Passage 1:
Muhammad Habib Shakir
Muhammad Habib Shakir (1866 in Cairo – 1939 in Cairo) (Arabic: محمد حبيب شاكر) was an Egyptian judge, born in Cairo and a graduate from Al-Azhar University.

Life
Sheikh Mohammed Shakir b. Ahmad b. ‘Abd al-Qadir was born in 1866 CE in Jirja, a city in Upper Egypt. He studied and graduated from Al-Azhar University. He died in 1939 in Cairo.
His son, Sheikh Ahmad Muhammad Shakir, wrote his biography in a treatise entitled Mohammed Shakir ‘Alam min A‘lam al-‘Asr

Positions
Sudan's Supreme Judge for four years (1890-1893)
Dean of Alexandria's Scholars
Al-Azhar Secretary General ("Wakil") and a member of its board of directors
Member of Al-Azhar Corps of High Scholars
Member of Al-Azhar legislative Society ("al-Jam‘iyya al-Tashri‘iyya")

Works
"Al-Durus al-Awwaliyya fi al-‘Aqa’id al-Diniyya"
"Al-Qawl al-Fasl fi Tarjamat al-Qur’an al-Karim"
"Al-Sira al-Nabawiyya"

Qur'an controversy
Mohammed Habib Shakir has been stated by many internet sources as "a well known translator of the Qur'an into English." He has been associated with the translator M. H. Shakir of the translation published by Tahrike Tarsile Qur'an. However this idea is contradicted by two pieces of evidence that have now come to light:

There is strong evidence that Mohammed Habib Shakir was against the translation of the Qur'an and considered the rendering of the Arabic into any other language unlawful.
There is strong evidence that M. H. Shakir, the translator, is actually a pen name for Mohammedali Habib Shakir the son of Habib Esmail of The House of Habib.The translator of this edition was in fact a Pakistani Shi'a.

See also
List of Islamic scholars
Translation of the Qur'an
Passage 2:
Rumbi Katedza
Rumbi Katedza is a Zimbabwean Film Producer and Director who was born on 17 January 1974.

Early life and education
She did her Primary and Secondary Education in Harare, Zimbabwe. Katedza graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in English from McGill University, Canada in 1995. In 2008 Katedza received the Chevening Scholarship that enabled her to further her studies in film. She also holds a MA in Filmmaking from Goldsmiths College, London University.

Work and filmography
Katedza has experience in Film and TV Production, Directing, Writing as well as Producing and presenting Radio shows. From 1994 to 2000, She produced and presented radio shows on Women's issues, Arts and Culture, Hip Hop and Acid Jazz for the CKUT (Montreal) and ZBC Radio 3 (Zimbabwe). From 2004 - 2006, she served as the Festival Director of the Zimbabwe International Film Festival. Whilst there, she produced the Postcards from Zimbabwe Series. In 2008, Katedza founded Mai Jai Films and has produced numerous films and television productions under the banner namely

Tariro (2008);
Big House, Small House (2009);
The Axe and the Tree (2011);
The Team (2011)
Playing Warriors (2012)Her early works include:

Danai (2002);
Postcards from Zimbabwe (2006);
Trapped (2006 – Rumbi Katedza, Marcus Korhonen);
Asylum (2007);
Insecurity Guard (2007)Rumbi Katedza is a part-time lecturer at the University of Zimbabwe, in the department of Theatre Arts. She is a judge and monitor at the National Arts Merit Awards, responsible for monitoring new film and TV productions throughout the year on behalf of the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe. She has also lobbied Zimbabwean government to actively support the film industry.
Passage 3:
Edward Yates
Edward J. Yates (September 16, 1918 – June 2, 2006) was an American television director who was the director of the ABC television program American Bandstand from 1952 until 1969.

Biography
Yates became a still photographer after graduating from high school in 1936. After serving in World War II, he became employed by Philadelphia's WFIL-TV as a boom microphone operator. He was later promoted to cameraman (important as most programming was done live and local during the early years of television) and earned a bachelor's degree in communications in 1950 from the University of Pennsylvania.
In October 1952, Yates volunteered to direct Bandstand, a new concept featuring local teens dancing to the latest hits patterned after the "950 Club" on WPEN-AM. The show debuted with Bob Horn as host and took off after Dick Clark, already a radio veteran at age 26, took over in 1956.
It was broadcast live in its early years, even after it became part of the ABC network's weekday afternoon lineup in 1957 as American Bandstand. Yates pulled records, directed the cameras, queued the commercials and communicated with Clark via a private line telephone located on his podium.
In 1964, Clark moved the show to Los Angeles, taking Yates with him.
Yates retired from American Bandstand in 1969, and moved his family to the Philadelphia suburb of West Chester.
He died in 2006 at a nursing home where he had been for the last two months of his life.

External links
Edward Yates at IMDb
Passage 4:
Reginald Le Borg
Reginald Le Borg (11 December 1902 – 25 March 1989) was an Austrian film director. He was born in Vienna, Austria with the surname Groebel and directed 68 films between 1936 and 1974.
Le Borg made a series of low-budget horror films at Universal Studios in the 1940s. In 1944, he made his most expensive and also most successful film, San Diego, I Love You, featuring Buster Keaton in a supporting role.
A banker in Vienna, he came to the United States as a visitor in 1928, 1929 and 1930, according to New York steamship passenger manifests. He was recorded as Harry Reginald Groebel. He emigrated permanently in 1931. In his naturalization petition in 1937, he changed his name legally from Harry Groebel to Reginald Le Borg Le Borg died in Los Angeles, California from a heart attack.

Selected filmography
Further reading
Helmut G. Asper: Etwas besseres als den Tod – Filmexil in Hollywood. Schüren Verlag, Marburg 2002, ISBN 3-89472-362-9, p. 154–168 (German)
Helmut G. Asper: Filmexilanten im Universal Studio. Bertz und Fischer, 2005, (German)
Wheeler Winston Dixon: The Films of Reginald Le Borg. Scarecrow Press (Filmmakers series Book 31), 1992
Passage 5:
War Jabi
War-Dyabe ibn Rabis (Arabic: وار ذياب بن ربيس) or War Jabi (Arabic: وار جابي), also known as: War Jaabi or War-Dyabe or War-Ndyay, was the king of Tekrur.  He converted to Islam around 1030 and his subjects did the same to imitate him. Following attacks on the Muslims of Tekrour by animists who were afraid of the growing influence of Islam in the kingdom, he called on his Almoravid allies who helped him to take power. This conflict forced the ancestors of today's Serer people to flee south to land near the Saloum Delta.
Under his reign, he expanded the kingdom by conquering other territories. The rapprochement with the Almoravids benefited the kingdom economically and created stronger political ties between the Muslim states of North Africa and Tekrour. Later, during a period of domestic instability in the Ghana Empire, Tekrur ended up conquering the emprie with the help of the Almoravids by taking its capital Koumbi Saleh.
He died in 433 Hijri (1040 or 1041 Gregorian), succeeded by his son Labi.

See also
Takrur
Bambuk

Sources
Barry, Boubacar. Senegambia and the Atlantic slave trade, (Cambridge: University Press, 1998) p. 6
Clark, Andrew F. and Lucie Colvin Phillips. Historical Dictionary of Senegal: Second Edition, (Metuchen, New Jersey: Scrarecrow Press, 1994) pp. 18; 265
Fage, J. D.; Oliver, Roland Anthony, "The Cambridge History of Africa: From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050", Cambridge University Press (1975), p. 485, ISBN 9780521209816 - [1] last retrieved 20 June 2022
Cohen, Robert Z., Discovering the Empire of Ghana, The Rosen Publishing Group, Inc. (2013), p. 39, ISBN 9781477718889 - [2] last retrieved 20 June 2022
Levtzion, Nehemia (1973). Ancient Ghana and Mali. New York: Methuen & Co Ltd. p. 44,183. ISBN 0841904316.

Notes

Serer history
Passage 6:
Chester Withey
Chester "Chet" Withey (8 November 1887, Park City, Utah – 6 October 1939, California) was an American silent film actor, director, and screenwriter. He participated in the production in total of some 100 films.
Born in Park City, Utah, the son of Chester Henry Withey and Mary E. Kelso, Withey started his career in silent film as an actor in 1913. He starred in films such as the 1916 film The Wharf Rat.  He married Virginia Philley, a screenwriter, who also did some acting.
However, by 1916, he had already directed several films and decided to concentrate on work behind the camera. Withey was also accredited with writing for 15 films.
He retired from film directing in 1928 and died 6 October 1939.

Partial filmography
External links

Chester Withey at IMDb
Passage 7:
Hassan Zee
Hassan "Doctor" Zee is a Pakistani-American film director who was born in Chakwal, Pakistan.

Early life
Doctor Zee grew up in Chakwal, a small village in Punjab, Pakistan. as one of seven brothers and sisters  His father was in the military and this fact required the family to move often to different cities. As a child Zee was forbidden from watching cinema because his father believed movies were a bad influence on children.
At age 13, Doctor Zee got his start in the world of entertainment at Radio Pakistan where he wrote and produced radio dramas and musical programs.  It was then that he realized his passion for storytelling At the age of 26, Doctor Zee earned his medical doctorate degree and did his residency in a burn unit at the Pakistan Institute of Medical Sciences. He cared for women who were victims of  "Bride Burning," the archaic practice used as a form of punishment against women who fail to provide sufficient dowry to their in-laws after marriage or fail to provide offspring.  He also witnessed how his country’s transgender and intersex people, called “hijras”, were banned from having jobs and forced to beg to survive. These experiences inspired Doctor Zee to tackle the issues of women’s empowerment and gender inequality in his films.In 1999, he came to San Francisco to pursue his dream of filmmaking and made San Francisco his home

Education
He received his early education from Jinnah Public School, Chakwal. He got his medical doctor degree at Rawalpindi Medical College, Pakistan.

Film career
Doctor Zee's first film titled Night of Henna was released in 2005. The theme of the film dealt with "the conflict between Old World immigrant customs and modern Western ways..." Night of Henna focused on the problems of Pakistani expatriates who found it hard to adjust in American culture. Many often landed themselves in trouble when it came to marrying off their children.
His second film Bicycle Bride came out in 2010, which was about "the clash between the bonds of family and the weight of tradition." His third film House of Temptation that came out in 2014 was about a family which struggles against the temptations of the Devil. His fourth film “Good Morning Pakistan”, concerned a young American’s journey back to Pakistan where he confronts the contradictory nature of a beautiful and ancient culture that's marred by economic, educational and gender inequality His upcoming fifth film, "Ghost in San Francisco" is a supernatural thriller starring Felissa Rose, Dave Sheridan, and Kyle Lowder where a soldier comes home from Afghanistan to discover that his wife is having an affair with his best friend. While battling with his inner ghosts and demons, he meets a mysterious woman in San Francisco who promises him a ritual for his cure.
Passage 8:
A Cafe in Cairo
A Cafe in Cairo is a 1924 American silent drama film directed by Chester Withey and starring Priscilla Dean, Robert Ellis and Carl Stockdale. Hunt Stromberg produced it for release by the recently established Producers Distributing Corporation. It was part of a wave of films with Middle Eastern settings which followed on from the success of Paramount's The Sheik in 1921.

Synopsis
When her British parents are killed when an Arabian desert bandit launches an attack on their encampment, their young daughter is spared and brought up as an Arab known as Nadia. The bandit who killed Nadia's parents wishes to marry her. She is ordered to steal some documents from a British secret service agent but falls in love with him, and refuses to help the bandit. He threatens to throw both her and her lover into the Nile, before he is killed. Nadia and her lover return to England.

Cast
Preservation
With no prints of A Cafe in Cairo located in any film archives, it is a lost film.
Passage 9:
War Drums
War Drums is a 1957 American Western film directed by Reginald Le Borg, written by Gerald Drayson Adams, and starring Lex Barker, Joan Taylor, Ben Johnson, Larry Chance, Richard H. Cutting and John Pickard.  The film was produced by Aubrey Schenck and Howard W. Koch for United Artists and it was released on March 21, 1957.

Plot
Prior to the American Civil War, a group of Apache led by their chief Mangas Coloradas track some of their stolen horses to a group of Mexicans. The Apaches kill the lot of them and take their communal woman Riva. The Apaches' initial intention was to sell Riva north of the border to the Americans. On two occasions, Mangas refuses to sell Riva to his good friend Luke Fargo (Ben Johnson), despite being offered excellent deals for her.
Luke brings a government representative to meet with Mangas, trying to come to terms with the Apaches. The most Mangas will promise is the Apache will not break the peace with the whites first.
Mangas desires Riva for his wife, an honor never before extended to a Mexican woman. He has to fight three braves who disagree with him, killing all three. He then tells the band that Riva will not be a squaw, but will be trained as a warrior, again breaking with custom. Following Mangas's second refusal to sell him Riva, whom Luke also wants for a wife, Luke reluctantly attends their wedding.
Meanwhile a group of American gold seekers enter the Apache lands. After making a gold strike in a stream, they attack the Indians camped on the bank. When Mangas comes to bring the offending miners to the law, they pinion and whip him. This sets off an Apache war, with Mangas Coloradas becoming known as "Red Sleeves."
Luke attempts to put a stop to the war by bringing a representative from Washington to meet with Mangas. The attempt fails when the men with him, thinking they are about to be ambushed by the Apaches, fire on them. In the ensuing firefight, Luke is shot by an arrow. Taken to Mangas's camp, Riva removes the arrow and nurses Luke back to health. He is sent back with a message from Mangas to the government.
When the Civil War breaks out, Luke volunteers for the Union and is commissioned a major in the cavalry. He is assigned to the frontier, to deal with the Apache problem. Meanwhile, Mangas is wounded on a raid, taking a bullet that shatters his breastbone. Riva takes him to a town with a doctor. Mangas promises the doctor that if he can patch him up and he lives, the town will be safe from the Apaches. But if he dies, the tribe will kill everyone in the town and burn it to the ground.
While he is being worked on by the doctor, Luke and a troop of cavalry arrive. He goes forward to the defenses set up by the Apache under a flag of truce, and recognized by braves who know him and his friendship with Mangas, is passed inside. The friends meet and talk, and Luke leads Mangas, Riva, and their warriors out of the town. Luke advises Mangas to take his people deep into the mountains where it will be a long time (if ever) before the cavalry can come after them. Wishing each other well, Mangas and Riva take their leave of Luke and lead their people away from the town.

Cast
Lex Barker as Mangas Coloradas
Joan Taylor as Riva
Ben Johnson as Luke Fargo
Larry Chance as Ponce
Richard H. Cutting as Judge Benton
John Pickard as Sheriff Bullard
James Parnell as Arizona
John Colicos as Chino
Tom Monroe as Dutch Herman
Jil Jarmyn as Nona
Jeanne Carmen as Yellow Moon
Mauritz Hugo as Clay Staub
Ward Ellis as Delgadito
Jack Hupp as Lt. Roberts

Production
Parts of the film were shot in Kanab Canyon and Johnson Canyon in Utah.According to the July 1956 Hollywood Reporter, there were accidents on the set of War Drums. A lightning strike destroyed a generator, delaying production a few days, and a fire burned up one of the wardrobe trailers.
Passage 10:
W. Augustus Barratt
W. Augustus Barratt (3 June 1873 – 12 April 1947) was a Scottish-born, later American, songwriter and musician.

Early life and songs
Walter Augustus Barratt was born 3 June 1873 in Kilmarnock, the son of composer John Barratt; the family later lived in Paisley. In 1893 he won a scholarship for composition to the Royal College of Music.
In his early twenties he contributed to The Scottish Students' Song Book, with three of his own song compositions and numerous arrangements.
By the end of 1897 he had published dozens of songs, such as Sir Patrick Spens, The Death of Cuthullin, an album of his own compositions, and arrangements of ten songs by Samuel Lover.
He then, living in London, turned his attention to staged musical comedy, co-creating, with Adrian Ross, The Tree Dumas Skiteers, a skit, based on Sydney Grundy's The Musketeers that starred Herbert Beerbohm Tree. He co-composed with Howard Talbot the successful Kitty Grey (1900).He continued to write songs and to receive recognition for them. The 1901 and 1902 BBC Promenade Concerts, "The Proms", included four of his compositions, namely Come back, sweet Love, The Mermaid, My Peggy and Private Donald.
His setting of My Ships, a poem by Ella Wheeler Wilcox, was performed by Clara Butt and republished several times. It also appeared four times, with different singers, in the 1913 and 1914 Proms.

America
In September 1904 he went to live in New York City, finding employment with shows on Broadway, including the following roles:

on-stage actor (Sir Benjamin Backbite) in Lady Teazle (1904-1905), a musical version of The School for Scandal;
musical director of The Little Michus (1907), also featuring songs by Barratt;
co-composer of Miss Pocahontas (1907), a musical comedy;
musical director of The Love Cure (1909–1910), a musical romance;
composer of The Girl and the Drummer (1910), a musical romance with book by George Broadhurst. Tried out in Chicago and elsewhere, it did not do well and never reached Broadway;
musical director of The Quaker Girl (1911–1912);
co-composer and musical director of My Best Girl (1912);
musical director of The Sunshine Girl (1913);
musical director of The Girl who Smiles (1915), a musical comedy;
musical director and contributor to music and lyrics of Her Soldier Boy (1916–1917);
composer, lyricist and musical director of Fancy Free (1918), with book by Dorothy Donnelly and Edgar Smith;
contributor of a song to The Passing Show of 1918;
composer and musical director of Little Simplicity (1918), with book and lyrics by Rida Johnson Young;
contributor of lyrics to The Melting of Molly (1918–1919), a musical comedy;
musical director of What's in a Name? (1920), a musical revue

1921 in London
Though domiciled in the US, he made several visits back to England. During an extended stay in 1921 he played a major part in the creation of two shows, both produced by Charles B. Cochran, namely

League of Notions, at the New Oxford Theatre, for which he composed the music and co-wrote, with John Murray Anderson, the lyrics;
Fun of the Fayre, at the London Pavilion, for which similarly he wrote the music and co-wrote the lyrics

Back to Broadway
Back in the US he returned to Broadway, working as
composer and lyricist of Jack and Jill (1923), a musical comedy;
musical director of The Silver Swan (1929), a musical romance

Radio plays
In later years he wrote plays and operettas mostly for radio, such as:

Snapshots: a radioperetta (1929)
Sushannah and the Brush Wielders: a play in 1 act (1929)
The Magic Voice: a radio series (1933)
Men of Action: a series of radio sketches (1933)
Say, Uncle: a radio series (1933)
Sealed Orders: a radio drama (1934)
Sergeant Gabriel (with Hugh Abercrombie) (1945)

Personal
In 1897 in London he married Lizzie May Stoner. They had one son. In 1904 he emigrated to the US and lived in New York City. His first marriage ended in divorce in 1915 and, in 1918, he married Ethel J Moore, who was American. In 1924, he became a naturalized American citizen. He died on 12 April 1947 in New York City.

Note on his first name
The book British Musical Biography by Brown & Stratton (1897) in its entry for John Barratt refers to "his son William Augustus Barratt" with details that make it clear that Walter Augustus Barratt is the same person and that a "William" Augustus Barratt is a mistake. For professional purposes up to about 1900 he appears to have written as "W. Augustus Barratt", and thereafter mostly as simply "Augustus Barratt".


Passage 1:
Vidkun Quisling
Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling (, Norwegian: [ˈvɪ̂dkʉn ˈkvɪ̂slɪŋ] (listen); 18 July 1887 – 24 October 1945) was a Norwegian military officer, politician and Nazi collaborator who nominally headed the government of Norway during the country's occupation by Nazi Germany during World War II.
He first came to international prominence as a close collaborator of the explorer Fridtjof Nansen, and through organising humanitarian relief during the Russian famine of 1921 in Povolzhye. He was posted as a Norwegian diplomat to the Soviet Union and for some time also managed British diplomatic affairs there. He returned to Norway in 1929 and served as minister of defence in the governments of Peder Kolstad (1931–32) and Jens Hundseid (1932–33) in representing the Farmers' Party.
In 1933, Quisling left the Farmers' Party and founded the fascist Nasjonal Samling (National Gathering). Although he gained some popularity after his attacks on the political left, his party failed to win any seats in the Storting, and by 1940, it was still little more than peripheral. On 9 April 1940, with the German invasion of Norway in progress, he attempted to seize power in the world's first radio-broadcast coup d'état but failed since the Germans sought to convince the recognized Norwegian government to legitimize the German occupation, as had been done in Denmark during the simultaneous invasion there, instead of recognizing Quisling. On 1 February 1942, he formed a second government, approved by the Germans, and served as minister president and headed the Norwegian state administration jointly with the German civilian administrator, Josef Terboven. His pro-Nazi puppet government, known as the Quisling regime, was dominated by ministers from Nasjonal Samling. The collaborationist government participated in Germany's war efforts, and sent Jews out of the country to concentration camps in occupied Poland (General Government).
Quisling was put on trial during the legal purge in Norway after World War II. He was found guilty of charges including embezzlement, murder and high treason against the Norwegian state, and was sentenced to death. He was executed by firing squad at Akershus Fortress, Oslo, on 24 October 1945.
Since his death, Quisling has become one of history's most infamous traitors due to his collaboration with Nazi Germany. The term quisling has become a byword for "collaborator" or "traitor" in several languages and reflects the contempt with which Quisling's conduct has been regarded both at the time and in the present day.

Early life
Background
Vidkun Abraham Lauritz Jonssøn Quisling (Norwegian pronunciation ) was born on 18 July 1887 in Fyresdal, in the Norwegian county of Telemark. He was the son of Church of Norway pastor and genealogist Jon Lauritz Qvisling (1844–1930) and his wife Anna Caroline Bang (1860–1941), the daughter of Jørgen Bang, ship-owner and at the time the richest man in the town of Grimstad in South Norway. The elder Quisling had lectured in Grimstad in the 1870s; one of his pupils was Bang, whom he married on 28 May 1886, following a long engagement. The newly-wed couple promptly moved to Fyresdal, where Vidkun and his younger siblings were born.

The family name derives from Quislinus, a Latinised name invented by Quisling's ancestor Lauritz Ibsen Quislin (1634–1703), based on the village of Kvislemark near Slagelse, Denmark, whence he had emigrated. Having two brothers and a sister, the young Quisling was "shy and quiet but also loyal and helpful, always friendly, occasionally breaking into a warm smile." Private letters later found by historians also indicate a warm and affectionate relationship between the family members. From 1893 to 1900, his father was a chaplain for the Strømsø borough in Drammen. Here, Vidkun went to school for the first time. He was bullied by other students at the school for his Telemark dialect, but proved a successful student. In 1900, the family moved to Skien when his father was appointed provost of the city.Academically Quisling proved talented in humanities, particularly history, and natural sciences; he specialised in mathematics. At this point, however, his life had no clear direction. In 1905, Quisling enrolled at the Norwegian Military Academy, having received the highest entrance examination score of the 250 applicants that year. Transferring in 1906 to the Norwegian Military College, he graduated with the highest score since the college's inception in 1817, and was rewarded by an audience with the King. On 1 November 1911, he joined the army General Staff. Norway was neutral in the First World War; Quisling detested the peace movement, though the high human cost of the war did temper his views. In March 1918, he was sent to Russia as an attaché at the Norwegian legation in Petrograd, to take advantage of the five years he had spent studying the country. Though dismayed at the living conditions he experienced, Quisling nonetheless concluded that "the Bolsheviks have got an extraordinarily strong hold on Russian society" and marvelled at how Leon Trotsky had managed to mobilise the Red Army forces so well; he asserted that by contrast, in granting too many rights to the people of Russia, the Russian Provisional Government under Alexander Kerensky had brought about its own downfall. When the legation was recalled in December 1918, Quisling became the Norwegian military's expert on Russian affairs.

Travels
Paris, Eastern Europe, and Norway
In September 1919, Quisling departed Norway to become an intelligence officer with the Norwegian delegation in Helsinki, a post that combined diplomacy and politics. In the autumn of 1921, Quisling left Norway once again, this time at the request of explorer and humanitarian Fridtjof Nansen, and in January 1922 arrived in the Ukrainian capital Kharkiv to help with the League of Nations humanitarian relief effort there. Highlighting the massive mismanagement of the area and the death toll of approximately ten thousand a day, Quisling produced a report that attracted aid and demonstrated his administrative skills, as well as his dogged determination to get what he wanted.
Quisling replied [that] the Russian people needed wise leadership and proper training [that they suffered from] indifference, a lack of clearly defined goals with conviction and a happy-go-lucky attitude [and that] it is impossible to accomplish anything without willpower, determination and concentration.
On 21 August 1922, he married the Russian Alexandra Andreevna Voronina. Alexandra wrote in her memoirs that Quisling declared his love for her, but from his letters home and investigations undertaken by his cousins, it appeared that there was no romantic involvement between the two, Quisling merely seemed to have wanted to lift the girl out of poverty by providing her with a Norwegian passport and financial security.Having left Ukraine in September 1922, Quisling and Alexandra returned to Kharkiv in February 1923 to prolong aid efforts, with Nansen describing Quisling's work as "absolutely indispensable." In March 1923, Alexandra was pregnant, and Quisling insisted on her having an abortion, which greatly distressed her. Quisling found the situation much improved and, with no fresh challenges, found it a more boring trip than his last. He did however meet Maria Vasiljevna Pasetchnikova (Russian: Мари́я Васи́льевна Па́сечникова), a Ukrainian more than ten years his junior. Her diaries from the time "indicate a blossoming love affair" during the summer of 1923, despite Quisling's marriage to Alexandra the year before. She recalled that she was impressed by his fluent command of the Russian language, his Aryan appearance, and his gracious demeanour. Quisling later claimed to have married Pasetchnikova in Kharkiv on 10 September 1923, although no legal documentation has been discovered. Quisling's biographer, Dahl, believes that in all likelihood the second marriage was never official. Regardless, the couple behaved as though they were married, claimed Alexandra was their daughter, and celebrated their wedding anniversary. Soon after September 1923, the aid mission came to an end and the trio left Ukraine, planning to spend a year in Paris. Maria wanted to see Western Europe; Quisling wanted to get some rest following bouts of stomach pain that had lasted all winter.

The stay in Paris required a temporary discharge from the army, which Quisling slowly grew to understand was permanent: army cutbacks meant that there would be no position available for him when he returned. Quisling devoted much of his time in the French capital to study, reading works of political theory and working on his philosophical project, which he called Universism. On 2 October 1923, he persuaded the Oslo daily newspaper Tidens Tegn to publish an article he had written calling for diplomatic recognition of the Soviet government. Quisling's stay in Paris did not last as long as planned, and in late 1923 he started work on Nansen's new repatriation project in the Balkans, arriving in Sofia in November.
The next two months he spent traveling constantly with his wife Maria. In January, Maria returned to Paris to look after Alexandra, who took on the role of the couple's foster-daughter; Quisling joined them in February. In the summer of 1924, the trio returned to Norway where Alexandra subsequently left to live with an aunt in Nice and never returned. Although Quisling promised to provide for her well-being, his payments were irregular, and over the coming years he would miss a number of opportunities to visit.Back in Norway, and to his later embarrassment, Quisling found himself drawn into the communist Norwegian labour movement. Among other policies, he fruitlessly advocated a people's militia to protect the country against reactionary attacks, and asked members of the movement whether they would like to know what information the General Staff had on them, but he got no response. Although this brief attachment to the far-left seems unlikely given Quisling's later political direction, Dahl suggests that, following a conservative childhood, he was by this time "unemployed and dispirited ... deeply resentful of the General Staff ... [and] in the process of becoming politically more radical." Dahl adds that Quisling's political views at this time could be summarised as "a fusion of socialism and nationalism," with definite sympathies for the Soviets in Russia.

Russia and the rouble scandal
In June 1925, Nansen once again provided Quisling with employment. The pair began a tour of Armenia, where they hoped to help repatriate Armenians, including those who survived the Armenian Genocide, via a number of projects proposed for funding by the League of Nations. Despite Quisling's substantial efforts, however, the projects were all rejected. In May 1926, Quisling found another job with long-time friend and fellow Norwegian Frederik Prytz in Moscow, working as a liaison between Prytz and the Soviet authorities who owned half of Prytz's firm Onega Wood. He stayed in the job until Prytz prepared to close down the business in early 1927, when Quisling found new employment as a diplomat. British diplomatic affairs in Russia were being managed by Norway, and he became their new legation secretary; Maria joined him late in 1928. A massive scandal broke when Quisling and Prytz were accused of using diplomatic channels to smuggle millions of roubles onto the black markets, a much-repeated claim that was later used to support a charge of "moral bankruptcy," but neither it nor the charge that Quisling spied for the British has ever been substantiated.The harder line now developing in Russian politics led Quisling to distance himself from Bolshevism. The Soviet government had rejected outright his Armenian proposals, and obstructed an attempt by Nansen to help with the 1928 Ukrainian famine. Quisling took these rebuffs as a personal insult; in 1929, with the British now keen to take back control of their own diplomatic affairs, he left Russia. He was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) for his services to Britain, an honour revoked by King George VI in 1940. By this time, Quisling had also been awarded the Romanian Crown Order and the Yugoslav Order of St. Sava for his earlier humanitarian efforts.

Early political career
Final return to Norway
Having spent nine of the previous twelve years abroad, but with no practical experience in party politics outside the Norwegian Army, Quisling returned to Norway in December 1929, bringing with him a plan for change he termed Norsk Aktion, meaning "Norwegian Action." The planned organisation consisted of national, regional and local units with the intention of recruiting in the style of the Soviet Communist Party. Like Action Française of the French right, it advocated radical constitutional changes. The Parliament of Norway, or Storting, was to become bicameral with the second chamber made up of Soviet-style elected representatives from the working population. Quisling focused more on organisation than the practicalities of government; for instance, all members of Norsk Aktion were to have their own designation in a militaristic hierarchy.Quisling next sold a large number of antiques and works of art that he had acquired cheaply in post-revolutionary Russia. His collection stretched to some 200 paintings, including works claimed to be by Rembrandt, Goya, Cézanne and numerous other masters. The collection, including "veritable treasures," had been insured for almost 300,000 kroner. In the spring of 1930, he again joined up with Prytz, who was back in Norway. They participated in regular group meetings that included middle-aged officers and business people, since described as "the textbook definition of a Fascist initiative group," through which Prytz appeared determined to launch Quisling into politics.After Nansen died on 13 May 1930, Quisling used his friendship with the editor of the Tidens Tegn newspaper to get his analysis of Nansen onto the front page. The article was entitled "Politiske tanker ved Fridtjof Nansens død" ("Political Thoughts on the Death of Fridtjof Nansen") and was published on 24 May. In the article, he outlined ten points that would complete Nansen's vision as applied to Norway, among them "strong and just government" and a "greater emphasis on race and heredity." This theme was followed up in his new book, Russia and Ourselves (Norwegian: Russland og vi), which was serialised in Tidens Tegn during the autumn of 1930. Advocating war against Bolshevism, the openly racist book catapulted Quisling into the political limelight. Despite his earlier ambivalence, he took up a seat on the Oslo board of the previously Nansen-led Fatherland League. Meanwhile, he and Prytz founded a new political movement, Nordisk folkereisning i Norge, or "Nordic popular rising in Norway", with a central committee of 31 and Quisling as its fører – a one-man executive committee – though Quisling seemed to have had no particular attachment to the term. The first meeting of the league took place on 17 March 1931, stating the purpose of the movement was to "eliminate the imported and depraved communist insurgency."

Defence minister
Quisling left Nordisk folkereisning i Norge in May 1931 to serve as defence minister in the Agrarian government of Peder Kolstad, despite being neither an Agrarian nor a friend of Kolstad. He had been suggested to Kolstad for the post by Thorvald Aadahl, editor of the Agrarian newspaper Nationen, who was in turn influenced by Prytz. The appointment came as a surprise to many in the Parliament of Norway. Quisling's first action in the post was to deal with the aftermath of the Battle of Menstad, an "extremely bitter" labour dispute, by sending in troops. After narrowly avoiding criticism by the left wing over his handling of the dispute, and the revelation of his earlier "militia" plans, Quisling turned his attention to the perceived threat posed by communists. He created a list of the Revolutionary Trade Union Opposition leadership, who had been the alleged agitators at Menstad; a number of them were eventually charged with subversion and violence against the police. Quisling's policies also resulted in the establishment of a permanent militia called the Leidang which, unlike the body he had previously planned, was to be counter-revolutionary. Despite the ready availability of junior officers in the reserve following defence cuts, only seven units were established in 1934, and funding restrictions meant that the enterprise included less than a thousand men before it faded away. Sometime during the period 1930–33, Quisling's first wife, Asja, received notice of the annulment of her marriage to him.In mid-1932 Nordisk folkereisning i Norge was forced to confirm that even though Quisling remained in the cabinet, he would not become a member of the party. They further stated that the party programme had no basis in fascism of any kind, including the National Socialism model. This did not dampen criticism of Quisling, who remained constantly in the headlines, although he was gradually earning a reputation as a disciplined and efficient administrator. After he was attacked in his office by a knife-wielding assailant who threw ground pepper in his face on 2 February 1932, some newspapers, instead of focusing on the attack itself, suggested that the assailant had been the jealous husband of one of Quisling's cleaners; others, especially those aligned with the Labour Party, posited that the whole thing had been staged. In November 1932, Labour politician Johan Nygaardsvold put this theory to Parliament, prompting suggestions that charges of slander be brought against him. No charges were brought, and the identity of the assailant has never been confirmed. Quisling later indicated it was an attempt to steal military papers recently left by Swedish Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Kleen. The so-called "pepper affair" served to polarise opinion about Quisling, and government fears grew concerning reasonably open Soviet elements in Norway who had been active in promoting industrial unrest.Following Kolstad's death in March 1932, Quisling retained his post as defence minister in the second Agrarian government under Jens Hundseid for political reasons, though they remained in bitter opposition throughout. Just as he had been under Kolstad, Quisling was involved in many of the spats that characterised Hundseid's government. On 8 April that year, Quisling had a chance to defend himself over the pepper affair in Parliament, but instead used the opportunity to attack the Labour and Communist parties, claiming that named members were criminals and "enemies of our fatherland and our people." Support for Quisling from right-wing elements in Norwegian society rocketed overnight, and 153 distinguished signatories called for Quisling's claims to be investigated. In the coming months, tens of thousands of Norwegians followed suit and Quisling's summer was full of speeches to packed political rallies. In Parliament, however, Quisling's speech was viewed as political suicide; not only was his evidence weak, but questions were raised as to why the information had not been handed over much sooner if the revolutionary threat were so serious.

Popular party leader
Over the course of 1932 and into 1933, Prytz's influence over Nordisk folkereisning i Norge weakened and lawyer Johan Bernhard Hjort assumed the leadership role. Hjort was keen to work with Quisling because of his new-found popularity, and they devised a new programme of right-wing policies including proscription of revolutionary parties including those funded by foreign bodies such as Comintern, the suspension of the voting rights for people in receipt of social welfare, agricultural debt relief, and an audit of public finances. In 1932, during the Kullmann Affair, Quisling turned on the prime minister for questioning his hard-line stance over pacifist agitator Captain Olaf Kullmann. In a memorandum laying out his proposals for economic and social reform distributed to the entire cabinet, Quisling called for the prime minister to stand down. As the government began to collapse, Quisling's personal popularity reached new heights; he was referred to as "man of the year," and there were expectations of forthcoming electoral success.Despite the new programme, some of Quisling's circle still favoured a cabinet coup. He later said he had even considered the use of force to overthrow the government but, in late February, it was the Liberal Party that brought them down. With the assistance of Hjort and Prytz, Nordisk folkereisning i Norge quickly became a political party, Nasjonal Samling, or NS, literally "National Unity," ready to contest the forthcoming October election. Quisling was mildly disappointed and would have preferred to head a national movement, not just one of seven political parties. Nasjonal Samling soon afterwards announced it would support candidates from other parties if they supported its key aim of "establishing a strong and stable national government independent of ordinary party politics." Although not an overnight success in the already crowded political spectrum, the party slowly gained support. With its Nazi-inspired belief in the central authority of a strong Führer, as well as its powerful propaganda elements, it gained support from many among the Oslo upper classes, and began to give the impression that "big money" lay behind it.Increased support also materialised when the Bygdefolkets Krisehjelp, the Norwegian Farmers' Aid Association, sought financial aid from Nasjonal Samling, who in turn gained political influence and a useful existing network of well-trained party officers. Quisling's party never managed a grand anti-socialist coalition, however, in part because of competition from the Conservative Party for right-wing votes. Though Quisling remained unable to demonstrate any skill as an orator, his reputation for scandal nonetheless ensured that the electorate were aware of Nasjonal Samling's existence. As a result, the party showed only moderate success in the October elections, with 27,850 votes—approximately two per cent of the national vote, and about three and a half per cent of the vote in constituencies where it fielded candidates. This made it the fifth largest party in Norway, out-polling the Communists but not the Conservative, Labour, Liberal or Agrarian parties, and failing to secure a single seat in Parliament.

Fører of a party in decline
After the underwhelming election results, Quisling's attitude to negotiation and compromise hardened. A final attempt to form a coalition of the right in March 1934 came to nothing, and from late 1933, Quisling's Nasjonal Samling began to carve out its own form of national socialism. With no leader in Parliament, however, the party struggled to introduce the constitutional reform bill needed to achieve its lofty ambitions. When Quisling tried to introduce the bill directly, it was swiftly rejected, and the party went into decline. In the summer of 1935, headlines quoted Quisling telling opponents that "heads [would] roll" as soon as he achieved power. The threat irreparably damaged the image of his party, and over the following few months several high-ranking members resigned, including Kai Fjell and Quisling's brother Jørgen.

Quisling began to familiarise himself with the international fascist movement, attending the 1934 Montreux Fascist conference in December. For his party, the association with Italian fascism could not have come at a worse time, so soon after headlines of illegal Italian incursions into Abyssinia. On his return trip from Montreux, he met Nazi ideologue and foreign policy theorist Alfred Rosenberg, and though he preferred to see his own policies as a synthesis of Italian fascism and German Nazism, by the time of the 1936 elections, Quisling had in part become the "Norwegian Hitler" that his opponents had long accused him of being. Part of this was due to his hardening anti-Semitic stance, associating Judaism with Marxism, liberalism, and, increasingly, anything else he found objectionable, and part as a result of Nasjonal Samling's growing similarity to the German Nazi Party. Despite receiving an unexpected boost when the Norwegian government acceded to Soviet demands to arrest Leon Trotsky, the party's election campaign never gained momentum. Although Quisling sincerely believed he had the support of around 100,000 voters, and declared to his party that they would win an absolute minimum of ten seats, Nasjonal Samling managed to poll just 26,577, fewer than in 1933 when they had fielded candidates in only half the districts. Under this pressure, the party split in two, with Hjort leading the breakaway group; although fewer than fifty members left immediately, many more drifted away during 1937.Dwindling party membership created many problems for Quisling, especially financial ones. For years he had been in financial difficulties and reliant on his inheritance, while increasing numbers of his paintings were found to be copies when he tried to sell them. Vidkun and his brother Arne sold one Frans Hals painting for just four thousand dollars, believing it to be a copy and not the fifty-thousand-dollar artwork they had once thought it to be, only to see it reclassified as an original and revalued at a hundred thousand dollars. In the difficult circumstances of the Great Depression, even originals did not raise as much as Quisling had hoped. His disillusionment with Norwegian society was furthered by news of the planned constitutional reform of 1938, which would extend the parliamentary term from three to four years with immediate effect, a move Quisling bitterly opposed.

World War II
Coming of war
In 1939, Quisling turned his attention towards Norway's preparations for the anticipated European war, which he believed involved a drastic increase in the country's defence spending to guarantee its neutrality. Meanwhile, Quisling presented lectures entitled "The Jewish problem in Norway" and supported Adolf Hitler in what appeared to be growing future conflict. Despite condemning Kristallnacht, he sent the German leader a fiftieth-birthday greeting thanking him for "saving Europe from Bolshevism and Jewish domination". Quisling also contended that should an Anglo-Russian alliance make neutrality impossible, Norway would have "to go with Germany." Invited to the country in the summer of 1939, he began a tour of a number of German and Danish cities. He was received particularly well in Germany, which promised funds to boost Nasjonal Samling's standing in Norway, and hence spread pro-Nazi sentiment. When war broke out on 1 September 1939, Quisling felt vindicated by both the event and the immediate superiority displayed by the German army. He remained outwardly confident that, despite its size, his party would soon become the centre of political attention.For the next nine months, Quisling continued to lead a party that was at best peripheral to Norwegian politics. He was nonetheless active, and in October 1939 he worked with Prytz on an ultimately unsuccessful plan for peace between Britain, France and Germany and their eventual participation in a new economic union. Quisling also mused on how Germany ought to go on the offensive against its ally the Soviet Union, and on 9 December travelled to Germany to present his multi-faceted plans. After impressing German officials, he won an audience with Hitler himself, scheduled for 14 December, whereupon he received firm advice from his contacts that the most useful thing he could do would be to ask for Hitler's help with a pro-German coup in Norway, that would let the Germans use Norway as a naval base. Thereafter, Norway would maintain official neutrality as long as possible, and finally the country would fall under German rather than British control. It is not clear how much Quisling himself understood about the strategic implications of such a move, and he instead relied on his future Minister of Domestic Affairs Albert Hagelin, who was fluent in German, to put the relevant arguments to German officials in Berlin during pre-meeting talks, even though Hagelin was prone to damaging exaggeration at times. Quisling and his German contacts almost certainly went away with different views as to whether they had agreed upon the necessity of a German invasion.On 14 December 1939, Quisling met Hitler. The German leader promised to respond to any British invasion of Norway (Plan R 4), perhaps pre-emptively, with a German counter-invasion, but found Quisling's plans for both a Norwegian coup and an Anglo-German peace unduly optimistic. Nonetheless, Quisling would still receive funds to bolster Nasjonal Samling. The two men met again four days later, and afterwards Quisling wrote a memorandum that explicitly told Hitler that he did not consider himself a National Socialist. As German machinations continued, Quisling was intentionally kept in the dark. He was also incapacitated by a severe bout of illness, probably nephritis in both kidneys, for which he refused hospitalisation. Though he returned to work on 13 March 1940, he remained ill for several weeks. In the meantime, the Altmark incident complicated Norway's efforts to maintain its neutrality. Hitler himself remained in two minds over whether an occupation of Norway should require an invitation from the Norwegian government. Finally, Quisling received his summons on 31 March, and reluctantly travelled to Copenhagen to meet with Nazi intelligence officers who asked him for information on Norwegian defences and defence protocols. He returned to Norway on 6 April and, on 8 April, the British Operation Wilfred commenced, bringing Norway into the war. With Allied forces in Norway, Quisling expected a characteristically swift German response.

German invasion and coup d'état
In the early hours of 9 April 1940, Germany invaded Norway by air and sea, as "Operation Weserübung", or "Operation Weser Exercise", intending to capture King Haakon VII and the government of Prime Minister Johan Nygaardsvold. However, alert to the possibility of invasion, Conservative President of the Parliament C. J. Hambro arranged for their evacuation to Hamar in the east of the country. The Blücher, a German cruiser which carried most of the personnel intended to take over Norway's administration, was sunk by cannon fire and torpedoes from Oscarsborg Fortress in the Oslofjord. The Germans had expected the government to surrender and to have its replacement ready; neither happened, although the invasion itself continued. After hours of discussion, Quisling and his German counterparts decided that an immediate coup was necessary, though this was not the preferred option of either Germany's ambassador Curt Bräuer or the German Foreign Ministry.In the afternoon, Quisling was told by German liaison Hans-Wilhelm Scheidt that should he set up a government, it would have Hitler's personal approval. Quisling drew up a list of ministers and, although it had merely relocated some 150 kilometres (93 mi) to Elverum, accused the legitimate government of having "fled".Meanwhile, the Germans occupied Oslo and at 17:30 Norwegian radio ceased broadcasting at the request of the occupying forces. With German support, at approximately 19:30, Quisling entered the NRK studios in Oslo and proclaimed the formation of a new government with himself as prime minister. He also revoked an earlier order to mobilise against the German invasion. He still lacked legitimacy. Two orders—the first to his friend Colonel Hans Sommerfeldt Hiorth, the commanding officer of the army regiment at Elverum, to arrest the government, and the second to Kristian Welhaven, Oslo's chief of police—were both ignored. At 22:00, Quisling resumed broadcasting, repeating his earlier message and reading out a list of new ministers. Hitler lent his support as promised, and recognised the new Norwegian government under Quisling within 24 hours. Norwegian batteries were still firing on the German invasion force, and at 03:00 on 10 April, Quisling acceded to a German request to halt the resistance of the Bolærne fortress. As a result of actions such as these, it was claimed at the time that Quisling's seizure of power in a puppet government had been part of the German plan all along.Quisling now reached the high-water mark of his political power. On 10 April, Bräuer travelled to Elverum where the legitimate Nygaardsvold government now sat. On Hitler's orders, he demanded that King Haakon appoint Quisling head of a new government, thereby securing a peaceful transition of power. Haakon rejected this demand. He went further in a meeting with his cabinet, letting it be known that he would sooner abdicate than appoint any government headed by Quisling. Hearing this, the government unanimously voted to support the king's stance, and urged the people to continue their resistance. With his popular support gone, Quisling ceased to be of use to Hitler. Germany retracted its support for his rival government, preferring instead to build up its own independent governing commission. In this way, Quisling was manoeuvred out of power by Bräuer and a coalition of his former allies, including Hjort, who now saw him as a liability. Even his political allies, including Prytz, deserted him.In return, Hitler wrote to Quisling thanking him for his efforts and guaranteeing him some sort of position in the new government. The transfer of power on these terms was duly enacted on 15 April, with Hitler still confident the Administrative Council would receive the backing of the king. Quisling's domestic and international reputation both hit new lows, casting him as both a traitor and a failure.

Head of the government
Once the king had declared the German commission unlawful, it became clear that he would never be won over. An impatient Hitler appointed a German, Josef Terboven, as the new Norwegian reichskommissar, or governor-general, on 24 April, reporting directly to him. Despite Hitler's assurances, Terboven wanted to make sure that there would be no room in the government for the Nasjonal Samling nor its leader Quisling, with whom he did not get along. Terboven eventually accepted a certain Nasjonal Samling presence in the government during June, but remained unconvinced about Quisling. As a result, on 25 June, Terboven forced Quisling to step down as leader of the Nasjonal Samling and take a temporary leave of absence in Germany. Quisling remained there until 20 August, while Rosenberg and Admiral Erich Raeder, whom he had met on his earlier visit to Berlin, negotiated on his behalf. In the end, Quisling returned "in triumph," having won Hitler over in a meeting on 16 August. The Reichskommissar would now have to accommodate Quisling as leader of the government, then allow him to rebuild the Nasjonal Samling and bring more of his men into the cabinet. Terboven complied and addressed the Norwegian people in a radio broadcast in which he asserted that the Nasjonal Samling would be the only political party allowed.As a result, by the end of 1940 the monarchy had been suspended, although the Parliament of Norway and a body resembling a cabinet remained. The Nasjonal Samling, the only pro-German party, would be cultivated, but Terboven's Reichskommissariat would keep power in the meantime. Quisling would serve as acting prime minister and ten of the thirteen "cabinet" ministers were to come from his party. He set out on a programme of wiping out "the destructive principles of the French Revolution", including pluralism and parliamentary rule. This reached into local politics, whereby mayors who switched their allegiance to the Nasjonal Samling were rewarded with much greater powers. Investments were made in heavily censored cultural programmes, though the press remained theoretically free. To bolster the survival chances of the Nordic genotype, contraception was severely restricted. Quisling's party experienced a rise in membership to a little over 30,000, but despite his optimism it was never to pass the 40,000 mark.On 5 December 1940, Quisling flew to Berlin to negotiate the future of Norway's independence. By the time he returned on 13 December, he had agreed to raise volunteers to fight with the German Schutzstaffel (SS). In January, SS head Heinrich Himmler travelled to Norway to oversee preparations. Quisling clearly believed that if Norway supported Nazi Germany on the battlefield, there would be no reason for Germany to annex it. To this end, he opposed plans to have a German SS brigade loyal only to Hitler installed in Norway. In the process, he also toughened his attitude to the country harbouring the exiled king, the United Kingdom, which he no longer saw as a Nordic ally. Finally, Quisling aligned Norwegian policy on Jews with that of Germany, giving a speech in Frankfurt on 26 March 1941 in which he argued for compulsory exile, but warned against extermination.In May, Quisling was shattered by the death of his mother Anna, as the two had been particularly close. At the same time, the political crisis over Norwegian independence deepened, with Quisling threatening Terboven with his resignation over the issue of finance. In the end, the Reichskommissar agreed to compromise on the issue, but Quisling had to concede on the SS issue: A brigade was formed, but as a branch of the Nasjonal Samling.Meanwhile, the government line hardened, with Communist Party leaders arrested and trade unionists intimidated. On 10 September 1941, Viggo Hansteen and Rolf Wickstrøm were executed and many more imprisoned following the milk strike in Oslo. Hansteen's execution was later seen as a watershed moment, dividing the occupation into its more innocent and more deadly phases. The same year Statspolitiet ("the State Police"), abolished in 1937, was reestablished to assist the Gestapo in Norway, and radio sets were confiscated across the country. Though these were all Terboven's decisions, Quisling agreed with them and went on to denounce the government-in-exile as "traitors." As a result of the toughened stance, an informal "ice front" emerged, with Nasjonal Samling supporters ostracised from society. Quisling remained convinced this was an anti-German sentiment that would fade away once Berlin had handed power over to Nasjonal Samling. However, the only concessions he won in 1941 were having the heads of ministries promoted to official ministers of the government and independence for the party secretariat.

In January 1942, Terboven announced the German administration would be wound down. Soon afterwards he told Quisling that Hitler had approved the transfer of power, scheduled for 30 January. Quisling remained doubtful it would happen, since Germany and Norway were in the midst of complex peace negotiations that could not be completed until peace had been reached on the Eastern Front, while Terboven insisted that the Reichskommissariat would remain in power until such peace came about. Quisling could nevertheless be reasonably confident that his position within the party and with Berlin was unassailable, even if he was unpopular within Norway, something of which he was well aware.After a brief postponement, an announcement was made on 1 February 1942, detailing how the cabinet had elected Quisling to the post of minister president of the national government. The appointment was accompanied by a banquet, rallying, and other celebrations by the Nasjonal Samling members. In his first speech, Quisling committed the government to closer ties with Germany. The only change to the Constitution was the reinstatement of the ban on Jewish entry into Norway, which had been abolished in 1851.

Minister President
His new position gave Quisling a security of tenure he had not previously enjoyed, although the Reichskommissariat remained outside his control. A month later, in February 1942, Quisling made his first state visit to Berlin. It was a productive trip, in which all key issues of Norwegian independence were discussed—but Joseph Goebbels in particular remained unconvinced of Quisling's credentials, noting that it was "unlikely" he would "...ever make a great statesman."Back at home, Quisling was now less concerned about Nasjonal Samling's membership and even wanted action to clean up the membership list, including purging it of drunkards. On 12 March 1942, Norway officially became a one-party state. In time, criticism of, and resistance to, the party was criminalised, though Quisling expressed regret for having to take this step, hoping that every Norwegian would freely come around to accepting his government.This optimism was short-lived. In the course of the summer of 1942, Quisling lost any ability he might have had to sway public opinion by attempting to force children into the Nasjonal Samlings Ungdomsfylking youth organisation, which was modelled on the Hitler Youth. This move prompted a mass resignation of teachers from their professional body and churchmen from their posts, along with large-scale civil unrest. His attempted indictment of Bishop Eivind Berggrav proved similarly controversial, even amongst his German allies. Quisling now toughened his stance, telling Norwegians that they would have the new regime forced upon them "whether they like it or not." On 1 May 1942, the German High Command noted that "organised resistance to Quisling has started" and Norway's peace talks with Germany stalled as a result. On 11 August 1942, Hitler postponed any further peace negotiations until the war ended. Quisling was admonished and learned that Norway would not get the independence he so greatly yearned for. As an added insult, for the first time he was forbidden to write letters directly to Hitler.Quisling had earlier pushed for a corporate alternative to the Parliament of Norway, the Storting, which he called a Riksting. It would comprise two chambers, the Næringsting (Economic Chamber) and Kulturting (Cultural Chamber). Now, in advance of Nasjonal Samling's eighth and last national convention on 25 September 1942 and becoming increasingly distrustful of professional bodies, he changed his mind. The Riksting became an advisory body while the Førerting, or Leader Council, and parliamentary chambers were now to be independent bodies subordinate to their respective ministries.After the convention, support for Nasjonal Samling, and Quisling personally, ebbed away. Increased factionalism and personal losses, including the accidental death of fellow politician Gulbrand Lunde, were compounded by heavy-handed German tactics, such as the shooting of ten well-known residents of Trøndelag and its environs in October 1942. In addition, the lex Eilifsen ex-post facto law of August 1943, which led to the first death sentence passed by the regime, was widely seen as a blatant violation of the Constitution and a sign of Norway's increasing role in the Final Solution, would destroy everything the convention had achieved in terms of boosting party morale.With government abatement and Quisling's personal engagement, Jews were registered in a German initiative of January 1942. On 26 October 1942, German forces, with help from the Norwegian police, arrested 300 registered male Jews in Norway and sent them to concentration camps, most in Berg and manned by Hirden, the paramilitary wing of Nasjonal Samling. Most controversially, the Jews' property was confiscated by the state.On 26 November, the detainees were deported, along with their families. Although this was an entirely German initiative—Quisling himself was left unaware of it, although government assistance was provided—Quisling led the Norwegian public to believe that the first deportation of Jewish people, to camps in Nazi-German occupied Poland, was his idea. A further 250 were deported in February 1943, and it remains unclear what the party's official position was on the eventual fate of the 759 Norwegian deportees. There is evidence to suggest that Quisling honestly believed the official line throughout 1943 and 1944 that they were awaiting repatriation to a new Jewish homeland in Madagascar.At the same time, Quisling believed that the only way he could win back Hitler's respect would be to raise volunteers for the now-faltering German war effort, and he committed Norway wholeheartedly to German plans to wage total war. For him at least, after the German defeat at Stalingrad in February 1943, Norway now had a part to play in keeping the German empire strong. In April 1943, Quisling delivered a scathing speech attacking Germany's refusal to outline its plans for post-war Europe. When he put this to Hitler in person, the Nazi leader remained unmoved despite Norway's contributions to the war effort. Quisling felt betrayed over this postponement of Norwegian freedom, an attitude that waned only when Hitler eventually committed to a free post-war Norway in September 1943.Quisling tired during the final years of the war. In 1942 he passed 231 laws, 166 in 1943, and 139 in 1944. Social policy was the one area that still received significant attention. By that autumn, Quisling and Mussert in the Netherlands could be satisfied they had at least survived. In 1944, the weight problems Quisling had been having during the preceding two years also eased.Despite the increasingly dire military outlook in 1943 and 1944, Nasjonal Samling's position at the head of the government, albeit with its ambiguous relationship to the Reichskommissariat, remained unassailable. Nevertheless, the Germans exerted increasing control over law and order in Norway. Following the deportation of the Jews, Germany deported Norwegian officers and finally attempted to deport students from the University of Oslo. Even Hitler was incensed by the scale of the arrests. Quisling became entangled in a similar debacle in early 1944 when he forced compulsory military service on elements of the Hirden, causing a number of members to resign to avoid being drafted.On 20 January 1945, Quisling made what would be his final trip to visit Hitler. He promised Norwegian support in the final phase of the war if Germany agreed to a peace deal that would remove Norway's affairs from German intervention. This proposal grew out of a fear that as German forces retreated southwards through Norway, the occupation government would have to struggle to keep control in northern Norway. To the horror of the Quisling regime, the Nazis instead decided on a scorched earth policy in northern Norway, going so far as to shoot Norwegian civilians who refused to evacuate the region. The period was also marked by increasing civilian casualties from Allied air raids, and mounting resistance to the government within occupied Norway. The meeting with the German leader proved unsuccessful and upon being asked to sign the execution order of thousands of Norwegian "saboteurs," Quisling refused, an act of defiance that so enraged Terboven, acting on Hitler's orders, that he stormed out of the negotiations. On recounting the events of the trip to a friend, Quisling broke down in tears, convinced the Nazi refusal to sign a peace agreement would seal his reputation as a traitor.Quisling spent the last months of the war trying to prevent Norwegian deaths in the showdown that was developing between German and Allied forces in Norway. The regime worked for the safe repatriation of Norwegians held in German prisoner-of-war camps. Privately, Quisling had long accepted that National Socialism would be defeated. Hitler's suicide on 30 April 1945 left him free to pursue publicly his chosen end-game, a naïve offer of a transition to a power-sharing government with the government-in-exile.On 7 May, Quisling ordered police not to offer armed resistance to the Allied advance except in self-defence or against overt members of the Norwegian resistance movement. The same day, Germany announced it would surrender unconditionally, making Quisling's position untenable. A realist, Quisling met military leaders of the resistance on the following day to discuss how he would be arrested. Quisling declared whilst he did not want to be treated as a common criminal, he did not want preferential treatment compared to his Nasjonal Samling colleagues. He argued he could have kept his forces fighting until the end, but had chosen not to so as to avoid turning "Norway into a battlefield." Instead, he tried to ensure a peaceful transition. In return, the resistance offered full trials for all accused Nasjonal Samling members after the war, and its leadership agreed he could be incarcerated in a house rather than a prison complex.

Arrest
The civil leadership of the resistance, represented by lawyer Sven Arntzen, demanded Quisling be treated like any other murder suspect and, on 9 May 1945, Quisling and his ministers turned themselves in to police. Quisling was transferred to Cell 12 in Møllergata 19, the main police station in Oslo. The cell was equipped with a tiny table, a basin, and a hole in the wall for a toilet bucket.After ten weeks being constantly watched to prevent suicide attempts in police custody, he was transferred to Akershus Fortress and awaited trial as part of the legal purge. He soon started working on his case with Henrik Bergh, a lawyer with a good track record but largely unsympathetic, at least initially, to Quisling's plight. Bergh did, however, believe Quisling's testimony that he tried to act in the best interests of Norway and decided to use this as a starting point for the defence.Initially, Quisling's charges related to the coup, including his revocation of the mobilisation order, to his time as Nasjonal Samling leader and to his actions as minister president, such as assisting the enemy and illegally attempting to alter the constitution. Finally, he was accused of Gunnar Eilifsen's murder. Whilst not contesting the key facts, he denied all charges on the grounds that he had always worked for a free and prosperous Norway, and submitted a sixty-page response. On 11 July 1945, a further indictment was brought, adding a raft of new charges, including more murders, theft, embezzlement and, most worrying of all for Quisling, the charge of conspiring with Hitler over the invasion and occupation of Norway.

Trial and execution
I know that the Norwegian people have sentenced me to death, and that the easiest course for me would be to take my own life. But I want to let history reach its own verdict. Believe me, in ten years' time I will have become another Saint Olav.
The trial opened on 20 August 1945. Quisling's defence rested on downplaying his unity with Germany and stressing that he had fought for total independence, something that seemed completely contrary to the recollections of many Norwegians. From that point on, wrote biographer Dahl, Quisling had to tread a "fine line between truth and falsehood," and emerged from it "an elusive and often pitiful figure." He misrepresented the truth on several occasions and the truthful majority of his statements won him few advocates in the country at large, where he remained almost universally despised.In the later days of the trial, Quisling's health suffered, largely as a result of the number of medical tests to which he was subjected, and his defence faltered. The prosecution's final speech placed responsibility for the Final Solution being carried out in Norway at the feet of Quisling, using the testimony of German officials. The prosecutor Annæus Schjødt called for the death penalty, using laws introduced by the government-in-exile in October 1941 and January 1942.Speeches by both Bergh and Quisling himself could not change the outcome. When the verdict was announced on 10 September 1945, Quisling was convicted on all but a handful of minor charges and sentenced to death.
An October appeal to the Supreme Court was rejected. The court process was judged to be "a model of fairness" in a commentary by author Maynard Cohen. After giving testimony in a number of other trials of Nasjonal Samling members, Quisling was executed by firing squad at Akershus Fortress at 02:40 on 24 October 1945. His last words before being shot were, "I'm convicted unfairly and I die innocent." After his death his body was cremated, leaving the ashes to be interred in Fyresdal.

Legacy
His wife Maria lived in Oslo until her death in 1980. They had no children. Upon her death, she donated all their Russian antiques to a charitable fund that still operated in Oslo as of August 2017. For most of his later political career, Quisling lived in a mansion on Bygdøy in Oslo that he called "Gimle," after the place in Norse mythology where survivors of the great battle of Ragnarök were to live. The house, later renamed Villa Grande, in time became a Holocaust museum. The Nasjonal Samling movement was wiped out as a political force in Norway and Quisling has become one of the most written-about Norwegians of all time. The word quisling became a synonym for traitor. The term was coined by the British newspaper The Times in its lead of 15 April 1940, titled "Quislings everywhere." The noun survived, and for a while during and after World War II, the back-formed verb to quisle  was used. One who was quisling was in the act of committing treason.

Personality
To his supporters, Quisling was regarded as a conscientious administrator of the highest order, knowledgeable and with an eye for detail. He was believed to care deeply about his people and maintained high moral standards throughout. To his opponents, Quisling was unstable and undisciplined, abrupt, even threatening. Quite possibly he was both, at ease among friends and under pressure when confronted with his political opponents, and generally shy and retiring with both. During formal dinners he often said nothing at all except for the occasional cascade of dramatic rhetoric. Indeed, he did not react well to pressure and would often let slip over-dramatic sentiments when put on the spot. Normally open to criticism, he was prone to assuming larger groups were conspiratorial.Post-war interpretations of Quisling's character are similarly mixed. After the war, collaborationist behaviour was popularly viewed as a result of mental deficiency, leaving the personality of the clearly more intelligent Quisling an "enigma". He was instead seen as weak, paranoid, intellectually sterile, and power-hungry: ultimately "muddled rather than thoroughly corrupted".As quoted by Dahl, psychiatrist Professor Gabriel Langfeldt stated Quisling's ultimate philosophical goals "fitted the classic description of the paranoid megalomaniac more exactly than any other case [he had] ever encountered."During his time in office, Quisling arose early, often having completed several hours of work before arriving at the office between 9:30 and 10:00. He liked to intervene in virtually all government matters, reading all letters addressed to him or his chancellery personally and marking a surprising number for action. Quisling was independent minded, made several key decisions on the spot and, unlike his German counterpart, he liked to follow procedure to ensure that government remained "a dignified and civilised" affair throughout. He took a personal interest in the administration of Fyresdal, where he was born.He rejected German racial supremacy and instead saw the Norwegian race as the progenitor of Northern Europe, tracing his own family tree in his spare time. Party members did not receive preferential treatment, though Quisling did not himself share in the wartime hardships of his fellow Norwegians. Nevertheless, many gifts went unused and he did not live extravagantly.

Religious and philosophical views
Quisling was interested in science, eastern religions and metaphysics, eventually building up a library that included the works of Spinoza, Kant, Hegel and Schopenhauer. He kept up with developments in the realm of quantum physics, but did not keep up with more current philosophical ideas. He blended philosophy and science into what he called Universism, or Universalism, which was a unified explanation of everything. His original writings stretched to a claimed two thousand pages. He rejected the basic teachings of orthodox Christianity and established a new theory of life, which he called Universism, a term borrowed from a textbook which Jan Jakob Maria de Groot had written on Chinese philosophy. De Groot's book argued that Taoism, Confucianism and Buddhism were all part of a world religion that De Groot called Universism. Quisling described how his philosophy "... followed from the universal theory of relativity, of which the specific and general theories of relativity are special instances."
His magnum opus was divided into four parts: an introduction, a description of mankind's apparent progression from individual to increasing complex consciousnesses, a section on his tenets of morality and law, and a final section on science, art, politics, history, race and religion. The conclusion was to be titled The World's Organic Classification and Organisation, but the work remained unfinished. Generally, Quisling worked on it infrequently during his time in politics. The biographer Hans Fredrik Dahl describes this as "fortunate" since Quisling would "never have won recognition" as a philosopher.During his trial and particularly after being sentenced, Quisling became interested once more in Universism. He saw the events of the war as part of the move towards the establishment of God's kingdom on earth and justified his actions in those terms. During the first week of October, he wrote a fifty-page document titled Universistic Aphorisms, which represented "... an almost ecstatic revelation of truth and the light to come, which bore the mark of nothing less than a prophet." The document was also notable for its attack on the materialism of Nazism. In addition, he simultaneously worked on a sermon, Eternal Justice, which reiterated his key beliefs, including reincarnation.

Works
Quisling, Vidkun (1931). Russia and Ourselves. Hodder & Stoughton.

In Norwegian
Quisling, Vidkun (1941). Russland og vi. Blix forlag.

Articles and speeches
Quisling har sagt — I. Citater fra taler og avisartikler. J. M. Stenersens forlag. 1940.
Quisling har sagt — II. Ti års kamp mot katastrofepolitikken. Gunnar Stenersens forlag. 1941.
Quisling har sagt — IV. Mot nytt land. Artikler og taler av Vidkun Quisling 1941–1943. Blix forlag. 1943.
For Norges frihet og selvstendighet. Artikler og taler 9. april 1940 — 23. juni 1941. Gunnar Stenersens forlag. 1941.

See also
Førergarde, Quisling's personal guard
Philippe Pétain, French Marshal whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Andrey Vlasov, Soviet general whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Mir Jafar, ruler of Bengal whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Robert Lundy, Scottish army officer whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Wang Jingwei, Chinese politician whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Benedict Arnold, American officer whose name has been used to mean "traitor"
Judas, Apostle whose name has been used to mean "traitor"

Further reading
Hewins, Ralph. (1965). Quisling, Prophet without Honour. London: W. H. Allen.
Block, Maxine, ed. (1940). Current Biography Yearbook. New York, United States: H. W. Wilson.
Borgersrud, Lars. "9 April revised: on the Norwegian history tradition after Magne Skodvin on Quisling and the invasion of Norway in 19401." Scandinavian Journal of History 39.3 (2014): 353–397, historiography
Hamre, Martin Kristoffer. "Norwegian Fascism in a Transnational Perspective: The Influence of German National Socialism and Italian Fascism on the Nasjonal Samling, 1933–1936." Fascism 8.1 (2019): 36–60. online
Hayes, Paul M. "Vidkun Quisling," History Today (May 1966), Vol. 16 Issue 5, p332-340, onlune
Hayes, Paul M. (1966). "Quisling's Political Ideas". Journal of Contemporary History. 1 (1): 145–157. doi:10.1177/002200946600100109. JSTOR 259653. S2CID 152904669.
Hayes, Paul M. (1971). Quisling: the career and political ideas of Vidkun Quisling, 1887–1945. Newton Abbot, United Kingdom: David & Charles. OCLC 320725.
Høidal, Oddvar K. "Vidkun Quisling and the Deportation of Norway's Jews." Scandinavian Studies; 88.3 (2016): 270–294. online
Larsen, Stein Ugelvik. "Charisma from Below? The Quisling Case in Norway." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 7#2 (2006): 235–244.
Larsen, Stein Ugelvik, "The Social Foundations of Norwegian Fascism 1933–1945: An Analysis of Membership Data" in Stein Ugelvik Larsen, Bernt Hagtvet, and Jan Petter Myklebust, eds. Who were the fascists: social roots of European fascism (Columbia University Press, 1980).

In Norwegian
Barth, E. M. (1996). Gud, det er meg: Vidkun Quisling som politisk filosof (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Pax Forlag. ISBN 82-530-1803-7.
Borgen, Per Otto (1999). Norges statsministre (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Aschehoug. ISBN 82-03-22389-3.
Bratteli, Tone; Myhre, Hans B. (1992). Quislings siste dager (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Cappelen. ISBN 82-02-13345-9.
Hartmann, Sverre (1970) [1959]. Fører uten folk. Forsvarsminister Quisling – hans bakgrunn og vei inn i norsk politikk (in Norwegian) (2nd revised ed.). Oslo, Norway: Tiden Norsk Forlag. OCLC 7812651.
Juritzen, Arve (1988). Privatmennesket Quisling og hans to kvinner (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Aventura. ISBN 82-588-0500-2.
Ringdal, Nils Johan (1989). Gal mann til rett tid: NS-minister Sverre Riisnæs – en psykobiografi (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Aschehoug. ISBN 82-03-16584-2.
Quisling, Maria (1980).  Parmann, Øistein (ed.). Dagbok og andre efterlatte papirer (in Norwegian). Oslo, Norway: Dreyer. ISBN 82-09-01877-9.

Primary sources
Dahl, Hans Fredrik (1999). Quisling: A Study in Treachery. Stanton-Ife, Anne-Marie (trans.). Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-49697-7.
Cohen, Maynard M. (2000). A stand against tyranny: Norway's physicians and the Nazis. Detroit, United States: Wayne State University Press. ISBN 978-0-8143-2934-4.
Høidal, Oddvar K. (1989). Quisling: A study in treason. Oslo, Norway: Universitetsforlaget. ISBN 82-00-18400-5.
Yourieff, Alexandra Andreevna Voronine; Yourieff, W. George; Seaver, Kirsten A. (2007). In Quisling's shadow: the memoirs of Vidkun Quisling's first wife, Alexandra. Stanford, United States: Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 978-0-8179-4832-0.

Footnotes
Passage 2:
Denise Boutte
Denise Boutte (born January 19, 1982) is an American actress and model, who has appeared in the films Why Did I Get Married? as Trina, Death Valley: The Revenge of Bloody Bill, as Mandy, Sister's Keeper and Noah's Arc.

Career
She starred in the sitcom Meet the Browns as Sasha Brown.

Filmography
Film and TV Movies
Television
Passage 3:
Alexandra Voronin
Alexandra Andreyevna Voronin (née Voronina, later Yourieff; Russian: Александра Андреевна Воронина, 20 August 1905 — 1 October 1993) was the Russian wife of Norwegian fascist Vidkun Quisling, the leader of Nasjonal Samling (NS), the political party which collaborated with the German occupational force in Norway during World War II.

Early life
Voronin was born in Sevastopol into an upper-class family, the daughter of physician Andrei Sergeyevich Voronin. The third of five children, she was the only one to survive infancy. Her mother was Irina Theodorovna von Kotzebue, a descendant of a viceroy of Poland and of the 9th century Varangian chieftain Rurik.When Voronin was about three years old, the family moved to Yalta and moved again to Kharkiv after the First World War began in 1914. There, she attended the Kharkiv Ballet School and was sent to the LV Dombrovskaya  women's gymnasium, at that time a prestigious boarding school for the children of the nobility. Her father disappeared without trace during the middle  years of the First World War, and her mother became a paid hospital nurse, having previously been a volunteer. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, the family's lifestyle collapsed, as servants fled and rooms in their apartment were confiscated. They returned to Crimea for a time, where her mother considered emigrating to France or Romania.Voronin married Quisling in August 1922, the day after her 17th birthday, at a Registry office in Kharkiv, and then travelled to Moscow for the issuing of documents at the Norwegian legation, including her name being added to Quisling’s passport.  In March 1923, Voronin was pregnant, and Quisling insisted on her having an abortion, which greatly distressed her. They made a short trip to Norway, then returned to Kharkiv, where Quisling may have married  Maria Pasetshnikova without divorcing Voronin. In the summer of 1924, the three returned together to Norway, where Vidkun Quisling began to refer to Voronin as his "foster daughter", instead of his wife, as before. Alexandra Voronin subsequently left Norway to live with an aunt in Nice and never returned.

Later life
In 1929, Quisling broke off all contact with Voronin, and she migrated to China. There, in 1933, the Russian Orthodox Archbishop of China annulled her marriage to Quisling, so that she could marry Dr. J. P. Ryabin. They had one son. Her second husband died in an accident in 1936, and the same year she met and married W. George Yourieff, a Russian architect and honorary French consul in Qingdao, whom she had known since her youth. In 1947, they migrated together to the United States and settled in Palo Alto, California. Eventually they wrote a book about Voronin’s life with Vidkun Quisling. W. George Yourieff died in July 1999, aged 94.
Passage 4:
Faith Hubley
Faith Hubley (née Chestman; September 16, 1924 – December 7, 2001) was an American animator, known for her experimental work both in collaboration with her husband John Hubley, and on her own following her husband's death.

Biography
Born to Sally and Irving Chestman, Russian-Jewish immigrants, she grew up with three siblings on Manhattan's West Side during the 1920s and 1930s. She spoke little about her childhood and left home at age 15 to work in the theater, adopting the name Faith Elliott. At age 18, she moved to Hollywood, starting as a messenger at Columbia Pictures. She subsequently worked as a sound-effects and music editor, and then script clerk for Republic Pictures. She later worked as a script supervisor (12 Angry Men) and editor (Go, Man, Go; with the Harlem Globetrotters).

Career
The Hubleys jointly founded Storyboard Studios as an independent animation studio, vowing to make one independent film a year. They collaborated on more than 20 short films, up until John's death during open-heart surgery in 1977. At that time they were working on the Doonesbury television cartoon, A Doonesbury Special. Faith Hubley, with Garry Trudeau and Bill Littlejohn, completed the special despite the doubts of NBC executives. The Hubleys won Oscars for their shorts: Moonbird (1959), The Hole (1962) and A Herb Alpert and the Tijuana Brass Double Feature (1966); they also received Oscar nominations for Windy Day, Of Men and Demons, Voyage to Next and A Doonesbury Special. Her many solo projects established her as a significant film creator in her own right. She began her first solo project, W.O.W. (Women of the World), after being diagnosed with breast cancer in 1975.Between 1976 and 2001, she completed 24 further solo animated films. Her films often feature abstract imagery and non-linear stories; many draw on themes of mythology and indigenous art. She was also a painter, with her works being exhibited in galleries in Europe and the United States. Unlike conventional hand-drawn animation where a camera takes pictures of paintings on celluloid that are lit from above, she used a technique where drawings on paper were illuminated from below, giving the animation a special look.Faith Hubley taught at the Yale School of Art in the 1990s.

Preservation, Legacy, and Accolades
The Academy Film Archive preserved several of Faith Hubley's films, including A Smattering of Spots, A Doonesbury Special, and The Hole.Faith Hubley received honors from the Cannes, Venice, London, and San Francisco film festivals. She won fourteen CINE Golden Eagle awards, and received honorary doctorates from the University of Chicago, Columbia College, and Hofstra University. Her 1981 animated film "Enter Life" can be seen at the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of Natural History, as part of the Early Life exhibit. In 1995, the National Gallery of Art presented a retrospective program of her works.To coincide with the unveiling of a historical marker for her husband, John Hubley, in his hometown of Marinette, Wisconsin, Marinette's mayor Steve Genisot proclaimed May 20, 2023 "John and Faith Hubley Day" in Wisconsin. Though not a native of Wisconsin, Faith Hubley was recognized for being "unarguably [one] of the most important figures in the history of independent animation, and indeed independent film".

Death
Faith Hubley died in 2001, aged 77, in New Haven, Connecticut, following her long battle with breast cancer, 26 years after her initial diagnosis.

Family
She married John Hubley in 1955. The couple had four children: Mark Hubley, animator Emily Hubley, musician/artist Georgia Hubley, and Hamp Hubley. Their children's voices were featured in a number of their films.

Filmography
Passage 5:
Richard T. Jones
Richard Timothy Jones (born January 16, 1972) is an American actor. He has worked extensively in both film and television productions since the early 1990s. His television roles include Ally McBeal (1997), Judging Amy (1998–2005), CSI: Miami (2006), Girlfriends (2007), Grey's Anatomy (2010), Hawaii Five-0 (2011–2014), Narcos (2015), and Criminal Minds (2017). Since 2018, he has played Police Sergeant Wade Grey on the ABC police drama The Rookie.His film roles include portrayals of Lamont Carr in Disney's Full Court Miracle (2003), Laveinio "Slim" Hightower in Rick Famuyiwa's coming-of-age film The Wood (1999), Mike in Tyler Perry's dramatic films Why Did I Get Married? (2007) and Why Did I Get Married Too? (2010), and Captain Russell Hampton in the Hollywood blockbuster Godzilla (2014).

Early life
Jones was born in Kobe, Japan, to American parents and grew up in Carson, California. He is the son of Lorene, a computer analyst, and Clarence Jones, a professional baseball player who at the time of Jones' birth was playing for the Nankai Hawks in Osaka. He has an older brother, Clarence Jones Jr., who works as a high school basketball coach. They would return to North America after Clarence's retirement following the 1978 season. His parents later divorced. Jones attended Bishop Montgomery High School in Torrance, California, then graduated from Tuskegee University.

Career
Since the early 1990s, Jones has worked in both film and television productions.His first television role was in a 1993 episode of the series California Dreams. That same year, he appeared as Ike Turner, Jr. in What's Love Got to Do with It. From 1999 to 2005, he starred as Bruce Calvin van Exel in the CBS legal drama series Judging Amy.Over the next two decades, Jones starred or guest-starred in high-profile television series such as Ally McBeal (1997), CSI: Miami (2006), Girlfriends (2007), Grey's Anatomy (2010), Hawaii Five-0 (2011–2014), Narcos (2015), and Criminal Minds (2017).His film roles include portrayals of Lamont Carr in the Disney film Full Court Miracle (2003), Laveinio "Slim" Hightower in Rick Famuyiwa's coming-of-age film The Wood (1999), and Mike in Tyler Perry's dramatic films Why Did I Get Married? (2007) and Why Did I Get Married Too? (2010), and Captain Russell Hampton in the Hollywood blockbuster Godzilla (2014).From 2017 to 2018, Jones played Detective Tommy Cavanaugh in the CBS drama series Wisdom of the Crowd.Since February 2018, Jones has played the role of Sergeant Wade Gray in the ABC police procedural drama series The Rookie with Nathan Fillion.

Personal life
Joshua Media Ministries claims that its leader, David E. Taylor, mentors Jones in ministry, and that Jones has donated $1 million to its efforts.

Filmography
Film
Television