It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of Government to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our country-men. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the Constitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of 24 sovereign States and 12,000,000 happy people, a view of our affairs, and to propose such measures as in the discharge of my official functions have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our Union. In communicating with you for the first time it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all man-kind, and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in social happiness. Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference between us and other powers of deep interest as well to the country at large as to many of our citizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors, and not with standing the difficulties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the Executive in this respect it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and I flatter myself that, supported by the other branches of the Government and by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the protection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected. Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers, the most prominent are those which have for years been the subject of negotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our ministers to those Governments left the United States render it impossible at this early day to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotiation and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences. With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honorable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the condition and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect and to carry conviction to the minds of both that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views, and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development of the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue toward this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character; and if this anticipation be realized we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs. Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign States seeking to adjust by the most unexceptionable means important and delicate subjects of contention. The first sentiments of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our part is in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attention demanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this Confederacy. The exposition of our rights already made is such as, from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the Court of the Sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming the delicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of the State of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our cause and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result. From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a powerful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her Government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy, our minister to that Court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed under the authority, and in many instances by the express direction, of the then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied, and must therefore continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion and possible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims and the established policy of all enlightened governments as on the known integrity of the French Monarch, that the injurious delays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. Our minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French Government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice, and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required. Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a commercial convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms or by urging the acceptance in their full extent of the mutually beneficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce committed under her authority -- an appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on our part and a due confidence in the honor of that Government authorize us to expect will not be made in vain. With other European powers our intercourse is on the most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territorial limits, extensive population, and great power high in the rank of nations, the United States have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolation of war, we can not but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the cause of civilization and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powers having been ratified, we can not be insensible to the great benefit to be derived by the commerce of the United States from unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea, a free passage into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed upon conditions by most of the powers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the past summer an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it was renewed under circumstances which promised the most favorable results. Although these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, further facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous attention. Our trade with Austria, although of secondary importance, has been gradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve the fostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that power by the late Administration, has been consummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate. During the recess of Congress our diplomatic relations with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented himself until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there information regarding the actual and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed. This information being received, the application of the established rule of our Government in like cases was no longer withheld. Considerable advances have been made during the present year in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations, but all that we have a right to demand from that Government in their behalf has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is a reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed. Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity, will be persevered in, as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. The southern Republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and internal quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing the liberty and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown with complete success their long and arduous efforts in the cause of self-government, and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious. The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the great question of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissension rebuked, and perhaps for ever stifled, in that Republic by the love of independence. If it be true, as appearances strongly indicate, the spirit of independence is the master spirit, and if a corresponding sentiment prevails in the other States, this devotion to liberty can not be without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother country. The adoption by Spain of a pacific policy toward her former colonies -- an event consoling to humanity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself can not fail largely to participate -- may be most reasonably expected. The claims of our citizens upon the South American Governments generally are in a train of settlement, while the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adjusted, and a decree in council ordering bonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount has received the sanction of His Imperial Majesty. This event, together with the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happily terminates all serious causes of difference with that power. Measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with Peru upon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested, and if met by a proper disposition on the part of that Government important benefits may be secured to both countries. Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics, and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me were I permitted to say that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the two countries, and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great degree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally interesting to both parties, but particularly that of the Mexican Government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as in his judgment the interest of his country might require, and instructions to that end were prepared; but before they could be dispatched a communication was received from the Government of Mexico, through its charge' d'affaires here, requesting the recall of our minister. This was promptly complied with, and a representative of a rank corresponding with that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this Government was appointed. Our conduct toward that Republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character, and having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I can not but hope that an advantageous change will occur in our affairs. In justice to Mr. Poinsett it is proper to say that my immediate compliance with the application for his recall and the appointment of a successor are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper interference by him in the local politics of Mexico was well founded, nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity, and to add that the truth of the charges has never been affirmed by the federal Government of Mexico in its communications with us. I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system of government was by its framers deemed an experiment, and they therefore consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects. To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief Magistrate; it was never designed that their choice should in any case be defeated, either by the intervention of electoral colleges or by the agency confided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. Experience proves that in proportion as agents to execute the will of the people are multiplied there is danger of their wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as the people can with convenience speak, it is safer for them to express their own will. The number of aspirants to the Presidency and the diversity of the interests which may influence their claims leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance, and in that event the election must devolve on the House of Representatives, where it is obvious the will of the people may not be always ascertained, or, if ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by States the choice is to be made by 24 votes, and it may often occur that one of these will be controlled by an individual Representative. Honors and offices are at the disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings may make it apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his reward? But even without corruption, supposing the probity of the Representative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may be assailed, the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents; another from a conviction that it is his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates; finally, although all were inflexibly honest, all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents, yet under the present mode of election a minority may often elect a President, and when this happens it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. But although no evil of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principle of our system -- that the majority is to govern -- it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority can not enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties. In this as in all other matters of public concern policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, then, endeavor so to amend our system that the office of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the Constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President and Vice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each State its present relative weight in the election, and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief Magistrate to a single term of either 4 or 6 years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office the Representatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved would not be proper. While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit it will be the practice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens; but the purity of our Government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whose election they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the judicial office and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank the best talents and political experience should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion. There are, perhaps, few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and of tolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of property, and government rather as a means of promoting individual interests than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles divert government from its legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance; and I can not but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, to your consideration whether the efficiency of the Government would not be promoted and official industry and integrity better secured by a general extension of the law which limits appointments to four years. In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. Offices were not established to give support to particular men at the public expense. No individual wrong is, therefore, done by removal, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is a matter of right. The incumbent became an officer with a view to public benefits, and when these require his removal they are not to be sacrificed to private interests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property now so generally connected with official station, and although individual distress may be some times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthful action to the system. No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress in the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former or as beneficial to the latter as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and are prudently managed will survive the shock and be ultimately profitable there is no good reason to doubt. To regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests is one of the most difficult tasks of Government; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not by common consent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations, and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions I invite your attention to the existing tariff, believing that some of its provisions require modification. The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss. In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation subjected to such influences can never be just, and will not long retain the sanction of a people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to our political compact and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendancy, the North, the South, the East, and the West should unite in diminishing any burthen of which either may justly complain. The agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connected with every other and so superior in importance to them all that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society that they deserve the fostering care of Government. Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation which can not come in competition with our own productions are the first that should engage the attention of Congress in the modification of the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most important. They enter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become articles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of the existing duties will be felt as a common benefit, but like all other legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and not injurious it should be gradual and certain. The public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue arising from the sales of the public lands and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and tonnage, not withstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of [1828-05-19], and the unusual importations in the early part of that year. The balance in the Treasury on [1829-01-01] was $5,972,435.81. The receipts of the current year are estimated at $24,602,230 and the expenditures for the same time at $26,164,595, leaving a balance in the Treasury on [1830-01-01] of $4,410,070.81. There will have been paid on account of the public debt during the present year the sum of $12,405,005.80, reducing the whole debt of the Government on [1830-01-01] to $48,565,406.50, including $7M of the 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The payment on account of public debt made on [1829-07-01] was $8,715,462.87. It was apprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money market, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the Treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the Bank of the United States. This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry and auspicious of the ability of Government in a very short time to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be done our population will be relieved from a considerable portion of its present burthens, and will find not only new motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power of the States will also be increased, and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects, while ample means will remain in the Federal Government to promote the general weal in all the modes permitted to its authority. After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may be required for its current service. As, then, the period approaches when the application of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious deliberation of Congress; and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise when ever power over such subjects may be exercised by the Central Government, it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which will reconcile the diversified interests of the States and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefited by the improvement of inland navigation and the construction of high ways in the several States. Let us, then, endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has by many of our fellow citizens been deprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while by others it has been viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legislative councils. To avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would be its apportionment among the several States according to their ratio of representation, and should this measure not be found warranted by the Constitution that it would be expedient to propose to the States an amendment authorizings it. I regard an appeal to the source of power in cases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed indispensable to the general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. Upon this country more than any other has, in the providence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence to written constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished. That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, and not general, powers must be admitted by all, and it is our duty to preserve for it the character intended by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised, and not under-mine the whole system by a resort to over-strained constructions. The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those who devised it, and become an object of admiration to the world. We are responsible to our country and to the glorious cause of self-government for the preservation of so great a good. The great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs was intended to be left where the Federal Convention found it -- in the State governments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chiefly indebted for the success of the Constitution under which we are now acting to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the State authorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but belongs to the most deeply rooted convictions of my mind. I can not, therefore, too strongly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn you against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of State sovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence the federal system can never fall. In the collection of the revenue the long credits authorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief cause of the losses at present sustained. If these were shortened to 6, 9, and 12 months, and ware-houses provided by Government sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposit for security and for debenture, and if the right of the United States to a priority of payment out of the estates of its insolvent debtors were more effectually secured, this evil would in a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such houses is therefore, with the proposed alteration of the credits, recommended to your attention. It is worthy of notice that the laws for the collection and security of the revenue arising from imposts were chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws are in some respects quite insufficient for the proper security of the revenue and the protection of the interests of those who are disposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment, and can not be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual liberty and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. On an examination of the records of the Treasury I have been forcibly struck with the large amount of public money which appears to be outstanding. Of the sum thus due from individuals to the Government a considerable portion is undoubtedly desperate, and in many instances has probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with its collection. By proper exertions a great part, however, may yet be recovered; and what ever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, it behooves the Government to ascertain the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available. It is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the public, and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents engaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted that the supervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vested in an *accounting* officer of the Treasury, not selected with a view to his legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous other duties, operates unfavorably to the public interest. It is important that this branch of the public service should be subjected to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it efficiency. The expense attendant upon such a modification of the executive department would be justified by the soundest principles of economy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now assigned to the agent of the Treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendence and management of legal proceedings on the part of the United States, be transferred to the Attorney General, and that this officer be placed on the same footing in all respects as the heads of the other Departments, receiving like compensation and having such subordinate officers provided for his Department as may be requisite for the discharge of these additional duties. The professional skill of the Attorney General, employed in directing the conduct of marshals and district attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suit and hereafter save much to the Government. It might be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offenses against the United States. In making this transfer great care should be taken, however, that the power necessary to the Treasury Department be not impaired, 1 of its greatest securities consisting in control over all accounts until they are audited or reported for suit. In connection with the foregoing views I would suggest also an inquiry whether the provisions of the act of Congress authorizing the discharge of the persons of the debtors to the Government from imprisonment may not, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the release of the debt where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud. Some more liberal policy than that which now prevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is certainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The continuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have been exhausted can only serve to dispirit the debtor; or, where his resources are but partial, the want of power in the Government to compromise and release the demand instigates to fraud as the only resource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a state of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country. All experience proves that oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise, and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding power over misfortune and poverty. Since the last session of Congress numerous frauds on the Treasury have been discovered, which I thought it my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United States court for this district by a criminal prosecution. It was my opinion and that of able counsel who were consulted that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the 17th Congress approved [1823-03-03], providing for punishment of frauds committed on the Government of the United States. Either from some defect in the law or in its administration every effort to bring the accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual, and the Government was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your attention to the laws which have been passed for the protection of the Treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision by which those who may be unworthily intrusted with its guardianship can be punished for the most flagrant violation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use, it is time to remedy so dangerous an omission; or if the law has been perverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to be punished under its provisions have been rescued by legal subtleties, it ought to be made so plain by amendatory provisions as to baffle the arts of perversion and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. In one of the most flagrant causes the court decided that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for fraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and, indeed, all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were in possession of the party accused until after the two years had elapsed. Surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession, and least of all in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud the Treasury and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. I would therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the injured party and the Government two years after the disclosure of the fraud or after the accused is out of office to commence their prosecution. In connection with this subject I invite the attention of Congress to a general and minute inquiry into the condition of the Government, with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expenses retrenched, and what improvements may be made in the organization of its various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agents and promote efficiency and justice in all its operations. The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with the condition of our Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of the Army, the training and equipment of the militia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of the means of defense applicable to the naval force will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especially those who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare, must ardently desire to perpetuate. The returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its character. Both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes the profession of arms. There is need, however, of further legislation to obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under consideration, to some of which it is proper that I should call your particular attention. The act of Congress of [1821-03-02], to reduce and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of 1 of the regiments of artillery, can not now be deemed a guide to the Executive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, designating the class of officers out of which the grade is to be filled -- whether from the military list as existing prior to the act of 1821 or from it as it has been fixed by that act -- would remove this difficulty. It is also important that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments of officers generally should be more specific than they now are. Those, for example, in relation to the PayMaster and Surgeon General assign to them an annual salary of $2.500, but are silent as to allowances which in certain exigencies of the service may be deemed indispensable to the discharge of their duties. This circumstance has been the authority for extending to them various allowances at different times under former Administrations, but no uniform rule has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the public accountants may operate unequally, produce confusion, and expose officers to the odium of claiming what is not their due. I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means of national defense, the Military Academy. This institution has already exercised the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectual character of our Army; and such of the graduates as from various causes may not pursue the profession of arms will be scarcely less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the military art will be advantageously employed in the militia service, and in a measure secure to that class of troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing armies. I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for the purpose of extending its benefits to every Revolutionary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. These relics of the War of Independence have strong claims upon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is defective in not embracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war disabled from supporting themselves by manual labor. Such an amendment would add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for by the sympathies of the people as well as by considerations of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by an order of the late Administration, departing materially from the rules which had previously prevailed. Considering it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Before this period, however, applications under the new regulation had been preferred to the number of 154, of which, on [March 27], the date of its revocation, 87 were admitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation; and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, according to the rules which have heretofore governed the Department, exceed the estimate of its late Secretary by about $50K, for which an appropriation is asked. Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It will be perceived that without legislative aid the Executive can not obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the diminution of the dividends on that fund, which originally amounted to $100,000, and has recently been invested in United States 3% stock. The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the limits of some of our States have become objects of much interest and importance. It has long been the policy of Government to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, been coupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost no opportunity to purchase their lands and thrust them farther into the wilderness. By this means they have not only been kept in a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in its expenditures upon the subject, Government has constantly defeated its own policy, and the Indians in general, receding farther and farther to the west, have retained their savage habits. A portion, however, of the Southern tribes, having mingled much with the whites and made some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent government within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These States, claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended their laws over the Indians, which induced the latter to call upon the United States for protection. Under these circumstances the question presented was whether the General Government had a right to sustain those people in their pretensions. The Constitution declares that "no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State" without the consent of its legislature. If the General Government is not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate State within the territory of one of the members of this Union against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish itself there. Georgia became a member of the Confederacy which eventuated in our Federal Union as a sovereign State, always asserting her claim to certain limits, which, having been originally defined in her colonial charter and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the United States in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union on the same footing with the original States, with boundaries which were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision which allows them less power over the Indians within their borders than is possessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their State? And unless they did would it not be the duty of the General Government to support them in resisting such a measure? Would the people of New York permit each remnant of the six Nations within her borders to declare itself an independent people under the protection of the United States? Could the Indians establish a separate republic on each of their reservations in Ohio? And if they were so disposed would it be the duty of this Government to protect them in the attempt? If the principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this Government are reversed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in destroying the States which it was established to protect. Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenanced by the Executive of the United States, and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi or submit to the laws of those States. Our conduct toward these people is deeply interesting to our national character. Their present condition, contrasted with what they once were, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. By persuasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river and from mountain to mountain, until some of the tribes have become extinct and others have left but remnants to preserve for a while their once terrible names. Surrounded by the whites with their arts of civilization, which by destroying the resources of the savage doom him to weakness and decay, the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware is fast over-taking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the Creek. That this fate surely awaits them if they remain within the limits of the States does not admit of a doubt. Humanity and national honor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to include them and their territory within the bounds of new States, whose limits they could control. That step can not be retraced. A State can not be dismembered by Congress or restricted in the exercise of her constitutional power. But the people of those States and of every State, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for our national honor, submit to you the interesting question whether something can not be done, consistently with the rights of the States, to preserve this much- injured race. As a means of effecting this end I suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample district west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any State or Territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes as long as they shall occupy it, each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other control from the United States than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes. There the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization, and, by promoting union and harmony among them, to raise up an interesting commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race and to attest the humanity and justice of this Government. This emigration should be voluntary, for it would be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers and seek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informed that if they remain within the limits of the States they must be subject to their laws. In return for their obedience as individuals they will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of those possessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to suppose that in this state of things claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made improvements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain or passed them in the chase. Submitting to the laws of the States, and receiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons and property, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population. The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make you acquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch of our service during the present year. Constituting as it does the best standing security of this country against foreign aggression, it claims the especial attention of Government. In this spirit the measures which since the termination of the last war have been in operation for its gradual enlargement were adopted, and it should continue to be cherished as the off-spring of our national experience. It will be seen, however, that not withstanding the great solicitude which has been manifested for the perfect organization of this arm and the liberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested, this object has in many important respects not been secured. In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. Those not wanted for this object must lay in the harbors, where without proper covering they rapidly decay, and even under the best precautions for their preservation must soon become useless. Such is already the case with many of our finest vessels, which, though unfinished, will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were when committed to their proper element. On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policy would be to discontinue the building of ships of the first and second class, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. Judicious deposits in navy yards of timber and other materials, fashioned under the hands of skillful work-men and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes, would enable us at all times to construct vessels as fast as they can be manned, and save the heavy expense of repairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our commerce. The proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicated with so much force in the report of the Navy Board that in recommending it to your attention I deem it unnecessary to do more than express my hearty concurrence in their views. The yard in this District, being already furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship building, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the Board as the best for the concentration of materials, and, from the facility and certainty of communication between them, it will be useless to incur at those depots the expense of similar machinery, especially that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden furniture of vessels. Another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with the Navy Board as now constituted, and substituting in its stead bureaux similar to those already existing in the War Department. Each member of the Board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged with specific duties, would feel in its highest degree that wholesome responsibility which can not be divided without a far more than proportionate diminution of its force. Their valuable services would become still more so when separately appropriated to distinct portions of the great interests of the Navy, to the prosperity of which each would be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Under such an arrangement every branch of this important service would assume a more simple and precise character, its efficiency would be increased, and scrupulous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted. I would also recommend that the Marine Corps be merged in the artillery or infantry, as the best mode of curing the many defects in its organization. But little exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry, that corps has, besides its lieutenant-colonel commandant, five brevet lieutenant-colonels, who receive the full pay and emoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering proportionate service. Details for marine service could as well be made from the artillery or infantry, there being no peculiar training requisite for it. With these improvements, and such others as zealous watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest, there can be little doubt that under an energetic administration of its affairs the Navy may soon be made every thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in the suppression of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever its squadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country, will appear from the report of the Secretary, to which I refer you for other interesting details. Among these I would bespeak the attention of Congress for the views presented in relation to the inequality between the Army and Navy as to the pay of officers. No such inequality should prevail between these brave defenders of their country, and where it does exist it is submitted to Congress whether it ought not to be rectified. The report of the PostMaster General is referred to as exhibiting a highly satisfactory administration of that Department. Abuses have been reformed, increased expedition in the transportation of the mail secured, and its revenue much improved. In a political point of view this Department is chiefly important as affording the means of diffusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the veins and arteries are to the natural -- conveying rapidly and regularly to the remotest parts of the system correct information of the operations of the Government, and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the people. Through its agency we have secured to ourselves the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free press. In this general survey of our affairs a subject of high importance presents itself in the present organization of the judiciary. An uniform operation of the Federal Government in the different States is certainly desirable, and existing as they do in the Union on the basis of perfect equality, each State has a right to expect that the benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers. The judicial system of the United States exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the Union; to three others the circuit courts, which constitute an important part of that system, have been imperfectly extended, and to the remaining 6 altogether denied. The effect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter the advantages afforded (by the Supreme Court) to their fellow citizens in other States in the whole extent of the criminal and much of the civil authority of the Federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to be remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public welfare, is not to be doubted. Neither is it to be disguised that the organization of our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task. To extend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the Union, and at the same time to avoid such a multiplication of members as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, is the object desired. Perhaps it might be accomplished by dividing the circuit judges into two classes, and providing that the Supreme Court should be held by these classes alternately, the Chief Justice always presiding. If an extension of the circuit court system to those States which do not now enjoy its benefits should be determined upon, it would of course be necessary to revise the present arrangement of the circuits; and even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is recommended. A provision for taking the census of the people of the United States will, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time, claim the early attention of Congress. The great and constant increase of business in the Department of State forced itself at an early period upon the attention of the Executive. Thirteen years ago it was, in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress, made the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been repeated by both of his successors; and my comparatively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not the least of which is the large addition that has been made to the family of independent nations and the proportionate extension of our foreign relations. The remedy proposed was the establishment of a home department -- a measure which does not appear to have met the views of Congress on account of its supposed tendency to increase, gradually and imperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the federal system toward the exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the recommendation, but am not the less impressed with the importance of so organizing that Department that its Secretary may devote more of his time to our foreign relations. Clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on the subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its stock holders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I can not, in justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow citizens, and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency. Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the Government, I submit to the wisdom of the Legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the Government and its revenues, might not be devised which would avoid all constitutional difficulties and at the same time secure all the advantages to the Government and country that were expected to result from the present bank. I can not close this communication without bringing to your view the just claim of the representatives of Commodore Decatur, his officers and crew, arising from the recapture of the frigate Philadelphia under the heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, of the impropriety of Executive interference under a Government like ours, where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioning Congress, yet, viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, I deem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. Besides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which have been since recognized and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring which infused life and confidence into our infant Navy and contributed as much as any exploit in its history to elevate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps her seal upon it, and the meed should not be withheld which may here after operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that what ever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels.
It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of Government to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our country-men. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the Constitution, to present to you, as the Federal Legislature of 24 sovereign States and 12,000,000 happy people, a view of our affairs, and to propose such measures as in the discharge of my official functions have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our Union. In communicating with you for the first time it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all man-kind, and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in social happiness. Our foreign relations, although in their general character pacific and friendly, present subjects of difference between us and other powers of deep interest as well to the country at large as to many of our citizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors, and not with standing the difficulties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results. Blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In discharging the responsible trust confided to the Executive in this respect it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong; and I flatter myself that, supported by the other branches of the Government and by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the protection of Providence, to because all our just rights to be respected. Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers, the most prominent are those which have for years been the subject of negotiation with England, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our ministers to those Governments left the United States render it impossible at this early day to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotiation and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences. With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honorable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the condition and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect and to carry conviction to the minds of both that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views, and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development of the policy which the present cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue toward this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character; and if this anticipation be realized we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs. Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign States seeking to adjust by the most unexceptionable means important and delicate subjects of contention. The first sentiments of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our part is in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attention demanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this Confederacy. The exposition of our rights already made is such as, from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the Court of the Sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming the delicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of the State of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our because and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothing to apprehend from the result. From France, our ancient ally, we have a right to expect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a powerful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her Government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy, our minister to that Court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed under the authority, and in many instances by the express direction, of the then existing Government of France, remain unsatisfied, and must therefore continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion and possible collision between the two Governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims and the established policy of all enlightened governments as on the known integrity of the French Monarch, that the injurious delays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. Our minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French Government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice, and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required. Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a commercial convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms or by urging the acceptance in their full extent of the mutually beneficial provisions of our navigation acts. He has also been instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain, in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce committed under her authority -- an appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on our part and a due confidence in the honor of that Government authorize us to expect will not be made in vain. With other European powers our intercourse is on the most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territorial limits, extensive population, and great power high in the rank of nations, the United States have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasion of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolation of war, we can not but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the because of civilization and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powers having been ratified, we can not be insensible to the great benefit to be derived by the commerce of the United States from unlocking the navigation of the Black Sea, a free passage into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed upon conditions by most of the powers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the past summer an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it was renewed under circumstances which promised the most favorable results. Although these results have fortunately been thus in part attained, further facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous attention. Our trade with Austria, although of secondary importance, has been gradually increasing, and is now so extended as to deserve the fostering care of the Government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that power by the late Administration, has been consummated by a treaty of amity, navigation, and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate. During the recess of Congress our diplomatic relations with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented himself until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there information regarding the actual and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed. This information being received, the application of the established rule of our Government in like cases was no longer withheld. Considerable advances have been made during the present year in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations, but all that we have a right to demand from that Government in their behalf has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, however, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the Government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by His Danish Majesty, there is a reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed. Our relations with the Barbary Powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediterranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquillity, will be persevered in, as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. The southern Republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and internal quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing the liberty and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown with complete success their long and arduous efforts in the because of self-government, and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious. The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy, must have a controlling influence upon the great question of South American emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissension rebuked, and perhaps for ever stifled, in that Republic by the love of independence. If it be true, as appearances strongly indicate, the spirit of independence is the master spirit, and if a corresponding sentiment prevails in the other States, this devotion to liberty can not be without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother country. The adoption by Spain of a pacific policy toward her former colonies -- an event consoling to humanity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself can not fail largely to participate -- may be most reasonably expected. The claims of our citizens upon the South American Governments generally are in a train of settlement, while the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adjusted, and a decree in council ordering bonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount has received the sanction of His Imperial Majesty. This event, together with the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happily terminates all serious causes of difference with that power. Measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with Peru upon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested, and if met by a proper disposition on the part of that Government important benefits may be secured to both countries. Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister Republics, and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me were I permitted to say that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for her success gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the two countries, and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this because, in a great degree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally interesting to both parties, but particularly that of the Mexican Government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital and under its own eye. Under these circumstances it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as in his judgment the interest of his country might require, and instructions to that end were prepared; but before they could be dispatched a communication was received from the Government of Mexico, through its charge' d'affaires here, requesting the recall of our minister. This was promptly complied with, and a representative of a rank corresponding with that of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this Government was appointed. Our conduct toward that Republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character, and having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse, I can not but hope that an advantageous change will occur in our affairs. In justice to Mr. Poinsett it is proper to say that my immediate compliance with the application for his recall and the appointment of a successor are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper interference by him in the local politics of Mexico was well founded, nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity, and to add that the truth of the charges has never been affirmed by the federal Government of Mexico in its communications with us. I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of the Constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system of government was by its framers deemed an experiment, and they therefore consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects. To the people belongs the right of electing their Chief Magistrate; it was never designed that their choice should in any case be defeated, either by the intervention of electoral colleges or by the agency confided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. Experience proves that in proportion as agents to execute the will of the people are multiplied there is danger of their wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaithful; all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as the people can with convenience speak, it is safer for them to express their own will. The number of aspirants to the Presidency and the diversity of the interests which may influence their claims leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance, and in that event the election must devolve on the House of Representatives, where it is obvious the will of the people may not be always ascertained, or, if ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by States the choice is to be made by 24 votes, and it may often occur that one of these will be controlled by an individual Representative. Honors and offices are at the disposal of the successful candidate. Repeated ballotings may make it apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his reward? But even without corruption, supposing the probity of the Representative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may be assailed, the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents; another from a conviction that it is his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates; finally, although all were inflexibly honest, all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents, yet under the present mode of election a minority may often elect a President, and when this happens it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions. But although no evil of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principle of our system -- that the majority is to govern -- it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority can not enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties. In this as in all other matters of public concern policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, then, endeavor so to amend our system that the office of Chief Magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the Constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President and Vice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each State its present relative weight in the election, and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment it would seem advisable to limit the service of the Chief Magistrate to a single term of either 4 or 6 years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office the Representatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved would not be proper. While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit it will be the practice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens; but the purity of our Government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the President, in whose election they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the judicial office and the necessity of securing in the Cabinet and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank the best talents and political experience should, perhaps, except these from the exclusion. There are, perhaps, few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves, but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and of tolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of property, and government rather as a means of promoting individual interests than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles divert government from its legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance; and I can not but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, to your consideration whether the efficiency of the Government would not be promoted and official industry and integrity better secured by a general extension of the law which limits appointments to four years. In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. Offices were not established to give support to particular men at the public expense. No individual wrong is, therefore, done by removal, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is a matter of right. The incumbent became an officer with a view to public benefits, and when these require his removal they are not to be sacrificed to private interests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property now so generally connected with official station, and although individual distress may be some times produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthful action to the system. No very considerable change has occurred during the recess of Congress in the condition of either our agriculture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former or as beneficial to the latter as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished, while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and are prudently managed will survive the shock and be ultimately profitable there is no good reason to doubt. To regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests is one of the most difficult tasks of Government; and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not by common consent be abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations, and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions I invite your attention to the existing tariff, believing that some of its provisions require modification. The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss. In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legislation subjected to such influences can never be just, and will not long retain the sanction of a people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to our political compact and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendancy, the North, the South, the East, and the West should unite in diminishing any burthen of which either may justly complain. The agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connected with every other and so superior in importance to them all that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society that they deserve the fostering care of Government. Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation which can not come in competition with our own productions are the first that should engage the attention of Congress in the modification of the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most important. They enter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become articles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of the existing duties will be felt as a common benefit, but like all other legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious and not injurious it should be gradual and certain. The public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue arising from the sales of the public lands and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and tonnage, not withstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of [1828-05-19], and the unusual importations in the early part of that year. The balance in the Treasury on [1829-01-01] was $5,972,435.81. The receipts of the current year are estimated at $24,602,230 and the expenditures for the same time at $26,164,595, leaving a balance in the Treasury on [1830-01-01] of $4,410,070.81. There will have been paid on account of the public debt during the present year the sum of $12,405,005.80, reducing the whole debt of the Government on [1830-01-01] to $48,565,406.50, including $7M of the 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The payment on account of public debt made on [1829-07-01] was $8,715,462.87. It was apprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money market, might because much injury to the interests dependent on bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the Treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the Bank of the United States. This state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry and auspicious of the ability of Government in a very short time to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be done our population will be relieved from a considerable portion of its present burthens, and will find not only new motives to patriotic affection, but additional means for the display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power of the States will also be increased, and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects, while ample means will remain in the Federal Government to promote the general weal in all the modes permitted to its authority. After the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the Union will until a remote period, if ever, leave the Government without a considerable surplus in the Treasury beyond what may be required for its current service. As, then, the period approaches when the application of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious deliberation of Congress; and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. Considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise when ever power over such subjects may be exercised by the Central Government, it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which will reconcile the diversified interests of the States and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefited by the improvement of inland navigation and the construction of high ways in the several States. Let us, then, endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has by many of our fellow citizens been deprecated as an infraction of the Constitution, while by others it has been viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legislative councils. To avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would be its apportionment among the several States according to their ratio of representation, and should this measure not be found warranted by the Constitution that it would be expedient to propose to the States an amendment authorizings it. I regard an appeal to the source of power in cases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed indispensable to the general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. Upon this country more than any other has, in the providence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence to written constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished. That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, and not general, powers must be admitted by all, and it is our duty to preserve for it the character intended by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised, and not under-mine the whole system by a resort to over-strained constructions. The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those who devised it, and become an object of admiration to the world. We are responsible to our country and to the glorious because of self-government for the preservation of so great a good. The great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs was intended to be left where the Federal Convention found it -- in the State governments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chiefly indebted for the success of the Constitution under which we are now acting to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the State authorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but belongs to the most deeply rooted convictions of my mind. I can not, therefore, too strongly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn you against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of State sovereignty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence the federal system can never fall. In the collection of the revenue the long credits authorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief because of the losses at present sustained. If these were shortened to 6, 9, and 12 months, and ware-houses provided by Government sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposit for security and for debenture, and if the right of the United States to a priority of payment out of the estates of its insolvent debtors were more effectually secured, this evil would in a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such houses is therefore, with the proposed alteration of the credits, recommended to your attention. It is worthy of notice that the laws for the collection and security of the revenue arising from imposts were chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws are in some respects quite insufficient for the proper security of the revenue and the protection of the interests of those who are disposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment, and can not be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual liberty and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. On an examination of the records of the Treasury I have been forcibly struck with the large amount of public money which appears to be outstanding. Of the sum thus due from individuals to the Government a considerable portion is undoubtedly desperate, and in many instances has probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with its collection. By proper exertions a great part, however, may yet be recovered; and what ever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, it behooves the Government to ascertain the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available. It is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the public, and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents engaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted that the supervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vested in an *accounting* officer of the Treasury, not selected with a view to his legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is with numerous other duties, operates unfavorably to the public interest. It is important that this branch of the public service should be subjected to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it efficiency. The expense attendant upon such a modification of the executive department would be justified by the soundest principles of economy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now assigned to the agent of the Treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendence and management of legal proceedings on the part of the United States, be transferred to the Attorney General, and that this officer be placed on the same footing in all respects as the heads of the other Departments, receiving like compensation and having such subordinate officers provided for his Department as may be requisite for the discharge of these additional duties. The professional skill of the Attorney General, employed in directing the conduct of marshals and district attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suit and hereafter save much to the Government. It might be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offenses against the United States. In making this transfer great care should be taken, however, that the power necessary to the Treasury Department be not impaired, 1 of its greatest securities consisting in control over all accounts until they are audited or reported for suit. In connection with the foregoing views I would suggest also an inquiry whether the provisions of the act of Congress authorizing the discharge of the persons of the debtors to the Government from imprisonment may not, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the release of the debt where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud. Some more liberal policy than that which now prevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is certainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The continuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have been exhausted can only serve to dispirit the debtor; or, where his resources are but partial, the want of power in the Government to compromise and release the demand instigates to fraud as the only resource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a state of apathy, and becomes a useless drone in society or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country. All experience proves that oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise, and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding power over misfortune and poverty. Since the last session of Congress numerous frauds on the Treasury have been discovered, which I thought it my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United States court for this district by a criminal prosecution. It was my opinion and that of able counsel who were consulted that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the 17th Congress approved [1823-03-03], providing for punishment of frauds committed on the Government of the United States. Either from some defect in the law or in its administration every effort to bring the accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual, and the Government was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your attention to the laws which have been passed for the protection of the Treasury. If, indeed, there be no provision by which those who may be unworthily intrusted with its guardianship can be punished for the most flagrant violation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use, it is time to remedy so dangerous an omission; or if the law has been perverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to be punished under its provisions have been rescued by legal subtleties, it ought to be made so plain by amendatory provisions as to baffle the arts of perversion and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. In one of the most flagrant causes the court decided that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for fraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and, indeed, all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were in possession of the party accused until after the two years had elapsed. Surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession, and least of all in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud the Treasury and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. I would therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the injured party and the Government two years after the disclosure of the fraud or after the accused is out of office to commence their prosecution. In connection with this subject I invite the attention of Congress to a general and minute inquiry into the condition of the Government, with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expenses retrenched, and what improvements may be made in the organization of its various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agents and promote efficiency and justice in all its operations. The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with the condition of our Army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of the Army, the training and equipment of the militia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of the means of defense applicable to the naval force will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especially those who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare, must ardently desire to perpetuate. The returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its character. Both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes the profession of arms. There is need, however, of further legislation to obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under consideration, to some of which it is proper that I should call your particular attention. The act of Congress of [1821-03-02], to reduce and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of 1 of the regiments of artillery, can not now be deemed a guide to the Executive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, designating the class of officers out of which the grade is to be filled -- whether from the military list as existing prior to the act of 1821 or from it as it has been fixed by that act -- would remove this difficulty. It is also important that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments of officers generally should be more specific than they now are. Those, for example, in relation to the PayMaster and Surgeon General assign to them an annual salary of $2.500, but are silent as to allowances which in certain exigencies of the service may be deemed indispensable to the discharge of their duties. This circumstance has been the authority for extending to them various allowances at different times under former Administrations, but no uniform rule has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the public accountants may operate unequally, produce confusion, and expose officers to the odium of claiming what is not their due. I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means of national defense, the Military Academy. This institution has already exercised the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectual character of our Army; and such of the graduates as from various causes may not pursue the profession of arms will be scarcely less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the military art will be advantageously employed in the militia service, and in a measure secure to that class of troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing armies. I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for the purpose of extending its benefits to every Revolutionary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. These relics of the War of Independence have strong claims upon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is defective in not embracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war disabled from supporting themselves by manual labor. Such an amendment would add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for by the sympathies of the people as well as by considerations of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by an order of the late Administration, departing materially from the rules which had previously prevailed. Considering it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Before this period, however, applications under the new regulation had been preferred to the number of 154, of which, on [March 27], the date of its revocation, 87 were admitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation; and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, according to the rules which have heretofore governed the Department, exceed the estimate of its late Secretary by about $50K, for which an appropriation is asked. Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It will be perceived that without legislative aid the Executive can not obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the diminution of the dividends on that fund, which originally amounted to $100,000, and has recently been invested in United States 3% stock. The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the limits of some of our States have become objects of much interest and importance. It has long been the policy of Government to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, been coupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost no opportunity to purchase their lands and thrust them farther into the wilderness. By this means they have not only been kept in a wandering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in its expenditures upon the subject, Government has constantly defeated its own policy, and the Indians in general, receding farther and farther to the west, have retained their savage habits. A portion, however, of the Southern tribes, having mingled much with the whites and made some progress in the arts of civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent government within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These States, claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended their laws over the Indians, which induced the latter to call upon the United States for protection. Under these circumstances the question presented was whether the General Government had a right to sustain those people in their pretensions. The Constitution declares that "no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State" without the consent of its legislature. If the General Government is not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate State within the territory of one of the members of this Union against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish itself there. Georgia became a member of the Confederacy which eventuated in our Federal Union as a sovereign State, always asserting her claim to certain limits, which, having been originally defined in her colonial charter and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the United States in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union on the same footing with the original States, with boundaries which were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision which allows them less power over the Indians within their borders than is possessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their State? And unless they did would it not be the duty of the General Government to support them in resisting such a measure? Would the people of New York permit each remnant of the six Nations within her borders to declare itself an independent people under the protection of the United States? Could the Indians establish a separate republic on each of their reservations in Ohio? And if they were so disposed would it be the duty of this Government to protect them in the attempt? If the principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this Government are reversed, and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in destroying the States which it was established to protect. Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenanced by the Executive of the United States, and advised them to emigrate beyond the Mississippi or submit to the laws of those States. Our conduct toward these people is deeply interesting to our national character. Their present condition, contrasted with what they once were, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. By persuasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river and from mountain to mountain, until some of the tribes have become extinct and others have left but remnants to preserve for a while their once terrible names. Surrounded by the whites with their arts of civilization, which by destroying the resources of the savage doom him to weakness and decay, the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware is fast over-taking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the Creek. That this fate surely awaits them if they remain within the limits of the States does not admit of a doubt. Humanity and national honor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to include them and their territory within the bounds of new States, whose limits they could control. That step can not be retraced. A State can not be dismembered by Congress or restricted in the exercise of her constitutional power. But the people of those States and of every State, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for our national honor, submit to you the interesting question whether something can not be done, consistently with the rights of the States, to preserve this much- injured race. As a means of effecting this end I suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample district west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any State or Territory now formed, to be guaranteed to the Indian tribes as long as they shall occupy it, each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. There they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other control from the United States than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes. There the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization, and, by promoting union and harmony among them, to raise up an interesting commonwealth, destined to perpetuate the race and to attest the humanity and justice of this Government. This emigration should be voluntary, for it would be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers and seek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informed that if they remain within the limits of the States they must be subject to their laws. In return for their obedience as individuals they will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of those possessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to suppose that in this state of things claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made improvements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain or passed them in the chase. Submitting to the laws of the States, and receiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons and property, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population. The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make you acquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch of our service during the present year. Constituting as it does the best standing security of this country against foreign aggression, it claims the especial attention of Government. In this spirit the measures which since the termination of the last war have been in operation for its gradual enlargement were adopted, and it should continue to be cherished as the off-spring of our national experience. It will be seen, however, that not withstanding the great solicitude which has been manifested for the perfect organization of this arm and the liberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested, this object has in many important respects not been secured. In time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. Those not wanted for this object must lay in the harbors, where without proper covering they rapidly decay, and even under the best precautions for their preservation must soon become useless. Such is already the case with many of our finest vessels, which, though unfinished, will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were when committed to their proper element. On this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policy would be to discontinue the building of ships of the first and second class, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace, as the index of our naval power. Judicious deposits in navy yards of timber and other materials, fashioned under the hands of skillful work-men and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes, would enable us at all times to construct vessels as fast as they can be manned, and save the heavy expense of repairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our commerce. The proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicated with so much force in the report of the Navy Board that in recommending it to your attention I deem it unnecessary to do more than express my hearty concurrence in their views. The yard in this District, being already furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship building, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the Board as the best for the concentration of materials, and, from the facility and certainty of communication between them, it will be useless to incur at those depots the expense of similar machinery, especially that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden furniture of vessels. Another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with the Navy Board as now constituted, and substituting in its stead bureaux similar to those already existing in the War Department. Each member of the Board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged with specific duties, would feel in its highest degree that wholesome responsibility which can not be divided without a far more than proportionate diminution of its force. Their valuable services would become still more so when separately appropriated to distinct portions of the great interests of the Navy, to the prosperity of which each would be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Under such an arrangement every branch of this important service would assume a more simple and precise character, its efficiency would be increased, and scrupulous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted. I would also recommend that the Marine Corps be merged in the artillery or infantry, as the best mode of curing the many defects in its organization. But little exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry, that corps has, besides its lieutenant-colonel commandant, five brevet lieutenant-colonels, who receive the full pay and emoluments of their brevet rank, without rendering proportionate service. Details for marine service could as well be made from the artillery or infantry, there being no peculiar training requisite for it. With these improvements, and such others as zealous watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest, there can be little doubt that under an energetic administration of its affairs the Navy may soon be made every thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in the suppression of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever its squadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country, will appear from the report of the Secretary, to which I refer you for other interesting details. Among these I would bespeak the attention of Congress for the views presented in relation to the inequality between the Army and Navy as to the pay of officers. No such inequality should prevail between these brave defenders of their country, and where it does exist it is submitted to Congress whether it ought not to be rectified. The report of the PostMaster General is referred to as exhibiting a highly satisfactory administration of that Department. Abuses have been reformed, increased expedition in the transportation of the mail secured, and its revenue much improved. In a political point of view this Department is chiefly important as affording the means of diffusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the veins and arteries are to the natural -- conveying rapidly and regularly to the remotest parts of the system correct information of the operations of the Government, and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the people. Through its agency we have secured to ourselves the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free press. In this general survey of our affairs a subject of high importance presents itself in the present organization of the judiciary. An uniform operation of the Federal Government in the different States is certainly desirable, and existing as they do in the Union on the basis of perfect equality, each State has a right to expect that the benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers. The judicial system of the United States exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the Union; to three others the circuit courts, which constitute an important part of that system, have been imperfectly extended, and to the remaining 6 altogether denied. The effect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter the advantages afforded (by the Supreme Court) to their fellow citizens in other States in the whole extent of the criminal and much of the civil authority of the Federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to be remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public welfare, is not to be doubted. Neither is it to be disguised that the organization of our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task. To extend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the Union, and at the same time to avoid such a multiplication of members as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal, is the object desired. Perhaps it might be accomplished by dividing the circuit judges into two classes, and providing that the Supreme Court should be held by these classes alternately, the Chief Justice always presiding. If an extension of the circuit court system to those States which do not now enjoy its benefits should be determined upon, it would of course be necessary to revise the present arrangement of the circuits; and even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is recommended. A provision for taking the census of the people of the United States will, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time, claim the early attention of Congress. The great and constant increase of business in the Department of State forced itself at an early period upon the attention of the Executive. Thirteen years ago it was, in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress, made the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been repeated by both of his successors; and my comparatively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not the least of which is the large addition that has been made to the family of independent nations and the proportionate extension of our foreign relations. The remedy proposed was the establishment of a home department -- a measure which does not appear to have met the views of Congress on account of its supposed tendency to increase, gradually and imperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the federal system toward the exercise of authority not delegated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the recommendation, but am not the less impressed with the importance of so organizing that Department that its Secretary may devote more of his time to our foreign relations. Clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on the subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. The charter of the Bank of the United States expires in 1836, and its stock holders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I can not, in justice to the parties interested, too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the Legislature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow citizens, and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency. Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the Government, I submit to the wisdom of the Legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the Government and its revenues, might not be devised which would avoid all constitutional difficulties and at the same time secure all the advantages to the Government and country that were expected to result from the present bank. I can not close this communication without bringing to your view the just claim of the representatives of Commodore Decatur, his officers and crew, arising from the recapture of the frigate Philadelphia under the heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, of the impropriety of Executive interference under a Government like ours, where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioning Congress, yet, viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, I deem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. Besides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which have been since recognized and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring which infused life and confidence into our infant Navy and contributed as much as any exploit in its history to elevate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore, stamps her seal upon it, and the meed should not be withheld which may here after operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. I now commend you, fellow citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on His merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions, and with an earnest supplication that what ever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels.
it affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of government to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our the task devolves on me under a provision of the constitution to present to you as the federal legislature of 24 sovereign states and happy people a view of our affairs and to propose such measures as in the discharge of my official functions have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our union in communicating with you for the first time it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign providence that we are at peace with all and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement turning our eyes to other nations our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race secured in the blessings enjoyed by ourselves and advancing in knowledge in freedom and in social happiness our foreign relations although in their general character pacific and friendly present subjects of difference between us and other powers of deep interest as well to the country at large as to many of our citizens to effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors and not with standing the difficulties of the task i do not allow myself to apprehend unfavorable results blessed as our country is with every thing which constitutes national strength she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests in discharging the responsible trust confided to the executive in this respect it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right and to submit to nothing that is wrong and i flatter myself that supported by the other branches of the government and by the intelligence and patriotism of the people we shall be able under the protection of providence to because all our just rights to be respected of the unsettled matters between the united states and other powers the most prominent are those which have for years been the subject of negotiation with england france and spain the late periods at which our ministers to those governments left the united states render it impossible at this early day to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotiation and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences with great britain alike distinguished in peace and war we may look forward to years of peaceful honorable and elevated competition every thing in the condition and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect and to carry conviction to the minds of both that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations such are my own views and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our constituents although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full development of the policy which the present cabinet of great britain designs to pursue toward this country i indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific character and if this anticipation be realized we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our affairs under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration of the disputed points of boundary under the 5th article of the treaty of ghent the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in that spirit of candor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign states seeking to adjust by the most unexceptionable means important and delicate subjects of contention the first sentiments of the parties have been exchanged and the final replication on our part is in a course of preparation this subject has received the attention demanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this confederacy the exposition of our rights already made is such as from the high reputation of the commissioners by whom it has been prepared we had a right to expect our interests at the court of the sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming the delicate task of arbitration have been committed to a citizen of the state of maine whose character talents and intimate acquaintance with the subject eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust with full confidence in the justice of our because and in the probity intelligence and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator we can have nothing to apprehend from the result from france our ancient ally we have a right to expect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a powerful intelligent and magnanimous people the beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822 limited as are its provisions are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her government should this result induce a disposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles which constitute our commercial policy our minister to that court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions the claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property long since committed under the authority and in many instances by the express direction of the then existing government of france remain unsatisfied and must therefore continue to furnish a subject of unpleasant discussion and possible collision between the two governments i cherish however a lively hope founded as well on the validity of those claims and the established policy of all enlightened governments as on the known integrity of the french monarch that the injurious delays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future our minister has been instructed to press these demands on the french government with all the earnestness which is called for by their importance and irrefutable justice and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the satisfaction is required our minister recently appointed to spain has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries either by concluding a commercial convention upon liberal and reciprocal terms or by urging the acceptance in their full extent of the mutually beneficial provisions of our navigation acts he has also been instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of spain in behalf of our citizens for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce committed under her authority an appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on our part and a due confidence in the honor of that government authorize us to expect will not be made in vain with other european powers our intercourse is on the most friendly footing in russia placed by her territorial limits extensive population and great power high in the rank of nations the united states have always found a steadfast friend although her recent invasion of turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolation of war we can not but anticipate that the result will prove favorable to the because of civilization and to the progress of human happiness the treaty of peace between these powers having been ratified we can not be insensible to the great benefit to be derived by the commerce of the united states from unlocking the navigation of the black sea a free passage into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to ports of russia under a flag at peace with the porte this advantage enjoyed upon conditions by most of the powers of europe has hitherto been withheld from us during the past summer an antecedent but unsuccessful attempt to obtain it was renewed under circumstances which promised the most favorable results although these results have fortunately been thus in part attained further facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our citizens are in my opinion sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous attention our trade with austria although of secondary importance has been gradually increasing and is now so extended as to deserve the fostering care of the government a negotiation commenced and nearly completed with that power by the late administration has been consummated by a treaty of amity navigation and commerce which will be laid before the senate during the recess of congress our diplomatic relations with portugal have been resumed the peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented himself until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there information regarding the actual and as far as practicable prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed this information being received the application of the established rule of our government in like cases was no longer withheld considerable advances have been made during the present year in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon denmark for spoliations but all that we have a right to demand from that government in their behalf has not yet been conceded from the liberal footing however upon which this subject has with the approbation of the claimants been placed by the government together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by his danish majesty there is a reasonable ground to hope that this single subject of difference will speedily be removed our relations with the barbary powers continue as they have long been of the most favorable character the policy of keeping an adequate force in the mediterranean as security for the continuance of this tranquillity will be persevered in as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the pacific the southern republics of our own hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling we trust however that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and internal quiet under permanent systems of government securing the liberty and promoting the happiness of the citizens will crown with complete success their long and arduous efforts in the because of and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious the recent invasion of mexico and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy must have a controlling influence upon the great question of south american emancipation we have seen the fell spirit of civil dissension rebuked and perhaps for ever stifled in that republic by the love of independence if it be true as appearances strongly indicate the spirit of independence is the master spirit and if a corresponding sentiment prevails in the other states this devotion to liberty can not be without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother country the adoption by spain of a pacific policy toward her former colonies an event consoling to humanity and a blessing to the world in which she herself can not fail largely to participate may be most reasonably expected the claims of our citizens upon the south american governments generally are in a train of settlement while the principal part of those upon brazil have been adjusted and a decree in council ordering bonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount has received the sanction of his imperial majesty this event together with the exchange of the ratifications of the treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828 happily terminates all serious causes of difference with that power measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with peru upon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested and if met by a proper disposition on the part of that government important benefits may be secured to both countries deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister republics and more particularly in that of our immediate neighbor it would be most gratifying to me were i permitted to say that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the united states for her success gave us a right to expect but it becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of mexico against the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the united states have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the two countries and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected from his talents and zeal to this because in a great degree is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally interesting to both parties but particularly that of the mexican government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital and under its own eye under these circumstances it appeared expedient to give to poinsett the option either to return or not as in his judgment the interest of his country might require and instructions to that end were prepared but before they could be dispatched a communication was received from the government of mexico through its charge here requesting the recall of our minister this was promptly complied with and a representative of a rank corresponding with that of the mexican diplomatic agent near this government was appointed our conduct toward that republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character and having thus removed the only alleged obstacle to harmonious intercourse i can not but hope that an advantageous change will occur in our affairs in justice to poinsett it is proper to say that my immediate compliance with the application for his recall and the appointment of a successor are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper interference by him in the local politics of mexico was well founded nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity and to add that the truth of the charges has never been affirmed by the federal government of mexico in its communications with us i consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of the constitution which relates to the election of president and our system of government was by its framers deemed an experiment and they therefore consistently provided a mode of remedying its defects to the people belongs the right of electing their chief magistrate it was never designed that their choice should in any case be defeated either by the intervention of electoral colleges or by the agency confided under certain contingencies to the house of representatives experience proves that in proportion as agents to execute the will of the people are multiplied there is danger of their wishes being frustrated some may be unfaithful all are liable to err so far therefore as the people can with convenience speak it is safer for them to express their own will the number of aspirants to the presidency and the diversity of the interests which may influence their claims leave little reason to expect a choice in the first instance and in that event the election must devolve on the house of representatives where it is obvious the will of the people may not be always ascertained or if ascertained may not be regarded from the mode of voting by states the choice is to be made by 24 votes and it may often occur that one of these will be controlled by an individual representative honors and offices are at the disposal of the successful candidate repeated ballotings may make it apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand may he not be tempted to name his reward but even without corruption supposing the probity of the representative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may be assailed the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented one may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents another from a conviction that it is his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates finally although all were inflexibly honest all accurately informed of the wishes of their constituents yet under the present mode of election a minority may often elect a president and when this happens it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the majority to rectify this injurious operation of their institutions but although no evil of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principle of our system that the majority is to govern it must be very certain that a president elected by a minority can not enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties in this as in all other matters of public concern policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will let us then endeavor so to amend our system that the office of chief magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority i would therefore recommend such an amendment of the constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of the president and the mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates in connection with such an amendment it would seem advisable to limit the service of the chief magistrate to a single term of either 4 or 6 years if however it should not be adopted it is worthy of consideration whether a provision disqualifying for office the representatives in congress on whom such an election may have devolved would not be proper while members of congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit it will be the practice even under the most conscientious adherence to duty to select them for such stations as they are believed to be better qualified to fill than other citizens but the purity of our government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the president in whose election they may have been officially concerned the nature of the judicial office and the necessity of securing in the cabinet and in diplomatic stations of the highest rank the best talents and political experience should perhaps except these from the exclusion there are perhaps few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immediately addressed to themselves but they are apt to acquire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests and of tolerating conduct from which an unpracticed man would revolt office is considered as a species of property and government rather as a means of promoting individual interests than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people corruption in some and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles divert government from its legitimate ends and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many the duties of all public officers are or at least admit of being made so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance and i can not but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience i submit therefore to your consideration whether the efficiency of the government would not be promoted and official industry and integrity better secured by a general extension of the law which limits appointments to four years in a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another offices were not established to give support to particular men at the public expense no individual wrong is therefore done by removal since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is a matter of right the incumbent became an officer with a view to public benefits and when these require his removal they are not to be sacrificed to private interests it is the people and they alone who have a right to complain when a bad officer is substituted for a good one he who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office the proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property now so generally connected with official station and although individual distress may be some times produced it would by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed give healthful action to the system no very considerable change has occurred during the recess of congress in the condition of either our agriculture commerce or manufactures the operation of the tariff has not proved so injurious to the two former or as beneficial to the latter as was anticipated importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished while domestic competition under an illusive excitement has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption the consequences have been low prices temporary embarrassment and partial loss that such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital and are prudently managed will survive the shock and be ultimately profitable there is no good reason to doubt to regulate its conduct so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests is one of the most difficult tasks of government and it may be regretted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations could not by common consent be abolished and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise always its surest guide might direct it but we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture our commerce and our manufactures under these impressions i invite your attention to the existing tariff believing that some of its provisions require modification the general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon articles of foreign growth or manufacture is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war when we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution frequent legislation in regard to any branch of industry affecting its value and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels must always be productive of hazardous speculation and loss in deliberating therefore on these interesting subjects local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole all attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious and should be discountenanced our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives legislation subjected to such influences can never be just and will not long retain the sanction of a people whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to our political compact and still sustains it discarding all calculations of political ascendancy the north the south the east and the west should unite in diminishing any burthen of which either may justly complain the agricultural interest of our country is so essentially connected with every other and so superior in importance to them all that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention it is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society that they deserve the fostering care of government looking forward to the period not far distant when a sinking fund will no longer be required the duties on those articles of importation which can not come in competition with our own productions are the first that should engage the attention of congress in the modification of the tariff of these tea and coffee are the most important they enter largely into the consumption of the country and have become articles of necessity to all classes a reduction therefore of the existing duties will be felt as a common benefit but like all other legislation connected with commerce to be efficacious and not injurious it should be gradual and certain the public prosperity is evinced in the increased revenue arising from the sales of the public lands and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and tonnage not withstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of and the unusual importations in the early part of that year the balance in the treasury on was the receipts of the current year are estimated at and the expenditures for the same time at leaving a balance in the treasury on of there will have been paid on account of the public debt during the present year the sum of reducing the whole debt of the government on to including 7m of the 5 stock subscribed to the bank of the united states the payment on account of public debt made on was it was apprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was deposited at a time of unusual pressure in the money market might because much injury to the interests dependent on bank accommodations but this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the bank of the united states this state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry and auspicious of the ability of government in a very short time to extinguish the public debt when this shall be done our population will be relieved from a considerable portion of its present burthens and will find not only new motives to patriotic affection but additional means for the display of individual enterprise the fiscal power of the states will also be increased and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects while ample means will remain in the federal government to promote the general weal in all the modes permitted to its authority after the extinction of the public debt it is not probable that any adjustment of the tariff upon principles satisfactory to the people of the union will until a remote period if ever leave the government without a considerable surplus in the treasury beyond what may be required for its current service as then the period approaches when the application of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease the disposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious deliberation of congress and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided considered in connection with the difficulties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement and with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise when ever power over such subjects may be exercised by the central government it is hoped that it may lead to the adoption of some plan which will reconcile the diversified interests of the states and strengthen the bonds which unite them every member of the union in peace and in war will be benefited by the improvement of inland navigation and the construction of high ways in the several states let us then endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode which will be satisfactory to all that hitherto adopted has by many of our fellow citizens been deprecated as an infraction of the constitution while by others it has been viewed as inexpedient all feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legislative councils to avoid these evils it appears to me that the most safe just and federal disposition which could be made of the surplus revenue would be its apportionment among the several states according to their ratio of representation and should this measure not be found warranted by the constitution that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amendment authorizings it i regard an appeal to the source of power in cases of real doubt and where its exercise is deemed indispensable to the general welfare as among the most sacred of all our obligations upon this country more than any other has in the providence of god been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence to written constitutions if it fail here all hope in regard to it will be extinguished that this was intended to be a government of limited and specific and not general powers must be admitted by all and it is our duty to preserve for it the character intended by its framers if experience points out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers let us apply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised and not the whole system by a resort to constructions the scheme has worked well it has exceeded the hopes of those who devised it and become an object of admiration to the world we are responsible to our country and to the glorious because of for the preservation of so great a good the great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs was intended to be left where the federal convention found it in the state governments nothing is clearer in my view than that we are chiefly indebted for the success of the constitution under which we are now acting to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the state authorities this is not the reflection of a day but belongs to the most deeply rooted convictions of my mind i can not therefore too strongly or too earnestly for my own sense of its importance warn you against all encroachments upon the legitimate sphere of state sovereignty sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence the federal system can never fall in the collection of the revenue the long credits authorized on goods imported from beyond the cape of good hope are the chief because of the losses at present sustained if these were shortened to 6 9 and 12 months and provided by government sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposit for security and for debenture and if the right of the united states to a priority of payment out of the estates of its insolvent debtors were more effectually secured this evil would in a great measure be obviated an authority to construct such houses is therefore with the proposed alteration of the credits recommended to your attention it is worthy of notice that the laws for the collection and security of the revenue arising from imposts were chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at present exists there is reason to believe that these laws are in some respects quite insufficient for the proper security of the revenue and the protection of the interests of those who are disposed to observe them the injurious and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require comment and can not be too carefully guarded against i therefore suggest to congress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this evil avoiding however as much as possible every unnecessary infringement of individual liberty and embarrassment of fair and lawful business on an examination of the records of the treasury i have been forcibly struck with the large amount of public money which appears to be outstanding of the sum thus due from individuals to the government a considerable portion is undoubtedly desperate and in many instances has probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with its collection by proper exertions a great part however may yet be recovered and what ever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes it behooves the government to ascertain the real state of the fact this can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available it is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the public and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents engaged in the service it must i think be admitted that the supervisory power over suits brought by the public which is now vested in an accounting officer of the treasury not selected with a view to his legal knowledge and encumbered as he is with numerous other duties operates unfavorably to the public interest it is important that this branch of the public service should be subjected to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it efficiency the expense attendant upon such a modification of the executive department would be justified by the soundest principles of economy i would recommend therefore that the duties now assigned to the agent of the treasury so far as they relate to the superintendence and management of legal proceedings on the part of the united states be transferred to the attorney general and that this officer be placed on the same footing in all respects as the heads of the other departments receiving like compensation and having such subordinate officers provided for his department as may be requisite for the discharge of these additional duties the professional skill of the attorney general employed in directing the conduct of marshals and district attorneys would hasten the collection of debts now in suit and hereafter save much to the government it might be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offenses against the united states in making this transfer great care should be taken however that the power necessary to the treasury department be not impaired 1 of its greatest securities consisting in control over all accounts until they are audited or reported for suit in connection with the foregoing views i would suggest also an inquiry whether the provisions of the act of congress authorizing the discharge of the persons of the debtors to the government from imprisonment may not consistently with the public interest be extended to the release of the debt where the conduct of the debtor is wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud some more liberal policy than that which now prevails in reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is certainly due to them and would prove beneficial to the country the continuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have been exhausted can only serve to dispirit the debtor or where his resources are but partial the want of power in the government to compromise and release the demand instigates to fraud as the only resource for securing a support to his family he thus sinks into a state of apathy and becomes a useless drone in society or a vicious member of it if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country all experience proves that oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding power over misfortune and poverty since the last session of congress numerous frauds on the treasury have been discovered which i thought it my duty to bring under the cognizance of the united states court for this district by a criminal prosecution it was my opinion and that of able counsel who were consulted that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the 17th congress approved providing for punishment of frauds committed on the government of the united states either from some defect in the law or in its administration every effort to bring the accused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual and the government was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of the common law it is therefore my duty to call your attention to the laws which have been passed for the protection of the treasury if indeed there be no provision by which those who may be unworthily intrusted with its guardianship can be punished for the most flagrant violation of duty extending even to the most fraudulent appropriation of the public funds to their own use it is time to remedy so dangerous an omission or if the law has been perverted from its original purposes and criminals deserving to be punished under its provisions have been rescued by legal subtleties it ought to be made so plain by amendatory provisions as to baffle the arts of perversion and accomplish the ends of its original enactment in one of the most flagrant causes the court decided that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for fraud to two years in this case all the evidences of the fraud and indeed all knowledge that a fraud had been committed were in possession of the party accused until after the two years had elapsed surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man while he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession and least of all in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud the treasury and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years i would therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the injured party and the government two years after the disclosure of the fraud or after the accused is out of office to commence their prosecution in connection with this subject i invite the attention of congress to a general and minute inquiry into the condition of the government with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with what expenses retrenched and what improvements may be made in the organization of its various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agents and promote efficiency and justice in all its operations the report of the secretary of war will make you acquainted with the condition of our army fortifications arsenals and indian affairs the proper discipline of the army the training and equipment of the militia the education bestowed at west point and the accumulation of the means of defense applicable to the naval force will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy and which every good citizen more especially those who have felt the miseries of even a successful warfare must ardently desire to perpetuate the returns from the subordinate branches of this service exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its character both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty and conform to the restraints of exact discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes the profession of arms there is need however of further legislation to obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under consideration to some of which it is proper that i should call your particular attention the act of congress of to reduce and fix the military establishment remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of 1 of the regiments of artillery can not now be deemed a guide to the executive in making the proper appointment an explanatory act designating the class of officers out of which the grade is to be filled whether from the military list as existing prior to the act of 1821 or from it as it has been fixed by that act would remove this difficulty it is also important that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments of officers generally should be more specific than they now are those for example in relation to the paymaster and surgeon general assign to them an annual salary of but are silent as to allowances which in certain exigencies of the service may be deemed indispensable to the discharge of their duties this circumstance has been the authority for extending to them various allowances at different times under former administrations but no uniform rule has been observed on the subject similar inconveniences exist in other cases in which the construction put upon the laws by the public accountants may operate unequally produce confusion and expose officers to the odium of claiming what is not their due i recommend to your fostering care as one of our safest means of national defense the military academy this institution has already exercised the happiest influence upon the moral and intellectual character of our army and such of the graduates as from various causes may not pursue the profession of arms will be scarcely less useful as citizens their knowledge of the military art will be advantageously employed in the militia service and in a measure secure to that class of troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing armies i would also suggest a review of the pension law for the purpose of extending its benefits to every revolutionary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort these relics of the war of independence have strong claims upon their country gratitude and bounty the law is defective in not embracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war disabled from supporting themselves by manual labor such an amendment would add but little to the amount of pensions and is called for by the sympathies of the people as well as by considerations of sound policy it will be perceived that a large addition to the list of pensioners has been occasioned by an order of the late administration departing materially from the rules which had previously prevailed considering it an act of legislation i suspended its operation as soon as i was informed that it had commenced before this period however applications under the new regulation had been preferred to the number of 154 of which on march 27 the date of its revocation 87 were admitted for the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation and besides this deficiency the regular allowances according to the rules which have heretofore governed the department exceed the estimate of its late secretary by about 50k for which an appropriation is asked your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of the secretary of war which relates to the money held in trust for the seneca tribe of indians it will be perceived that without legislative aid the executive can not obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the diminution of the dividends on that fund which originally amounted to and has recently been invested in united states 3 stock the condition and ulterior destiny of the indian tribes within the limits of some of our states have become objects of much interest and importance it has long been the policy of government to introduce among them the arts of civilization in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life this policy has however been coupled with another wholly incompatible with its success professing a desire to civilize and settle them we have at the same time lost no opportunity to purchase their lands and thrust them farther into the wilderness by this means they have not only been kept in a wandering state but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifferent to their fate thus though lavish in its expenditures upon the subject government has constantly defeated its own policy and the indians in general receding farther and farther to the west have retained their savage habits a portion however of the southern tribes having mingled much with the whites and made some progress in the arts of civilized life have lately attempted to erect an independent government within the limits of georgia and alabama these states claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories extended their laws over the indians which induced the latter to call upon the united states for protection under these circumstances the question presented was whether the general government had a right to sustain those people in their pretensions the constitution declares that no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state without the consent of its legislature if the general government is not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate state within the territory of one of the members of this union against her consent much less could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish itself there georgia became a member of the confederacy which eventuated in our federal union as a sovereign state always asserting her claim to certain limits which having been originally defined in her colonial charter and subsequently recognized in the treaty of peace she has ever since continued to enjoy except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the united states in the articles of cession of 1802 alabama was admitted into the union on the same footing with the original states with boundaries which were prescribed by congress there is no constitutional conventional or legal provision which allows them less power over the indians within their borders than is possessed by maine or new york would the people of maine permit the penobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their state and unless they did would it not be the duty of the general government to support them in resisting such a measure would the people of new york permit each remnant of the six nations within her borders to declare itself an independent people under the protection of the united states could the indians establish a separate republic on each of their reservations in ohio and if they were so disposed would it be the duty of this government to protect them in the attempt if the principle involved in the obvious answer to these questions be abandoned it will follow that the objects of this government are reversed and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in destroying the states which it was established to protect actuated by this view of the subject i informed the indians inhabiting parts of georgia and alabama that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenanced by the executive of the united states and advised them to emigrate beyond the mississippi or submit to the laws of those states our conduct toward these people is deeply interesting to our national character their present condition contrasted with what they once were makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies our ancestors found them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions by persuasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river and from mountain to mountain until some of the tribes have become extinct and others have left but remnants to preserve for a while their once terrible names surrounded by the whites with their arts of civilization which by destroying the resources of the savage doom him to weakness and decay the fate of the mohegan the narragansett and the delaware is fast the choctaw the cherokee and the creek that this fate surely awaits them if they remain within the limits of the states does not admit of a doubt humanity and national honor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a calamity it is too late to inquire whether it was just in the united states to include them and their territory within the bounds of new states whose limits they could control that step can not be retraced a state can not be dismembered by congress or restricted in the exercise of her constitutional power but the people of those states and of every state actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for our national honor submit to you the interesting question whether something can not be done consistently with the rights of the states to preserve this injured race as a means of effecting this end i suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample district west of the mississippi and without the limits of any state or territory now formed to be guaranteed to the indian tribes as long as they shall occupy it each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use there they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice subject to no other control from the united states than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier and between the several tribes there the benevolent may endeavor to teach them the arts of civilization and by promoting union and harmony among them to raise up an interesting commonwealth destined to perpetuate the race and to attest the humanity and justice of this government this emigration should be voluntary for it would be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers and seek a home in a distant land but they should be distinctly informed that if they remain within the limits of the states they must be subject to their laws in return for their obedience as individuals they will without doubt be protected in the enjoyment of those possessions which they have improved by their industry but it seems to me visionary to suppose that in this state of things claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made improvements merely because they have seen them from the mountain or passed them in the chase submitting to the laws of the states and receiving like other citizens protection in their persons and property they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population the accompanying report of the secretary of the navy will make you acquainted with the condition and useful employment of that branch of our service during the present year constituting as it does the best standing security of this country against foreign aggression it claims the especial attention of government in this spirit the measures which since the termination of the last war have been in operation for its gradual enlargement were adopted and it should continue to be cherished as the of our national experience it will be seen however that not withstanding the great solicitude which has been manifested for the perfect organization of this arm and the liberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested this object has in many important respects not been secured in time of peace we have need of no more ships of war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce those not wanted for this object must lay in the harbors where without proper covering they rapidly decay and even under the best precautions for their preservation must soon become useless such is already the case with many of our finest vessels which though unfinished will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were when committed to their proper element on this subject there can be but little doubt that our best policy would be to discontinue the building of ships of the first and second class and look rather to the possession of ample materials prepared for the emergencies of war than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace as the index of our naval power judicious deposits in navy yards of timber and other materials fashioned under the hands of skillful and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes would enable us at all times to construct vessels as fast as they can be manned and save the heavy expense of repairs except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our commerce the proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicated with so much force in the report of the navy board that in recommending it to your attention i deem it unnecessary to do more than express my hearty concurrence in their views the yard in this district being already furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship building will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the board as the best for the concentration of materials and from the facility and certainty of communication between them it will be useless to incur at those depots the expense of similar machinery especially that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden furniture of vessels another improvement would be effected by dispensing altogether with the navy board as now constituted and substituting in its stead bureaux similar to those already existing in the war department each member of the board transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged with specific duties would feel in its highest degree that wholesome responsibility which can not be divided without a far more than proportionate diminution of its force their valuable services would become still more so when separately appropriated to distinct portions of the great interests of the navy to the prosperity of which each would be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives under such an arrangement every branch of this important service would assume a more simple and precise character its efficiency would be increased and scrupulous economy in the expenditure of public money promoted i would also recommend that the marine corps be merged in the artillery or infantry as the best mode of curing the many defects in its organization but little exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry that corps has besides its commandant five brevet who receive the full pay and emoluments of their brevet rank without rendering proportionate service details for marine service could as well be made from the artillery or infantry there being no peculiar training requisite for it with these improvements and such others as zealous watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest there can be little doubt that under an energetic administration of its affairs the navy may soon be made every thing that the nation wishes it to be its efficiency in the suppression of piracy in the west india seas and wherever its squadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country will appear from the report of the secretary to which i refer you for other interesting details among these i would bespeak the attention of congress for the views presented in relation to the inequality between the army and navy as to the pay of officers no such inequality should prevail between these brave defenders of their country and where it does exist it is submitted to congress whether it ought not to be rectified the report of the postmaster general is referred to as exhibiting a highly satisfactory administration of that department abuses have been reformed increased expedition in the transportation of the mail secured and its revenue much improved in a political point of view this department is chiefly important as affording the means of diffusing knowledge it is to the body politic what the veins and arteries are to the natural conveying rapidly and regularly to the remotest parts of the system correct information of the operations of the government and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the people through its agency we have secured to ourselves the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free press in this general survey of our affairs a subject of high importance presents itself in the present organization of the judiciary an uniform operation of the federal government in the different states is certainly desirable and existing as they do in the union on the basis of perfect equality each state has a right to expect that the benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers the judicial system of the united states exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the union to three others the circuit courts which constitute an important part of that system have been imperfectly extended and to the remaining 6 altogether denied the effect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter the advantages afforded by the supreme court to their fellow citizens in other states in the whole extent of the criminal and much of the civil authority of the federal judiciary that this state of things ought to be remedied if it can be done consistently with the public welfare is not to be doubted neither is it to be disguised that the organization of our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task to extend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the union and at the same time to avoid such a multiplication of members as would encumber the supreme appellate tribunal is the object desired perhaps it might be accomplished by dividing the circuit judges into two classes and providing that the supreme court should be held by these classes alternately the chief justice always presiding if an extension of the circuit court system to those states which do not now enjoy its benefits should be determined upon it would of course be necessary to revise the present arrangement of the circuits and even if that system should not be enlarged such a revision is recommended a provision for taking the census of the people of the united states will to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time claim the early attention of congress the great and constant increase of business in the department of state forced itself at an early period upon the attention of the executive thirteen years ago it was in madison last message to congress made the subject of an earnest recommendation which has been repeated by both of his successors and my comparatively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness it has arisen from many causes not the least of which is the large addition that has been made to the family of independent nations and the proportionate extension of our foreign relations the remedy proposed was the establishment of a home department a measure which does not appear to have met the views of congress on account of its supposed tendency to increase gradually and imperceptibly the already too strong bias of the federal system toward the exercise of authority not delegated to it i am not therefore disposed to revive the recommendation but am not the less impressed with the importance of so organizing that department that its secretary may devote more of his time to our foreign relations clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on the subject i respectfully invite your attention to it the charter of the bank of the united states expires in 1836 and its stock holders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges in order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles and such deep pecuniary interests i feel that i can not in justice to the parties interested too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the legislature and the people both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow citizens and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the great end of establishing an uniform and sound currency under these circumstances if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the government i submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether a national one founded upon the credit of the government and its revenues might not be devised which would avoid all constitutional difficulties and at the same time secure all the advantages to the government and country that were expected to result from the present bank i can not close this communication without bringing to your view the just claim of the representatives of commodore decatur his officers and crew arising from the recapture of the frigate philadelphia under the heavy batteries of tripoli although sensible as a general rule of the impropriety of executive interference under a government like ours where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioning congress yet viewing this case as one of very peculiar character i deem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration besides the justice of this claim as corresponding to those which have been since recognized and satisfied it is the fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring which infused life and confidence into our infant navy and contributed as much as any exploit in its history to elevate our national character public gratitude therefore stamps her seal upon it and the meed should not be withheld which may here after operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars i now commend you fellow citizens to the guidance of almighty god with a full reliance on his merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions and with an earnest supplication that what ever errors it may be my lot to commit in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels
affords pleasure tender friendly greetings occasion assembling seat government enter upon important duties called voice task devolves provision constitution present federal legislature 24 sovereign states happy people view affairs propose measures discharge official functions suggested necessary promote objects union communicating first time source unfeigned satisfaction calling mutual gratulation devout thanks benign providence peace country exhibits cheering evidence general welfare progressive improvement turning eyes nations great desire see brethren human race secured blessings enjoyed advancing knowledge freedom social happiness foreign relations although general character pacific friendly present subjects difference us powers deep interest well country large many citizens effect adjustment shall continue object earnest endeavors standing difficulties task allow apprehend unfavorable results blessed country every thing constitutes national strength fully adequate maintenance interests discharging responsible trust confided executive respect settled purpose ask nothing clearly right submit nothing wrong flatter supported branches government intelligence patriotism people shall able protection providence rights respected unsettled matters united states powers prominent years subject negotiation england france spain late periods ministers governments left united states render impossible early day inform done subjects respectively charged relying upon justice views relation points committed negotiation reciprocal good feeling characterizes intercourse nations best reason hope satisfactory adjustment existing differences great britain alike distinguished peace war may look forward years peaceful honorable elevated competition every thing condition history two nations calculated inspire sentiments mutual respect carry conviction minds policy preserve cordial relations views doubted also prevailing sentiments constituents although neither time opportunity afforded full development policy present cabinet great britain designs pursue toward country indulge hope pacific character anticipation realized may look confidence speedy acceptable adjustment affairs convention regulating reference arbitration disputed points boundary 5th article treaty ghent proceedings hitherto conducted spirit candor liberality ought ever characterize acts sovereign states seeking adjust unexceptionable means important delicate subjects contention first sentiments parties exchanged final replication part course preparation subject received attention demanded great peculiar importance patriotic member confederacy exposition rights already made high reputation commissioners prepared right expect interests court sovereign evinced friendly disposition assuming delicate task arbitration committed citizen state maine whose character talents intimate acquaintance subject eminently qualify responsible trust full confidence justice probity intelligence uncompromising independence illustrious arbitrator nothing apprehend result france ancient ally right expect justice becomes sovereign powerful intelligent magnanimous people beneficial effects produced commercial convention 1822 limited provisions obvious make salutary impression upon minds charged administration government result induce disposition embrace full extent wholesome principles constitute commercial policy minister court found instructed cherish disposition aid conducting useful practical conclusions claims citizens depredations upon property long since committed authority many instances express direction existing government france remain unsatisfied must therefore continue furnish subject unpleasant discussion possible collision two governments cherish however lively hope founded well validity claims established policy enlightened governments known integrity french monarch injurious delays past find redress equity future minister instructed press demands french government earnestness called importance irrefutable justice spirit evince respect due feelings satisfaction required minister recently appointed spain authorized assist removing evils alike injurious countries either concluding commercial convention upon liberal reciprocal terms urging acceptance full extent mutually beneficial provisions navigation acts also instructed make appeal justice spain behalf citizens indemnity spoliations upon commerce committed authority appeal pacific liberal course observed part due confidence honor government authorize us expect made vain european powers intercourse friendly footing russia placed territorial limits extensive population great power high rank nations united states always found steadfast friend although recent invasion turkey awakened lively sympathy exposed desolation war anticipate result prove favorable civilization progress human happiness treaty peace powers ratified insensible great benefit derived commerce united states unlocking navigation black sea free passage secured merchant vessels bound ports russia flag peace porte advantage enjoyed upon conditions powers europe hitherto withheld us past summer antecedent unsuccessful attempt obtain renewed circumstances promised favorable results although results fortunately thus part attained facilities enjoyment new field enterprise citizens opinion sufficiently desirable insure zealous attention trade austria although secondary importance gradually increasing extended deserve fostering care government negotiation commenced nearly completed power late administration consummated treaty amity navigation commerce laid senate recess congress diplomatic relations portugal resumed peculiar state things country caused suspension recognition representative presented opportunity obtain official organ information regarding actual far practicable prospective condition authority representative question appointed information received application established rule government like cases longer withheld considerable advances made present year adjustment claims citizens upon denmark spoliations right demand government behalf yet conceded liberal footing however upon subject approbation claimants placed government together uniformly friendly disposition evinced danish majesty reasonable ground hope single subject difference speedily removed relations barbary powers continue long favorable character policy keeping adequate force mediterranean security continuance tranquillity persevered well similar one protection commerce fisheries pacific southern republics hemisphere yet realized advantages long struggling trust however day distant restoration peace internal quiet permanent systems government securing liberty promoting happiness citizens crown complete success long arduous efforts enable us salute friendly rivals truly great glorious recent invasion mexico effect thereby produced upon domestic policy must controlling influence upon great question south american emancipation seen fell spirit civil dissension rebuked perhaps ever stifled republic love independence true appearances strongly indicate spirit independence master spirit corresponding sentiment prevails states devotion liberty without proper effect upon counsels mother country adoption spain pacific policy toward former colonies event consoling humanity blessing world fail largely participate may reasonably expected claims citizens upon south american governments generally train settlement principal part upon brazil adjusted decree council ordering bonds issued minister treasury amount received sanction imperial majesty event together exchange ratifications treaty negotiated concluded 1828 happily terminates serious causes difference power measures taken place commercial relations peru upon better footing upon hitherto rested met proper disposition part government important benefits may secured countries deeply interested prosperity sister republics particularly immediate neighbor would gratifying permitted say treatment received hands universally friendly early constant solicitude manifested united states success gave us right expect becomes duty inform prejudices long indulged portion inhabitants mexico envoy extraordinary minister plenipotentiary united states unfortunate influence upon affairs two countries diminished usefulness justly expected talents zeal great degree imputed failure several measures equally interesting parties particularly mexican government ratify treaty negotiated concluded capital eye circumstances appeared expedient give poinsett option either return judgment interest country might require instructions end prepared could dispatched communication received government mexico charge requesting recall minister promptly complied representative rank corresponding mexican diplomatic agent near government appointed conduct toward republic uniformly friendly character thus removed alleged obstacle harmonious intercourse hope advantageous change occur affairs justice poinsett proper say immediate compliance application recall appointment successor ascribed evidence imputation improper interference local politics mexico well founded want confidence talents integrity add truth charges never affirmed federal government mexico communications us consider one urgent duties bring attention propriety amending part constitution relates election president system government framers deemed experiment therefore consistently provided mode remedying defects people belongs right electing chief magistrate never designed choice case defeated either intervention electoral colleges agency confided certain contingencies house representatives experience proves proportion agents execute people multiplied danger wishes frustrated may unfaithful liable err far therefore people convenience speak safer express number aspirants presidency diversity interests may influence claims leave little reason expect choice first instance event election must devolve house representatives obvious people may always ascertained ascertained may regarded mode voting states choice made 24 votes may often occur one controlled individual representative honors offices disposal successful candidate repeated ballotings may make apparent single individual holds cast hand may tempted name reward even without corruption supposing probity representative proof powerful motives may assailed people still constantly liable misrepresented one may err ignorance wishes constituents another conviction duty governed judgment fitness candidates finally although inflexibly honest accurately informed wishes constituents yet present mode election minority may often elect president happens may reasonably expected efforts made part majority rectify injurious operation institutions although evil character result perversion first principle system majority govern must certain president elected minority enjoy confidence necessary successful discharge duties matters public concern policy requires impediments possible exist free operation public let us endeavor amend system office chief magistrate may conferred upon citizen pursuance fair expression majority would therefore recommend amendment constitution may remove intermediate agency election president mode may regulated preserve state present relative weight election failure first attempt may provided confining second choice two highest candidates connection amendment would seem advisable limit service chief magistrate single term either 4 6 years however adopted worthy consideration whether provision disqualifying office representatives congress election may devolved would proper members congress constitutionally appointed offices trust profit practice even conscientious adherence duty select stations believed better qualified fill citizens purity government would doubtless promoted exclusion appointments gift president whose election may officially concerned nature judicial office necessity securing cabinet diplomatic stations highest rank best talents political experience perhaps except exclusion perhaps men great length time enjoy office power without less influence feelings unfavorable faithful discharge public duties integrity may proof improper considerations immediately addressed apt acquire habit looking indifference upon public interests tolerating conduct unpracticed man would revolt office considered species property government rather means promoting individual interests instrument created solely service people corruption others perversion correct feelings principles divert government legitimate ends make engine support expense many duties public officers least admit made plain simple men intelligence may readily qualify performance believe lost long continuance men office generally gained experience submit therefore consideration whether efficiency government would promoted official industry integrity better secured general extension law limits appointments four years country offices created solely benefit people one man intrinsic right official station another offices established give support particular men public expense individual wrong therefore done removal since neither appointment continuance office matter right incumbent became officer view public benefits require removal sacrificed private interests people alone right complain bad officer substituted good one removed means obtaining living enjoyed millions never held office proposed limitation would destroy idea property generally connected official station although individual distress may times produced would promoting rotation constitutes leading principle republican creed give healthful action system considerable change occurred recess congress condition either agriculture commerce manufactures operation tariff proved injurious two former beneficial latter anticipated importations foreign goods sensibly diminished domestic competition illusive excitement increased production much beyond demand home consumption consequences low prices temporary embarrassment partial loss manufacturing establishments based upon capital prudently managed survive shock ultimately profitable good reason doubt regulate conduct promote equally prosperity three cardinal interests one difficult tasks government may regretted complicated restrictions embarrass intercourse nations could common consent abolished commerce allowed flow channels individual enterprise always surest guide might direct must ever expect selfish legislation nations therefore compelled adapt regulations manner best calculated avoid serious injury harmonize conflicting interests agriculture commerce manufactures impressions invite attention existing tariff believing provisions require modification general rule applied graduating duties upon articles foreign growth manufacture place fair competition countries inducements advance even step beyond point controlling regard articles primary necessity time war reflect upon difficulty delicacy operation important never attempted utmost caution frequent legislation regard branch industry affecting value capital may transferred new channels must always productive hazardous speculation loss deliberating therefore interesting subjects local feelings prejudices merged patriotic determination promote great interests whole attempts connect party conflicts day necessarily injurious discountenanced action upon control higher purer motives legislation subjected influences never long retain sanction people whose active patriotism bounded sectional limits insensible spirit concession forbearance gave life political compact still sustains discarding calculations political ascendancy north south east west unite diminishing burthen either may justly complain agricultural interest country essentially connected every superior importance scarcely necessary invite particular attention principally manufactures commerce tend increase value agricultural productions extend application wants comforts society deserve fostering care government looking forward period far distant sinking fund longer required duties articles importation come competition productions first engage attention congress modification tariff tea coffee important enter largely consumption country become articles necessity classes reduction therefore existing duties felt common benefit like legislation connected commerce efficacious injurious gradual certain public prosperity evinced increased revenue arising sales public lands steady maintenance produced imposts tonnage withstanding additional duties imposed act unusual importations early part year balance treasury receipts current year estimated expenditures time leaving balance treasury paid account public debt present year sum reducing whole debt government including 7m 5 stock subscribed bank united states payment account public debt made apprehended sudden withdrawal large sum banks deposited time unusual pressure money market might much injury interests dependent bank accommodations evil wholly averted early anticipation treasury aided judicious arrangements officers bank united states state finances exhibits resources nation aspect highly flattering industry auspicious ability government short time extinguish public debt shall done population relieved considerable portion present burthens find new motives patriotic affection additional means display individual enterprise fiscal power states also increased may extensively exerted favor education public objects ample means remain federal government promote general weal modes permitted authority extinction public debt probable adjustment tariff upon principles satisfactory people union remote period ever leave government without considerable surplus treasury beyond may required current service period approaches application revenue payment debt cease disposition surplus present subject serious deliberation congress may fortunate country yet decided considered connection difficulties heretofore attended appropriations purposes internal improvement experience tells us certainly arise ever power subjects may exercised central government hoped may lead adoption plan reconcile diversified interests states strengthen bonds unite every member union peace war benefited improvement inland navigation construction high ways several states let us endeavor attain benefit mode satisfactory hitherto adopted many fellow citizens deprecated infraction constitution others viewed inexpedient feel employed expense harmony legislative councils avoid evils appears safe federal disposition could made surplus revenue would apportionment among several states according ratio representation measure found warranted constitution would expedient propose states amendment authorizings regard appeal source power cases real doubt exercise deemed indispensable general welfare among sacred obligations upon country providence god cast special guardianship great principle adherence written constitutions fail hope regard extinguished intended government limited specific general powers must admitted duty preserve character intended framers experience points necessity enlargement powers let us apply whose benefit exercised whole system resort constructions scheme worked well exceeded hopes devised become object admiration world responsible country glorious preservation great good great mass legislation relating internal affairs intended left federal convention found state governments nothing clearer view chiefly indebted success constitution acting watchful auxiliary operation state authorities reflection day belongs deeply rooted convictions mind therefore strongly earnestly sense importance warn encroachments upon legitimate sphere state sovereignty sustained healthful invigorating influence federal system never fall collection revenue long credits authorized goods imported beyond cape good hope chief losses present sustained shortened 6 9 12 months provided government sufficient receive goods offered deposit security debenture right united states priority payment estates insolvent debtors effectually secured evil would great measure obviated authority construct houses therefore proposed alteration credits recommended attention worthy notice laws collection security revenue arising imposts chiefly framed rates duties imported goods presented much less temptation illicit trade present exists reason believe laws respects quite insufficient proper security revenue protection interests disposed observe injurious demoralizing tendency successful system smuggling obvious require comment carefully guarded therefore suggest congress propriety adopting efficient measures prevent evil avoiding however much possible every unnecessary infringement individual liberty embarrassment fair lawful business examination records treasury forcibly struck large amount public money appears outstanding sum thus due individuals government considerable portion undoubtedly desperate many instances probably rendered remissness agents charged collection proper exertions great part however may yet recovered ever may portions respectively belonging two classes behooves government ascertain real state fact done prompt adoption judicious measures collection may made available believed large amount lost inadequacy means provided collection debts due public inadequacy lies chiefly want legal skill habitually constantly employed direction agents engaged service must think admitted supervisory power suits brought public vested accounting officer treasury selected view legal knowledge encumbered numerous duties operates unfavorably public interest important branch public service subjected supervision professional skill give efficiency expense attendant upon modification executive department would justified soundest principles economy would recommend therefore duties assigned agent treasury far relate superintendence management legal proceedings part united states transferred attorney general officer placed footing respects heads departments receiving like compensation subordinate officers provided department may requisite discharge additional duties professional skill attorney general employed directing conduct marshals district attorneys would hasten collection debts suit hereafter save much government might extended superintendence criminal proceedings offenses united states making transfer great care taken however power necessary treasury department impaired 1 greatest securities consisting control accounts audited reported suit connection foregoing views would suggest also inquiry whether provisions act congress authorizing discharge persons debtors government imprisonment may consistently public interest extended release debt conduct debtor wholly exempt imputation fraud liberal policy prevails reference unfortunate class citizens certainly due would prove beneficial country continuance liability means discharge exhausted serve dispirit debtor resources partial want power government compromise release demand instigates fraud resource securing support family thus sinks state apathy becomes useless drone society vicious member feeling witness rigor inhumanity country experience proves oppressive debt bane enterprise care republic exert grinding power misfortune poverty since last session congress numerous frauds treasury discovered thought duty bring cognizance united states court district criminal prosecution opinion able counsel consulted cases came within penalties act 17th congress approved providing punishment frauds committed government united states either defect law administration every effort bring accused trial provisions proved ineffectual government driven necessity resorting vague inadequate provisions common law therefore duty call attention laws passed protection treasury indeed provision may unworthily intrusted guardianship punished flagrant violation duty extending even fraudulent appropriation public funds use time remedy dangerous omission law perverted original purposes criminals deserving punished provisions rescued legal subtleties ought made plain amendatory provisions baffle arts perversion accomplish ends original enactment one flagrant causes court decided prosecution barred statute limits prosecutions fraud two years case evidences fraud indeed knowledge fraud committed possession party accused two years elapsed surely statute ought run favor man retains evidences crime possession least favor public officer continues defraud treasury conceal transaction brief term two years would therefore recommend alteration law give injured party government two years disclosure fraud accused office commence prosecution connection subject invite attention congress general minute inquiry condition government view ascertain offices dispensed expenses retrenched improvements may made organization various parts secure proper responsibility public agents promote efficiency justice operations report secretary war make acquainted condition army fortifications arsenals indian affairs proper discipline army training equipment militia education bestowed west point accumulation means defense applicable naval force tend prolong peace enjoy every good citizen especially felt miseries even successful warfare must ardently desire perpetuate returns subordinate branches service exhibit regularity order highly creditable character officers soldiers seem imbued proper sense duty conform restraints exact discipline cheerfulness becomes profession arms need however legislation obviate inconveniences specified report consideration proper call particular attention act congress reduce fix military establishment remaining unexecuted regards command 1 regiments artillery deemed guide executive making proper appointment explanatory act designating class officers grade filled whether military list existing prior act 1821 fixed act would remove difficulty also important laws regulating pay emoluments officers generally specific example relation paymaster surgeon general assign annual salary silent allowances certain exigencies service may deemed indispensable discharge duties circumstance authority extending various allowances different times former administrations uniform rule observed subject similar inconveniences exist cases construction put upon laws public accountants may operate unequally produce confusion expose officers odium claiming due recommend fostering care one safest means national defense military academy institution already exercised happiest influence upon moral intellectual character army graduates various causes may pursue profession arms scarcely less useful citizens knowledge military art advantageously employed militia service measure secure class troops advantages respect belong standing armies would also suggest review pension law purpose extending benefits every revolutionary soldier aided establishing liberties unable maintain comfort relics war independence strong claims upon country gratitude bounty law defective embracing within provisions last war disabled supporting manual labor amendment would add little amount pensions called sympathies people well considerations sound policy perceived large addition list pensioners occasioned order late administration departing materially rules previously prevailed considering act legislation suspended operation soon informed commenced period however applications new regulation preferred number 154 march 27 date revocation 87 admitted amount neither estimate appropriation besides deficiency regular allowances according rules heretofore governed department exceed estimate late secretary 50k appropriation asked particular attention requested part report secretary war relates money held trust seneca tribe indians perceived without legislative aid executive obviate embarrassments occasioned diminution dividends fund originally amounted recently invested united states 3 stock condition ulterior destiny indian tribes within limits states become objects much interest importance long policy government introduce among arts civilization hope gradually reclaiming wandering life policy however coupled another wholly incompatible success professing desire civilize settle time lost opportunity purchase lands thrust farther wilderness means kept wandering state led look upon us unjust indifferent fate thus though lavish expenditures upon subject government constantly defeated policy indians general receding farther farther west retained savage habits portion however southern tribes mingled much whites made progress arts civilized life lately attempted erect independent government within limits georgia alabama states claiming sovereigns within territories extended laws indians induced latter call upon united states protection circumstances question presented whether general government right sustain people pretensions constitution declares new state shall formed erected within jurisdiction state without consent legislature general government permitted tolerate erection confederate state within territory one members union consent much less could allow foreign independent government establish georgia became member confederacy eventuated federal union sovereign state always asserting claim certain limits originally defined colonial charter subsequently recognized treaty peace ever since continued enjoy except circumscribed voluntary transfer portion territory united states articles cession 1802 alabama admitted union footing original states boundaries prescribed congress constitutional conventional legal provision allows less power indians within borders possessed maine new york would people maine permit penobscot tribe erect independent government within state unless would duty general government support resisting measure would people new york permit remnant six nations within borders declare independent people protection united states could indians establish separate republic reservations ohio disposed would duty government protect attempt principle involved obvious answer questions abandoned follow objects government reversed become part duty aid destroying states established protect actuated view subject informed indians inhabiting parts georgia alabama attempt establish independent government would countenanced executive united states advised emigrate beyond mississippi submit laws states conduct toward people deeply interesting national character present condition contrasted makes powerful appeal sympathies ancestors found uncontrolled possessors vast regions persuasion force made retire river river mountain mountain tribes become extinct others left remnants preserve terrible names surrounded whites arts civilization destroying resources savage doom weakness decay fate mohegan narragansett delaware fast choctaw cherokee creek fate surely awaits remain within limits states admit doubt humanity national honor demand every effort made avert great calamity late inquire whether united states include territory within bounds new states whose limits could control step retraced state dismembered congress restricted exercise constitutional power people states every state actuated feelings justice regard national honor submit interesting question whether something done consistently rights states preserve injured race means effecting end suggest consideration propriety setting apart ample district west mississippi without limits state territory formed guaranteed indian tribes long shall occupy tribe distinct control portion designated use may secured enjoyment governments choice subject control united states may necessary preserve peace frontier several tribes benevolent may endeavor teach arts civilization promoting union harmony among raise interesting commonwealth destined perpetuate race attest humanity justice government emigration voluntary would cruel unjust compel aborigines abandon graves fathers seek home distant land distinctly informed remain within limits states must subject laws return obedience individuals without doubt protected enjoyment possessions improved industry seems visionary suppose state things claims allowed tracts country neither dwelt made improvements merely seen mountain passed chase submitting laws states receiving like citizens protection persons property ere long become merged mass population accompanying report secretary navy make acquainted condition useful employment branch service present year constituting best standing security country foreign aggression claims especial attention government spirit measures since termination last war operation gradual enlargement adopted continue cherished national experience seen however withstanding great solicitude manifested perfect organization arm liberality appropriations solicitude suggested object many important respects secured time peace need ships war requisite protection commerce wanted object must lay harbors without proper covering rapidly decay even best precautions preservation must soon become useless already case many finest vessels though unfinished require immense sums money restored condition committed proper element subject little doubt best policy would discontinue building ships first second class look rather possession ample materials prepared emergencies war number vessels float season peace index naval power judicious deposits navy yards timber materials fashioned hands skillful fitted prompt application various purposes would enable us times construct vessels fast manned save heavy expense repairs except vessels must employed guarding commerce proper points establishment yards indicated much force report navy board recommending attention deem unnecessary express hearty concurrence views yard district already furnished machinery necessary ship building competent supply two selected board best concentration materials facility certainty communication useless incur depots expense similar machinery especially used preparing usual metallic wooden furniture vessels another improvement would effected dispensing altogether navy board constituted substituting stead bureaux similar already existing war department member board transferred head separate bureau charged specific duties would feel highest degree wholesome responsibility divided without far proportionate diminution force valuable services would become still separately appropriated distinct portions great interests navy prosperity would impelled devote strongest motives arrangement every branch important service would assume simple precise character efficiency would increased scrupulous economy expenditure public money promoted would also recommend marine corps merged artillery infantry best mode curing many defects organization little exceeding number regiments infantry corps besides commandant five brevet receive full pay emoluments brevet rank without rendering proportionate service details marine service could well made artillery infantry peculiar training requisite improvements others zealous watchfulness mature consideration may suggest little doubt energetic administration affairs navy may soon made every thing nation wishes efficiency suppression piracy west india seas wherever squadrons employed securing interests country appear report secretary refer interesting details among would bespeak attention congress views presented relation inequality army navy pay officers inequality prevail brave defenders country exist submitted congress whether ought rectified report postmaster general referred exhibiting highly satisfactory administration department abuses reformed increased expedition transportation mail secured revenue much improved political point view department chiefly important affording means diffusing knowledge body politic veins arteries natural conveying rapidly regularly remotest parts system correct information operations government bringing back wishes feelings people agency secured full enjoyment blessings free press general survey affairs subject high importance presents present organization judiciary uniform operation federal government different states certainly desirable existing union basis perfect equality state right expect benefits conferred citizens others extended judicial system united states exists efficiency fifteen members union three others circuit courts constitute important part system imperfectly extended remaining 6 altogether denied effect withhold inhabitants latter advantages afforded supreme court fellow citizens states whole extent criminal much civil authority federal judiciary state things ought remedied done consistently public welfare doubted neither disguised organization judicial system difficult delicate task extend circuit courts equally throughout different parts union time avoid multiplication members would encumber supreme appellate tribunal object desired perhaps might accomplished dividing circuit judges two classes providing supreme court held classes alternately chief justice always presiding extension circuit court system states enjoy benefits determined upon would course necessary revise present arrangement circuits even system enlarged revision recommended provision taking census people united states insure completion work within convenient time claim early attention congress great constant increase business department state forced early period upon attention executive thirteen years ago madison last message congress made subject earnest recommendation repeated successors comparatively limited experience satisfied justness arisen many causes least large addition made family independent nations proportionate extension foreign relations remedy proposed establishment home department measure appear met views congress account supposed tendency increase gradually imperceptibly already strong bias federal system toward exercise authority delegated therefore disposed revive recommendation less impressed importance organizing department secretary may devote time foreign relations clearly satisfied public good would promoted suitable provision subject respectfully invite attention charter bank united states expires 1836 stock holders probably apply renewal privileges order avoid evils resulting precipitancy measure involving important principles deep pecuniary interests feel justice parties interested soon present deliberate consideration legislature people constitutionality expediency law creating bank well questioned large portion fellow citizens must admitted failed great end establishing uniform sound currency circumstances institution deemed essential fiscal operations government submit wisdom legislature whether national one founded upon credit government revenues might devised would avoid constitutional difficulties time secure advantages government country expected result present bank close communication without bringing view claim representatives commodore decatur officers crew arising recapture frigate philadelphia heavy batteries tripoli although sensible general rule impropriety executive interference government like every individual enjoys right directly petitioning congress yet viewing case one peculiar character deem duty recommend favorable consideration besides justice claim corresponding since recognized satisfied fruit deed patriotic chivalrous daring infused life confidence infant navy contributed much exploit history elevate national character public gratitude therefore stamps seal upon meed withheld may operate stimulus gallant tars commend fellow citizens guidance almighty god full reliance merciful providence maintenance free institutions earnest supplication ever errors may lot commit discharging arduous duties devolved find remedy harmony wisdom counsels
affords pleasure tender friendly greeting occasion assemble seat government enter upon important duty call voice task devolve provision constitution present federal legislature 24 sovereign state happy people view affair propose measure discharge official function suggest necessary promote object union communicate first time source unfeigned satisfaction call mutual gratulation devout thanks benign providence peace country exhibit cheer evidence general welfare progressive improvement turn eye nation great desire see brethren human race secure blessing enjoy advance knowledge freedom social happiness foreign relation although general character pacific friendly present subject difference u power deep interest well country large many citizen effect adjustment shall continue object earnest endeavor stand difficulty task allow apprehend unfavorable result bless country every thing constitute national strength fully adequate maintenance interest discharge responsible trust confide executive respect settle purpose ask nothing clearly right submit nothing wrong flatter support branches government intelligence patriotism people shall able protection providence right respect unsettled matter united state power prominent year subject negotiation england france spain late period minister government leave united state render impossible early day inform do subject respectively charge rely upon justice view relation point commit negotiation reciprocal good feeling characterizes intercourse nation best reason hope satisfactory adjustment exist difference great britain alike distinguish peace war may look forward year peaceful honorable elevate competition every thing condition history two nation calculate inspire sentiment mutual respect carry conviction mind policy preserve cordial relation view doubt also prevail sentiment constituent although neither time opportunity afford full development policy present cabinet great britain design pursue toward country indulge hope pacific character anticipation realize may look confidence speedy acceptable adjustment affair convention regulate reference arbitration dispute point boundary 5th article treaty ghent proceeding hitherto conduct spirit candor liberality ought ever characterize act sovereign state seek adjust unexceptionable mean important delicate subject contention first sentiments party exchange final replication part course preparation subject receive attention demand great peculiar importance patriotic member confederacy exposition right already make high reputation commissioner prepare right expect interest court sovereign evince friendly disposition assume delicate task arbitration commit citizen state maine whose character talent intimate acquaintance subject eminently qualify responsible trust full confidence justice probity intelligence uncompromising independence illustrious arbitrator nothing apprehend result france ancient ally right expect justice becomes sovereign powerful intelligent magnanimous people beneficial effect produce commercial convention 1822 limited provision obvious make salutary impression upon mind charge administration government result induce disposition embrace full extent wholesome principle constitute commercial policy minister court find instructed cherish disposition aid conduct useful practical conclusion claim citizen depredation upon property long since commit authority many instance express direction exist government france remain unsatisfied must therefore continue furnish subject unpleasant discussion possible collision two government cherish however lively hope found well validity claim establish policy enlighten government know integrity french monarch injurious delay past find redress equity future minister instruct press demand french government earnestness call importance irrefutable justice spirit evince respect due feeling satisfaction require minister recently appoint spain authorized assist remove evil alike injurious country either conclude commercial convention upon liberal reciprocal term urge acceptance full extent mutually beneficial provision navigation act also instruct make appeal justice spain behalf citizen indemnity spoliation upon commerce commit authority appeal pacific liberal course observe part due confidence honor government authorize u expect make vain european power intercourse friendly footing russia place territorial limit extensive population great power high rank nation united state always find steadfast friend although recent invasion turkey awaken lively sympathy expose desolation war anticipate result prove favorable civilization progress human happiness treaty peace power ratify insensible great benefit derive commerce united state unlock navigation black sea free passage secure merchant vessel bound port russia flag peace porte advantage enjoy upon condition power europe hitherto withhold u past summer antecedent unsuccessful attempt obtain renewed circumstance promise favorable result although result fortunately thus part attain facility enjoyment new field enterprise citizens opinion sufficiently desirable insure zealous attention trade austria although secondary importance gradually increase extend deserve foster care government negotiation commence nearly complete power late administration consummate treaty amity navigation commerce lay senate recess congress diplomatic relation portugal resume peculiar state thing country cause suspension recognition representative present opportunity obtain official organ information regard actual far practicable prospective condition authority representative question appoint information receive application establish rule government like case longer withhold considerable advance make present year adjustment claim citizens upon denmark spoliation right demand government behalf yet concede liberal footing however upon subject approbation claimant place government together uniformly friendly disposition evince danish majesty reasonable ground hope single subject difference speedily remove relation barbary power continue long favorable character policy keep adequate force mediterranean security continuance tranquillity persevere well similar one protection commerce fishery pacific southern republic hemisphere yet realize advantage long struggle trust however day distant restoration peace internal quiet permanent system government secure liberty promote happiness citizen crown complete success long arduous effort enable u salute friendly rival truly great glorious recent invasion mexico effect thereby produce upon domestic policy must control influence upon great question south american emancipation see fell spirit civil dissension rebuke perhaps ever stifle republic love independence true appearance strongly indicate spirit independence master spirit correspond sentiment prevail state devotion liberty without proper effect upon counsel mother country adoption spain pacific policy toward former colony event console humanity blessing world fail largely participate may reasonably expect claim citizen upon south american government generally train settlement principal part upon brazil adjust decree council order bond issue minister treasury amount receive sanction imperial majesty event together exchange ratification treaty negotiate concluded 1828 happily terminate serious cause difference power measure take place commercial relation peru upon good footing upon hitherto rest meet proper disposition part government important benefit may secure country deeply interested prosperity sister republic particularly immediate neighbor would gratify permitted say treatment receive hand universally friendly early constant solicitude manifest united state success give u right expect become duty inform prejudice long indulged portion inhabitant mexico envoy extraordinary minister plenipotentiary unite state unfortunate influence upon affair two country diminish usefulness justly expect talent zeal great degree impute failure several measure equally interesting party particularly mexican government ratify treaty negotiate concluded capital eye circumstance appear expedient give poinsett option either return judgment interest country might require instruction end prepare could dispatch communication received government mexico charge request recall minister promptly comply representative rank correspond mexican diplomatic agent near government appoint conduct toward republic uniformly friendly character thus remove alleged obstacle harmonious intercourse hope advantageous change occur affair justice poinsett proper say immediate compliance application recall appointment successor ascribe evidence imputation improper interference local politics mexico well found want confidence talent integrity add truth charge never affirm federal government mexico communication u consider one urgent duty bring attention propriety amend part constitution relate election president system government framer deem experiment therefore consistently provide mode remedy defect people belongs right elect chief magistrate never design choice case defeat either intervention electoral college agency confide certain contingency house representative experience prove proportion agent execute people multiply danger wish frustrate may unfaithful liable err far therefore people convenience speak safe express number aspirant presidency diversity interest may influence claim leave little reason expect choice first instance event election must devolve house representative obvious people may always ascertain ascertained may regard mode vote state choice make 24 vote may often occur one control individual representative honor office disposal successful candidate repeat balloting may make apparent single individual hold cast hand may tempt name reward even without corruption suppose probity representative proof powerful motif may assail people still constantly liable misrepresent one may err ignorance wish constituents another conviction duty govern judgment fitness candidate finally although inflexibly honest accurately informed wish constituent yet present mode election minority may often elect president happens may reasonably expect effort make part majority rectify injurious operation institution although evil character result perversion first principle system majority govern must certain president elect minority enjoy confidence necessary successful discharge duty matter public concern policy require impediment possible exist free operation public let u endeavor amend system office chief magistrate may confer upon citizen pursuance fair expression majority would therefore recommend amendment constitution may remove intermediate agency election president mode may regulate preserve state present relative weight election failure first attempt may provide confine second choice two high candidate connection amendment would seem advisable limit service chief magistrate single term either 4 6 year however adopt worthy consideration whether provision disqualify office representative congress election may devolve would proper member congress constitutionally appoint office trust profit practice even conscientious adherence duty select station believe well qualify fill citizen purity government would doubtless promoted exclusion appointment gift president whose election may officially concerned nature judicial office necessity secure cabinet diplomatic station high rank best talent political experience perhaps except exclusion perhaps men great length time enjoy office power without less influence feeling unfavorable faithful discharge public duty integrity may proof improper consideration immediately address apt acquire habit look indifference upon public interest tolerate conduct unpracticed man would revolt office consider specie property government rather mean promote individual interest instrument create solely service people corruption others perversion correct feeling principle divert government legitimate end make engine support expense many duty public officer least admit make plain simple men intelligence may readily qualify performance believe lose long continuance men office generally gain experience submit therefore consideration whether efficiency government would promote official industry integrity well secure general extension law limit appointment four year country office create solely benefit people one man intrinsic right official station another office establish give support particular men public expense individual wrong therefore do removal since neither appointment continuance office matter right incumbent become officer view public benefit require removal sacrificed private interest people alone right complain bad officer substitute good one remove mean obtain live enjoy million never hold office propose limitation would destroy idea property generally connect official station although individual distress may time produce would promote rotation constitutes lead principle republican creed give healthful action system considerable change occur recess congress condition either agriculture commerce manufacture operation tariff prove injurious two former beneficial latter anticipate importation foreign good sensibly diminish domestic competition illusive excitement increase production much beyond demand home consumption consequence low price temporary embarrassment partial loss manufacturing establishment base upon capital prudently manage survive shock ultimately profitable good reason doubt regulate conduct promote equally prosperity three cardinal interest one difficult tasks government may regret complicate restriction embarrass intercourse nation could common consent abolish commerce allow flow channel individual enterprise always sure guide might direct must ever expect selfish legislation nation therefore compel adapt regulation manner best calculate avoid serious injury harmonize conflict interest agriculture commerce manufacture impression invite attention exist tariff believing provision require modification general rule apply graduate duty upon article foreign growth manufacture place fair competition country inducements advance even step beyond point control regard article primary necessity time war reflect upon difficulty delicacy operation important never attempt utmost caution frequent legislation regard branch industry affect value capital may transfer new channel must always productive hazardous speculation loss deliberate therefore interesting subject local feeling prejudice merge patriotic determination promote great interest whole attempt connect party conflict day necessarily injurious discountenance action upon control high purer motif legislation subject influence never long retain sanction people whose active patriotism bound sectional limit insensible spirit concession forbearance give life political compact still sustain discard calculation political ascendancy north south east west unite diminish burthen either may justly complain agricultural interest country essentially connect every superior importance scarcely necessary invite particular attention principally manufacture commerce tend increase value agricultural production extend application want comfort society deserve foster care government look forward period far distant sinking fund longer required duty article importation come competition production first engage attention congress modification tariff tea coffee important enter largely consumption country become article necessity class reduction therefore exist duty felt common benefit like legislation connect commerce efficacious injurious gradual certain public prosperity evince increased revenue arise sale public land steady maintenance produce impost tonnage withstand additional duty impose act unusual importation early part year balance treasury receipt current year estimate expenditure time leave balance treasury pay account public debt present year sum reduce whole debt government include 7m 5 stock subscribe bank united state payment account public debt make apprehend sudden withdrawal large sum bank deposit time unusual pressure money market might much injury interest dependent bank accommodation evil wholly avert early anticipation treasury aid judicious arrangement officer bank united state state finance exhibits resource nation aspect highly flatter industry auspicious ability government short time extinguish public debt shall do population relieve considerable portion present burthen find new motif patriotic affection additional mean display individual enterprise fiscal power state also increase may extensively exert favor education public object ample mean remain federal government promote general weal mode permit authority extinction public debt probable adjustment tariff upon principle satisfactory people union remote period ever leave government without considerable surplus treasury beyond may require current service period approach application revenue payment debt cease disposition surplus present subject serious deliberation congress may fortunate country yet decide consider connection difficulty heretofore attended appropriation purpose internal improvement experience tell u certainly arise ever power subject may exercise central government hop may lead adoption plan reconcile diversified interest state strengthen bond unite every member union peace war benefit improvement inland navigation construction high way several state let u endeavor attain benefit mode satisfactory hitherto adopt many fellow citizen deprecate infraction constitution others view inexpedient feel employ expense harmony legislative council avoid evils appear safe federal disposition could make surplus revenue would apportionment among several state accord ratio representation measure find warranted constitution would expedient propose state amendment authorizings regard appeal source power case real doubt exercise deem indispensable general welfare among sacred obligation upon country providence god cast special guardianship great principle adherence write constitution fail hope regard extinguish intended government limit specific general power must admit duty preserve character intend framer experience point necessity enlargement power let u apply whose benefit exercise whole system resort construction scheme work well exceeded hope devise become object admiration world responsible country glorious preservation great good great mass legislation relate internal affair intend left federal convention find state government nothing clearer view chiefly indebted success constitution act watchful auxiliary operation state authority reflection day belongs deeply root conviction mind therefore strongly earnestly sense importance warn encroachment upon legitimate sphere state sovereignty sustain healthful invigorate influence federal system never fall collection revenue long credit authorize good import beyond cape good hope chief loss present sustain shorten 6 9 12 month provided government sufficient receive good offer deposit security debenture right united state priority payment estate insolvent debtor effectually secure evil would great measure obviate authority construct house therefore propose alteration credit recommend attention worthy notice law collection security revenue arise impost chiefly frame rate duty import good present much less temptation illicit trade present exist reason believe law respect quite insufficient proper security revenue protection interest dispose observe injurious demoralize tendency successful system smuggle obvious require comment carefully guard therefore suggest congress propriety adopt efficient measure prevent evil avoid however much possible every unnecessary infringement individual liberty embarrassment fair lawful business examination record treasury forcibly strike large amount public money appear outstanding sum thus due individual government considerable portion undoubtedly desperate many instance probably render remissness agent charge collection proper exertion great part however may yet recover ever may portion respectively belong two class behoove government ascertain real state fact do prompt adoption judicious measure collection may make available believe large amount lose inadequacy mean provide collection debt due public inadequacy lie chiefly want legal skill habitually constantly employ direction agent engage service must think admitted supervisory power suit bring public vested accounting officer treasury select view legal knowledge encumber numerous duty operate unfavorably public interest important branch public service subject supervision professional skill give efficiency expense attendant upon modification executive department would justify sound principle economy would recommend therefore duty assign agent treasury far relate superintendence management legal proceeding part unite state transfer attorney general officer place footing respect head department receive like compensation subordinate officer provide department may requisite discharge additional duty professional skill attorney general employ direct conduct marshal district attorney would hasten collection debt suit hereafter save much government might extend superintendence criminal proceeding offense united state make transfer great care take however power necessary treasury department impair 1 great security consist control account audit report suit connection forego view would suggest also inquiry whether provision act congress authorize discharge person debtor government imprisonment may consistently public interest extend release debt conduct debtor wholly exempt imputation fraud liberal policy prevail reference unfortunate class citizens certainly due would prove beneficial country continuance liability mean discharge exhaust serve dispirit debtor resource partial want power government compromise release demand instigate fraud resource secure support family thus sink state apathy becomes useless drone society vicious member feeling witness rigor inhumanity country experience prove oppressive debt bane enterprise care republic exert grind power misfortune poverty since last session congress numerous fraud treasury discover think duty bring cognizance united state court district criminal prosecution opinion able counsel consult case come within penalty act 17th congress approve provide punishment fraud committed government unite state either defect law administration every effort bring accuse trial provision prove ineffectual government drive necessity resort vague inadequate provision common law therefore duty call attention law pass protection treasury indeed provision may unworthily intrust guardianship punish flagrant violation duty extend even fraudulent appropriation public fund use time remedy dangerous omission law pervert original purpose criminal deserve punished provision rescue legal subtlety ought make plain amendatory provision baffle art perversion accomplish end original enactment one flagrant cause court decide prosecution bar statute limit prosecution fraud two year case evidence fraud indeed knowledge fraud commit possession party accuse two year elapse surely statute ought run favor man retain evidence crime possession least favor public officer continue defraud treasury conceal transaction brief term two year would therefore recommend alteration law give injure party government two year disclosure fraud accuse office commence prosecution connection subject invite attention congress general minute inquiry condition government view ascertain office dispense expense retrench improvement may make organization various part secure proper responsibility public agent promote efficiency justice operation report secretary war make acquaint condition army fortification arsenal indian affair proper discipline army training equipment militia education bestow west point accumulation mean defense applicable naval force tend prolong peace enjoy every good citizen especially felt misery even successful warfare must ardently desire perpetuate return subordinate branch service exhibit regularity order highly creditable character officer soldier seem imbue proper sense duty conform restraint exact discipline cheerfulness become profession arm need however legislation obviate inconvenience specify report consideration proper call particular attention act congress reduce fix military establishment remain unexecuted regard command 1 regiment artillery deem guide executive make proper appointment explanatory act designate class officer grade fill whether military list exist prior act 1821 fix act would remove difficulty also important law regulate pay emolument officer generally specific example relation paymaster surgeon general assign annual salary silent allowance certain exigency service may deem indispensable discharge duty circumstance authority extend various allowance different time former administration uniform rule observe subject similar inconvenience exist case construction put upon law public accountant may operate unequally produce confusion expose officer odium claim due recommend foster care one safest mean national defense military academy institution already exercise happy influence upon moral intellectual character army graduate various cause may pursue profession arm scarcely less useful citizen knowledge military art advantageously employ militia service measure secure class troop advantage respect belong stand army would also suggest review pension law purpose extend benefit every revolutionary soldier aid establish liberty unable maintain comfort relic war independence strong claim upon country gratitude bounty law defective embrace within provision last war disable support manual labor amendment would add little amount pension call sympathy people well consideration sound policy perceive large addition list pensioner occasion order late administration depart materially rule previously prevail consider act legislation suspend operation soon inform commenced period however applications new regulation prefer number 154 march 27 date revocation 87 admitted amount neither estimate appropriation besides deficiency regular allowance accord rule heretofore govern department exceed estimate late secretary 50k appropriation ask particular attention request part report secretary war relate money hold trust seneca tribe indian perceive without legislative aid executive obviate embarrassment occasion diminution dividend fund originally amount recently invest united state 3 stock condition ulterior destiny indian tribe within limit state become object much interest importance long policy government introduce among art civilization hope gradually reclaim wander life policy however couple another wholly incompatible success profess desire civilize settle time lose opportunity purchase land thrust farther wilderness mean keep wander state lead look upon u unjust indifferent fate thus though lavish expenditure upon subject government constantly defeat policy indian general recede farther far west retain savage habit portion however southern tribe mingle much white make progress art civilize life lately attempted erect independent government within limit georgia alabama state claim sovereign within territory extend law indian induce latter call upon united state protection circumstance question present whether general government right sustain people pretension constitution declare new state shall form erect within jurisdiction state without consent legislature general government permit tolerate erection confederate state within territory one member union consent much less could allow foreign independent government establish georgia become member confederacy eventuate federal union sovereign state always assert claim certain limit originally define colonial charter subsequently recognize treaty peace ever since continue enjoy except circumscribed voluntary transfer portion territory united state article cession 1802 alabama admit union foot original state boundary prescribe congress constitutional conventional legal provision allow less power indian within border possess maine new york would people maine permit penobscot tribe erect independent government within state unless would duty general government support resist measure would people new york permit remnant six nation within border declare independent people protection united state could indians establish separate republic reservation ohio dispose would duty government protect attempt principle involve obvious answer question abandon follow object government reverse become part duty aid destroy state establish protect actuate view subject inform indian inhabit part georgia alabama attempt establish independent government would countenance executive united state advise emigrate beyond mississippi submit law state conduct toward people deeply interesting national character present condition contrast make powerful appeal sympathy ancestor find uncontrolled possessor vast region persuasion force make retire river river mountain mountain tribes become extinct others leave remnant preserve terrible name surround white art civilization destroy resource savage doom weakness decay fate mohegan narragansett delaware fast choctaw cherokee creek fate surely await remain within limit state admit doubt humanity national honor demand every effort make avert great calamity late inquire whether united state include territory within bound new state whose limit could control step retrace state dismember congress restrict exercise constitutional power people state every state actuate feeling justice regard national honor submit interest question whether something do consistently right state preserve injured race mean effect end suggest consideration propriety set apart ample district west mississippi without limit state territory form guaranteed indian tribe long shall occupy tribe distinct control portion designate use may secure enjoyment government choice subject control united state may necessary preserve peace frontier several tribe benevolent may endeavor teach art civilization promote union harmony among raise interest commonwealth destine perpetuate race attest humanity justice government emigration voluntary would cruel unjust compel aborigine abandon graf father seek home distant land distinctly inform remain within limit state must subject law return obedience individual without doubt protect enjoyment possession improve industry seem visionary suppose state thing claim allow tract country neither dwelt make improvement merely see mountain pass chase submit law state receive like citizen protection person property ere long become merged mass population accompany report secretary navy make acquainted condition useful employment branch service present year constitute best stand security country foreign aggression claim especial attention government spirit measure since termination last war operation gradual enlargement adopt continue cherish national experience see however withstand great solicitude manifest perfect organization arm liberality appropriation solicitude suggest object many important respect secure time peace need ship war requisite protection commerce want object must lay harbor without proper cover rapidly decay even best precaution preservation must soon become useless already case many fine vessel though unfinished require immense sum money restore condition commit proper element subject little doubt best policy would discontinue build ship first second class look rather possession ample material prepared emergency war number vessel float season peace index naval power judicious deposit navy yard timber material fashion hand skillful fit prompt application various purpose would enable u time construct vessel fast man save heavy expense repair except vessel must employ guard commerce proper point establishment yard indicate much force report navy board recommend attention deem unnecessary express hearty concurrence view yard district already furnished machinery necessary ship build competent supply two select board best concentration material facility certainty communication useless incur depot expense similar machinery especially use prepare usual metallic wooden furniture vessel another improvement would effect dispense altogether navy board constitute substitute stead bureaux similar already exist war department member board transfer head separate bureau charge specific duty would feel high degree wholesome responsibility divide without far proportionate diminution force valuable service would become still separately appropriate distinct portion great interest navy prosperity would impel devote strong motif arrangement every branch important service would assume simple precise character efficiency would increase scrupulous economy expenditure public money promote would also recommend marine corp merge artillery infantry best mode cure many defect organization little exceed number regiment infantry corps besides commandant five brevet receive full pay emolument brevet rank without render proportionate service detail marine service could well make artillery infantry peculiar training requisite improvement others zealous watchfulness mature consideration may suggest little doubt energetic administration affair navy may soon make every thing nation wish efficiency suppression piracy west india sea wherever squadron employ secure interest country appear report secretary refer interesting detail among would bespeak attention congress view present relation inequality army navy pay officer inequality prevail brave defender country exist submit congress whether ought rectify report postmaster general refer exhibit highly satisfactory administration department abuse reform increased expedition transportation mail secure revenue much improve political point view department chiefly important affording mean diffuse knowledge body politic vein artery natural convey rapidly regularly remote part system correct information operation government bring back wishes feeling people agency secure full enjoyment blessing free press general survey affair subject high importance present present organization judiciary uniform operation federal government different state certainly desirable exist union basis perfect equality state right expect benefit confer citizen others extend judicial system united state exist efficiency fifteen member union three others circuit court constitute important part system imperfectly extend remain 6 altogether denied effect withhold inhabitant latter advantage afford supreme court fellow citizen state whole extent criminal much civil authority federal judiciary state thing ought remedied do consistently public welfare doubt neither disguised organization judicial system difficult delicate task extend circuit court equally throughout different part union time avoid multiplication member would encumber supreme appellate tribunal object desire perhaps might accomplish divide circuit judge two class provide supreme court hold class alternately chief justice always preside extension circuit court system state enjoy benefit determine upon would course necessary revise present arrangement circuit even system enlarge revision recommend provision take census people united state insure completion work within convenient time claim early attention congress great constant increase business department state force early period upon attention executive thirteen year ago madison last message congress make subject earnest recommendation repeat successor comparatively limited experience satisfy justness arisen many cause least large addition make family independent nation proportionate extension foreign relation remedy propose establishment home department measure appear meet view congress account suppose tendency increase gradually imperceptibly already strong bias federal system toward exercise authority delegate therefore disposed revive recommendation less impressed importance organize department secretary may devote time foreign relation clearly satisfied public good would promote suitable provision subject respectfully invite attention charter bank united state expire 1836 stock holder probably apply renewal privilege order avoid evils result precipitancy measure involve important principle deep pecuniary interest feel justice party interested soon present deliberate consideration legislature people constitutionality expediency law create bank well questioned large portion fellow citizen must admit fail great end establish uniform sound currency circumstance institution deem essential fiscal operation government submit wisdom legislature whether national one found upon credit government revenue might devise would avoid constitutional difficulty time secure advantages government country expect result present bank close communication without bring view claim representative commodore decatur officer crew arise recapture frigate philadelphia heavy battery tripoli although sensible general rule impropriety executive interference government like every individual enjoy right directly petition congress yet view case one peculiar character deem duty recommend favorable consideration besides justice claim correspond since recognize satisfied fruit deed patriotic chivalrous daring infused life confidence infant navy contribute much exploit history elevate national character public gratitude therefore stamps seal upon meed withheld may operate stimulus gallant tar commend fellow citizen guidance almighty god full reliance merciful providence maintenance free institution earnest supplication ever error may lot commit discharge arduous duty devolve find remedy harmony wisdom counsel