Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: We are about to enter upon another year of the responsibility which the electorate of the United States has placed in our hands. Having come so far, it is fitting that we should pause to survey the ground which we have covered and the path which lies ahead. On the fourth day of March, 1933, on the occasion of taking the oath of office as President of the United States, I addressed the people of our country. Need I recall either the scene or the national circumstances attending the occasion? The crisis of that moment was almost exclusively a national one. In recognition of that fact, so obvious to the millions in the streets and in the homes of America, I devoted by far the greater part of that address to what I called, and the Nation called, critical days within our own borders. You will remember that on that fourth of March, 1933, the world picture was an image of substantial peace. International consultation and widespread hope for the bettering of relations between the Nations gave to all of us a reasonable expectation that the barriers to mutual confidence, to increased trade, and to the peaceful settlement of disputes could be progressively removed. In fact, my only reference to the field of world policy in that address was in these words: "I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—a neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors." In the years that have followed, that sentiment has remained the dedication of this Nation. Among the Nations of the great Western Hemisphere the policy of the good neighbor has happily prevailed. At no time in the four and a half centuries of modern civilization in the Americas has there existed—in any year, in any decade, in any generation in all that time—a greater spirit of mutual understanding, of common helpfulness, and of devotion to the ideals of self-government than exists today in the twenty-one American Republics and their neighbor, the Dominion of Canada. This policy of the good neighbor among the Americas is no longer a hope, no longer an objective remaining to be accomplished. It is a fact, active, present, pertinent and effective. In this achievement, every American Nation takes an understanding part. There is neither war, nor rumor of war, nor desire for war. The inhabitants of this vast area, two hundred and fifty million strong, spreading more than eight thousand miles from the Arctic to the Antarctic, believe in, and propose to follow, the policy of the good neighbor. They wish with all their heart that the rest of the world might do likewise. The rest of the world—Ah! there is the rub. Were I today to deliver an Inaugural Address to the people of the United States, I could not limit my comments on world affairs to one paragraph. With much regret I should be compelled to devote the greater part to world affairs. Since the summer of that same year of 1933, the temper and the purposes of the rulers of many of the great populations in Europe and in Asia have not pointed the way either to peace or to good-will among men. Not only have peace and good-will among men grown more remote in those areas of the earth during this period, but a point has been reached where the people of the Americas must take cognizance of growing ill-will, of marked trends toward aggression, of increasing armaments, of shortening tempers—a situation which has in it many of the elements that lead to the tragedy of general war. On those other continents many Nations, principally the smaller peoples, if left to themselves, would be content with their boundaries and willing to solve within themselves and in cooperation with their neighbors their individual problems, both economic and social. The rulers of those Nations, deep in their hearts, follow these peaceful and reasonable aspirations of their peoples. These rulers must remain ever vigilant against the possibility today or tomorrow of invasion or attack by the rulers of other peoples who fail to subscribe to the principles of bettering the human race by peaceful means. Within those other Nations—those which today must bear the primary, definite responsibility for jeopardizing world peace -what hope lies? To say the least, there are grounds for pessimism. It is idle for us or for others to preach that the masses of the people who constitute those Nations which are dominated by the twin spirits of autocracy and aggression, are out of sympathy with their rulers, that they are allowed no opportunity to express themselves, that they would change things if they could. That, unfortunately, is not so clear. It might be true that the masses of the people in those Nations would change the policies of their Governments if they could be allowed full freedom and full access to the processes of democratic government as we understand them. But they do not have that access; lacking it they follow blindly and fervently the lead of those who seek autocratic power. Nations seeking expansion, seeking the rectification of injustices springing from former wars, or seeking outlets for trade, for population or even for their own peaceful contributions to the progress of civilization, fail to demonstrate that patience necessary to attain reasonable and legitimate objectives by peaceful negotiation or by an appeal to the finer instincts of world justice. They have therefore impatiently reverted to the old belief in the law of the sword, or to the fantastic conception that they, and they alone, are chosen to fulfill a mission and that all the others among the billion and a half of human beings in the world must and shall learn from and be subject to them. I recognize and you will recognize that these words which I have chosen with deliberation will not prove popular in any Nation that chooses to fit this shoe to its foot. Such sentiments, however, will find sympathy and understanding in those Nations where the people themselves are honestly desirous of peace but must constantly align themselves on one side or the other in the kaleidoscopic jockeying for position which is characteristic of European and Asiatic relations today. For the peace-loving Nations, and there are many of them, find that their very identity depends on their moving and moving again on the chess board of international politics. I suggested in the spring of 1933 that 85 or 90 percent of all the people in the world were content with the territorial limits of their respective Nations and were willing further to reduce their armed forces if every other Nation in the world would agree to do likewise. That is equally true today, and it is even more true today that world peace and world good-will are blocked by only 10 or 15 percent of the world's population. That is why efforts to reduce armies have thus far not only failed, but have been met by vastly increased armaments on land and in the air. That is why even efforts to continue the existing limits on naval armaments into the years to come show such little current success. But the policy of the United States has been clear and consistent. We have sought with earnestness in every possible way to limit world armaments and to attain the peaceful solution of disputes among all Nations. We have sought by every legitimate means to exert our moral influence against repression, against intolerance, against autocracy and in favor of freedom of expression, equality before the law, religious tolerance and popular rule. In the field of commerce we have undertaken to encourage a more reasonable interchange of the world's goods. In the field of international finance we have, so far as we are concerned, put an end to dollar diplomacy, to money grabbing, to speculation for the benefit of the powerful and the rich, at the expense of the small and the poor. As a consistent part of a clear policy, the United States is following a twofold neutrality toward any and all Nations which engage in wars that are not of immediate concern to the Americas. First, we decline to encourage the prosecution of war by permitting belligerents to obtain arms, ammunition or implements of war from the United States. Second, we seek to discourage the use by belligerent Nations of any and all American products calculated to facilitate the prosecution of a war in quantities over and above our normal exports of them in time of peace. I trust that these objectives thus clearly and unequivocally stated will be carried forward by cooperation between this Congress and the President. I realize that I have emphasized to you the gravity of the situation which confronts the people of the world. This emphasis is justified because of its importance to civilization and therefore to the United States. Peace is jeopardized by the few and not by the many. Peace is threatened by those who seek selfish power. The world has witnessed similar eras— as in the days when petty kings and feudal barons were changing the map of Europe every fortnight, or when great emperors and great kings were engaged in a mad scramble for colonial empire. We hope that we are not again at the threshold of such an era. But if face it we must, then the United States and the rest of the Americas can play but one role: through a well-ordered neutrality to do naught to encourage the contest, through adequate defense to save ourselves from embroilment and attack, and through example and all legitimate encouragement and assistance to persuade other Nations to return to the ways of peace and good-will. The evidence before us clearly proves that autocracy in world affairs endangers peace and that such threats do not spring from those Nations devoted to the democratic ideal. If this be true in world affairs, it should have the greatest weight in the determination of domestic policies. Within democratic Nations the chief concern of the people is to prevent the continuance or the rise of autocratic institutions that beget slavery at home and aggression abroad. Within our borders, as in the world at large, popular opinion is at war with a power-seeking minority. That is no new thing. It was fought out in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. From time to time since then, the battle has been continued, under Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. In these latter years we have witnessed the domination of government by financial and industrial groups, numerically small but politically dominant in the twelve years that succeeded the World War. The present group of which I speak is indeed numerically small and, while it exercises a large influence and has much to say in the world of business, it does not, I am confident, speak the true sentiments of the less articulate but more important elements that constitute real American business. In March, 1933, I appealed to the Congress of the United States and to the people of the United States in a new effort to restore power to those to whom it rightfully belonged. The response to that appeal resulted in the writing of a new chapter in the history of popular government. You, the members of the Legislative branch, and I, the Executive, contended for and established a new relationship between Government and people. What were the terms of that new relationship? They were an appeal from the clamor of many private and selfish interests, yes, an appeal from the clamor of partisan interest, to the ideal of the public interest. Government became the representative and the trustee of the public interest. Our aim was to build upon essentially democratic institutions, seeking all the while the adjustment of burdens, the help of the needy, the protection of the weak, the liberation of the exploited and the genuine protection of the people's property. It goes without saying that to create such an economic constitutional order, more than a single legislative enactment was called for. We, you in the Congress and I as the Executive, had to build upon a broad base. Now, after thirty-four months of work, we contemplate a fairly rounded whole. We have returned the control of the Federal Government to the City of Washington. To be sure, in so doing, we have invited battle. We have earned the hatred of entrenched greed. The very nature of the problem that we faced made it necessary to drive some people from power and strictly to regulate others. I made that plain when I took the oath of office in March, 1933. I spoke of the practices of the unscrupulous money-changers who stood indicted in the court of public opinion. I spoke of the rulers of the exchanges of mankind's goods, who failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence. I said that they had admitted their failure and had abdicated. Abdicated? Yes, in 1933, but now with the passing of danger they forget their damaging admissions and withdraw their abdication. They seek the restoration of their selfish power. They offer to lead us back round the same old corner into the same old dreary street. Yes, there are still determined groups that are intent upon that very thing. Rigorously held up to popular examination, their true character presents itself. They steal the livery of great national constitutional ideals to serve discredited special interests. As guardians and trustees for great groups of individual stockholders they wrongfully seek to carry the property and the interests entrusted to them into the arena of partisan politics. They seek-this minority in business and industry—to control and often do control and use for their own purposes legitimate and highly honored business associations; they engage in vast propaganda to spread fear and discord among the people—they would "gang up" against the people's liberties. The principle that they would instill into government if they succeed in seizing power is well shown by the principles which many of them have instilled into their own affairs: autocracy toward labor, toward stockholders, toward consumers, toward public sentiment. Autocrats in smaller things, they seek autocracy in bigger things. "By their fruits ye shall know them." If these gentlemen believe, as they say they believe, that the measures adopted by this Congress and its predecessor, and carried out by this Administration, have hindered rather than promoted recovery, let them be consistent. Let them propose to this Congress the complete repeal of these measures. The way is open to such a proposal. Let action be positive and not negative. The way is open in the Congress of the United States for an expression of opinion by yeas and nays. Shall we say that values are restored and that the Congress will, therefore, repeal the laws under which we have been bringing them back? Shall we say that because national income has grown with rising prosperity, we shall repeal existing taxes and thereby put off the day of approaching a balanced budget and of starting to reduce the national debt? Shall we abandon the reasonable support and regulation of banking? Shall we restore the dollar to its former gold content? Shall we say to the farmer, "The prices for your products are in part restored. Now go and hoe your own row?" Shall we say to the home owners, "We have reduced your rates of interest. We have no further concern with how you keep your home or what you pay for your money. That is your affair?" Shall we say to the several millions of unemployed citizens who face the very problem of existence, of getting enough to eat, "We will withdraw from giving you work. We will turn you back to the charity of your communities and those men of selfish power who tell you that perhaps they will employ you if the Government leaves them strictly alone?" Shall we say to the needy unemployed, "Your problem is a local one except that perhaps the Federal Government, as an act of mere generosity, will be willing to pay to your city or to your county a few grudging dollars to help maintain your soup kitchens?" Shall we say to the children who have worked all day in the factories, "Child labor is a local issue and so are your starvation wages; something to be solved or left unsolved by the jurisdiction of forty-eight States?" Shall we say to the laborer, "Your right to organize, your relations with your employer have nothing to do with the public interest; if your employer will not even meet with you to discuss your problems and his, that is none of our affair?" Shall we say to the unemployed and the aged, "Social security lies not within the province of the Federal Government; you must seek relief elsewhere?" Shall we say to the men and women who live in conditions of squalor in country and in city, "The health and the happiness of you and your children are no concern of ours?" Shall we expose our population once more by the repeal of laws which protect them against the loss of their honest investments and against the manipulations of dishonest speculators? Shall we abandon the splendid efforts of the Federal Government to raise the health standards of the Nation and to give youth a decent opportunity through such means as the Civilian Conservation Corps? Members of the Congress, let these challenges be met. If this is what these gentlemen want, let them say so to the Congress of the United States. Let them no longer hide their dissent in a cowardly cloak of generality. Let them define the issue. We have been specific in our affirmative action. Let them be specific in their negative attack. But the challenge faced by this Congress is more menacing than merely a return to the past—bad as that would be. Our resplendent economic autocracy does not want to return to that individualism of which they prate, even though the advantages under that system went to the ruthless and the strong. They realize that in thirty-four months we have built up new instruments of public power. In the hands of a people's Government this power is wholesome and proper. But in the hands of political puppets of an economic autocracy such power would provide shackles for the liberties of the people. Give them their way and they will take the course of every autocracy of the past —power for themselves, enslavement for the public. Their weapon is the weapon of fear. I have said, "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." That is as true today as it was in 1933. But such fear as they instill today is not a natural fear, a normal fear; it is a synthetic, manufactured, poisonous fear that is being spread subtly, expensively and cleverly by the same people who cried in those other days, "Save us, save us, lest we perish." I am confident that the Congress of the United States well understands the facts and is ready to wage unceasing warfare against those who seek a continuation of that spirit of fear. The carrying out of the laws of the land as enacted by the Congress requires protection until final adjudication by the highest tribunal of the land. The Congress has the right and can find the means to protect its own prerogatives. We are justified in our present confidence. Restoration of national income, which shows continuing gains for the third successive year, supports the normal and logical policies under which agriculture and industry are returning to full activity. Under these policies we approach a balance of the national budget. National income increases; tax receipts, based on that income, increase without the levying of new taxes. That is why I am able to say to this, the Second Session of the 74th Congress, that it is my belief based on existing laws that no new taxes, over and above the present taxes, are either advisable or necessary. National income increases; employment increases. Therefore, we can look forward to a reduction in the number of those citizens who are in need. Therefore, also, we can anticipate a reduction in our appropriations for relief. In the light of our substantial material progress, in the light of the increasing effectiveness of the restoration of popular rule, I recommend to the Congress that we advance; that we do not retreat. I have confidence that you will not fail the people of the Nation whose mandate you have already so faithfully fulfilled. I repeat, with the same faith and the same determination, my words of March 4, 1933: "We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with a clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with a clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life. We do not distrust the future of essential democracy." I cannot better end this message on the state of the Union than by repeating the words of a wise philosopher at whose feet I sat many, many years ago. "What great crises teach all men whom the example and counsel of the brave inspire is the lesson: Fear not, view all the tasks of life as sacred, have faith in the triumph of the ideal, give daily all that you have to give, be loyal and rejoice whenever you find yourselves part of a great ideal enterprise. You, at this moment, have the honor to belong to a generation whose lips are touched by fire. You live in a land that now enjoys the blessings of peace. But let nothing human be wholly alien to you. The human race now passes through one of its great crises. New ideas, new issues—a new call for men to carry on the work of righteousness, of charity, of courage, of patience, and of loyalty. . . . However memory bring back this moment to your minds, let it be able to say to you: That was a great moment. It was the beginning of a new era. . . . This world in its crisis called for volunteers, for men of faith in life, of patience in service, of charity and of in- sight. I responded to the call however I could. I volunteered to give myself to my Master—the cause of humane and brave living. I studied, I loved, I labored, unsparingly and hopefully, to be worthy of my generation."
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: We are about to enter upon another year of the responsibility which the electorate of the United States has placed in our hands. Having come so far, it is fitting that we should pause to survey the ground which we have covered and the path which lies ahead. On the fourth day of March, 1933, on the occasion of taking the oath of office as President of the United States, I addressed the people of our country. Need I recall either the scene or the national circumstances attending the occasion? The crisis of that moment was almost exclusively a national one. In recognition of that fact, so obvious to the millions in the streets and in the homes of America, I devoted by far the greater part of that address to what I called, and the Nation called, critical days within our own borders. You will remember that on that fourth of March, 1933, the world picture was an image of substantial peace. International consultation and widespread hope for the bettering of relations between the Nations gave to all of us a reasonable expectation that the barriers to mutual confidence, to increased trade, and to the peaceful settlement of disputes could be progressively removed. In fact, my only reference to the field of world policy in that address was in these words: "I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor—the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others—a neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors." In the years that have followed, that sentiment has remained the dedication of this Nation. Among the Nations of the great Western Hemisphere the policy of the good neighbor has happily prevailed. At no time in the four and a half centuries of modern civilization in the Americas has there existed—in any year, in any decade, in any generation in all that time—a greater spirit of mutual understanding, of common helpfulness, and of devotion to the ideals of self-government than exists today in the twenty-one American Republics and their neighbor, the Dominion of Canada. This policy of the good neighbor among the Americas is no longer a hope, no longer an objective remaining to be accomplished. It is a fact, active, present, pertinent and effective. In this achievement, every American Nation takes an understanding part. There is neither war, nor rumor of war, nor desire for war. The inhabitants of this vast area, two hundred and fifty million strong, spreading more than eight thousand miles from the Arctic to the Antarctic, believe in, and propose to follow, the policy of the good neighbor. They wish with all their heart that the rest of the world might do likewise. The rest of the world—Ah! there is the rub. Were I today to deliver an Inaugural Address to the people of the United States, I could not limit my comments on world affairs to one paragraph. With much regret I should be compelled to devote the greater part to world affairs. Since the summer of that same year of 1933, the temper and the purposes of the rulers of many of the great populations in Europe and in Asia have not pointed the way either to peace or to good-will among men. Not only have peace and good-will among men grown more remote in those areas of the earth during this period, but a point has been reached where the people of the Americas must take cognizance of growing ill-will, of marked trends toward aggression, of increasing armaments, of shortening tempers—a situation which has in it many of the elements that lead to the tragedy of general war. On those other continents many Nations, principally the smaller peoples, if left to themselves, would be content with their boundaries and willing to solve within themselves and in cooperation with their neighbors their individual problems, both economic and social. The rulers of those Nations, deep in their hearts, follow these peaceful and reasonable aspirations of their peoples. These rulers must remain ever vigilant against the possibility today or tomorrow of invasion or attack by the rulers of other peoples who fail to subscribe to the principles of bettering the human race by peaceful means. Within those other Nations—those which today must bear the primary, definite responsibility for jeopardizing world peace -what hope lies? To say the least, there are grounds for pessimism. It is idle for us or for others to preach that the masses of the people who constitute those Nations which are dominated by the twin spirits of autocracy and aggression, are out of sympathy with their rulers, that they are allowed no opportunity to express themselves, that they would change things if they could. That, unfortunately, is not so clear. It might be true that the masses of the people in those Nations would change the policies of their Governments if they could be allowed full freedom and full access to the processes of democratic government as we understand them. But they do not have that access; lacking it they follow blindly and fervently the lead of those who seek autocratic power. Nations seeking expansion, seeking the rectification of injustices springing from former wars, or seeking outlets for trade, for population or even for their own peaceful contributions to the progress of civilization, fail to demonstrate that patience necessary to attain reasonable and legitimate objectives by peaceful negotiation or by an appeal to the finer instincts of world justice. They have therefore impatiently reverted to the old belief in the law of the sword, or to the fantastic conception that they, and they alone, are chosen to fulfill a mission and that all the others among the billion and a half of human beings in the world must and shall learn from and be subject to them. I recognize and you will recognize that these words which I have chosen with deliberation will not prove popular in any Nation that chooses to fit this shoe to its foot. Such sentiments, however, will find sympathy and understanding in those Nations where the people themselves are honestly desirous of peace but must constantly align themselves on one side or the other in the kaleidoscopic jockeying for position which is characteristic of European and Asiatic relations today. For the peace-loving Nations, and there are many of them, find that their very identity depends on their moving and moving again on the chess board of international politics. I suggested in the spring of 1933 that 85 or 90 percent of all the people in the world were content with the territorial limits of their respective Nations and were willing further to reduce their armed forces if every other Nation in the world would agree to do likewise. That is equally true today, and it is even more true today that world peace and world good-will are blocked by only 10 or 15 percent of the world's population. That is why efforts to reduce armies have thus far not only failed, but have been met by vastly increased armaments on land and in the air. That is why even efforts to continue the existing limits on naval armaments into the years to come show such little current success. But the policy of the United States has been clear and consistent. We have sought with earnestness in every possible way to limit world armaments and to attain the peaceful solution of disputes among all Nations. We have sought by every legitimate means to exert our moral influence against repression, against intolerance, against autocracy and in favor of freedom of expression, equality before the law, religious tolerance and popular rule. In the field of commerce we have undertaken to encourage a more reasonable interchange of the world's goods. In the field of international finance we have, so far as we are concerned, put an end to dollar diplomacy, to money grabbing, to speculation for the benefit of the powerful and the rich, at the expense of the small and the poor. As a consistent part of a clear policy, the United States is following a twofold neutrality toward any and all Nations which engage in wars that are not of immediate concern to the Americas. First, we decline to encourage the prosecution of war by permitting belligerents to obtain arms, ammunition or implements of war from the United States. Second, we seek to discourage the use by belligerent Nations of any and all American products calculated to facilitate the prosecution of a war in quantities over and above our normal exports of them in time of peace. I trust that these objectives thus clearly and unequivocally stated will be carried forward by cooperation between this Congress and the President. I realize that I have emphasized to you the gravity of the situation which confronts the people of the world. This emphasis is justified because of its importance to civilization and therefore to the United States. Peace is jeopardized by the few and not by the many. Peace is threatened by those who seek selfish power. The world has witnessed similar eras— as in the days when petty kings and feudal barons were changing the map of Europe every fortnight, or when great emperors and great kings were engaged in a mad scramble for colonial empire. We hope that we are not again at the threshold of such an era. But if face it we must, then the United States and the rest of the Americas can play but one role: through a well-ordered neutrality to do naught to encourage the contest, through adequate defense to save ourselves from embroilment and attack, and through example and all legitimate encouragement and assistance to persuade other Nations to return to the ways of peace and good-will. The evidence before us clearly proves that autocracy in world affairs endangers peace and that such threats do not spring from those Nations devoted to the democratic ideal. If this be true in world affairs, it should have the greatest weight in the determination of domestic policies. Within democratic Nations the chief concern of the people is to prevent the continuance or the rise of autocratic institutions that beget slavery at home and aggression abroad. Within our borders, as in the world at large, popular opinion is at war with a power-seeking minority. That is no new thing. It was fought out in the Constitutional Convention of 1787. From time to time since then, the battle has been continued, under Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. In these latter years we have witnessed the domination of government by financial and industrial groups, numerically small but politically dominant in the twelve years that succeeded the World War. The present group of which I speak is indeed numerically small and, while it exercises a large influence and has much to say in the world of business, it does not, I am confident, speak the true sentiments of the less articulate but more important elements that constitute real American business. In March, 1933, I appealed to the Congress of the United States and to the people of the United States in a new effort to restore power to those to whom it rightfully belonged. The response to that appeal resulted in the writing of a new chapter in the history of popular government. You, the members of the Legislative branch, and I, the Executive, contended for and established a new relationship between Government and people. What were the terms of that new relationship? They were an appeal from the clamor of many private and selfish interests, yes, an appeal from the clamor of partisan interest, to the ideal of the public interest. Government became the representative and the trustee of the public interest. Our aim was to build upon essentially democratic institutions, seeking all the while the adjustment of burdens, the help of the needy, the protection of the weak, the liberation of the exploited and the genuine protection of the people's property. It goes without saying that to create such an economic constitutional order, more than a single legislative enactment was called for. We, you in the Congress and I as the Executive, had to build upon a broad base. Now, after thirty-four months of work, we contemplate a fairly rounded whole. We have returned the control of the Federal Government to the City of Washington. To be sure, in so doing, we have invited battle. We have earned the hatred of entrenched greed. The very nature of the problem that we faced made it necessary to drive some people from power and strictly to regulate others. I made that plain when I took the oath of office in March, 1933. I spoke of the practices of the unscrupulous money-changers who stood indicted in the court of public opinion. I spoke of the rulers of the exchanges of mankind's goods, who failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence. I said that they had admitted their failure and had abdicated. Abdicated? Yes, in 1933, but now with the passing of danger they forget their damaging admissions and withdraw their abdication. They seek the restoration of their selfish power. They offer to lead us back round the same old corner into the same old dreary street. Yes, there are still determined groups that are intent upon that very thing. Rigorously held up to popular examination, their true character presents itself. They steal the livery of great national constitutional ideals to serve discredited special interests. As guardians and trustees for great groups of individual stockholders they wrongfully seek to carry the property and the interests entrusted to them into the arena of partisan politics. They seek-this minority in business and industry—to control and often do control and use for their own purposes legitimate and highly honored business associations; they engage in vast propaganda to spread fear and discord among the people—they would "gang up" against the people's liberties. The principle that they would instill into government if they succeed in seizing power is well shown by the principles which many of them have instilled into their own affairs: autocracy toward labor, toward stockholders, toward consumers, toward public sentiment. Autocrats in smaller things, they seek autocracy in bigger things. "By their fruits ye shall know them." If these gentlemen believe, as they say they believe, that the measures adopted by this Congress and its predecessor, and carried out by this Administration, have hindered rather than promoted recovery, let them be consistent. Let them propose to this Congress the complete repeal of these measures. The way is open to such a proposal. Let action be positive and not negative. The way is open in the Congress of the United States for an expression of opinion by yeas and nays. Shall we say that values are restored and that the Congress will, therefore, repeal the laws under which we have been bringing them back? Shall we say that because national income has grown with rising prosperity, we shall repeal existing taxes and thereby put off the day of approaching a balanced budget and of starting to reduce the national debt? Shall we abandon the reasonable support and regulation of banking? Shall we restore the dollar to its former gold content? Shall we say to the farmer, "The prices for your products are in part restored. Now go and hoe your own row?" Shall we say to the home owners, "We have reduced your rates of interest. We have no further concern with how you keep your home or what you pay for your money. That is your affair?" Shall we say to the several millions of unemployed citizens who face the very problem of existence, of getting enough to eat, "We will withdraw from giving you work. We will turn you back to the charity of your communities and those men of selfish power who tell you that perhaps they will employ you if the Government leaves them strictly alone?" Shall we say to the needy unemployed, "Your problem is a local one except that perhaps the Federal Government, as an act of mere generosity, will be willing to pay to your city or to your county a few grudging dollars to help maintain your soup kitchens?" Shall we say to the children who have worked all day in the factories, "Child labor is a local issue and so are your starvation wages; something to be solved or left unsolved by the jurisdiction of forty-eight States?" Shall we say to the laborer, "Your right to organize, your relations with your employer have nothing to do with the public interest; if your employer will not even meet with you to discuss your problems and his, that is none of our affair?" Shall we say to the unemployed and the aged, "Social security lies not within the province of the Federal Government; you must seek relief elsewhere?" Shall we say to the men and women who live in conditions of squalor in country and in city, "The health and the happiness of you and your children are no concern of ours?" Shall we expose our population once more by the repeal of laws which protect them against the loss of their honest investments and against the manipulations of dishonest speculators? Shall we abandon the splendid efforts of the Federal Government to raise the health standards of the Nation and to give youth a decent opportunity through such means as the Civilian Conservation Corps? Members of the Congress, let these challenges be met. If this is what these gentlemen want, let them say so to the Congress of the United States. Let them no longer hide their dissent in a cowardly cloak of generality. Let them define the issue. We have been specific in our affirmative action. Let them be specific in their negative attack. But the challenge faced by this Congress is more menacing than merely a return to the past—bad as that would be. Our resplendent economic autocracy does not want to return to that individualism of which they prate, even though the advantages under that system went to the ruthless and the strong. They realize that in thirty-four months we have built up new instruments of public power. In the hands of a people's Government this power is wholesome and proper. But in the hands of political puppets of an economic autocracy such power would provide shackles for the liberties of the people. Give them their way and they will take the course of every autocracy of the past —power for themselves, enslavement for the public. Their weapon is the weapon of fear. I have said, "The only thing we have to fear is fear itself." That is as true today as it was in 1933. But such fear as they instill today is not a natural fear, a normal fear; it is a synthetic, manufactured, poisonous fear that is being spread subtly, expensively and cleverly by the same people who cried in those other days, "Save us, save us, lest we perish." I am confident that the Congress of the United States well understands the facts and is ready to wage unceasing warfare against those who seek a continuation of that spirit of fear. The carrying out of the laws of the land as enacted by the Congress requires protection until final adjudication by the highest tribunal of the land. The Congress has the right and can find the means to protect its own prerogatives. We are justified in our present confidence. Restoration of national income, which shows continuing gains for the third successive year, supports the normal and logical policies under which agriculture and industry are returning to full activity. Under these policies we approach a balance of the national budget. National income increases; tax receipts, based on that income, increase without the levying of new taxes. That is why I am able to say to this, the Second Session of the 74th Congress, that it is my belief based on existing laws that no new taxes, over and above the present taxes, are either advisable or necessary. National income increases; employment increases. Therefore, we can look forward to a reduction in the number of those citizens who are in need. Therefore, also, we can anticipate a reduction in our appropriations for relief. In the light of our substantial material progress, in the light of the increasing effectiveness of the restoration of popular rule, I recommend to the Congress that we advance; that we do not retreat. I have confidence that you will not fail the people of the Nation whose mandate you have already so faithfully fulfilled. I repeat, with the same faith and the same determination, my words of March 4, 1933: "We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with a clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with a clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life. We do not distrust the future of essential democracy." I cannot better end this message on the state of the Union than by repeating the words of a wise philosopher at whose feet I sat many, many years ago. "What great crises teach all men whom the example and counsel of the brave inspire is the lesson: Fear not, view all the tasks of life as sacred, have faith in the triumph of the ideal, give daily all that you have to give, be loyal and rejoice whenever you find yourselves part of a great ideal enterprise. You, at this moment, have the honor to belong to a generation whose lips are touched by fire. You live in a land that now enjoys the blessings of peace. But let nothing human be wholly alien to you. The human race now passes through one of its great crises. New ideas, new issues—a new call for men to carry on the work of righteousness, of charity, of courage, of patience, and of loyalty. . . . However memory bring back this moment to your minds, let it be able to say to you: That was a great moment. It was the beginning of a new era. . . . This world in its crisis called for volunteers, for men of faith in life, of patience in service, of charity and of in- sight. I responded to the call however I could. I volunteered to give myself to my Master—the because of humane and brave living. I studied, I loved, I labored, unsparingly and hopefully, to be worthy of my generation."
president speaker members of the senate and of the house of representatives we are about to enter upon another year of the responsibility which the electorate of the united states has placed in our hands having come so far it is fitting that we should pause to survey the ground which we have covered and the path which lies ahead on the fourth day of march 1933 on the occasion of taking the oath of office as president of the united states i addressed the people of our country need i recall either the scene or the national circumstances attending the occasion the crisis of that moment was almost exclusively a national one in recognition of that fact so obvious to the millions in the streets and in the homes of america i devoted by far the greater part of that address to what i called and the nation called critical days within our own borders you will remember that on that fourth of march 1933 the world picture was an image of substantial peace international consultation and widespread hope for the bettering of relations between the nations gave to all of us a reasonable expectation that the barriers to mutual confidence to increased trade and to the peaceful settlement of disputes could be progressively removed in fact my only reference to the field of world policy in that address was in these words i would dedicate this nation to the policy of the good neighbor who resolutely respects himself and because he does so respects the rights of neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors in the years that have followed that sentiment has remained the dedication of this nation among the nations of the great western hemisphere the policy of the good neighbor has happily prevailed at no time in the four and a half centuries of modern civilization in the americas has there any year in any decade in any generation in all that greater spirit of mutual understanding of common helpfulness and of devotion to the ideals of than exists today in the american republics and their neighbor the dominion of canada this policy of the good neighbor among the americas is no longer a hope no longer an objective remaining to be accomplished it is a fact active present pertinent and effective in this achievement every american nation takes an understanding part there is neither war nor rumor of war nor desire for war the inhabitants of this vast area two hundred and fifty million strong spreading more than eight thousand miles from the arctic to the antarctic believe in and propose to follow the policy of the good neighbor they wish with all their heart that the rest of the world might do likewise the rest of the there is the rub were i today to deliver an inaugural address to the people of the united states i could not limit my comments on world affairs to one paragraph with much regret i should be compelled to devote the greater part to world affairs since the summer of that same year of 1933 the temper and the purposes of the rulers of many of the great populations in europe and in asia have not pointed the way either to peace or to among men not only have peace and among men grown more remote in those areas of the earth during this period but a point has been reached where the people of the americas must take cognizance of growing of marked trends toward aggression of increasing armaments of shortening situation which has in it many of the elements that lead to the tragedy of general war on those other continents many nations principally the smaller peoples if left to themselves would be content with their boundaries and willing to solve within themselves and in cooperation with their neighbors their individual problems both economic and social the rulers of those nations deep in their hearts follow these peaceful and reasonable aspirations of their peoples these rulers must remain ever vigilant against the possibility today or tomorrow of invasion or attack by the rulers of other peoples who fail to subscribe to the principles of bettering the human race by peaceful means within those other which today must bear the primary definite responsibility for jeopardizing world peace hope lies to say the least there are grounds for pessimism it is idle for us or for others to preach that the masses of the people who constitute those nations which are dominated by the twin spirits of autocracy and aggression are out of sympathy with their rulers that they are allowed no opportunity to express themselves that they would change things if they could that unfortunately is not so clear it might be true that the masses of the people in those nations would change the policies of their governments if they could be allowed full freedom and full access to the processes of democratic government as we understand them but they do not have that access lacking it they follow blindly and fervently the lead of those who seek autocratic power nations seeking expansion seeking the rectification of injustices springing from former wars or seeking outlets for trade for population or even for their own peaceful contributions to the progress of civilization fail to demonstrate that patience necessary to attain reasonable and legitimate objectives by peaceful negotiation or by an appeal to the finer instincts of world justice they have therefore impatiently reverted to the old belief in the law of the sword or to the fantastic conception that they and they alone are chosen to fulfill a mission and that all the others among the billion and a half of human beings in the world must and shall learn from and be subject to them i recognize and you will recognize that these words which i have chosen with deliberation will not prove popular in any nation that chooses to fit this shoe to its foot such sentiments however will find sympathy and understanding in those nations where the people themselves are honestly desirous of peace but must constantly align themselves on one side or the other in the kaleidoscopic jockeying for position which is characteristic of european and asiatic relations today for the nations and there are many of them find that their very identity depends on their moving and moving again on the chess board of international politics i suggested in the spring of 1933 that 85 or 90 percent of all the people in the world were content with the territorial limits of their respective nations and were willing further to reduce their armed forces if every other nation in the world would agree to do likewise that is equally true today and it is even more true today that world peace and world are blocked by only 10 or 15 percent of the world population that is why efforts to reduce armies have thus far not only failed but have been met by vastly increased armaments on land and in the air that is why even efforts to continue the existing limits on naval armaments into the years to come show such little current success but the policy of the united states has been clear and consistent we have sought with earnestness in every possible way to limit world armaments and to attain the peaceful solution of disputes among all nations we have sought by every legitimate means to exert our moral influence against repression against intolerance against autocracy and in favor of freedom of expression equality before the law religious tolerance and popular rule in the field of commerce we have undertaken to encourage a more reasonable interchange of the world goods in the field of international finance we have so far as we are concerned put an end to dollar diplomacy to money grabbing to speculation for the benefit of the powerful and the rich at the expense of the small and the poor as a consistent part of a clear policy the united states is following a twofold neutrality toward any and all nations which engage in wars that are not of immediate concern to the americas first we decline to encourage the prosecution of war by permitting belligerents to obtain arms ammunition or implements of war from the united states second we seek to discourage the use by belligerent nations of any and all american products calculated to facilitate the prosecution of a war in quantities over and above our normal exports of them in time of peace i trust that these objectives thus clearly and unequivocally stated will be carried forward by cooperation between this congress and the president i realize that i have emphasized to you the gravity of the situation which confronts the people of the world this emphasis is justified because of its importance to civilization and therefore to the united states peace is jeopardized by the few and not by the many peace is threatened by those who seek selfish power the world has witnessed similar as in the days when petty kings and feudal barons were changing the map of europe every fortnight or when great emperors and great kings were engaged in a mad scramble for colonial empire we hope that we are not again at the threshold of such an era but if face it we must then the united states and the rest of the americas can play but one role through a neutrality to do naught to encourage the contest through adequate defense to save ourselves from embroilment and attack and through example and all legitimate encouragement and assistance to persuade other nations to return to the ways of peace and the evidence before us clearly proves that autocracy in world affairs endangers peace and that such threats do not spring from those nations devoted to the democratic ideal if this be true in world affairs it should have the greatest weight in the determination of domestic policies within democratic nations the chief concern of the people is to prevent the continuance or the rise of autocratic institutions that beget slavery at home and aggression abroad within our borders as in the world at large popular opinion is at war with a minority that is no new thing it was fought out in the constitutional convention of 1787 from time to time since then the battle has been continued under thomas jefferson andrew jackson theodore roosevelt and woodrow wilson in these latter years we have witnessed the domination of government by financial and industrial groups numerically small but politically dominant in the twelve years that succeeded the world war the present group of which i speak is indeed numerically small and while it exercises a large influence and has much to say in the world of business it does not i am confident speak the true sentiments of the less articulate but more important elements that constitute real american business in march 1933 i appealed to the congress of the united states and to the people of the united states in a new effort to restore power to those to whom it rightfully belonged the response to that appeal resulted in the writing of a new chapter in the history of popular government you the members of the legislative branch and i the executive contended for and established a new relationship between government and people what were the terms of that new relationship they were an appeal from the clamor of many private and selfish interests yes an appeal from the clamor of partisan interest to the ideal of the public interest government became the representative and the trustee of the public interest our aim was to build upon essentially democratic institutions seeking all the while the adjustment of burdens the help of the needy the protection of the weak the liberation of the exploited and the genuine protection of the people property it goes without saying that to create such an economic constitutional order more than a single legislative enactment was called for we you in the congress and i as the executive had to build upon a broad base now after months of work we contemplate a fairly rounded whole we have returned the control of the federal government to the city of washington to be sure in so doing we have invited battle we have earned the hatred of entrenched greed the very nature of the problem that we faced made it necessary to drive some people from power and strictly to regulate others i made that plain when i took the oath of office in march 1933 i spoke of the practices of the unscrupulous who stood indicted in the court of public opinion i spoke of the rulers of the exchanges of mankind goods who failed through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence i said that they had admitted their failure and had abdicated abdicated yes in 1933 but now with the passing of danger they forget their damaging admissions and withdraw their abdication they seek the restoration of their selfish power they offer to lead us back round the same old corner into the same old dreary street yes there are still determined groups that are intent upon that very thing rigorously held up to popular examination their true character presents itself they steal the livery of great national constitutional ideals to serve discredited special interests as guardians and trustees for great groups of individual stockholders they wrongfully seek to carry the property and the interests entrusted to them into the arena of partisan politics they minority in business and control and often do control and use for their own purposes legitimate and highly honored business associations they engage in vast propaganda to spread fear and discord among the would gang up against the people liberties the principle that they would instill into government if they succeed in seizing power is well shown by the principles which many of them have instilled into their own affairs autocracy toward labor toward stockholders toward consumers toward public sentiment autocrats in smaller things they seek autocracy in bigger things by their fruits ye shall know them if these gentlemen believe as they say they believe that the measures adopted by this congress and its predecessor and carried out by this administration have hindered rather than promoted recovery let them be consistent let them propose to this congress the complete repeal of these measures the way is open to such a proposal let action be positive and not negative the way is open in the congress of the united states for an expression of opinion by yeas and nays shall we say that values are restored and that the congress will therefore repeal the laws under which we have been bringing them back shall we say that because national income has grown with rising prosperity we shall repeal existing taxes and thereby put off the day of approaching a balanced budget and of starting to reduce the national debt shall we abandon the reasonable support and regulation of banking shall we restore the dollar to its former gold content shall we say to the farmer the prices for your products are in part restored now go and hoe your own row shall we say to the home owners we have reduced your rates of interest we have no further concern with how you keep your home or what you pay for your money that is your affair shall we say to the several millions of unemployed citizens who face the very problem of existence of getting enough to eat we will withdraw from giving you work we will turn you back to the charity of your communities and those men of selfish power who tell you that perhaps they will employ you if the government leaves them strictly alone shall we say to the needy unemployed your problem is a local one except that perhaps the federal government as an act of mere generosity will be willing to pay to your city or to your county a few grudging dollars to help maintain your soup kitchens shall we say to the children who have worked all day in the factories child labor is a local issue and so are your starvation wages something to be solved or left unsolved by the jurisdiction of states shall we say to the laborer your right to organize your relations with your employer have nothing to do with the public interest if your employer will not even meet with you to discuss your problems and his that is none of our affair shall we say to the unemployed and the aged social security lies not within the province of the federal government you must seek relief elsewhere shall we say to the men and women who live in conditions of squalor in country and in city the health and the happiness of you and your children are no concern of ours shall we expose our population once more by the repeal of laws which protect them against the loss of their honest investments and against the manipulations of dishonest speculators shall we abandon the splendid efforts of the federal government to raise the health standards of the nation and to give youth a decent opportunity through such means as the civilian conservation corps members of the congress let these challenges be met if this is what these gentlemen want let them say so to the congress of the united states let them no longer hide their dissent in a cowardly cloak of generality let them define the issue we have been specific in our affirmative action let them be specific in their negative attack but the challenge faced by this congress is more menacing than merely a return to the as that would be our resplendent economic autocracy does not want to return to that individualism of which they prate even though the advantages under that system went to the ruthless and the strong they realize that in months we have built up new instruments of public power in the hands of a people government this power is wholesome and proper but in the hands of political puppets of an economic autocracy such power would provide shackles for the liberties of the people give them their way and they will take the course of every autocracy of the past for themselves enslavement for the public their weapon is the weapon of fear i have said the only thing we have to fear is fear itself that is as true today as it was in 1933 but such fear as they instill today is not a natural fear a normal fear it is a synthetic manufactured poisonous fear that is being spread subtly expensively and cleverly by the same people who cried in those other days save us save us lest we perish i am confident that the congress of the united states well understands the facts and is ready to wage unceasing warfare against those who seek a continuation of that spirit of fear the carrying out of the laws of the land as enacted by the congress requires protection until final adjudication by the highest tribunal of the land the congress has the right and can find the means to protect its own prerogatives we are justified in our present confidence restoration of national income which shows continuing gains for the third successive year supports the normal and logical policies under which agriculture and industry are returning to full activity under these policies we approach a balance of the national budget national income increases tax receipts based on that income increase without the levying of new taxes that is why i am able to say to this the second session of the 74th congress that it is my belief based on existing laws that no new taxes over and above the present taxes are either advisable or necessary national income increases employment increases therefore we can look forward to a reduction in the number of those citizens who are in need therefore also we can anticipate a reduction in our appropriations for relief in the light of our substantial material progress in the light of the increasing effectiveness of the restoration of popular rule i recommend to the congress that we advance that we do not retreat i have confidence that you will not fail the people of the nation whose mandate you have already so faithfully fulfilled i repeat with the same faith and the same determination my words of march 4 1933 we face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity with a clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values with a clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike we aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life we do not distrust the future of essential democracy i can not better end this message on the state of the union than by repeating the words of a wise philosopher at whose feet i sat many many years ago what great crises teach all men whom the example and counsel of the brave inspire is the lesson fear not view all the tasks of life as sacred have faith in the triumph of the ideal give daily all that you have to give be loyal and rejoice whenever you find yourselves part of a great ideal enterprise you at this moment have the honor to belong to a generation whose lips are touched by fire you live in a land that now enjoys the blessings of peace but let nothing human be wholly alien to you the human race now passes through one of its great crises new ideas new new call for men to carry on the work of righteousness of charity of courage of patience and of loyalty however memory bring back this moment to your minds let it be able to say to you that was a great moment it was the beginning of a new era this world in its crisis called for volunteers for men of faith in life of patience in service of charity and of sight i responded to the call however i could i volunteered to give myself to my because of humane and brave living i studied i loved i labored unsparingly and hopefully to be worthy of my generation
president speaker members senate house representatives enter upon another year responsibility electorate united states placed hands come far fitting pause survey ground covered path lies ahead fourth day march 1933 occasion taking oath office president united states addressed people country need recall either scene national circumstances attending occasion crisis moment almost exclusively national one recognition fact obvious millions streets homes america devoted far greater part address called nation called critical days within borders remember fourth march 1933 world picture image substantial peace international consultation widespread hope bettering relations nations gave us reasonable expectation barriers mutual confidence increased trade peaceful settlement disputes could progressively removed fact reference field world policy address words would dedicate nation policy good neighbor resolutely respects respects rights neighbor respects obligations respects sanctity agreements world neighbors years followed sentiment remained dedication nation among nations great western hemisphere policy good neighbor happily prevailed time four half centuries modern civilization americas year decade generation greater spirit mutual understanding common helpfulness devotion ideals exists today american republics neighbor dominion canada policy good neighbor among americas longer hope longer objective remaining accomplished fact active present pertinent effective achievement every american nation takes understanding part neither war rumor war desire war inhabitants vast area two hundred fifty million strong spreading eight thousand miles arctic antarctic believe propose follow policy good neighbor wish heart rest world might likewise rest rub today deliver inaugural address people united states could limit comments world affairs one paragraph much regret compelled devote greater part world affairs since summer year 1933 temper purposes rulers many great populations europe asia pointed way either peace among men peace among men grown remote areas earth period point reached people americas must take cognizance growing marked trends toward aggression increasing armaments shortening situation many elements lead tragedy general war continents many nations principally smaller peoples left would content boundaries willing solve within cooperation neighbors individual problems economic social rulers nations deep hearts follow peaceful reasonable aspirations peoples rulers must remain ever vigilant possibility today tomorrow invasion attack rulers peoples fail subscribe principles bettering human race peaceful means within today must bear primary definite responsibility jeopardizing world peace hope lies say least grounds pessimism idle us others preach masses people constitute nations dominated twin spirits autocracy aggression sympathy rulers allowed opportunity express would change things could unfortunately clear might true masses people nations would change policies governments could allowed full freedom full access processes democratic government understand access lacking follow blindly fervently lead seek autocratic power nations seeking expansion seeking rectification injustices springing former wars seeking outlets trade population even peaceful contributions progress civilization fail demonstrate patience necessary attain reasonable legitimate objectives peaceful negotiation appeal finer instincts world justice therefore impatiently reverted old belief law sword fantastic conception alone chosen fulfill mission others among billion half human beings world must shall learn subject recognize recognize words chosen deliberation prove popular nation chooses fit shoe foot sentiments however find sympathy understanding nations people honestly desirous peace must constantly align one side kaleidoscopic jockeying position characteristic european asiatic relations today nations many find identity depends moving moving chess board international politics suggested spring 1933 85 90 percent people world content territorial limits respective nations willing reduce armed forces every nation world would agree likewise equally true today even true today world peace world blocked 10 15 percent world population efforts reduce armies thus far failed met vastly increased armaments land air even efforts continue existing limits naval armaments years come show little current success policy united states clear consistent sought earnestness every possible way limit world armaments attain peaceful solution disputes among nations sought every legitimate means exert moral influence repression intolerance autocracy favor freedom expression equality law religious tolerance popular rule field commerce undertaken encourage reasonable interchange world goods field international finance far concerned put end dollar diplomacy money grabbing speculation benefit powerful rich expense small poor consistent part clear policy united states following twofold neutrality toward nations engage wars immediate concern americas first decline encourage prosecution war permitting belligerents obtain arms ammunition implements war united states second seek discourage use belligerent nations american products calculated facilitate prosecution war quantities normal exports time peace trust objectives thus clearly unequivocally stated carried forward cooperation congress president realize emphasized gravity situation confronts people world emphasis justified importance civilization therefore united states peace jeopardized many peace threatened seek selfish power world witnessed similar days petty kings feudal barons changing map europe every fortnight great emperors great kings engaged mad scramble colonial empire hope threshold era face must united states rest americas play one role neutrality naught encourage contest adequate defense save embroilment attack example legitimate encouragement assistance persuade nations return ways peace evidence us clearly proves autocracy world affairs endangers peace threats spring nations devoted democratic ideal true world affairs greatest weight determination domestic policies within democratic nations chief concern people prevent continuance rise autocratic institutions beget slavery home aggression abroad within borders world large popular opinion war minority new thing fought constitutional convention 1787 time time since battle continued thomas jefferson andrew jackson theodore roosevelt woodrow wilson latter years witnessed domination government financial industrial groups numerically small politically dominant twelve years succeeded world war present group speak indeed numerically small exercises large influence much say world business confident speak true sentiments less articulate important elements constitute real american business march 1933 appealed congress united states people united states new effort restore power rightfully belonged response appeal resulted writing new chapter history popular government members legislative branch executive contended established new relationship government people terms new relationship appeal clamor many private selfish interests yes appeal clamor partisan interest ideal public interest government became representative trustee public interest aim build upon essentially democratic institutions seeking adjustment burdens help needy protection weak liberation exploited genuine protection people property goes without saying create economic constitutional order single legislative enactment called congress executive build upon broad base months work contemplate fairly rounded whole returned control federal government city washington sure invited battle earned hatred entrenched greed nature problem faced made necessary drive people power strictly regulate others made plain took oath office march 1933 spoke practices unscrupulous stood indicted court public opinion spoke rulers exchanges mankind goods failed stubbornness incompetence said admitted failure abdicated abdicated yes 1933 passing danger forget damaging admissions withdraw abdication seek restoration selfish power offer lead us back round old corner old dreary street yes still determined groups intent upon thing rigorously held popular examination true character presents steal livery great national constitutional ideals serve discredited special interests guardians trustees great groups individual stockholders wrongfully seek carry property interests entrusted arena partisan politics minority business control often control use purposes legitimate highly honored business associations engage vast propaganda spread fear discord among would gang people liberties principle would instill government succeed seizing power well shown principles many instilled affairs autocracy toward labor toward stockholders toward consumers toward public sentiment autocrats smaller things seek autocracy bigger things fruits ye shall know gentlemen believe say believe measures adopted congress predecessor carried administration hindered rather promoted recovery let consistent let propose congress complete repeal measures way open proposal let action positive negative way open congress united states expression opinion yeas nays shall say values restored congress therefore repeal laws bringing back shall say national income grown rising prosperity shall repeal existing taxes thereby put day approaching balanced budget starting reduce national debt shall abandon reasonable support regulation banking shall restore dollar former gold content shall say farmer prices products part restored go hoe row shall say home owners reduced rates interest concern keep home pay money affair shall say several millions unemployed citizens face problem existence getting enough eat withdraw giving work turn back charity communities men selfish power tell perhaps employ government leaves strictly alone shall say needy unemployed problem local one except perhaps federal government act mere generosity willing pay city county grudging dollars help maintain soup kitchens shall say children worked day factories child labor local issue starvation wages something solved left unsolved jurisdiction states shall say laborer right organize relations employer nothing public interest employer even meet discuss problems none affair shall say unemployed aged social security lies within province federal government must seek relief elsewhere shall say men women live conditions squalor country city health happiness children concern shall expose population repeal laws protect loss honest investments manipulations dishonest speculators shall abandon splendid efforts federal government raise health standards nation give youth decent opportunity means civilian conservation corps members congress let challenges met gentlemen want let say congress united states let longer hide dissent cowardly cloak generality let define issue specific affirmative action let specific negative attack challenge faced congress menacing merely return would resplendent economic autocracy want return individualism prate even though advantages system went ruthless strong realize months built new instruments public power hands people government power wholesome proper hands political puppets economic autocracy power would provide shackles liberties people give way take course every autocracy past enslavement public weapon weapon fear said thing fear fear true today 1933 fear instill today natural fear normal fear synthetic manufactured poisonous fear spread subtly expensively cleverly people cried days save us save us lest perish confident congress united states well understands facts ready wage unceasing warfare seek continuation spirit fear carrying laws land enacted congress requires protection final adjudication highest tribunal land congress right find means protect prerogatives justified present confidence restoration national income shows continuing gains third successive year supports normal logical policies agriculture industry returning full activity policies approach balance national budget national income increases tax receipts based income increase without levying new taxes able say second session 74th congress belief based existing laws new taxes present taxes either advisable necessary national income increases employment increases therefore look forward reduction number citizens need therefore also anticipate reduction appropriations relief light substantial material progress light increasing effectiveness restoration popular rule recommend congress advance retreat confidence fail people nation whose mandate already faithfully fulfilled repeat faith determination words march 4 1933 face arduous days lie us warm courage national unity clear consciousness seeking old precious moral values clean satisfaction comes stern performance duty old young alike aim assurance rounded permanent national life distrust future essential democracy better end message state union repeating words wise philosopher whose feet sat many many years ago great crises teach men example counsel brave inspire lesson fear view tasks life sacred faith triumph ideal give daily give loyal rejoice whenever find part great ideal enterprise moment honor belong generation whose lips touched fire live land enjoys blessings peace let nothing human wholly alien human race passes one great crises new ideas new new call men carry work righteousness charity courage patience loyalty however memory bring back moment minds let able say great moment beginning new era world crisis called volunteers men faith life patience service charity sight responded call however could volunteered give humane brave living studied loved labored unsparingly hopefully worthy generation
president speaker member senate house representative enter upon another year responsibility electorate united state place hand come far fitting pause survey ground cover path lie ahead fourth day march 1933 occasion take oath office president united state address people country need recall either scene national circumstance attend occasion crisis moment almost exclusively national one recognition fact obvious million street home america devote far great part address call nation call critical day within border remember fourth march 1933 world picture image substantial peace international consultation widespread hope better relation nation give u reasonable expectation barrier mutual confidence increase trade peaceful settlement dispute could progressively remove fact reference field world policy address word would dedicate nation policy good neighbor resolutely respect respect right neighbor respect obligation respect sanctity agreement world neighbor year follow sentiment remain dedication nation among nation great western hemisphere policy good neighbor happily prevail time four half century modern civilization america year decade generation great spirit mutual understanding common helpfulness devotion ideal exist today american republic neighbor dominion canada policy good neighbor among americas long hope longer objective remain accomplished fact active present pertinent effective achievement every american nation take understanding part neither war rumor war desire war inhabitant vast area two hundred fifty million strong spread eight thousand mile arctic antarctic believe propose follow policy good neighbor wish heart rest world might likewise rest rub today deliver inaugural address people united state could limit comment world affair one paragraph much regret compel devote great part world affair since summer year 1933 temper purpose ruler many great population europe asia point way either peace among men peace among men grow remote area earth period point reach people americas must take cognizance grow marked trend toward aggression increase armament shorten situation many element lead tragedy general war continent many nation principally small people leave would content boundary willing solve within cooperation neighbor individual problem economic social ruler nation deep heart follow peaceful reasonable aspiration people ruler must remain ever vigilant possibility today tomorrow invasion attack ruler people fail subscribe principle better human race peaceful mean within today must bear primary definite responsibility jeopardize world peace hope lie say least ground pessimism idle u others preach mass people constitute nation dominate twin spirit autocracy aggression sympathy ruler allow opportunity express would change thing could unfortunately clear might true mass people nation would change policy government could allow full freedom full access process democratic government understand access lack follow blindly fervently lead seek autocratic power nation seek expansion seek rectification injustice spring former war seek outlet trade population even peaceful contribution progress civilization fail demonstrate patience necessary attain reasonable legitimate objective peaceful negotiation appeal finer instincts world justice therefore impatiently revert old belief law sword fantastic conception alone choose fulfill mission others among billion half human being world must shall learn subject recognize recognize word choose deliberation prove popular nation choose fit shoe foot sentiment however find sympathy understanding nation people honestly desirous peace must constantly align one side kaleidoscopic jockey position characteristic european asiatic relation today nation many find identity depend move move chess board international politics suggest spring 1933 85 90 percent people world content territorial limit respective nation willing reduce armed force every nation world would agree likewise equally true today even true today world peace world block 10 15 percent world population effort reduce army thus far fail meet vastly increase armament land air even effort continue exist limit naval armament year come show little current success policy united state clear consistent seek earnestness every possible way limit world armament attain peaceful solution dispute among nation seek every legitimate mean exert moral influence repression intolerance autocracy favor freedom expression equality law religious tolerance popular rule field commerce undertaken encourage reasonable interchange world good field international finance far concern put end dollar diplomacy money grab speculation benefit powerful rich expense small poor consistent part clear policy unite state follow twofold neutrality toward nation engage war immediate concern america first decline encourage prosecution war permit belligerent obtain arm ammunition implement war united state second seek discourage use belligerent nation american product calculate facilitate prosecution war quantity normal export time peace trust objective thus clearly unequivocally state carried forward cooperation congress president realize emphasized gravity situation confronts people world emphasis justify importance civilization therefore united state peace jeopardize many peace threaten seek selfish power world witness similar day petty king feudal baron change map europe every fortnight great emperor great king engage mad scramble colonial empire hope threshold era face must unite state rest americas play one role neutrality naught encourage contest adequate defense save embroilment attack example legitimate encouragement assistance persuade nation return way peace evidence u clearly prove autocracy world affair endangers peace threat spring nation devote democratic ideal true world affair great weight determination domestic policy within democratic nation chief concern people prevent continuance rise autocratic institution beget slavery home aggression abroad within border world large popular opinion war minority new thing fought constitutional convention 1787 time time since battle continue thomas jefferson andrew jackson theodore roosevelt woodrow wilson latter year witness domination government financial industrial group numerically small politically dominant twelve year succeed world war present group speak indeed numerically small exercise large influence much say world business confident speak true sentiment less articulate important element constitute real american business march 1933 appeal congress united state people united state new effort restore power rightfully belong response appeal result write new chapter history popular government member legislative branch executive contend establish new relationship government people term new relationship appeal clamor many private selfish interest yes appeal clamor partisan interest ideal public interest government become representative trustee public interest aim build upon essentially democratic institution seek adjustment burden help needy protection weak liberation exploit genuine protection people property go without say create economic constitutional order single legislative enactment call congress executive build upon broad base month work contemplate fairly round whole return control federal government city washington sure invited battle earn hatred entrenched greed nature problem face make necessary drive people power strictly regulate others make plain take oath office march 1933 speak practice unscrupulous stand indicted court public opinion speak ruler exchange mankind good fail stubbornness incompetence say admitted failure abdicate abdicated yes 1933 pass danger forget damaging admission withdraw abdication seek restoration selfish power offer lead u back round old corner old dreary street yes still determine group intent upon thing rigorously hold popular examination true character present steal livery great national constitutional ideal serve discredit special interest guardian trustee great group individual stockholder wrongfully seek carry property interest entrust arena partisan politics minority business control often control use purpose legitimate highly honored business association engage vast propaganda spread fear discord among would gang people liberty principle would instill government succeed seize power well show principle many instilled affair autocracy toward labor toward stockholder toward consumer toward public sentiment autocrat small thing seek autocracy big thing fruit ye shall know gentleman believe say believe measure adopt congress predecessor carry administration hinder rather promoted recovery let consistent let propose congress complete repeal measure way open proposal let action positive negative way open congress united state expression opinion yea nays shall say value restore congress therefore repeal law bring back shall say national income grow rise prosperity shall repeal exist tax thereby put day approach balance budget start reduce national debt shall abandon reasonable support regulation bank shall restore dollar former gold content shall say farmer price product part restore go hoe row shall say home owner reduce rate interest concern keep home pay money affair shall say several million unemployed citizen face problem existence get enough eat withdraw give work turn back charity community men selfish power tell perhaps employ government leave strictly alone shall say needy unemployed problem local one except perhaps federal government act mere generosity willing pay city county grudge dollar help maintain soup kitchens shall say child work day factory child labor local issue starvation wage something solve left unsolved jurisdiction state shall say laborer right organize relation employer nothing public interest employer even meet discuss problem none affair shall say unemployed age social security lie within province federal government must seek relief elsewhere shall say men woman live condition squalor country city health happiness child concern shall expose population repeal law protect loss honest investment manipulation dishonest speculator shall abandon splendid effort federal government raise health standard nation give youth decent opportunity mean civilian conservation corp member congress let challenge meet gentleman want let say congress united state let long hide dissent cowardly cloak generality let define issue specific affirmative action let specific negative attack challenge face congress menace merely return would resplendent economic autocracy want return individualism prate even though advantage system go ruthless strong realize month build new instrument public power hand people government power wholesome proper hand political puppet economic autocracy power would provide shackle liberties people give way take course every autocracy past enslavement public weapon weapon fear say thing fear fear true today 1933 fear instill today natural fear normal fear synthetic manufacture poisonous fear spread subtly expensively cleverly people cry day save u save u l perish confident congress united state well understand fact ready wage unceasing warfare seek continuation spirit fear carry law land enact congress require protection final adjudication high tribunal land congress right find mean protect prerogative justify present confidence restoration national income show continue gain third successive year support normal logical policy agriculture industry return full activity policy approach balance national budget national income increase tax receipt base income increase without levy new tax able say second session 74th congress belief base exist law new tax present tax either advisable necessary national income increase employment increase therefore look forward reduction number citizen need therefore also anticipate reduction appropriation relief light substantial material progress light increase effectiveness restoration popular rule recommend congress advance retreat confidence fail people nation whose mandate already faithfully fulfil repeat faith determination word march 4 1933 face arduous day lie u warm courage national unity clear consciousness seek old precious moral value clean satisfaction come stern performance duty old young alike aim assurance round permanent national life distrust future essential democracy well end message state union repeat word wise philosopher whose foot sit many many year ago great crisis teach men example counsel brave inspire lesson fear view task life sacred faith triumph ideal give daily give loyal rejoice whenever find part great ideal enterprise moment honor belong generation whose lip touch fire live land enjoy blessing peace let nothing human wholly alien human race pass one great crises new idea new new call men carry work righteousness charity courage patience loyalty however memory bring back moment mind let able say great moment begin new era world crisis call volunteer men faith life patience service charity sight respond call however could volunteer give humane brave living study love labored unsparingly hopefully worthy generation