan is recommended as a means, not in exclusion of, but additional to, all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the Union. The subject is presented exclusively in its economical aspect. The plan would, I am confident, secure peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone, while all it would cost, considering amounts and manner of payment and times of payment, would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force. It is much, very much, that it would cost no blood at all. The plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law. It can not become such without the concurrence of, first, two-thirds of Congress, and afterwards three-fourths of the States. The requisite three-fourths of the States will necessarily include seven of the slave States. Their concurrence, if obtained, will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms. This assurance would end the struggle now and save the Union forever. I do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the Congress of the nation by the Chief Magistrate of the nation, nor do I forget that some of you are my seniors, nor that many of you have more experience than I in the conduct of public affairs. Yet I trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness I may seem to display. Is it doubted, then, that the plan I propose, if adopted, would shorten the war, and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood? Is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely? Is it doubted that we here--Congress and Executive can secure its adoption? Will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us? Can we, can they, by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects? We can succeed only by concert. It is not "Can any of us imagine better?" but "Can we all do better?" Object whatsoever is possible, still the question recurs, "Can we do better?" The dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present. The occasion is piled high with difficulty, and we must rise with the occasion. As our case is new, so we must think anew and act anew. We must disenthrall ourselves, and then we shall save our country. Fellow-citizens, we can not escape history. We of this Congress and this Administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free--honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just--a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and God must forever bless.
since your last annual assembling another year of health and bountiful harvests has passed and while it has not pleased the almighty to bless us with a return of peace we can but press on guided by the best light he gives us trusting that in his own good time and wise way all will yet be well the correspondence touching foreign affairs which has taken place during the last year is herewith submitted in virtual compliance with a request to that effect made by the house of representatives near the close of the last session of congress if the condition of our relations with other nations is less gratifying than it has usually been at former periods it is certainly more satisfactory than a nation so unhappily distracted as we are might reasonably have apprehended in the month of june last there were some grounds to expect that the maritime powers which at the beginning of our domestic difficulties so unwisely and unnecessarily as we think recognized the insurgents as a belligerent would soon recede from that position which has proved only less injurious to themselves than to our own country but the temporary reverses which afterwards befell the national arms and which were exaggerated by our own disloyal citizens abroad have hitherto delayed that act of simple justice the civil war which has so radically changed for the moment the occupations and habits of the american people has necessarily disturbed the social condition and affected very deeply the prosperity of the nations with which we have carried on a commerce that has been steadily increasing throughout a period of half a century it has at the same time excited political ambitions and apprehensions which have produced a profound agitation throughout the civilized world in this unusual agitation we have forborne from taking part in any controversy between foreign states and between parties or factions in such states we have attempted no propagandism and acknowledged no revolution but we have left to every nation the exclusive conduct and management of its own affairs our struggle has been of course contemplated by foreign nations with reference less to its own merits than to its supposed and often exaggerated effects and consequences resulting to those nations themselves nevertheless complaint on the part of this government even if it were just would certainly be unwise the treaty with great britain for the suppression of the slave trade has been put into operation with a good prospect of complete success it is an occasion of special pleasure to acknowledge that the execution of it on the part of her majesty government has been marked with a jealous respect for the authority of the united states and the rights of their moral and loyal citizens the convention with hanover for the abolition of the stade dues has been carried into full effect under the act of congress for that purpose a blockade of miles of seacoast could not be established and vigorously enforced in a season of great commercial activity like the present without committing occasional mistakes and inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations and their subjects a civil war occurring in a country where foreigners reside and carry on trade under treaty stipulations is necessarily fruitful of complaints of the violation of neutral rights all such collisions tend to excite misapprehensions and possibly to produce mutual reclamations between nations which have a common interest in preserving peace and friendship in clear cases of these kinds i have so far as possible heard and redressed complaints which have been presented by friendly powers there is still however a large and an augmenting number of doubtful cases upon which the government is unable to agree with the governments whose protection is demanded by the claimants there are moreover many cases in which the united states or their citizens suffer wrongs from the naval or military authorities of foreign nations which the governments of those states are not at once prepared to redress i have proposed to some of the foreign states thus interested mutual conventions to examine and adjust such complaints this proposition has been made especially to great britain to france to spain and to prussia in each case it has been kindly received but has not yet been formally adopted i deem it my duty to recommend an appropriation in behalf of the owners of the norwegian bark admiral tordenskiold which vessel was in may 1861 prevented by the commander of the blockading force off charleston from leaving that port with cargo notwithstanding a similar privilege had shortly before been granted to an english vessel i have directed the secretary of state to because the papers in the case to be communicated to the proper committees applications have been made to me by many free americans of african descent to favor their emigration with a view to such colonization as was contemplated in recent acts of congress other parties at home and abroad some from interested motives others upon patriotic considerations and still others influenced by philanthropic sentiments have suggested similar measures while on the other hand several of the spanish american republics have protested against the sending of such colonies to their respective territories under these circumstances i have declined to move any such colony to any state without first obtaining the consent of its government with an agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the rights of freemen and i have at the same time offered to the several states situated within the tropics or having colonies there to negotiate with them subject to the advice and consent of the senate to favor the voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective territories upon conditions which shall be equal just and humane liberia and hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonists of african descent from here could go with certainty of being received and adopted as citizens and i regret to say such persons contemplating colonization do not seem so willing to migrate to those countries as to some others nor so willing as i think their interest demands i believe however opinion among them in this respect is improving and that ere long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both these countries from the united states the new commercial treaty between the united states and the sultan of turkey has been carried into execution a commercial and consular treaty has been negotiated subject to the senate consent with liberia and a similar negotiation is now pending with the republic of hayti a considerable improvement of the national commerce is expected to result from these measures our relations with great britain france spain portugal russia prussia denmark sweden austria the netherlands italy rome and the other european states remain undisturbed very favorable relations also continue to be maintained with turkey morocco china and japan during the last year there has not only been no change of our previous relations with the independent states of our own continent but more friendly sentiments than have heretofore existed are believed to be entertained by these neighbors whose safety and progress are so intimately connected with our own this statement especially applies to mexico nicaragua costa rica honduras peru and chile the commission under the convention with the republic of new granada closed its session without having audited and passed upon all the claims which were submitted to it a proposition is pending to revive the convention that it may be able to do more complete justice the joint commission between the united states and the republic of costa rica has completed its labors and submitted its report i have favored the project for connecting the united states with europe by an atlantic telegraph and a similar project to extend the telegraph from san francisco to connect by a pacific telegraph with the line which is being extended across the russian empire the territories of the united states with unimportant exceptions have remained undisturbed by the civil war and they are exhibiting such evidence of prosperity as justifies an expectation that some of them will soon be in a condition to be organized as states and be constitutionally admitted into the federal union the immense mineral resources of some of those territories ought to be developed as rapidly as possible every step in that direction would have a tendency to improve the revenues of the government and diminish the burdens of the people it is worthy of your serious consideration whether some extraordinary measures to promote that end can not be adopted the means which suggests itself as most likely to be effective is a scientific exploration of the mineral regions in those territories with a view to the publication of its results at home and in foreign countries results which can not fail to be auspicious the condition of the finances will claim your most diligent consideration the vast expenditures incident to the military and naval operations required for the suppression of the rebellion have hitherto been met with a promptitude and certainty unusual in similar circumstances and the public credit has been fully maintained the continuance of the war however and the increased disbursements made necessary by the augmented forces now in the field demand your best reflections as to the best modes of providing the necessary revenue without injury to business and with the least possible burdens upon labor the suspension of specie payments by the banks soon after the commencement of your last session made large issues of united states notes unavoidable in no other way could the payment of the troops and the satisfaction of other just demands be so economically or so well provided for the judicious legislation of congress securing the receivability of these notes for loans and internal duties and making them a legal tender for other debts has made them an universal currency and has satisfied partially at least and for the time the want of an uniform circulating medium saving thereby to the people immense sums in discounts and exchanges a return to specie payments however at the earliest period compatible with due regard to all interests concerned should ever be kept in view fluctuations in the value of currency are always injurious and to reduce these fluctuations to the lowest possible point will always be a leading purpose in wise legislation convertibility prompt and certain convertibility into coin is generally acknowledged to be the best and surest safeguard against them and it is extremely doubtful whether a circulation of united states notes payable in coin and sufficiently large for the wants of the people can be permanently usefully and safely maintained is there then any other mode in which the necessary provision for the public wants can be made and the great advantages of a safe and uniform currency secured i know of none which promises so certain results and is at the same time so unobjectionable as the organization of banking associations under a general act of congress well guarded in its provisions to such associations the government might furnish circulating notes on the security of united states bonds deposited in the treasury these notes prepared under the supervision of proper officers being uniform in appearance and security and convertible always into coin would at once protect labor against the evils of a vicious currency and facilitate commerce by cheap and safe exchanges a moderate reservation from the interest on the bonds would compensate the united states for the preparation and distribution of the notes and a general supervision of the system and would lighten the burden of that part of the public debt employed as securities the public credit moreover would be greatly improved and the negotiation of new loans greatly facilitated by the steady market demand for government bonds which the adoption of the proposed system would create it is an additional recommendation of the measure of considerable weight in my judgment that it would reconcile as far as possible all existing interests by the opportunity offered to existing institutions to reorganize under the act substituting only the secured uniform national circulation for the local and various circulation secured and unsecured now issued by them the receipts into the treasury from all sources including loans and balance from the preceding year for the fiscal year ending on the 30th june 1862 were of which sum were derived from customs from the direct tax from public lands from miscellaneous sources from loans in all forms the remainder was the balance from last year the disbursements during the same period were for congressional executive and judicial purposes for foreign intercourse for miscellaneous expenses including the mints loans deficiencies collection of revenue and other like charges for expenses under the interior department under the war department under the navy department for interest on public debt and for payment of public debt including reimbursement of temporary loan and redemptions making an aggregate of and leaving a balance in the treasury on the 1st day of july 1862 of it should be observed that the sum of expended for reimbursements and redemption of public debt being included also in the loans made may be properly deducted both from receipts and expenditures leaving the actual receipts for the year and the expenditures other information on the subject of the finances will be found in the report of the secretary of the treasury to whose statements and views i invite your most candid and considerate attention the reports of the secretaries of war and of the navy are herewith transmitted these reports though lengthy are scarcely more than brief abstracts of the very numerous and extensive transactions and operations conducted through those departments nor could i give a summary of them here upon any principle which would admit of its being much shorter than the reports themselves i therefore content myself with laying the reports before you and asking your attention to them it gives me pleasure to report a decided improvement in the financial condition of the department as compared with several preceding years the receipts for the fiscal year 1861 amounted to which embraced the revenue from all the states of the union for three quarters of that year notwithstanding the cessation of revenue from the seceded states during the last fiscal year the increase of the correspondence of the loyal states has been sufficient to produce a revenue during the same year of being only less than was derived from all the states of the union during the previous year the expenditures show a still more favorable result the amount expended in 1861 was for the last year the amount has been reduced to showing a decrease of about in the expenditures as compared with the preceding year and about as compared with the fiscal year 1860 the deficiency in the department for the previous year was for the last fiscal year it was reduced to these favorable results are in part owing to the cessation of mail service in the insurrectionary states and in part to a careful review of all expenditures in that department in the interest of economy the efficiency of the postal service it is believed has also been much improved the has also opened a correspondence through the department of state with foreign governments proposing a convention of postal representatives for the purpose of simplifying the rates of foreign postage and to expedite the foreign mails this proposition equally important to our adopted citizens and to the commercial interests of this country has been favorably entertained and agreed to by all the governments from whom replies have been received i ask the attention of congress to the suggestions of the in his report respecting the further legislation required in his opinion for the benefit of the postal service the secretary of the interior reports as follows in regard to the public lands the public lands have ceased to be a source of revenue from the 1st july 1861 to the 30th september 1862 the entire cash receipts from the sale of lands were a sum much less than the expenses of our land system during the same period the homestead law which will take effect on the 1st of january next offers such inducements to settlers that sales for cash can not be expected to an extent sufficient to meet the expenses of the general land office and the cost of surveying and bringing the land into market the discrepancy between the sum here stated as arising from the sales of the public lands and the sum derived from the same source as reported from the treasury department arises as i understand from the fact that the periods of time though apparently were not really coincident at the beginning point the treasury report including a considerable sum now which had previously been reported from the interior sufficiently large to greatly overreach the sum derived from the three months now reported upon by the interior and not by the treasury the indian tribes upon our frontiers have during the past year manifested a spirit of insubordination and at several points have engaged in open hostilities against the white settlements in their vicinity the tribes occupying the indian country south of kansas renounced their allegiance to the united states and entered into treaties with the insurgents those who remained loyal to the united states were driven from the country the chief of the cherokees has visited this city for the purpose of restoring the former relations of the tribe with the united states he alleges that they were constrained by superior force to enter into treaties with the insurgents and that the united states neglected to furnish the protection which their treaty stipulations required in the month of august last the sioux indians in minnesota attacked the settlements in their vicinity with extreme ferocity killing indiscriminately men women and children this attack was wholly unexpected and therefore no means of defense had been provided it is estimated that not less than 800 persons were killed by the indians and a large amount of property was destroyed how this outbreak was induced is not definitely known and suspicions which may be unjust need not to be stated information was received by the indian bureau from different sources about the time hostilities were commenced that a simultaneous attack was to be made upon the white settlements by all the tribes between the mississippi river and the rocky mountains the state of minnesota has suffered great injury from this indian war a large portion of her territory has been depopulated and a severe loss has been sustained by the destruction of property the people of that state manifest much anxiety for the removal of the tribes beyond the limits of the state as a guaranty against future hostilities the commissioner of indian affairs will furnish full details i submit for your especial consideration whether our indian system shall not be remodeled many wise and good men have impressed me with the belief that this can be profitably done i submit a statement of the proceedings of commissioners which shows the progress that has been made in the enterprise of constructing the pacific railroad and this suggests the earliest completion of this road and also the favorable action of congress upon the projects now pending before them for enlarging the capacities of the great canals in new york and illinois as being of vital and rapidly increasing importance to the whole nation and especially to the vast interior region hereinafter to be noticed at some greater length i purpose having prepared and laid before you at an early day some interesting and valuable statistical information upon this subject the military and commercial importance of enlarging the illinois and michigan canal and improving the illinois river is presented in the report of colonel webster to the secretary of war and now transmitted to congress i respectfully ask attention to it to carry out the provisions of the act of congress of the 15th of may last i have caused the department of agriculture of the united states to be organized the commissioner informs me that within the period of a few months this department has established an extensive system of correspondence and exchanges both at home and abroad which promises to effect highly beneficial results in the development of a correct knowledge of recent improvements in agriculture in the introduction of new products and in the collection of the agricultural statistics of the different states also that it will soon be prepared to distribute largely seeds cereals plants and cuttings and has already published and liberally diffused much valuable information in anticipation of a more elaborate report which will in due time be furnished embracing some valuable tests in chemical science now in progress in the laboratory the creation of this department was for the more immediate benefit of a large class of our most valuable citizens and i trust that the liberal basis upon which it has been organized will not only meet your approbation but that it will realize at no distant day all the fondest anticipations of its most sanguine friends and become the fruitful source of advantage to all our people on the 22d day of september last a proclamation was issued by the executive a copy of which is herewith submitted in accordance with the purpose expressed in the second paragraph of that paper i now respectfully recall your attention to what may be called compensated emancipation a nation may be said to consist of its territory its people and its laws the territory is the only part which is of certain durability one generation passeth away and another generation cometh but the earth abideth forever it is of the first importance to duly consider and estimate this part that portion of the earth surface which is owned and inhabited by the people of the united states is well adapted to be the home of one national family and it is not well adapted for two or more its vast extent and its variety of climate and productions are of advantage in this age for one people whatever they might have been in former ages steam telegraphs and intelligence have brought these to be an advantageous combination for one united people in the inaugural address i briefly pointed out the total inadequacy of disunion as a remedy for the differences between the people of the two sections i did so in language which i can not improve and which therefore i beg to repeat one section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended this is the only substantial dispute the clause of the constitution and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade are each as well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself the great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases and a few break over in each this i think can not be perfectly cured and it would be worse in both cases after the separation of the sections than before the foreign slave trade now imperfectly suppressed would be ultimately revived without restriction in one section while fugitive slaves now only partially surrendered would not be surrendered at all by the other physically speaking we can not separate we can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them a husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other but the different parts of our country can not do this they can not but remain face to face and intercourse either amicable or hostile must continue between them is it possible then to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends suppose you go to war you can not fight always and when after much loss on both sides and no gain on either you cease fighting the identical old questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you there is no line straight or crooked suitable for a national boundary upon which to divide trace through from east to west upon the line between the free and slave country and we shall find a little more than of its length are rivers easy to be crossed and populated or soon to be populated thickly upon both sides while nearly all its remaining length are merely surveyors lines over which people may walk back and forth without any consciousness of their presence no part of this line can be made any more difficult to pass by writing it down on paper or parchment as a national boundary the fact of separation if it comes gives up on the part of the seceding section the clause along with all other constitutional obligations upon the section seceded from while i should expect no treaty stipulation would ever be made to take its place but there is another difficulty the great interior region bounded east by the alleghanies north by the british dominions west by the rocky mountains and south by the line along which the culture of corn and cotton meets and which includes part of virginia part of tennessee all of kentucky ohio indiana michigan wisconsin illinois missouri kansas iowa minnesota and the territories of dakota nebraska and part of colorado already has above people and will have within fifty years if not prevented by any political folly or mistake it contains more than of the country owned by the united states certainly more than square miles once half as populous as massachusetts already is it would have more than people a glance at the map shows that territorially speaking it is the great body of the republic the other parts are but marginal borders to it the magnificent region sloping west from the rocky mountains to the pacific being the deepest and also the richest in undeveloped resources in the production of provisions grains grasses and all which proceed from them this great interior region is naturally one of the most important in the world ascertain from the statistics the small proportion of the region which has as yet been brought into cultivation and also the large and rapidly increasing amount of its products and we shall be overwhelmed with the magnitude of the prospect presented and yet this region has no seacoast touches no ocean anywhere as part of one nation its people now find and may forever find their way to europe by new york to south america and africa by new orleans and to asia by san francisco but separate our common country into two nations as designed by the present rebellion and every man of this great interior region is thereby cut off from some one or more of these outlets not perhaps by a physical barrier but by embarrassing and onerous trade regulations and this is true wherever a dividing or boundary line may be fixed place it between the now free and slave country or place it south of kentucky or north of ohio and still the truth remains that none south of it can trade to any port or place north of it and none north of it can trade to any port or place south of it except upon terms dictated by a government foreign to them these outlets east west and south are indispensable to the of the people inhabiting and to inhabit this vast interior region which of the three may be the best is no proper question all are better than either and all of right belong to that people and to their successors forever true to themselves they will not ask where a line of separation shall be but will vow rather that there shall be no such line nor are the marginal regions less interested in these communications to and through them to the great outside world they too and each of them must have access to this egypt of the west without paying toll at the crossing of any national boundary our national strife springs not from our permanent part not from the land we inhabit not from our national homestead there is no possible severing of this but would multiply and not mitigate evils among us in all its adaptations and aptitudes it demands union and abhors separation in fact it would ere long force reunion however much of blood and treasure the separation might have cost our strife pertains to ourselves to the passing generations of men and it can without convulsion be hushed forever with the passing of one generation in this view i recommend the adoption of the following resolution and articles amendatory to the constitution of the united states resolved by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled of both houses concurring that the following articles be proposed to the legislatures or conventions of the several states as amendments to the constitution of the united states all or any of which articles when ratified by of the said legislatures or conventions to be valid as part or parts of the said constitution viz every state wherein slavery now exists which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the 1st day of 1900 shall receive compensation from the united states as follows to wit the president of the united states shall deliver to every such state bonds of the united states bearing interest at the rate of per cent per annum to an amount equal to the aggregate sum each slave shown to have been therein by the eighth census of the united states said bonds to be delivered to such state by installments or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment accordingly as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such state and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid any state having received bonds as aforesaid and afterwards reintroducing or tolerating slavery therein shall refund to the united states the bonds so received or the value thereof and all interest paid thereon art all slaves who shall have enjoyed actual freedom by the chances of the war at any time before the end of the rebellion shall be forever free but all owners of such who shall not have been disloyal shall be compensated for them at the same rates as is provided for states adopting abolishment of slavery but in such way that no slave shall be twice accounted for congress may appropriate money and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons with their own consent at any place or places without the united states i beg indulgence to discuss these proposed articles at some length without slavery the rebellion could never have existed without slavery it could not continue among the friends of the union there is great diversity of sentiment and of policy in regard to slavery and the african race amongst us some would perpetuate slavery some would abolish it suddenly and without compensation some would abolish it gradually and with compensation some would remove the freed people from us and some would retain them with us and there are yet other minor diversities because of these diversities we waste much strength in struggles among ourselves by mutual concession we should harmonize and act together this would be compromise but it would be compromise among the friends and not with the enemies of the union these articles are intended to embody a plan of such mutual concessions if the plan shall be adopted it is assumed that emancipation will follow at least in several of the states as to the first article the main points are first the emancipation secondly the length of time for consummating it years and thirdly the compensation the emancipation will be unsatisfactory to the advocates of perpetual slavery but the length of time should greatly mitigate their dissatisfaction the time spares both races from the evils of sudden derangement in fact from the necessity of any derangement while most of those whose habitual course of thought will be disturbed by the measure will have passed away before its consummation they will never see it another class will hail the prospect of emancipation but will deprecate the length of time they will feel that it gives too little to the now living slaves but it really gives them much it saves them from the vagrant destitution which must largely attend immediate emancipation in localities where their numbers are very great and it gives the inspiring assurance that their posterity shall be free forever the plan leaves to each state choosing to act under it to abolish slavery now or at the end of the century or at any intermediate time or by degrees extending over the whole or any part of the period and it obliges no two states to proceed alike it also provides for compensation and generally the mode of making it this it would seem must further mitigate the dissatisfaction of those who favor perpetual slavery and especially of those who are to receive the compensation doubtless some of those who are to pay and not to receive will object yet the measure is both just and economical in a certain sense the liberation of slaves is the destruction of property property acquired by descent or by purchase the same as any other property it is no less true for having been often said that the people of the south are not more responsible for the original introduction of this property than are the people of the north and when it is remembered how unhesitatingly we all use cotton and sugar and share the profits of dealing in them it may not be quite safe to say that the south has been more responsible than the north for its continuance if then for a common object this property is to be sacrificed is it not just that it be done at a common charge and if with less money or money more easily paid we can preserve the benefits of the union by this means than we can by the war alone is it not also economical to do it let us consider it then let us ascertain the sum we have expended in the war since compensated emancipation was proposed last march and consider whether if that measure had been promptly accepted by even some of the slave states the same sum would not have done more to close the war than has been otherwise done if so the measure would save money and in that view would be a prudent and economical measure certainly it is not so easy to pay something as it is to pay nothing but it is easier to pay a large sum than it is to pay a larger one and it is easier to pay any sum when we are able than it is to pay it before we are able the war requires large sums and requires them at once the aggregate sum necessary for compensated emancipation of course would be large but it would require no ready cash nor the bonds even any faster than the emancipation progresses this might not and probably would not close before the end of the years at that time we shall probably have a hundred millions of people to share the burden instead of millions as now and not only so but the increase of our population may be expected to continue for a long time after that period as rapidly as before because our territory will not have become full i do not state this inconsiderately at the same ratio of increase which we have maintained on an average from our first national census in 1790 until that of 1860 we should in 1900 have a population of and why may we not continue that ratio far beyond that period our abundant room our broad national homestead is our ample resource were our territory as limited as are the british isles very certainly our population could not expand as stated instead of receiving the foreign born as now we should be compelled to send part of the native born away but such is not our condition we have square miles europe has with a population averaging 73 persons to the square mile why may not our country at some time average as many is it less fertile has it more waste surface by mountains rivers lakes deserts or other causes is it inferior to europe in any natural advantage if then we are at some time to be as populous as europe how soon as to when this may be we can judge by the past and the present as to when it will be if ever depends much on whether we maintain the union several of our states are already above the average of europe 73 to the square mile massachusetts has 157 rhode island 133 connecticut 99 new york and new jersey each 80 also two other great states pennsylvania and ohio are not far below the former having 63 and the latter 59 the states already above the european average except new york have increased in as rapid a ratio since passing that point as ever before while no one of them is equal to some other parts of our country in natural capacity for sustaining a dense population taking the nation in the aggregate and we find its population and ratio of increase for the several decennial periods to be as follows this shows an average decennial increase of per cent in population through the seventy years from our first to our last census yet taken it is seen that the ratio of increase at no one of these seven periods is either 2 per cent below or 2 per cent above the average thus showing how inflexible and consequently how reliable the law of increase in our case is assuming that it will continue it gives the following results these figures show that our country may be as populous as europe now is at some point between 1920 and 1930 say about 1925 our territory at 73 persons to the square mile being of capacity to contain and we will reach this too if we do not ourselves relinquish the chance by the folly and evils of disunion or by long and exhausting war springing from the only great element of national discord among us while it can not be foreseen exactly how much one huge example of secession breeding lesser ones indefinitely would retard population civilization and prosperity no one can doubt that the extent of it would be very great and injurious the proposed emancipation would shorten the war perpetuate peace insure this increase of population and proportionately the wealth of the country with these we should pay all the emancipation would cost together with our other debt easier than we should pay our other debt without it if we had allowed our old national debt to run at 6 per cent per annum simple interest from the end of our revolutionary struggle until without paying anything on either principal or interest each man of us would owe less upon that debt now than each man owed upon it then and this because our increase of men through the whole period has been greater than 6 per cent has run faster than the interest upon the debt thus time alone relieves a debtor nation so long as its population increases faster than unpaid interest accumulates on its debt this fact would be no excuse for delaying payment of what is justly due but it shows the great importance of time in this connection the great advantage of a policy by which we shall not have to pay until we number what by a different policy we would have to pay now when we number but in a word it shows that a dollar will be much harder to pay for the war than will be a dollar for emancipation on the proposed plan and then the latter will cost no blood no precious life it will be a saving of both as to the second article i think it would be impracticable to return to bondage the class of persons therein contemplated some of them doubtless in the property sense belong to loyal owners and hence provision is made in this article for compensating such the third article relates to the future of the freed people it does not oblige but merely authorizes congress to aid in colonizing such as may consent this ought not to be regarded as objectionable on the one hand or on the other insomuch as it comes to nothing unless by the mutual consent of the people to be deported and the american voters through their representatives in congress i can not make it better known than it already is that i strongly favor colonization and yet i wish to say there is an objection urged against free colored persons remaining in the country which is largely imaginary if not sometimes malicious it is insisted that their presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers if there ever could be a proper time for mere catch arguments that time surely is not now in times like the present men should utter nothing for which they would not willingly be responsible through time and in eternity is it true then that colored people can displace any more white labor by being free than by remaining slaves if they stay in their old places they jostle no white laborers if they leave their old places they leave them open to white laborers logically there is neither more nor less of it emancipation even without deportation would probably enhance the wages of white labor and very surely would not reduce them thus the customary amount of labor would still have to be performed the freed people would surely not do more than their old proportion of it and very probably for a time would do less leaving an increased part to white laborers bringing their labor into greater demand and consequently enhancing the wages of it with deportation even to a limited extent enhanced wages to white labor is mathematically certain labor is like any other commodity in the market increase the demand for it and you increase the price of it reduce the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the country and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and wages of white labor but it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land are they not already in the land will liberation make them any more numerous equally distributed among the whites of the whole country and there would be but one colored to seven whites could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven there are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites and this without any apparent consciousness of evil from it the district of columbia and the states of maryland and delaware are all in this condition the district has more than one free colored to six whites and yet in its frequent petitions to congress i believe it has never presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievances but why should emancipation south send the free people north people of any color seldom run unless there be something to run from hertofore colored people to some extent have fled north from bondage and now perhaps from both bondage and destitution but if gradual emancipation and deportation be adopted they will have neither to flee from their old masters will give them wages at least until new laborers can be procured and the freedmen in turn will gladly give their labor for the wages till new homes can be found for them in congenial climes and with people of their own blood and race this proposition can be trusted on the mutual interests involved and in any event can not the north decide for itself whether to receive them again as practice proves more than theory in any case has there been any irruption of colored people northward because of the abolishment of slavery in this district last spring what i have said of the proportion of free colored persons to the whites in the district is from the census of 1860 having no reference to persons called contrabands nor to those made free by the act of congress abolishing slavery here the plan consisting of these articles is recommended not but that a restoration of the national authority would be accepted without its adoption nor will the war nor proceedings under the proclamation of september 22 1862 be stayed because of the recommendation of this plan its timely adoption i doubt not would bring restoration and thereby stay both and notwithstanding this plan the recommendation that congress provide by law for compensating any state which may adopt emancipation before this plan shall have been acted upon is hereby earnestly renewed such would be only an advance part of the plan and the same arguments apply to both this plan is recommended as a means not in exclusion of but additional to all others for restoring and preserving the national authority throughout the union the subject is presented exclusively in its economical aspect the plan would i am confident secure peace more speedily and maintain it more permanently than can be done by force alone while all it would cost considering amounts and manner of payment and times of payment would be easier paid than will be the additional cost of the war if we rely solely upon force it is much very much that it would cost no blood at all the plan is proposed as permanent constitutional law it can not become such without the concurrence of first of congress and afterwards of the states the requisite of the states will necessarily include seven of the slave states their concurrence if obtained will give assurance of their severally adopting emancipation at no very distant day upon the new constitutional terms this assurance would end the struggle now and save the union forever i do not forget the gravity which should characterize a paper addressed to the congress of the nation by the chief magistrate of the nation nor do i forget that some of you are my seniors nor that many of you have more experience than i in the conduct of public affairs yet i trust that in view of the great responsibility resting upon me you will perceive no want of respect to yourselves in any undue earnestness i may seem to display is it doubted then that the plan i propose if adopted would shorten the war and thus lessen its expenditure of money and of blood is it doubted that it would restore the national authority and national prosperity and perpetuate both indefinitely is it doubted that we here congress and executive can secure its adoption will not the good people respond to a united and earnest appeal from us can we can they by any other means so certainly or so speedily assure these vital objects we can succeed only by concert it is not can any of us imagine better but can we all do better object whatsoever is possible still the question recurs can we do better the dogmas of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy present the occasion is piled high with difficulty and we must rise with the occasion as our case is new so we must think anew and act anew we must disenthrall ourselves and then we shall save our country we can not escape history we of this congress and this administration will be remembered in spite of ourselves no personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us the fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation we say we are for the union the world will not forget that we say this we know how to save the union the world knows we do know how to save it we even we here hold the power and bear the responsibility in giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve we shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth other means may succeed this could not fail the way is plain peaceful generous just a way which if followed the world will forever applaud and god must forever bless
since last annual assembling another year health bountiful harvests passed pleased almighty bless us return peace press guided best light gives us trusting good time wise way yet well correspondence touching foreign affairs taken place last year herewith submitted virtual compliance request effect made house representatives near close last session congress condition relations nations less gratifying usually former periods certainly satisfactory nation unhappily distracted might reasonably apprehended month june last grounds expect maritime powers beginning domestic difficulties unwisely unnecessarily think recognized insurgents belligerent would soon recede position proved less injurious country temporary reverses afterwards befell national arms exaggerated disloyal citizens abroad hitherto delayed act simple justice civil war radically changed moment occupations habits american people necessarily disturbed social condition affected deeply prosperity nations carried commerce steadily increasing throughout period half century time excited political ambitions apprehensions produced profound agitation throughout civilized world unusual agitation forborne taking part controversy foreign states parties factions states attempted propagandism acknowledged revolution left every nation exclusive conduct management affairs struggle course contemplated foreign nations reference less merits supposed often exaggerated effects consequences resulting nations nevertheless complaint part government even would certainly unwise treaty great britain suppression slave trade put operation good prospect complete success occasion special pleasure acknowledge execution part majesty government marked jealous respect authority united states rights moral loyal citizens convention hanover abolition stade dues carried full effect act congress purpose blockade miles seacoast could established vigorously enforced season great commercial activity like present without committing occasional mistakes inflicting unintentional injuries upon foreign nations subjects civil war occurring country foreigners reside carry trade treaty stipulations necessarily fruitful complaints violation neutral rights collisions tend excite misapprehensions possibly produce mutual reclamations nations common interest preserving peace friendship clear cases kinds far possible heard redressed complaints presented friendly powers still however large augmenting number doubtful cases upon government unable agree governments whose protection demanded claimants moreover many cases united states citizens suffer wrongs naval military authorities foreign nations governments states prepared redress proposed foreign states thus interested mutual conventions examine adjust complaints proposition made especially great britain france spain prussia case kindly received yet formally adopted deem duty recommend appropriation behalf owners norwegian bark admiral tordenskiold vessel may 1861 prevented commander blockading force charleston leaving port cargo notwithstanding similar privilege shortly granted english vessel directed secretary state papers case communicated proper committees applications made many free americans african descent favor emigration view colonization contemplated recent acts congress parties home abroad interested motives others upon patriotic considerations still others influenced philanthropic sentiments suggested similar measures hand several spanish american republics protested sending colonies respective territories circumstances declined move colony state without first obtaining consent government agreement part receive protect emigrants rights freemen time offered several states situated within tropics colonies negotiate subject advice consent senate favor voluntary emigration persons class respective territories upon conditions shall equal humane liberia hayti yet countries colonists african descent could go certainty received adopted citizens regret say persons contemplating colonization seem willing migrate countries others willing think interest demands believe however opinion among respect improving ere long augmented considerable migration countries united states new commercial treaty united states sultan turkey carried execution commercial consular treaty negotiated subject senate consent liberia similar negotiation pending republic hayti considerable improvement national commerce expected result measures relations great britain france spain portugal russia prussia denmark sweden austria netherlands italy rome european states remain undisturbed favorable relations also continue maintained turkey morocco china japan last year change previous relations independent states continent friendly sentiments heretofore existed believed entertained neighbors whose safety progress intimately connected statement especially applies mexico nicaragua costa rica honduras peru chile commission convention republic new granada closed session without audited passed upon claims submitted proposition pending revive convention may able complete justice joint commission united states republic costa rica completed labors submitted report favored project connecting united states europe atlantic telegraph similar project extend telegraph san francisco connect pacific telegraph line extended across russian empire territories united states unimportant exceptions remained undisturbed civil war exhibiting evidence prosperity justifies expectation soon condition organized states constitutionally admitted federal union immense mineral resources territories ought developed rapidly possible every step direction would tendency improve revenues government diminish burdens people worthy serious consideration whether extraordinary measures promote end adopted means suggests likely effective scientific exploration mineral regions territories view publication results home foreign countries results fail auspicious condition finances claim diligent consideration vast expenditures incident military naval operations required suppression rebellion hitherto met promptitude certainty unusual similar circumstances public credit fully maintained continuance war however increased disbursements made necessary augmented forces field demand best reflections best modes providing necessary revenue without injury business least possible burdens upon labor suspension specie payments banks soon commencement last session made large issues united states notes unavoidable way could payment troops satisfaction demands economically well provided judicious legislation congress securing receivability notes loans internal duties making legal tender debts made universal currency satisfied partially least time want uniform circulating medium saving thereby people immense sums discounts exchanges return specie payments however earliest period compatible due regard interests concerned ever kept view fluctuations value currency always injurious reduce fluctuations lowest possible point always leading purpose wise legislation convertibility prompt certain convertibility coin generally acknowledged best surest safeguard extremely doubtful whether circulation united states notes payable coin sufficiently large wants people permanently usefully safely maintained mode necessary provision public wants made great advantages safe uniform currency secured know none promises certain results time unobjectionable organization banking associations general act congress well guarded provisions associations government might furnish circulating notes security united states bonds deposited treasury notes prepared supervision proper officers uniform appearance security convertible always coin would protect labor evils vicious currency facilitate commerce cheap safe exchanges moderate reservation interest bonds would compensate united states preparation distribution notes general supervision system would lighten burden part public debt employed securities public credit moreover would greatly improved negotiation new loans greatly facilitated steady market demand government bonds adoption proposed system would create additional recommendation measure considerable weight judgment would reconcile far possible existing interests opportunity offered existing institutions reorganize act substituting secured uniform national circulation local various circulation secured unsecured issued receipts treasury sources including loans balance preceding year fiscal year ending 30th june 1862 sum derived customs direct tax public lands miscellaneous sources loans forms remainder balance last year disbursements period congressional executive judicial purposes foreign intercourse miscellaneous expenses including mints loans deficiencies collection revenue like charges expenses interior department war department navy department interest public debt payment public debt including reimbursement temporary loan redemptions making aggregate leaving balance treasury 1st day july 1862 observed sum expended reimbursements redemption public debt included also loans made may properly deducted receipts expenditures leaving actual receipts year expenditures information subject finances found report secretary treasury whose statements views invite candid considerate attention reports secretaries war navy herewith transmitted reports though lengthy scarcely brief abstracts numerous extensive transactions operations conducted departments could give summary upon principle would admit much shorter reports therefore content laying reports asking attention gives pleasure report decided improvement financial condition department compared several preceding years receipts fiscal year 1861 amounted embraced revenue states union three quarters year notwithstanding cessation revenue seceded states last fiscal year increase correspondence loyal states sufficient produce revenue year less derived states union previous year expenditures show still favorable result amount expended 1861 last year amount reduced showing decrease expenditures compared preceding year compared fiscal year 1860 deficiency department previous year last fiscal year reduced favorable results part owing cessation mail service insurrectionary states part careful review expenditures department interest economy efficiency postal service believed also much improved also opened correspondence department state foreign governments proposing convention postal representatives purpose simplifying rates foreign postage expedite foreign mails proposition equally important adopted citizens commercial interests country favorably entertained agreed governments replies received ask attention congress suggestions report respecting legislation required opinion benefit postal service secretary interior reports follows regard public lands public lands ceased source revenue 1st july 1861 30th september 1862 entire cash receipts sale lands sum much less expenses land system period homestead law take effect 1st january next offers inducements settlers sales cash expected extent sufficient meet expenses general land office cost surveying bringing land market discrepancy sum stated arising sales public lands sum derived source reported treasury department arises understand fact periods time though apparently really coincident beginning point treasury report including considerable sum previously reported interior sufficiently large greatly overreach sum derived three months reported upon interior treasury indian tribes upon frontiers past year manifested spirit insubordination several points engaged open hostilities white settlements vicinity tribes occupying indian country south kansas renounced allegiance united states entered treaties insurgents remained loyal united states driven country chief cherokees visited city purpose restoring former relations tribe united states alleges constrained superior force enter treaties insurgents united states neglected furnish protection treaty stipulations required month august last sioux indians minnesota attacked settlements vicinity extreme ferocity killing indiscriminately men women children attack wholly unexpected therefore means defense provided estimated less 800 persons killed indians large amount property destroyed outbreak induced definitely known suspicions may unjust need stated information received indian bureau different sources time hostilities commenced simultaneous attack made upon white settlements tribes mississippi river rocky mountains state minnesota suffered great injury indian war large portion territory depopulated severe loss sustained destruction property people state manifest much anxiety removal tribes beyond limits state guaranty future hostilities commissioner indian affairs furnish full details submit especial consideration whether indian system shall remodeled many wise good men impressed belief profitably done submit statement proceedings commissioners shows progress made enterprise constructing pacific railroad suggests earliest completion road also favorable action congress upon projects pending enlarging capacities great canals new york illinois vital rapidly increasing importance whole nation especially vast interior region hereinafter noticed greater length purpose prepared laid early day interesting valuable statistical information upon subject military commercial importance enlarging illinois michigan canal improving illinois river presented report colonel webster secretary war transmitted congress respectfully ask attention carry provisions act congress 15th may last caused department agriculture united states organized commissioner informs within period months department established extensive system correspondence exchanges home abroad promises effect highly beneficial results development correct knowledge recent improvements agriculture introduction new products collection agricultural statistics different states also soon prepared distribute largely seeds cereals plants cuttings already published liberally diffused much valuable information anticipation elaborate report due time furnished embracing valuable tests chemical science progress laboratory creation department immediate benefit large class valuable citizens trust liberal basis upon organized meet approbation realize distant day fondest anticipations sanguine friends become fruitful source advantage people 22d day september last proclamation issued executive copy herewith submitted accordance purpose expressed second paragraph paper respectfully recall attention may called compensated emancipation nation may said consist territory people laws territory part certain durability one generation passeth away another generation cometh earth abideth forever first importance duly consider estimate part portion earth surface owned inhabited people united states well adapted home one national family well adapted two vast extent variety climate productions advantage age one people whatever might former ages steam telegraphs intelligence brought advantageous combination one united people inaugural address briefly pointed total inadequacy disunion remedy differences people two sections language improve therefore beg repeat one section country believes slavery right ought extended believes wrong ought extended substantial dispute clause constitution law suppression foreign slave trade well enforced perhaps law ever community moral sense people imperfectly supports law great body people abide dry legal obligation cases break think perfectly cured would worse cases separation sections foreign slave trade imperfectly suppressed would ultimately revived without restriction one section fugitive slaves partially surrendered would surrendered physically speaking separate remove respective sections build impassable wall husband wife may divorced go presence beyond reach different parts country remain face face intercourse either amicable hostile must continue possible make intercourse advantageous satisfactory separation aliens make treaties easier friends make laws treaties faithfully enforced aliens laws among friends suppose go war fight always much loss sides gain either cease fighting identical old questions terms intercourse upon line straight crooked suitable national boundary upon divide trace east west upon line free slave country shall find little length rivers easy crossed populated soon populated thickly upon sides nearly remaining length merely surveyors lines people may walk back forth without consciousness presence part line made difficult pass writing paper parchment national boundary fact separation comes gives part seceding section clause along constitutional obligations upon section seceded expect treaty stipulation would ever made take place another difficulty great interior region bounded east alleghanies north british dominions west rocky mountains south line along culture corn cotton meets includes part virginia part tennessee kentucky ohio indiana michigan wisconsin illinois missouri kansas iowa minnesota territories dakota nebraska part colorado already people within fifty years prevented political folly mistake contains country owned united states certainly square miles half populous massachusetts already would people glance map shows territorially speaking great body republic parts marginal borders magnificent region sloping west rocky mountains pacific deepest also richest undeveloped resources production provisions grains grasses proceed great interior region naturally one important world ascertain statistics small proportion region yet brought cultivation also large rapidly increasing amount products shall overwhelmed magnitude prospect presented yet region seacoast touches ocean anywhere part one nation people find may forever find way europe new york south america africa new orleans asia san francisco separate common country two nations designed present rebellion every man great interior region thereby cut one outlets perhaps physical barrier embarrassing onerous trade regulations true wherever dividing boundary line may fixed place free slave country place south kentucky north ohio still truth remains none south trade port place north none north trade port place south except upon terms dictated government foreign outlets east west south indispensable people inhabiting inhabit vast interior region three may best proper question better either right belong people successors forever true ask line separation shall vow rather shall line marginal regions less interested communications great outside world must access egypt west without paying toll crossing national boundary national strife springs permanent part land inhabit national homestead possible severing would multiply mitigate evils among us adaptations aptitudes demands union abhors separation fact would ere long force reunion however much blood treasure separation might cost strife pertains passing generations men without convulsion hushed forever passing one generation view recommend adoption following resolution articles amendatory constitution united states resolved senate house representatives united states america congress assembled houses concurring following articles proposed legislatures conventions several states amendments constitution united states articles ratified said legislatures conventions valid part parts said constitution viz every state wherein slavery exists shall abolish therein time times 1st day 1900 shall receive compensation united states follows wit president united states shall deliver every state bonds united states bearing interest rate per cent per annum amount equal aggregate sum slave shown therein eighth census united states said bonds delivered state installments one parcel completion abolishment accordingly shall gradual one time within state interest shall begin run upon bond proper time delivery aforesaid state received bonds aforesaid afterwards reintroducing tolerating slavery therein shall refund united states bonds received value thereof interest paid thereon art slaves shall enjoyed actual freedom chances war time end rebellion shall forever free owners shall disloyal shall compensated rates provided states adopting abolishment slavery way slave shall twice accounted congress may appropriate money otherwise provide colonizing free colored persons consent place places without united states beg indulgence discuss proposed articles length without slavery rebellion could never existed without slavery could continue among friends union great diversity sentiment policy regard slavery african race amongst us would perpetuate slavery would abolish suddenly without compensation would abolish gradually compensation would remove freed people us would retain us yet minor diversities diversities waste much strength struggles among mutual concession harmonize act together would compromise would compromise among friends enemies union articles intended embody plan mutual concessions plan shall adopted assumed emancipation follow least several states first article main points first emancipation secondly length time consummating years thirdly compensation emancipation unsatisfactory advocates perpetual slavery length time greatly mitigate dissatisfaction time spares races evils sudden derangement fact necessity derangement whose habitual course thought disturbed measure passed away consummation never see another class hail prospect emancipation deprecate length time feel gives little living slaves really gives much saves vagrant destitution must largely attend immediate emancipation localities numbers great gives inspiring assurance posterity shall free forever plan leaves state choosing act abolish slavery end century intermediate time degrees extending whole part period obliges two states proceed alike also provides compensation generally mode making would seem must mitigate dissatisfaction favor perpetual slavery especially receive compensation doubtless pay receive object yet measure economical certain sense liberation slaves destruction property property acquired descent purchase property less true often said people south responsible original introduction property people north remembered unhesitatingly use cotton sugar share profits dealing may quite safe say south responsible north continuance common object property sacrificed done common charge less money money easily paid preserve benefits union means war alone also economical let us consider let us ascertain sum expended war since compensated emancipation proposed last march consider whether measure promptly accepted even slave states sum would done close war otherwise done measure would save money view would prudent economical measure certainly easy pay something pay nothing easier pay large sum pay larger one easier pay sum able pay able war requires large sums requires aggregate sum necessary compensated emancipation course would large would require ready cash bonds even faster emancipation progresses might probably would close end years time shall probably hundred millions people share burden instead millions increase population may expected continue long time period rapidly territory become full state inconsiderately ratio increase maintained average first national census 1790 1860 1900 population may continue ratio far beyond period abundant room broad national homestead ample resource territory limited british isles certainly population could expand stated instead receiving foreign born compelled send part native born away condition square miles europe population averaging 73 persons square mile may country time average many less fertile waste surface mountains rivers lakes deserts causes inferior europe natural advantage time populous europe soon may judge past present ever depends much whether maintain union several states already average europe 73 square mile massachusetts 157 rhode island 133 connecticut 99 new york new jersey 80 also two great states pennsylvania ohio far former 63 latter 59 states already european average except new york increased rapid ratio since passing point ever one equal parts country natural capacity sustaining dense population taking nation aggregate find population ratio increase several decennial periods follows shows average decennial increase per cent population seventy years first last census yet taken seen ratio increase one seven periods either 2 per cent 2 per cent average thus showing inflexible consequently reliable law increase case assuming continue gives following results figures show country may populous europe point 1920 1930 say 1925 territory 73 persons square mile capacity contain reach relinquish chance folly evils disunion long exhausting war springing great element national discord among us foreseen exactly much one huge example secession breeding lesser ones indefinitely would retard population civilization prosperity one doubt extent would great injurious proposed emancipation would shorten war perpetuate peace insure increase population proportionately wealth country pay emancipation would cost together debt easier pay debt without allowed old national debt run 6 per cent per annum simple interest end revolutionary struggle without paying anything either principal interest man us would owe less upon debt man owed upon increase men whole period greater 6 per cent run faster interest upon debt thus time alone relieves debtor nation long population increases faster unpaid interest accumulates debt fact would excuse delaying payment justly due shows great importance time connection great advantage policy shall pay number different policy would pay number word shows dollar much harder pay war dollar emancipation proposed plan latter cost blood precious life saving second article think would impracticable return bondage class persons therein contemplated doubtless property sense belong loyal owners hence provision made article compensating third article relates future freed people oblige merely authorizes congress aid colonizing may consent ought regarded objectionable one hand insomuch comes nothing unless mutual consent people deported american voters representatives congress make better known already strongly favor colonization yet wish say objection urged free colored persons remaining country largely imaginary sometimes malicious insisted presence would injure displace white labor white laborers ever could proper time mere catch arguments time surely times like present men utter nothing would willingly responsible time eternity true colored people displace white labor free remaining slaves stay old places jostle white laborers leave old places leave open white laborers logically neither less emancipation even without deportation would probably enhance wages white labor surely would reduce thus customary amount labor would still performed freed people would surely old proportion probably time would less leaving increased part white laborers bringing labor greater demand consequently enhancing wages deportation even limited extent enhanced wages white labor mathematically certain labor like commodity market increase demand increase price reduce supply black labor colonizing black laborer country precisely much increase demand wages white labor dreaded freed people swarm forth cover whole land already land liberation make numerous equally distributed among whites whole country would one colored seven whites could one way greatly disturb seven many communities one free colored person seven whites without apparent consciousness evil district columbia states maryland delaware condition district one free colored six whites yet frequent petitions congress believe never presented presence free colored persons one grievances emancipation south send free people north people color seldom run unless something run hertofore colored people extent fled north bondage perhaps bondage destitution gradual emancipation deportation adopted neither flee old masters give wages least new laborers procured freedmen turn gladly give labor wages till new homes found congenial climes people blood race proposition trusted mutual interests involved event north decide whether receive practice proves theory case irruption colored people northward abolishment slavery district last spring said proportion free colored persons whites district census 1860 reference persons called contrabands made free act congress abolishing slavery plan consisting articles recommended restoration national authority would accepted without adoption war proceedings proclamation september 22 1862 stayed recommendation plan timely adoption doubt would bring restoration thereby stay notwithstanding plan recommendation congress provide law compensating state may adopt emancipation plan shall acted upon hereby earnestly renewed would advance part plan arguments apply plan recommended means exclusion additional others restoring preserving national authority throughout union subject presented exclusively economical aspect plan would confident secure peace speedily maintain permanently done force alone would cost considering amounts manner payment times payment would easier paid additional cost war rely solely upon force much much would cost blood plan proposed permanent constitutional law become without concurrence first congress afterwards states requisite states necessarily include seven slave states concurrence obtained give assurance severally adopting emancipation distant day upon new constitutional terms assurance would end struggle save union forever forget gravity characterize paper addressed congress nation chief magistrate nation forget seniors many experience conduct public affairs yet trust view great responsibility resting upon perceive want respect undue earnestness may seem display doubted plan propose adopted would shorten war thus lessen expenditure money blood doubted would restore national authority national prosperity perpetuate indefinitely doubted congress executive secure adoption good people respond united earnest appeal us means certainly speedily assure vital objects succeed concert us imagine better better object whatsoever possible still question recurs better dogmas quiet past inadequate stormy present occasion piled high difficulty must rise occasion case new must think anew act anew must disenthrall shall save country escape history congress administration remembered spite personal significance insignificance spare one another us fiery trial pass light us honor dishonor latest generation say union world forget say know save union world knows know save even hold power bear responsibility giving freedom slave assure freedom free honorable alike give preserve shall nobly save meanly lose last best hope earth means may succeed could fail way plain peaceful generous way followed world forever applaud god must forever bless
since last annual assemble another year health bountiful harvest pass pleased almighty bless u return peace press guide best light give u trust good time wise way yet well correspondence touch foreign affair take place last year herewith submit virtual compliance request effect make house representative near close last session congress condition relation nation less gratify usually former period certainly satisfactory nation unhappily distract might reasonably apprehend month june last ground expect maritime power begin domestic difficulty unwisely unnecessarily think recognize insurgent belligerent would soon recede position prove less injurious country temporary revers afterwards befall national arm exaggerate disloyal citizen abroad hitherto delay act simple justice civil war radically change moment occupation habit american people necessarily disturb social condition affect deeply prosperity nation carry commerce steadily increase throughout period half century time excited political ambition apprehension produce profound agitation throughout civilized world unusual agitation forborne take part controversy foreign state party faction state attempt propagandism acknowledge revolution leave every nation exclusive conduct management affair struggle course contemplate foreign nation reference less merit suppose often exaggerated effect consequence result nation nevertheless complaint part government even would certainly unwise treaty great britain suppression slave trade put operation good prospect complete success occasion special pleasure acknowledge execution part majesty government mark jealous respect authority unite state right moral loyal citizen convention hanover abolition stade due carry full effect act congress purpose blockade mile seacoast could establish vigorously enforce season great commercial activity like present without commit occasional mistake inflict unintentional injury upon foreign nation subject civil war occur country foreigner reside carry trade treaty stipulation necessarily fruitful complaint violation neutral right collision tend excite misapprehension possibly produce mutual reclamation nation common interest preserve peace friendship clear case kinds far possible heard redress complaint present friendly power still however large augment number doubtful case upon government unable agree government whose protection demand claimant moreover many case united state citizen suffer wrong naval military authority foreign nation government state prepare redress propose foreign state thus interested mutual convention examine adjust complaint proposition make especially great britain france spain prussia case kindly receive yet formally adopt deem duty recommend appropriation behalf owner norwegian bark admiral tordenskiold vessel may 1861 prevent commander blockade force charleston leave port cargo notwithstanding similar privilege shortly grant english vessel direct secretary state paper case communicate proper committee application make many free american african descent favor emigration view colonization contemplate recent act congress party home abroad interested motif others upon patriotic consideration still others influence philanthropic sentiment suggest similar measure hand several spanish american republic protest send colony respective territory circumstance decline move colony state without first obtain consent government agreement part receive protect emigrant right freeman time offer several state situate within tropic colony negotiate subject advice consent senate favor voluntary emigration person class respective territory upon condition shall equal humane liberia hayti yet country colonist african descent could go certainty receive adopt citizen regret say person contemplate colonization seem willing migrate country others willing think interest demand believe however opinion among respect improve ere long augment considerable migration country unite state new commercial treaty united state sultan turkey carried execution commercial consular treaty negotiate subject senate consent liberia similar negotiation pending republic hayti considerable improvement national commerce expect result measure relation great britain france spain portugal russia prussia denmark sweden austria netherlands italy rome european state remain undisturbed favorable relation also continue maintain turkey morocco china japan last year change previous relation independent state continent friendly sentiment heretofore exist believe entertained neighbor whose safety progress intimately connect statement especially apply mexico nicaragua costa rica honduras peru chile commission convention republic new granada close session without audit pass upon claim submit proposition pending revive convention may able complete justice joint commission unite state republic costa rica complete labor submit report favor project connect united state europe atlantic telegraph similar project extend telegraph san francisco connect pacific telegraph line extend across russian empire territory united state unimportant exception remain undisturbed civil war exhibit evidence prosperity justifies expectation soon condition organize state constitutionally admit federal union immense mineral resource territory ought develop rapidly possible every step direction would tendency improve revenue government diminish burden people worthy serious consideration whether extraordinary measure promote end adopt mean suggests likely effective scientific exploration mineral region territory view publication result home foreign country result fail auspicious condition finance claim diligent consideration vast expenditures incident military naval operation require suppression rebellion hitherto meet promptitude certainty unusual similar circumstance public credit fully maintain continuance war however increase disbursement make necessary augmented force field demand best reflection best mode provide necessary revenue without injury business least possible burden upon labor suspension specie payment bank soon commencement last session make large issue united state note unavoidable way could payment troop satisfaction demand economically well provide judicious legislation congress secure receivability note loan internal duty make legal tender debt make universal currency satisfy partially least time want uniform circulate medium save thereby people immense sums discount exchange return specie payment however early period compatible due regard interest concern ever keep view fluctuation value currency always injurious reduce fluctuation low possible point always lead purpose wise legislation convertibility prompt certain convertibility coin generally acknowledge best sure safeguard extremely doubtful whether circulation united state note payable coin sufficiently large want people permanently usefully safely maintain mode necessary provision public want make great advantage safe uniform currency secure know none promise certain result time unobjectionable organization banking association general act congress well guard provision association government might furnish circulate note security united state bond deposited treasury note prepared supervision proper officer uniform appearance security convertible always coin would protect labor evil vicious currency facilitate commerce cheap safe exchange moderate reservation interest bond would compensate united state preparation distribution note general supervision system would lighten burden part public debt employ security public credit moreover would greatly improve negotiation new loan greatly facilitate steady market demand government bond adoption propose system would create additional recommendation measure considerable weight judgment would reconcile far possible exist interest opportunity offer exist institution reorganize act substitute secure uniform national circulation local various circulation secure unsecured issue receipts treasury source include loan balance precede year fiscal year end 30th june 1862 sum derive custom direct tax public land miscellaneous source loan form remainder balance last year disbursement period congressional executive judicial purpose foreign intercourse miscellaneous expense include mint loan deficiency collection revenue like charge expense interior department war department navy department interest public debt payment public debt include reimbursement temporary loan redemption make aggregate leaving balance treasury 1st day july 1862 observe sum expend reimbursement redemption public debt include also loan make may properly deduct receipt expenditures leave actual receipt year expenditures information subject finance find report secretary treasury whose statement view invite candid considerate attention report secretary war navy herewith transmit report though lengthy scarcely brief abstract numerous extensive transaction operation conduct department could give summary upon principle would admit much short report therefore content laying report ask attention give pleasure report decide improvement financial condition department compare several precede year receipts fiscal year 1861 amount embraced revenue state union three quarter year notwithstanding cessation revenue secede state last fiscal year increase correspondence loyal state sufficient produce revenue year less derived state union previous year expenditures show still favorable result amount expend 1861 last year amount reduce show decrease expenditure compare precede year compare fiscal year 1860 deficiency department previous year last fiscal year reduce favorable result part owe cessation mail service insurrectionary state part careful review expenditures department interest economy efficiency postal service believe also much improve also open correspondence department state foreign government propose convention postal representative purpose simplify rate foreign postage expedite foreign mail proposition equally important adopt citizen commercial interest country favorably entertain agreed government reply receive ask attention congress suggestion report respect legislation require opinion benefit postal service secretary interior report follow regard public land public land cease source revenue 1st july 1861 30th september 1862 entire cash receipt sale land sum much less expense land system period homestead law take effect 1st january next offer inducement settler sale cash expect extent sufficient meet expense general land office cost survey bring land market discrepancy sum state arise sale public land sum derive source report treasury department arise understand fact period time though apparently really coincident begin point treasury report include considerable sum previously report interior sufficiently large greatly overreach sum derive three month report upon interior treasury indian tribe upon frontier past year manifest spirit insubordination several point engage open hostility white settlement vicinity tribes occupy indian country south kansa renounce allegiance united state enter treaty insurgent remain loyal united state driven country chief cherokee visit city purpose restore former relation tribe united state alleges constrain superior force enter treaty insurgent united state neglect furnish protection treaty stipulation require month august last sioux indian minnesota attacked settlement vicinity extreme ferocity kill indiscriminately men woman child attack wholly unexpected therefore mean defense provide estimate less 800 person kill indian large amount property destroy outbreak induce definitely know suspicion may unjust need state information receive indian bureau different source time hostility commence simultaneous attack make upon white settlement tribes mississippi river rocky mountain state minnesota suffer great injury indian war large portion territory depopulate severe loss sustain destruction property people state manifest much anxiety removal tribes beyond limit state guaranty future hostilities commissioner indian affair furnish full detail submit especial consideration whether indian system shall remodel many wise good men impressed belief profitably do submit statement proceedings commissioner show progress make enterprise construct pacific railroad suggest early completion road also favorable action congress upon project pending enlarge capacity great canal new york illinois vital rapidly increase importance whole nation especially vast interior region hereinafter notice great length purpose prepare laid early day interest valuable statistical information upon subject military commercial importance enlarge illinois michigan canal improve illinois river present report colonel webster secretary war transmit congress respectfully ask attention carry provision act congress 15th may last cause department agriculture united state organize commissioner informs within period month department establish extensive system correspondence exchange home abroad promise effect highly beneficial result development correct knowledge recent improvement agriculture introduction new product collection agricultural statistic different state also soon prepared distribute largely seeds cereal plant cutting already publish liberally diffuse much valuable information anticipation elaborate report due time furnish embrace valuable test chemical science progress laboratory creation department immediate benefit large class valuable citizens trust liberal basis upon organize meet approbation realize distant day fond anticipation sanguine friends become fruitful source advantage people 22d day september last proclamation issue executive copy herewith submit accordance purpose express second paragraph paper respectfully recall attention may call compensated emancipation nation may say consist territory people law territory part certain durability one generation passeth away another generation cometh earth abideth forever first importance duly consider estimate part portion earth surface own inhabited people united state well adapt home one national family well adapt two vast extent variety climate production advantage age one people whatever might former age steam telegraph intelligence bring advantageous combination one united people inaugural address briefly point total inadequacy disunion remedy difference people two section language improve therefore beg repeat one section country believe slavery right ought extend believe wrong ought extend substantial dispute clause constitution law suppression foreign slave trade well enforce perhaps law ever community moral sense people imperfectly support law great body people abide dry legal obligation case break think perfectly cure would worse case separation section foreign slave trade imperfectly suppress would ultimately revive without restriction one section fugitive slave partially surrender would surrender physically speak separate remove respective section build impassable wall husband wife may divorce go presence beyond reach different part country remain face face intercourse either amicable hostile must continue possible make intercourse advantageous satisfactory separation alien make treaty easy friend make law treaty faithfully enforce alien law among friend suppose go war fight always much loss side gain either cease fight identical old question term intercourse upon line straight crook suitable national boundary upon divide trace east west upon line free slave country shall find little length river easy cross populated soon populate thickly upon side nearly remain length merely surveyors line people may walk back forth without consciousness presence part line make difficult pas write paper parchment national boundary fact separation come give part secede section clause along constitutional obligation upon section secede expect treaty stipulation would ever make take place another difficulty great interior region bound east alleghanies north british dominion west rocky mountain south line along culture corn cotton meet include part virginia part tennessee kentucky ohio indiana michigan wisconsin illinois missouri kansa iowa minnesota territory dakota nebraska part colorado already people within fifty year prevent political folly mistake contains country own united state certainly square mile half populous massachusetts already would people glance map show territorially speak great body republic part marginal border magnificent region slop west rocky mountain pacific deepest also richest undeveloped resource production provision grain grass proceed great interior region naturally one important world ascertain statistic small proportion region yet bring cultivation also large rapidly increase amount product shall overwhelm magnitude prospect present yet region seacoast touch ocean anywhere part one nation people find may forever find way europe new york south america africa new orleans asia san francisco separate common country two nation design present rebellion every man great interior region thereby cut one outlet perhaps physical barrier embarrass onerous trade regulation true wherever divide boundary line may fix place free slave country place south kentucky north ohio still truth remain none south trade port place north none north trade port place south except upon term dictated government foreign outlet east west south indispensable people inhabit inhabit vast interior region three may best proper question well either right belong people successor forever true ask line separation shall vow rather shall line marginal region less interested communication great outside world must access egypt west without pay toll cross national boundary national strife spring permanent part land inhabit national homestead possible severing would multiply mitigate evil among u adaptation aptitudes demand union abhors separation fact would ere long force reunion however much blood treasure separation might cost strife pertains pass generation men without convulsion hush forever pass one generation view recommend adoption follow resolution article amendatory constitution unite state resolve senate house representative united state america congress assemble house concur follow article propose legislature convention several state amendment constitution united state article ratify say legislature convention valid part part say constitution viz every state wherein slavery exist shall abolish therein time time 1st day 1900 shall receive compensation united state follow wit president united state shall deliver every state bond united state bear interest rate per cent per annum amount equal aggregate sum slave show therein eighth census united state say bond deliver state installment one parcel completion abolishment accordingly shall gradual one time within state interest shall begin run upon bond proper time delivery aforesaid state receive bond aforesaid afterwards reintroduce tolerate slavery therein shall refund united state bond receive value thereof interest pay thereon art slave shall enjoy actual freedom chance war time end rebellion shall forever free owner shall disloyal shall compensate rate provide state adopt abolishment slavery way slave shall twice account congress may appropriate money otherwise provide colonize free color person consent place place without united state beg indulgence discus propose article length without slavery rebellion could never exist without slavery could continue among friend union great diversity sentiment policy regard slavery african race amongst u would perpetuate slavery would abolish suddenly without compensation would abolish gradually compensation would remove freed people u would retain u yet minor diversity diversities waste much strength struggle among mutual concession harmonize act together would compromise would compromise among friends enemy union article intend embody plan mutual concession plan shall adopt assumed emancipation follow least several state first article main point first emancipation secondly length time consummate year thirdly compensation emancipation unsatisfactory advocate perpetual slavery length time greatly mitigate dissatisfaction time spar race evils sudden derangement fact necessity derangement whose habitual course think disturbed measure pass away consummation never see another class hail prospect emancipation deprecate length time feel give little live slave really give much save vagrant destitution must largely attend immediate emancipation localities number great give inspire assurance posterity shall free forever plan leave state choose act abolish slavery end century intermediate time degree extend whole part period oblige two state proceed alike also provide compensation generally mode make would seem must mitigate dissatisfaction favor perpetual slavery especially receive compensation doubtless pay receive object yet measure economical certain sense liberation slave destruction property property acquire descent purchase property less true often say people south responsible original introduction property people north remember unhesitatingly use cotton sugar share profit deal may quite safe say south responsible north continuance common object property sacrifice do common charge less money money easily pay preserve benefit union mean war alone also economical let u consider let u ascertain sum expend war since compensate emancipation propose last march consider whether measure promptly accept even slave state sum would do close war otherwise do measure would save money view would prudent economical measure certainly easy pay something pay nothing easy pay large sum pay large one easy pay sum able pay able war require large sum require aggregate sum necessary compensate emancipation course would large would require ready cash bond even faster emancipation progress might probably would close end year time shall probably hundred million people share burden instead million increase population may expect continue long time period rapidly territory become full state inconsiderately ratio increase maintain average first national census 1790 1860 1900 population may continue ratio far beyond period abundant room broad national homestead ample resource territory limit british isle certainly population could expand state instead receive foreign bear compel send part native bear away condition square mile europe population average 73 person square mile may country time average many less fertile waste surface mountains river lake desert cause inferior europe natural advantage time populous europe soon may judge past present ever depend much whether maintain union several state already average europe 73 square mile massachusetts 157 rhode island 133 connecticut 99 new york new jersey 80 also two great state pennsylvania ohio far former 63 latter 59 state already european average except new york increase rapid ratio since pass point ever one equal part country natural capacity sustain dense population take nation aggregate find population ratio increase several decennial period follow show average decennial increase per cent population seventy year first last census yet take see ratio increase one seven period either 2 per cent 2 per cent average thus show inflexible consequently reliable law increase case assume continue give follow result figure show country may populous europe point 1920 1930 say 1925 territory 73 person square mile capacity contain reach relinquish chance folly evils disunion long exhaust war spring great element national discord among u foresee exactly much one huge example secession breed less one indefinitely would retard population civilization prosperity one doubt extent would great injurious propose emancipation would shorten war perpetuate peace insure increase population proportionately wealth country pay emancipation would cost together debt easy pay debt without allow old national debt run 6 per cent per annum simple interest end revolutionary struggle without pay anything either principal interest man u would owe less upon debt man owe upon increase men whole period great 6 per cent run faster interest upon debt thus time alone relief debtor nation long population increase faster unpaid interest accumulate debt fact would excuse delay payment justly due show great importance time connection great advantage policy shall pay number different policy would pay number word show dollar much hard pay war dollar emancipation propose plan latter cost blood precious life save second article think would impracticable return bondage class person therein contemplate doubtless property sense belong loyal owner hence provision make article compensate third article relate future free people oblige merely authorizes congress aid colonizing may consent ought regard objectionable one hand insomuch come nothing unless mutual consent people deport american voter representative congress make good know already strongly favor colonization yet wish say objection urge free colored person remain country largely imaginary sometimes malicious insisted presence would injure displace white labor white laborer ever could proper time mere catch argument time surely time like present men utter nothing would willingly responsible time eternity true colored people displace white labor free remain slave stay old place jostle white laborer leave old place leave open white laborer logically neither less emancipation even without deportation would probably enhance wage white labor surely would reduce thus customary amount labor would still perform freed people would surely old proportion probably time would less leave increased part white laborer bring labor great demand consequently enhance wage deportation even limit extent enhance wage white labor mathematically certain labor like commodity market increase demand increase price reduce supply black labor colonize black laborer country precisely much increase demand wag white labor dread freed people swarm forth cover whole land already land liberation make numerous equally distribute among white whole country would one color seven white could one way greatly disturb seven many community one free color person seven white without apparent consciousness evil district columbia state maryland delaware condition district one free color six white yet frequent petition congress believe never present presence free color person one grievance emancipation south send free people north people color seldom run unless something run hertofore colored people extent fled north bondage perhaps bondage destitution gradual emancipation deportation adopt neither flee old master give wage least new laborer procure freedman turn gladly give labor wage till new home find congenial clime people blood race proposition trust mutual interest involve event north decide whether receive practice prove theory case irruption color people northward abolishment slavery district last spring say proportion free color person white district census 1860 reference person call contraband make free act congress abolish slavery plan consist article recommend restoration national authority would accept without adoption war proceeding proclamation september 22 1862 stayed recommendation plan timely adoption doubt would bring restoration thereby stay notwithstanding plan recommendation congress provide law compensate state may adopt emancipation plan shall act upon hereby earnestly renew would advance part plan arguments apply plan recommend mean exclusion additional others restore preserve national authority throughout union subject present exclusively economical aspect plan would confident secure peace speedily maintain permanently do force alone would cost consider amount manner payment time payment would easier pay additional cost war rely solely upon force much much would cost blood plan propose permanent constitutional law become without concurrence first congress afterwards state requisite state necessarily include seven slave state concurrence obtain give assurance severally adopt emancipation distant day upon new constitutional term assurance would end struggle save union forever forget gravity characterize paper address congress nation chief magistrate nation forget senior many experience conduct public affair yet trust view great responsibility rest upon perceive want respect undue earnestness may seem display doubt plan propose adopt would shorten war thus lessen expenditure money blood doubt would restore national authority national prosperity perpetuate indefinitely doubted congress executive secure adoption good people respond united earnest appeal u mean certainly speedily assure vital object succeed concert u imagine well well object whatsoever possible still question recurs well dogmas quiet past inadequate stormy present occasion pile high difficulty must rise occasion case new must think anew act anew must disenthrall shall save country escape history congress administration remember spite personal significance insignificance spare one another u fiery trial pas light u honor dishonor late generation say union world forget say know save union world know know save even hold power bear responsibility give freedom slave assure freedom free honorable alike give preserve shall nobly save meanly lose last best hope earth mean may succeed could fail way plain peaceful generous way follow world forever applaud god must forever bless