Walking Distance Perception in Jakarta MRT Station Area*

The interest of the community, especially MRT users to walk at the beginning or end of the journey to the MRT station is relatively low. The purpose of this study was to recognize the effect of changed preference attributes that affect the likelihood and distance of someone who will choose to walk compared to BRT and motorcycle taxi modes at the beginning or end of their journey. Data obtained using stated preference techniques and were analyzed by discrete choice analysis using a binomial logit model approach with 2 schemes, walking with BRT and walking with motorcycle taxi. The walking distance perception between men and women will choose to walk compared to others alternative mode when the distance to MRT stations are 629 meters and 593 meters respectively and the walking distance perception, when compared to the area between the office area and residence area are 689 meters and 547 meters. Kerwords: perception, walking distance, MRT station, stated preference, discrete choice, difference binomial logit model

I. INTRODUCTION
In Metropolitan cities such as Jakarta, which is the capital city of Indonesia as well as the center of the national economy and politics, population mobility is highly dependent on mass transportation modes such as Bus Rapid Transit (Transjakarta), Commuter Line trains, Mass Rapid Transit, and others. Some people must choose several other modes of transportation to reach the mass transportation facilities at the beginning or end of their journey, such as walking, cycling, using a motorcycle taxi, or using private vehicles. Of course, the selection is not only influenced by the mileage variables. Therefore, this study will identify what factors will influence the choice of walking mode at the beginning or end of the trip.
The subjects of this study were respondents who used Mass Rapid Transit (MRT) in Jakarta at the beginning or end of their trip. The selection of MRT stations as the focus of research involving walking modes because MRT is relatively new in Jakarta. Therefore, it is still not too late to plan facilities to walk around the MRT station which favors MRT passengers who use walking mode at the beginning or end of their journey. For the future development of the MRT and the culture of walking for the community from the start of the MRT operation. With the existence of walking modes that are increasingly entrenched in our society, it is expected to provide many positive things for the community and the government.

II. WALKING DISTANCE
Walking distance is the distance that people can walk on a trip or the average distance of people walking to access the transit point to a point in a certain area. There has been a lot of research on walking accessibility and public transportation which discusses the ideal walking distance that people can travel.
Walking Distance to and from Light-Rail Transit Stations, guidelines for walking distance to the zone around local stations, transit stations, and CBD are as follows, 700 meters for the radius of the zone around the local station, 700 meters for the radius of the zone around the transit station, 400 meters for the radius of the zone around the station near the office, and 900 meters for the radius of the zone around the station near the settlement [1].
Modeling Walking Access to Public Transport Terminals: Case Study of Singapore Mass Rapid Transit, the average distance traveled by people to and from the MRT station is 1045.7 meters [2]. The Study of Pedestrian Access to Rail Transit Stations Based on the KLP Model, the standard distance of walking to the public transport station ranges from 472 meters to 862 meters [3]. Pedestrian Perception at the End of the Final Trip, from the collected data, the average distance and the farthest distance are 1,225 meters and 2,100 meters respectively [4].

III. DISCRETE CHOICE
Before Akiva and Leman (1985) in his book "Discrete Choice Analysis: Theory and Application to Travel Demand" emphasize this model more on the analysis of user choice to maximize satisfaction in making various choices and deciding which mode of transportation has the highest satisfaction value (highest utility) [5]. The procedure of this model begins with determining parameter values (regression coefficients) of a satisfaction function that is influenced by several independent variables. The model approach taken in this study was carried out using the Discrete Choice Model.
To compare between the two choices of transportation modes offered, it can be used to estimate linear functions, namely the binomial logit model difference with parameters that can be assumed to be linear [6]. The function equation model is: Where Ui is the utility function of mode i, βik is the kvariable parameter of mode i, and Xik is the k-variable of mode i. The discrete selection model is generally expressed as an opportunity for each individual to choose a choice as a function of the socio-economic characteristics and attractiveness of that choice [6]. Opportunities for choosing the intended mode as in (2).

IV. DATA AND METHODS
This research is a case study for pedestrians in the MRT station area, specifically for Jakarta MRT users who walk from or to the MRT station. Data collection locations are carried out at 6 Jakarta MRT stations. Three of them are in the office area, namely the MRT Bundaran HI, Duku Atas and Bendungan Hilir Stations were taken in the evening time. The three other in the residential areas, namely the Haji Nawi, Cipete Raya and Fatmawati MRT stations were taken in the day time. MRT user samples were taken randomly with a total of 210 respondents with the majority of respondents aged 21-40 years to travel to work and the proportion of men and women was 58% and 42%.  Research framework based on Fig. 2 above, the research start by formulated quastions, literature study and data collection using survey and interview questionnaire techniques. The questionnaire was designed using the stated preference method for scheme 1 and scheme 2. Scheme 1 was to compare the interest in walking with BRT, where BRT mentioned here include Transjakarta in the corridor, Tranjakarta Feeder (non-corridor), and Jak-Lingko (integrated mode). Scheme 2 was to compare the interest in walking with a motorcycle taxi, where motorcycle taxi mentioned here include online and conventional motorcycle taxi.

V. ANALYSIS
Start from the data collection phase, it has been grouped into two schemes, so that the next step will be analyzed modal choice for each scheme using package maxLik (maximum Likelihood package) in program R. After testing several models, the best function model with the value is obtained. The biggest P-seudo R2. Follow by the best function model for scheme 1 and scheme 2: A. Scheme 1 : (Walking -BRT) Some interpretations of the utility model function scheme 1 above:  To access the MRT station, the BRT mode is more desirable than the walking mode.
 Men are more likely to choose to walk compared to women.
 The difference in travel time on walking with BRT greatly influences the choice of walking mode. The more negative the difference, the greater the interest in choosing to walk rather than using BRT.
From the utility function model, the sensitivity of interest in male and female walking interest was tested when the standard BRT fare was Rp. 3,500 due to changes indifference of travel time.
From Fig. 4a) above, about the four groups of distance radius, the probability of women choosing to walk will keep existing when walking time is 18 minutes longer than using BRT. While for a condition where a woman will decide to walk for a distance of 250 m occurs when walking time is 4 minutes faster than using BRT, for a 500 m distance radius occurs when walking time is 6 minutes faster than using BRT, to a 750 m distance radius occurs when walking is 7 minutes faster than using BRT, for a 1,000 m distance radius occurs when the walking time is 8 minutes faster than using BRT, for a distance radius of 1,250 m occurs when the walking time is 10 minutes faster than use BRT, and for a distance radius of 1,500 m occurs when the walking time is 11 minutes faster than using BRT. Meanwhile, women are more likely to walk on conditions with 33 minutes faster on walking for the four groups of distance radius. From Fig. 4b) above, about the four groups of distance radius, the probability of men choosing to walk will keep existing when walking time is for up to 19 minutes from using BRT. While the condition where a man will begin to tend to decide to walk for a distance of 250 m occurs when the walking time is 3 minutes faster than using BRT, for a 500 m distance radius occurs when walking time is 4 minutes faster than using BRT, to a 750 m distance radius occurs when the walking time is 5 minutes faster than using BRT, for a 1,000 m distance radius occurs when the walking time is 7 minutes faster than using BRT, for a distance radius of 1,250 m occurs when the walking time is 8 minutes faster than use BRT, and for a distance radius of 1,500 m it occurs when 10 minutes of walking is faster than using BRT. Meanwhile, men are more likely to walk on conditions with 32 minutes faster on walking for the four groups of distance radius.    (4).
Some interpretations of the schema 2 utility function model above:  To access the MRT station, motorcycle taxi modes are more popular than walking modes.
 Women are more likely to choose to walk compared to men.
 The difference in travel time on foot with motorcycle taxi travel time also greatly affects the choice of walking mode. The more negative the difference, the greater the interest in choosing to walk rather than using a motorcycle taxi.
From the utility function model, a sensitivity test of interest in male and female walking was carried out when the standard motorcycle taxi fare was Rp. 10,000, due to changes in the difference in travel time.
It appears from Fig. 5a) and Fig. 5b) below, that there is no difference in the change in attributes of the probability of walking compared to motorcycle taxis between women and men in the same conditions. So, the probability of women and men alike choosing to walk will remain until 42 minutes have passed from using a motorcycle taxi. While for a situation where a woman and a man will begin to tend to decide to walk for a distance of 250 m occurs when 17 minutes walk longer than using a motorcycle taxi, for a 500 m distance radius occurs when walking time is 14 minutes longer than using a motorcycle taxi , for a 750 m distance radius occurs when walking time is 11 minutes longer than using a motorcycle taxi, for a 1,000 m distance radius occurs when the walking time is 8 minutes longer than using a motorcycle taxi, for a distance radius of 1,250 m occurs when the walking time is longer 5 minutes from using a motorcycle taxi, and for a distance radius of 1,500 m it occurs when the walking time is 3 minutes longer than using a motorcycle taxi. Meanwhile, women and men will most likely walk on conditions with a difference of 23 minutes faster walking for the four groups of distance radius.

VI. WALKING DISTANCE PERCEPTION
In describing the perception of the distance a person chooses to walk is compared with using other modes analyzed by two considerations, namely walking distance based on gender and functional area of each scheme. From Fig. 6a) above, the distance between women will choose to walk in scheme 1 and scheme 2 is 455 meters and 671 meters respectively, so that the average women's walking distance from the two schemes is 593 meters. Whereas for men in scheme 1 and scheme 2 respectively are 558 meters and 669 meters with the average men's walking distance from the two schemes is 629 meters. The results explained that men can walk farther than women.
Whereas from Fig. 6b) above, it is obtained that the distance of someone will choose to walk in an office area in scheme 1 and scheme 2 is 537 meters and 775 meters respectively so that the average walking distance in the office area of the two schemes is 689 meters. Whereas in residential areas in scheme 1 and scheme 2 are 492 meters and 578 meters respectively, the average walking distance in the residential area of the two schemes is 547 meters. These results explain that in an office area the average person can walk farther than those in residential areas. This can occur because the facilities for walking in office areas are adequate with a good level of comfort. Whereas in residential areas, sidewalk and crossing facilities are inadequate and the level of comfort is relatively lacking.
From the two calculations above, the average distance of a person chooses to walk to the MRT station if it does not consider the gender and functional area is 618 meters.

VII. CONCLUSIONS
1) The attributes that influence the walking selection than BRT or motorcycle taxi are gender, the difference of travel time, distance and alternative mode fare.
2) Men will begin to choose to walk at a distance of 629 meters, while women will begin to choose to walk at a distance of 593 meters.
3) Someone in the office area will begin to choose to walk at a distance of 689 meters, while in the residential area will begin to choose to walk at a shorter distance of 547 meters.
4) The average distance a person choose to walk is 618 meters.

VIII. RECOMMENDATIONS
Based on the research that has been done and the analysis described above, the suggestion that is suitable for these conditions is to improve pedestrian facilities in the area of the main MRT station in the residential area. Whereas for the next research which is similar can be suggested as follows: 1) Using the revealed preference method to get the perception of the actual walk of the people heading to or from the MRT station. So that the distance is not categorized based on the radius of the MRT station.
2) If using the revealed preference method, it is recommended to use a larger number of samples.
3) Consider the characteristics of the pedestrian pathway in the MRT station area as a factor that influences the walking interest. 4) Using a multinomial logistic regression analysis model to determine walking interest compared to several alternative modes.


extfieldsofstudy: Psychology Medicine

text:
Sports Teaching, Traditional Games, and Understanding in Physical Education: A Tale of Two Stories

Unlike Dickens’s novel, this is not a tale of light and darkness, order and chaos, good and evil…It is, though, a story worth to be told about two standpoints about games and sports, teaching and research, physical education simply put, that have pursued similar interests on parallel tracks for too long, despite their apparent closeness and shared cultural grounds. The objective of this conceptual analysis is to try and reconcile two perspectives, namely motor praxeology and teaching games for understanding (TGfU), born in the last third of the XX century in France and England with the intention to rethink the foundations of physical education (PE) and sports teaching. Pierre Parlebas, from the French side of the English Channel, claimed in 1967 that sports make part of PE, that team sports must be considered from a specific, sociomotor point of view, and that motor conducts (i.e., the significative organisation of motor behaviour), not sports techniques, are the corner-stone of PE and sports coaching. In the early 1980s, from the English side of La Manche, Almond, Thorpe, and Bunker made a plea for a shift in the way to teach games (sporting collective duels mostly), deeply concerned by the negative impact of the traditional technics-centred approach on motivation, competence and attained level of the least able in school situations. Our conclusion is that TGfU, or game-based approaches to sports coaching and teaching, can take great advantage of the motor-praxeological rationale for three reasons: firstly, because concepts like understanding, game sense and action principles are operatively, semiotically linked to the reality of the playing process; secondly, because the inner structures of the games that constrain players and guide their motor conducts, permit to integrate games in the general system of sporting games, no matter their level of institutionalisation; finally, because any motor intervention process is better thought of and more systematically developed upon the operational concepts of internal logic and expected practical effects of game playing. This time, Paris could be the place to go to in search of solutions, not the city to run away from in hope of consolation.

GAMES, TRADITIONS, AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION
Traditional sporting games, those activities collected by Brueghel the Elder (1560), Stella (1657); Gomme (1894), and Grupos Etniker Euskalerria (1993), constitute a major asset for physical education (PE) in three ways at least: epistemologically, they allow us to think about what human action and motricity are in relation to culture, history, and society; pedagogically, they let us consider what our options are when proposing aims and designing curricula; and didactically, they impel us to question what our resources can be when teaching in PE and sports. The troubled waters of the 1960s, a decade that started with the fall of an "iron curtain" and finished with the rise of humankind to the moon, also stirred the way games and sports were considered on both sides of the English Channel in regard to PE. In this sense, we intend to reflect on those three topics while trying to find an answer to a question we have put some thought on lately: Why are traditional games absent from the Teaching Games for Understanding (TGfU) rationale?
In mai 68, another revolution was en marche in the Midlands that would definitively affect for the better the way that hundreds of thousands of pupils around the world confront games and sports at schools. It is well known how Thorpe et al. (1986;Sánchez-Gómez et al., 2014) gathered in Loughborough a group of PE teachers, lecturers, and scholars concerned by the way games were being used in primary and secondary schools. Over time, that project developed by "the games team" became one of the most recognisable currents in contemporary PE and an inspiration for interesting academic debates, no matter how close they may be to the original project (Kirk, 2017). Presented originally by Thorpe and Bunker as a model for teachers, TGfU's six phases of instruction is a fruitful combination of pedagogical concerns, didactical needs, and theoretical reflections that harnessed and channelled the interest of many PE professionals in the English-speaking world. On his part, Pierre Parlebas spent the Beatles decade in Paris lecturing and training Olympic athletes at the École Normal Supérier d'Éducation Physique (Parlebas, 2014) and getting a degree in psychology and other minor qualifications in sociology, linguistics, and mathematics to develop the project of a scientific physical education sketched in his first, visionary paper: Éducation physique et éducation philosophique (Parlebas, 1959). Twenty-five years later, he successfully applied for the position of professor at the Faculty of Sociology of La Sorbonne, after having obtained at it his state doctorate claiming, in front of an egregious panel, that "sporting game and motor action belong to a specific field of research endowed with an original scientific pertinence" (Parlebas, 1985b, p. 90). In proving so, he has given us the conceptual and methodological resources to act and reflect on PE in the form of a scientific framework, and enough evidence of the richness and importance of motor traditional games for school pupils, university students, PE practitioners, and coaches alike (Parlebas, 1985a(Parlebas, , 1998(Parlebas, , 2001(Parlebas, , 2003a(Parlebas, ,b, 2010a. Unlike Dickens's novel, this is not a tale of light and darkness, order and chaos, good and evil. . . It is, though, a story worth to be told about two perspectives on games and sports, on teaching and research, on physical education simply put, which may have been inspired by similar aims, but driven on parallel tracks for too long despite their geographical closeness and shared historical backgrounds. Therefore, our main objective is to try and articulate two perspectives, namely, "teaching games for understanding" (Thorpe et al., 1986) and "motor praxeology" (Parlebas, 2013), both born in the last third of the twentieth century to rethink the foundations of physical education (PE) and sports teaching. It is somehow a what if kind of story in the vein of Stolz and Pill (2016), a fictional game sometimes, but not useless nor stupid: What would TGfU be like today if Thorpe, Bunker, Almond, and Parlebas had met at the right time? As we hope to prove, this is a pertinent search of conceptual clarification and mutual enrichment in which those humble, youthful traditional sporting games play a key role when looking into three main questions of PE and TGfU: what those activities we call games are, what the consequences of their inclusion in PE can be, and what the principles for their teaching should be.

ON GAME'S DEFINITION AND GAMES' CATEGORIES
Game and sport are extremely polysemic words. Probably not by chance did Wittgenstein chose "game" to illustrate his theory of meaning: "Consider for example the proceedings that we call 'games.' I mean board games, card games, ball games, Olympic games, and so on. What is common to them all? -Don't say: 'There must be something common, or they would not be called games' -but look and see whether there is anything common to all. -For if you look at them you will not see something that is common to all, but similarities, relationships, and a whole series of them at that" (1953: Wittgenstein, 1963, p. 31). Wittgenstein claimed that we can use a word properly without being able to produce its proper definition, as we do with numbers. However, competent use of a word is just the first level of clarity we can attain, as Charles S. Peirce believed: "Merely to have such an acquaintance with the idea as to have become familiar with it, and to have lost all hesitancy in recognising it in ordinary cases, hardly seems to deserve the name of clearness of apprehension" (Peirce, 1878, p. 2). Peirce, possibly the greatest North American philosopher, identified definitions as the second level of clarity: "By the contents of an idea logicians understand whatever is contained in its definition. So that an idea is distinctly apprehended, according to them, when we can give a precise definition of it, in abstract terms" (Peirce, 1878, p. 3).
TGfU is a real academic endeavour (Werner and Almond, 1990;Hopper and Bell, 2001), but it is hard to find in its vast literature a proper discussion about what is understood when the word "game" is uttered in this field, no matter how consistent the use of the word "game" may be. The members of the games team were committed to the practice of PE but did not lack influence and inspiration by key academics, such as the philosopher Bernard Suits, the educational thinker Lawrence Stenhouse, and the psychologist Jerome Bruner (Harvey et al., 2018). Precisely, Bernard Suits, whose What is a game? (1967) and The Grasshopper (1978) are still today fruitful in the philosophy of sport, has been acknowledged as a major influence in the construction of TGfU, which makes this apparent absence of reflection on the nature of game even more intriguing, and certainly due to something else than lack of awareness or interest. It looks like the early authors of TGfU did not need to define what a game is because everybody knew what we are talking about: "Physical activities using an object that are played in society, for example football, tennis, golf, and softball" (Hopper and Bell, 2001, p. 14), or, as Mauldon and Redfern said in their Games teaching: "An activity in which a minimum of two people, themselves on the move, engage in competitive play with a moving object within the framework of certain rules" (Mauldon and Redfern, 1969, p. 1).
Nonetheless, the inquiry on the nature of game-playing is as controversial as helpful for PE thinkers in terms of curriculum building and teaching practice because it is not a simple one: Suits declared that "play, game, and sport" are a tricky conceptual triad (1988) when it comes to characterising different ludic experiences and activities, so tricky as to lead him and his contender Meier (1988) to commit in Schneider's opinion a "category mistake" (Schneider, 2001, p. 151). The Gordian problem of game's definition was resolved by Parlebas with a clear-cut, new referent: "For us, a sporting game is any motor situation of regulated confrontation, so-called 'game' and 'sport' by social organisations. [. . .] Certainly poor regarding its notional content, this definition serves mainly identifying purposes, pointing at repertoires of practices proposed by federal or educational organisations" (Parlebas, 1986, p. 46), and leading to some interesting logical consequences: board games, like chess, are not sporting games; sporting games are legal entities that regulate human motor action; and playing tags and playing football belong to the same category of "sporting game, " no matter their level of institutionalisation.
As shown in Figure 1, "ludomotricity" (Parlebas, 1999, L:56) 1 , the total of situations associated with playful motor situations, can be categorised using a few but distinctive traits, giving as a result what Parlebas described as a spectacular ludorama (Parlebas, 2008): • Swimming, jogging, skating, etc., are free, self-organised actions that impose no restriction whatsoever on the agents, reason why they cannot be properly called games, but "quasi-games." • Hand clapping games, like My mummy sent me shopping and A sailor went to sea, or more recent games like the cup challenge, are the minimum expression of the class "motor game, " that is, activities that impose on the players prefixed bodily behaviours that can be valued accomplished or not without establishing a true competition, that is, without calls by referees or umpires. • Athletics, football, tennis, and the likes are "sports": institutionalised motor competitions, sporting games with constitutive rules for players and roles for rules-making and disciplinary action. • The largest part of "sporting games" are not institutionalised, or they are administrated by local or regional governing bodies: in this case, we can call them "quasi-sports" (i.e., Highland games or traditional bowling games), or "traditional games" when they show no level of organisation at all (i.e., hide-and-seek, tags, etc.). Besides, "street games, " like self-organised basketball (Bordes et al., 2013), and certain "videogames, " the so-called exergames, for instance, belong to this ample category too.
This system of ludomotor categories addresses two capital questions on games and PE: their motor nature and the different levels of constriction that operate on the players. Motor situations constitute a special case of Goffman's situation: "I would define a social situation as an environment of mutual monitoring possibilities, anywhere within which an individual will find himself accessible to the naked senses of all others who are 'present, ' and similarly find them accessible to him. According to this definition, a social situation arises whenever two or more individuals find themselves in one another's immediate presence, and it lasts until the next-to-last person leaves" (Goffman, 1964, p. 135). What makes them special is that both the process and the result of a ludomotor situation depend on the bodily configuration of the agents' behaviours, which always are connected to the overall meaning of the encounter. For this reason, any element of the situation receives "motor" as a family name because their bodily, physical nature is the essence of this unique kind of experience that characterises PE.
Swimming or climbing, hand-clapping or playing tags, fishing of racing, and playing soccer or rugger are all motor actions consisting of processes "of accomplishment of the motor conducts of one or more individuals acting in a determined motor situation" (Parlebas, 1999, A:1), embodiments of a kind of human action that owns very specific properties (Bordes et al., 2007): it is constrained by the physical and biological laws that operate on individuals, species, and material world; it is constitutive to the task to perform, which disappears if the action is not accomplished (means and results are equally necessary); and it is real action, not symbolic (like in board games) nor substitutive (like in competitive videogames). Gameplaying is meaningful in itself and independent of its technical sophistication or skill development: the Sunday round of four pals over handicap 20 makes so much sense for the players as the afternoon singles in the last Ryder Cup, and playing darts is as bodily an action as figure-skating.
Having said so, sporting games are not only physical but also cultural realities independent of what agents can think they are. Sporting games are linguistic, juridical entities that create specific action spheres easily transmitted by word (Martínez-Santos, 2018). TGfU pays paramount attention to "rules": linguistic utterances whose function is to orient and regulate human action (Robles, 1984), because not only games are created by rules, but teaching activities too. The capability to play games relies on a general linguistic competence that makes games interpretable and transformable into bodily conducts, which is FIGURE 1 | System of categories of ludic motor situations (Parlebas, 2008).
the same competence that allows teachers to make understand the game (Martínez-Santos and Oiarbide, 2020). Briefly put, rules are necessary to decree the elements of the game, that is, to create competition: the accepted motor procedures and the consequences associated with acts and results. "Consequences" are, in fact, the most important part of these juridical systems we call games: on one side, they value acts and keep a record of the players' merit to outperform; on the other side, they establish how agents must proceed in case of infringement. Any moral value of game playing depends on the acceptance of its internal consequences and the development of the juridical intelligence that wraps tactical awareness, which in the games we are dealing with is based on the "principle of sanction" (Robles, 1984): rule-breaking has as consequence damage that sometimes affects one's score (i.e., volleyball and judo) and some others does not (i.e., basketball and hockey). Moreover, this juridical nature allows circumventing the annoying thesis of the "logical incompatibility" (Morgan, 1987) between breaking the rules and the existence of the game.
It may seem a minor question, but these three criteria, namely, motricity, regulation, and institutionalisation, help us mitigate Wittgenstein's blurriness and advance in Peircean clarity when it comes to exploring physical activities. Sports are institutionalised sporting games that "have been selected and consecrated by social institutions that have put them into their structures of production and consumption" (Parlebas, 1986, p. 46). There is no doubt that games in TGfU are motor competitions, but it seems very clear as well that they are only competitions managed by international governing bodies, and there is a chance that sports federations and school institutions have different understandings of what production and consumption are or should be.

ON GAMES IN PHYSICAL EDUCATION
Sports are a tradition in PE. We are so accustomed to their presence that it is felt natural, inevitable, and indisputable. However, as we have learnt above, acquaintance is just the dimmest level of clarity, and conceiving PE as school sports practice would be no definition but a mere description of the research object we would eventually like to understand. Peirce translated the third and highest level of clarity into his famous pragmatic maxim: "Consider what effects, which might conceivably have practical bearings, we conceive the object of our conception to have. Then, our conception of these effects is the whole of our conception of the object" (Peirce, 1878, p. 20). Our educational decisions, theoretical classification systems, conceptual or empirical diagrams, hypothesis and beliefs, etc., are examples of practical bearings that Peirce considered to be signs of intelligence in action. In this sense, understanding what sporting games are also depends on discussing why they belong to education, firstly, and what the consequences of our including sports in PE are, secondly.
In a world as utopian as The Grasshopper's kingdom imagined by Bernard Suits (Suits, 1978), The Monty Python comedy troupe depicted a British government with a Ministry of Silly Walks. This memorable sketch (The Monty Python, 1970) depicts an applicant trying to show and prove that his gait is as silly as to deserve public funding, and a public servant analysing his merits in a very professional way: "It's not particularly silly, is it? I. . . I mean, the right leg isn't silly at all, and the left leg merely does a forward aerial half-turn every alternate step." The postulant's initial disappointment turns into joy when he is offered "a research fellowship on the Anglo-French silly walk": La marche futile! Isn't it possible that to many a ministry of PE and sports be as comical and useless as the one created by The Monty Python, apparently to criticise the Concorde's project? Maybe, but it is almost sure that to many, and not only to those fans standing on the bleachers, traditional sporting games are childish, minor games in comparison to pay-per-view sports. However, quite on the contrary, there could be a point in thinking that any uncritical inclusion of sports artificial techniques in PE might reduce any allegedly educational game to nothing more than another silly walk in search for a generous, even sillier public servant to be turned into a fan.

On Sports and Physical Education
"To those advocates of TGfU derivates that seek to produce excellent games players in specific sports coaching contexts, such as Games Sense, Bunker and Thorpe were not, at least originally, ever concerned with sports coaching pedagogy. For those who claim that TGfU emerged without a substantial theoretical framework, the problem Bunker and Thorpe were seeking to resolve was practical and pedagogical, concerned with institutional school physical education." He who reminds us of this is Kirk (2017, p. 19), deeply interested in making clear that "TGfU-informed games teaching was intended to fit into same spaces that sports-techniques based physical education occupied" (p. 21) after the English 1946 Education Act. This Act raised compulsory education to 15 years of age and boosted the development of the PE curriculum for "mass secondary education." Before WW2 "women had dominated physical education teaching as a profession until the 1940s, but these post-war developments required the training of a large number of male physical educators" (p. 20): the extension of schooling included the puberty period, which is why "the dominant and deeply gendered form of physical education at this time, based on gymnastics and movement, made singlesex classes seem highly appropriate." As Kirk accounts: "The men preferred a sports-based form of their field in contrast to the female-dominated gymnastics past, and a massive reconfiguration and reconstruction of school physical education was underway" (Kirk, 2017, p. 20).
To Ellen Singleton: "Games are such a large and integral part of the content of PE classes that any change in the pedagogical approach to games indicates changes to our shared educational philosophy about student's needs -their methods of learning, their interests and attitudes, and their physical capacities" (Singleton, 2010, p. 27). This is the key question about any activity included in PE classes, and her narration of how games made their way into Canadian PE indicates that it was related to the Deweyan conception of play, "games, dance, and sports" in primary, while it was a chance for PE secondary teachers to "justify the introduction of more intense forms of competition, particularly into classes for males students" (p. 24). As a consequence: "Intense competitive team sports were, by the middle of the century, mainstay in American and Canadian males physical education programs [. . .]. Over time, the emphasis on games in physical education has shifted from the question of whether games should be included in the curriculum, to questions about how games should be taught" (p. 25). Mauldon and Redfern's experience seems mostly congruent: "The subject of Games is one which, as yet, has merited little genuinely serious attention. It is, of course, part of that plethora of multifarious activities which collectively are known as Physical Education, but whereas other major branches of this (notably dance, gymnastics, and swimming) have received certain amount of consideration in respect of education, the teaching of games continues in the main to be carried on along traditional and even stereotyped lines, with few questions asked as to the reasons for its inclusion in the curriculum" (Mauldon and Redfern, 1969, p. vi).
Sport is the product of the institutionalisation of games occurred in England in the nineteen century (During, 1984;Mangan, 1986), and it makes part of PE because they are motor activities whose practice can produce valuable effects on the multiple dimensions of personality. Even though, ex post facto argumentations that try to justify pedagogical decisions that never existed do not take into account that the same beneficial effects can be obtained with other kinds of activities. According to Parlebas (1986, p. 246), institutionalisation is mainly driven by the high economic value of sports competitions as spectacular sources of entertainment, but it is also linked to "foundational ethical imperatives" that seem today as unquestionable as ever: "Sport remains strangely associated with values which it does not respect as a mass phenomenon, but which help to maintain its positive image" (Parlebas, 1999, S:323) and stop many from making sticky questions: Do we really need to play federation games most often? Do they have a higher educational value than traditional games? (1978: Parlebas, 2017, p. 349-355).
The answer to this double question is a double no: "Federated games are not characterised by an uninterested educational richness, but by their value as spreaders of a certain power" (1978( : Parlebas, 2017, and sports prevail "because they are adult games that adjust to the powers with full command, and eventually to some of their counterpowers." Even if, "analysing the sports phenomenon in terms of power does not necessarily imply condemning it: there is no society without an institution, nor an institution without power, and the gratuitous condemnation of sport is as ideological as its blind glorification." The vindication of traditional games does not imply the vilification of sports, for it would be useless and unfair: today, as it was at the time, "it seems almost un-British to suggest that education could be complete without games!" (Mauldon and Redfern, 1969, p. 2), and no one with sound judgment should try to tackle a whole Empire: "This will be a perfect planet//only when the Game shall enter//every country, teaching millions//how to ask for Leg or Centre" (Gale, 1930, In Mangan, 2012. Should we?

On the Consequences of Institutionalisation
The consequences of our including sports in PE curricula are the consequences of the institutionalisation of sports. In this sense, basketball, a game invented in 1891 by a PE teacher who got inspired by a traditional game, that was proposed in winter to a group of troublemakers as an alternative to the boring calisthenics, that in less than a decade spread all over America thanks to an educational institution, that got into the sports show-business by the turn of the century. . ., makes the perfect example (Naismith, 1941) to understand the intimate relationship between PE and sports. Basketball was such a successful new game because it abode perfectly by the sports model: a time-limited duel between two equal teams, quantitative and qualitatively speaking, that binds players together on a relational network based on constant loyalty and equal chances (Parlebas, 2002, p. 211). However, if human relationships in the real world can also be inconstant, unstable, and logically irrational, are sports the best way to learn about the others, about life in society, about the dialectical relationship between individual agency and collective systems? In other words: Can we really be convinced about the contribution of team sports to children's socialisation (Parlebas, 1978a(Parlebas, , 2017? Is sports socialisation really better than traditional socialisation (Etxebeste, 2012)?
Structurally speaking, sport is not perforce any better than traditional game. On the contrary, as far as socialisation is concerned, traditional games put in play human communication models far more diverse and enriching than sports: All sporting games, whatever they may be, can be put at the service of authority, although traditional games, as a whole, are much less favourable than sport to the exercise of centralised and authoritarian power, for two main reasons. The first is that the rules of many traditional games propose uses of space, types of communication, criteria of success and possibilities of group decision that do not favour the establishment of an external, undisputed authority. The second is that the variety of situations generated by these games causes motor behaviours through extremely different exchange systems. A variety of this type, which responds to sometimes contradictory norms and attitudes, makes it difficult to unilaterally channel motor conducts towards a rigid system, towards a strict social shaping of the body (1978b: Parlebas, 2017, 354).
School sports practice can suppose the massive reproduction of just a few of the many relational configurations available, the "reproduction" (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1981) of exclusive-stable communication models that leave aside many other forms of antagonism and cooperation that offer interaction opportunities more suitable to dive into to the depths of human relationships.
As shown above in Figure 2, according to their "motor communication networks" (Parlebas, 1999, R:26) and "network of changes of sociomotor roles" (R:50), sports are only present in four of the 10 categories of sporting games, and games in TGfU belong almost only to two of them: symmetric and dissymmetric duels. All sports' communication networks are n-exclusive (any two participants cannot be at the same time partners and opponents), stable (the initial relationship between any two players is kept unchanged till the end of the competition), complete (in sociomotor networks there is always a positive or negative relationship between any two players, never neutral), and balanced (intra-team relationships are always positive and inter-team relationships always negative) (Parlebas, 1986, p. 235). Conversely, traditional games accept instability (alliances, friendship, and antagonism that change along the time) and ambivalence (uncertainty about the others' real intentions to help or harm one's interests), making possible for the players to enjoy the relational possibilities offered by playing situations not fully predetermined by outer institutions.
Many tagging games possess exclusive-unstable networks with three role-changing possibilities: permutation of roles between the two players involved in a catch; convergence of all tagged players into the chasing role; and fluctuation of roles due to role changing without a strict order. Many other games, those which Parlebas (2010bParlebas ( , 2011a likes to call paradoxical, give room for even more liberty to choose: all the fun in a game as simple as "puss in the corner" comes from the choice that any player on a corner can make to be loyal to or betray the comrades on the other corners. Can anybody imagine a better way to express oneself than a situation in which any decision is a declaration of hate or love? In this sense, can there be any better way to learn simple moral principles than putting them at play? There is no doubt that sports can offer remarkable educational experiences, but from a pedagogical point of view their practice comes along with a double jeopardy we must be aware of from the pedagogical angle: that of reducing action to movement, and that of reducing interaction to obedience. What a challenge!

ON TRADITIONAL GAMES, UNDERSTANDING, AND TEACHING AS COMMUNICATION
Traditional sporting games have helped us make our point about two issues on which later TGfU seems less interested than the founding fathers: the nature and classification of motor games, and the educational consequences of disregarding sporting games other than sports. The inquiry on efficiency in games teaching received much attention in the mid twentieth century, not only in France and Britain: for instance, Mahlo (1969), from the German Democratic Republic, developed a remarkable work on the "tactical act" for 6-to 10-year-old socialist students greatly based on the psychologist Sergei Rubinstein's ideas. Thorpe et al. (1986) realised that technical conception of games and teaching is detrimental to the legitimate aspirations of physical FIGURE 2 | Networks of motor communications: comparison between sports and traditional games (modified from Parlebas, 1986, p. 238). educationists and the best interest of pupils, that a call should be made "away from a skills-based lesson and towards a more cognitively based approach" (5). Almost two decades earlier, Parlebas defended the same in his first paper: "Philosophical training has familiarised physical education teachers with the universe of meanings, symbols and values, empowering them to not just be technicians or lessons providers; it has taught them to be independent of stereotyped structures by showing the dangers of surrendering to banal techniques, however magnificent they might be" (1959( : Parlebas, 2017. In 1967, Allen Wade, Football Association's Director of Coaching, published a book that, as we know, was revolutionary and inspiring: The F.A. guide to training and coaching (Wade, 1979). Written for teachers and coaches alike, it was promoted as follows "The theme of the book takes full account of modern tactical development and emphasises the need for the modern footballer to 'read the game' and understand the systems and tactics that are outlined." There are radical differences between our conceptual model of game-playing and Wade's analysis based on the dyad technique/skill, but his references to common factors, unpredictability, interference of intentions, cooperation and opposition, and decision making (1967: Wade, 1979, p. 180) are an outstanding prove of wisdom and strength for what TGfU would become. In actual fact, the interest gained by the "sportscoaching turn" (Kirk, 2017, p. 19) is far from being inadequate nor unexpected: it is the cornerstone of our double story, because any general proposal for school PE ignoring the internal logic of teaching situations is doomed to grow on wasted lands.

On Understanding as Semiosis
As Wade (1979) pointed out, unpredictability, decision-making, collaboration, opposition, and interference of intentions are the key elements of football-playing, because football and all team duels belong to the "motor action domain" (Parlebas, 1999, D:74) in which collaboration and opposition occur at the same time. It is the presence of opponents what willy-nilly generates on the players decisional uncertainty no matter their competence. From the learning side, we conceive understanding as the competence to put in play the principles of game-playing associated with the "internal logic" (Parlebas, 1999, L:4) that emerges from the interpretation of the game's rules; from the teaching side, we conceive understanding as the competence to assess and increase the level of clarity that the players' conducts show in relation to the internal logic of the situation. From both sides, "uncertainty: Property of unpredictability attached to certain elements of a situation" (Parlebas, 1999, I:1), is the most imperative praxic consequence of the game system, for it determines how games must be solved and how players must be trained in terms of decision-making. Generally speaking, the two sources of uncertainty in sporting games, namely, "social" and "spatial, " can be operationalised with three binary variables that inform about the presence or absence of uncertainty due to the relationships with "partners, " "opponents, " or "space." The combination of these tree dichotomic traits results in a classification with eight motor action domains that, individually, propose equivalent experiences, and collectively allow to understand and manage the total of ludomotor activities (Parlebas, 1999, C:1).
TGfU is mostly about teaching to understand sports opposition in the form 2-exclusive-stable communication networks networks, that is, duels of teams or individuals: only one of Elli's eight categories (Ellis, 1983), concretely "unopposed target games" like bowling and golf, lacks opposition, and Almond (1986) does not even make such a distinction in his "target games" category. We have seen above (Figure 2) that sporting duels are only two of the many cases in sporting games, but it is also true they constitute a subset of motor tasks in which instrumental praxic communication reigns: in sporting duels motor interaction is purely strategical, driven by the scoring system, and built semiotically upon the bodily procedures permitted by the rules. Goffman's description of "strategic interaction" is a remarkable account of how antagonising, deceptive interaction works: "In every social situation we can find a sense in which one participant will be an observer with something to gain from assessing expressions, and another will be a subject with something to gain from manipulating this process. A single structure of contingencies can be found in this regard which renders agents a little us all and all of us a little like agents" (Goffman, 1969, p. 81). Although he did not look into their semiotic grounds, his analysis of the so-called "expression games" is as inspiring as accurate his distinction of unwitting, naïve, covering, uncovering and counter-uncovering moves.
Peirce defined "semiosis" as the action of signs, and Parlebas chose "semiotics" (Saussurean semiology actually) as the cornerstone of his epistemology: "Sport is a world of signs: of signs, not of stimuli. Is it possible to carry on treating players in action as they were stimulus-response mechanisms? Is it possible to be content with analysing their acts from the Pavlovian model of conditioning? Sporting game is a place riddled with immediate, literally embodied meanings: each motor behaviour carries a meaning that the other participants must interpret to act appropriately. Sitting-ball players, like basketball players, try to extract tactical meanings from the acts that interweave before them" (Parlebas, 2017, p. 277). "Semiotricity: field and nature of motor situations considered from the angle of the use of sign systems directly related to the participants' motor conducts" (Parlebas, 1999, S:43), really puts "meaning" in the centre of teaching, learning, and research, allowing to outpace mechanistic, dualistic conceptions of PE, in the first place, and dualistic, technique-based sports coaching at any level of analysis, as a consequence. This semiotic nature of motor conducts makes them the cornerstone of PE, therefore understood as the pedagogy of motor conducts (E:11), and casts off any reductionist, dualist conceptions of human beings: "The term 'movement, ' so often invoked in physical education still today, is notoriously inadequate and the prove of that old conception, which takes into account the product and not the producing agent. The notion of movement refers to the idea of a bio-mechanical body defined by displacements observed from the outside; it is somewhat concerned with describing gestural 'utterances' from which the subject is excluded as such and whose culmination is 'the' technique, the abstract and depersonalised gestural model" (C:108).
From this angle, any player's "motor conduct: meaningful organisation of motor behaviours" (Parlebas, 1999, C:105) can be analysed as a sign whose signifier is the observed motor behaviour, and whose signified is the tactical, relational, or referential sense. The semiotor logic of team sporting games is essentially different from the "natural semiotricity" of outdoor pursuits, the "referential semiotricity" of body expression and mime, and the "socio-affective semiotricity" of paradoxical games (S:43), but they all share the same semiotic, cognitive structure. Motor conducts are bodily expressions of a personality in endless interaction with their vital circumstances, signs that can also be interpreted by competent teachers as a level of competence, a learning outcome, a trait of character, emotional state, relational status, tactical decision, etc. Nonetheless, the competitive logic of sports forces to take them as "motor decisions" (D:5) to be assessed in terms of strategical and tactical efficacies. Semiotor angle is the only valid perspective to address the metacommunicative nature of sports interaction: a game establishes a normative layer of direct motor communication that regulates the material limits of interaction (i.e., tackling, charging, passing, hitting, shooting, etc.), on top of which the players' intentions are built and evolve. This "indirect praxic communication" (Parlebas, 1999, C:65) is a battle of signs called "praxems" (P:26) through which individuals and teams try to outwit their adversaries in a constant game of guesses, deceptions, and make-beliefs. This process, far from being magic, can be traced and trained from very young ages, like in football (Oboeuf et al., 2019).
Understanding is best, if not only, conceived as the semiotic performance that allows players to infer and interfere with other players' intentions on a bodily basis, and teaching is best conceived as a thoughtful process of building up semiotor habits that provides the players with the competence to anticipate and pre-act efficiently on pitches and courts where everybody can be fooled. Understanding is interpreting, and interpretation is the outcome that results in "motor conducts" as far as an individual agent is concerned, and in "motor action" as far as the whole situation is concerned. Any motor behaviour, or articulation of motor behaviours, is a Peircean "motor interpretant" (Martínez-Santos, 2007) that participates in a triadic, indexical relationship with the rest of the motor behaviours of the situation. Furthermore, social uncertainty and sociomotor intelligence are bound together by the essential randomness attached to subjects; the only certainty attached to opposition games that Koppet (1973) so wisely identified in basketball is that "the essence of the game is deception": the only way to learn to play these games is by understanding that signs never lie, but opponents always try to.

On Teaching as Communication
It is also a tradition to propose traditional games to teach sports. So did Sleap (1984) for mini-sports, and Mahlo (1969) for the tactical act, who surprisingly made compatible disdain and appreciation for them when saying that the relatively simple "little games" prepare for team sports: "A qualitatively superior mean of development and physical education, and an important form of cultural activity of human society" (p. 149). However, team sports, such as football, basketball, and handball, make a perfect intervention strategy for a teaching traditional sporting games, and teachers can increase its beneficial effect by using an adequate teaching style for understanding. This is what Parlebas and Dugas (1998) were able to prove through a fully controlled piece of experimental research. "Learning transfer: the effect that can be observed when the execution of an activity modifies, positively or negatively, the accomplishment of a new activity or the reproduction of an old one" (Parlebas, 1999, T:90) is the cornerstone of teaching and PE, understood as an after-effects searching, deliberate motor intervention practice.
Teaching can be conceived as a communicative process between teacher and learner through practice tasks (Martínez-Santos, 2018): teacher and learner are indirectly connected through the internal logic of the exercises selected by the former, and directly connected by the logic of face-to-face communication between them, as explained by Poyatos (1994). Taken two by two, these three elements (namely, "teacher, " "learner, " and practice "task") generate the three basic dimensions of any intervention process: the design and selection of tasks, that is, the strategic dimension, corresponds to the axis "teachertask"; the praxic dimension corresponds to the motor action the emerges from the axis "task-learner"; the axis "learner-teacher" corresponds to the stylistic dimension, the many ways in which educational instruction can be managed. In this vein, TGfU may seem more a style-based proposal, whereas praxeological proposal primarily strategic, but this could be an illusion due to its presentation as a six-ordered-phase model of teaching (Bunker and Thorpe, 1982) and its illustration with teacherstudent dialogues (Almond, 1986). Even so, this would not be as bad as the "illusion [that] haunts stadiums and gyms: educators tend to think that the nature of the activities matters little, that it is just a simple means at the service of the chosen educational purposes, that teachers have full powers over them. In fact, the master of the game is not the teacher, but the game: a system of rules that imposes its dictates; a system that has its own logic and defines the universe of actions and permitted conducts" (1979( : Parlebas, 2017. Far from any nature vs. nurture kind of battle, but as close to didactical falsifiability as possible, we can be certain that the absence in practice of key aspects of the games makes developing the targeted competences most unlikely. Twenty years ago McMorris concluded: "With regard to which method [TGfU or technical] is the better for teaching games, the evidence is inconclusive and much more research is necessary. The research into net games suggests that neither method is more successful than the other for those activities. For team games the lack of research makes it impossible to make a definitive statement" (McMorris, 1998, p. 70). We feel concerned too by his conclusions: "Overall it could be argued that TGfU has directly provided little or nothing new to the motor learning literature. [. . .] However, specificity of practice should not be ignored and modifying in TGfU style, e.g., playing 'hockey' without sticks, violates specificity and could lead to negative transfer of training when the real game is introduced [. . .] The decision as to which method the teacher adopts is more a philosophical one than one based on empirical evidence" (p. 71).
Peirce could hardly agree with McMorris' last statement. According to his pragmatist maxim, the highest level of clarity can only be attained by putting concepts like teaching and transfer to the test of learning outcomes' reality. On our part, we must disagree with McMorris because Parlebas and Dugas have provided us of empirical evidence that the content of practice matters (Figure 3): athletics is not the basis of all sports, and internal and external logics of games are independent in terms of learning transfer (Parlebas and Dugas, 1998;Dugas, 2001Dugas, , 2006Dugas, , 2010. A classic experimental design, with full control over the grouping (i.e., age, gender, sports experience, academic level) and didactical (teaching strategy and style) variables, allowed them to pre-test and post-test the sociomotor competence in traditional and institutionalised team games after eight sessions practising traditional games, sports, or athletics (control groups). The results are crystal clear: firstly, structural similarity between team duels produced positive learning outcome in all groups (A-D), regardless of whether they were tested in sports (A and B) or traditional games (C and D), regardless of whether practice consisted of sports (A and C) or traditional games (B and D); secondly, the practice of psychomotor activities (athletics) produced no change on the sociomotor competence associated with playing team games; and, finally, the teaching for understanding, semiotor style produced higher learning levels than a ludic one in all experimental groups (A semiotic > A ludic ; B semiotic > B ludic ; C semiotic > C ludic ; and D semiotic > D ludic ). Even more, the structure of praxemic interaction, which is the core of the motor competence of teams sports, is the best scaffolding for teachers and coaches to teach players: to be aware of their own intentions, to recognise the playing circumstances, and to articulate their conducts with the other players' intentions (Martínez-Santos, 2007).
In brief, these results are most valuable for three reasons: firstly, they prove that the internal logic of educational activities overcomes the external features of their practice, for example social recognition or economic value; secondly, they show that the internal features of the tasks created by the rules determine the limits of sociomotor learning transfer; and finally, they reinforce the belief that there exists such a thing as teaching for understanding. As we said, TGfU seems to lean more on teaching-style than on teaching-strategy, although Almond took great advantage of the distinction that Suits made between games' primary rules (constitutive) and secondary rules (operational) to help his students in games making (Harvey et al., 2018, p. 170). Besides, their remarks on the praxic consequences of FIGURE 3 | Learning transfer, traditional games, and sports (Dugas, 2001).
rules modifications (Thorpe et al., 1986) are the very essence of the strategic dimension of teaching based on the praxeological modification of games. We already said that this is a tale about two perspectives driven on parallel tracks for too long despite the overwhelming quantity of coincidences.

ONE TALE, TWO STORIES, AND THREE CONCLUSION
Traditional games can produce the same kind of learning outcomes than sports, and there is no difference between their practice regarding the benefits of a semiotic, understanding style of teaching. The development of thinking players cannot be an educational objective, but the development of thinking citizens can be better attained through the development of the intelligence associated with sociomotor action, a venture in which traditional games have a world to offer. Evidently, we have no answer to the question we asked ourselves in the first place: Why are traditional games absent from the TGfU rationale? but we truly believe that TGfU advocates and practitioners can agree with us that traditional games have an immense educational value that should not be taken for granted. The what, the how, and the why of games in PE are better understood if we take traditional games as a contrast, as an option, and as a choice: as a contrast, to notice that sports, that is, institutionalised games, are nothing but a subset of physical games and activities; as an option when it comes to teaching sports, a venture in which traditional games offer outstanding, most transferable learning opportunities; and as a choice, because the structural variability that traditional games offer is remarkable from an educational, cultural point of view.
Teaching-games-for-understanding and motor praxeology represent two different solutions to the scientific-foundations-of-PE problem, although we feel enforced to contest Peter Watson, who asserts in his superb intellectual history of the twentieth century: "Many continental thinkers, especially French and from the German-speaking lands, were devoted to the marriage of Freud and Marx, one of the main intellectual preoccupations of the century, and maybe the biggest dead end, or folly, which affected, in France most of all, of blinding thinkers to the advances in the harder sciences. This has created a cultural divide in intellectual terms between francophone and anglophone thought" (Watson, 2001, p. 753). True as it may be, for one of the most beautiful texts by Parlebas -Sporting game, dream and fantasy (Parlebas, 1975) -is built upon the Freudian triad Id, ego, and super-ego, it is also true that he very much looks like a classic scientist in the Foucauldian sense (Foucault, 1991, p. 7), for his relentless search for mathematical formalisation and conceptual clarification of sporting games and motor action (Martínez-Santos, 2017).
McMorris eventually accepts that TGfU raises "a number of very important issues that motor learning discipline needs to address" (McMorris, 1998, p. 71), like ecological validity, task complexity and transfer, implicit learning, and transfer of games' principles. However, in doing so, maybe unintentionally, McMorris also reinforces the serfdom so many in the Academy expect from physical educationists. The academic world is made of fundamental sciences and selfproclaimed fundamental scientists like anatomists, physiologists, phycologists, sociologists, philosophers, historians, etc., from whom teachers, trainers, coaches, sports monitors, etc., all of them devoted practitioners, must learn and apply concepts, theories, and evidence. TGfU has received critics for its alleged lack of theoretical soundness (Harvey et al., 2018), but it could be argued that none of its relatives (Butler et al., 2008) or contenders (Renshaw et al., 2015;Jarrett and Harvey, 2016) has shown either much interest in developing an autonomous, specific understanding of what sporting games playing involves from the agent's perspective. We believe that understanding in TGfU and game-based approaches still remains unexplored while admitting, at the same time, that TGfU can perfectly hold out against critics and gain fundamental conceptual insight if opened up to semiotor perspective and traditional games.
In this sense, our last conclusion is that TGfU and game-based approaches can take great advantage of the motor-praxeological rationale for three key reasons: firstly, because concepts like understanding, game sense, and action principles are operatively conceived, that is, semiotically linked to the reality of the playing process; secondly, because the inner structures of the games that constrain players and guide their motor conducts permit to integrate team sports in the general system of sporting games, no matter their level of institutionalisation; and, finally, because teaching practice is better thought of and more systematically developed upon the operational concepts of internal logic, expected outcomes of game playing, and teaching style. This time, unlike in Dickens' novel, Paris could be the place to go to in search of solutions, not the city to run away from in hope of consolation.

AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
RM-S wrote and edited the text and produced the figures. All authors have equally taken part in the design, literature review, and discussion of the drafts, making valuable contributions along the whole process.


extfieldsofstudy: Physics Engineering

text:
Advanced tendencies of Russian training in engineering

This article is devoted to the problem of improving the quality of engineering education in Russia. The gap in the quality of engineering education and the growing requirements for graduates become increasingly noticeable and is an obstacle to the reforming and upgrading the Russian economy. The success of Soviet engineering schools was mainly associated with two military mega-projects: aerospace and nuclear involved leading technical universities. The transition to a market economy and integration into the global economic system require reforming engineering programs, strengthening the economic training of engineers and restructuring the technical universities. The Russian leading technical universities occupy relatively low ranks in international rankings. The purpose of this article is to help in choosing ways (trends) to improve the quality of Russian engineering education by means of a critical analysis of the leading world technical universities’ experience.

Introduction
The Government, the academic community, parents and graduates are concerned about the quality of higher education in Russia. It is known that many top officials and entrepreneurs send their children to study at well-known foreign universities. It is becoming increasingly apparent that in the context of globalization of the world economy, the low competitiveness of domestic products is associated with the low positions of Russian technical universities in international rankings. However, one must understand that Russia is in a state of deep transformation of a command (plan) economy into a free market economy, that differ in attitude to the ownership of production means, the pricing of goods and services, the monopolization of production and distribution, the absence of a labor market and the role of the Government in the economy. According to the author, the strategy of economic transformation in the 90s was wrong and lead to the deep economic downturn, high inflation, and a drop in the living standards. In universities and research institutions the real salaries of teachers and researchers fell, state funding for R&D fell sharply and many scientists emigrated abroad [1].

Bologna system and tuition fees
The modern trend in improving higher education in Russia has been the introduction of international educational standards, the transition to a two-level system of education (Bologna system) and the recognition of international university ratings. Let us consider in more detail on the two-level system adopted now all over the world and in Russia. The transition to a new model makes sense only if it is accompanied by a serious change in the programs and principles of the training. In Western universities, bachelors within the walls of university classrooms and laboratories receive complete training for practical activities in the enterprise. Only a part of universities has a license and a sufficient scientific and practical base for the masters and doctors of philosophy (higher academic degree) training. The purpose of masters' training is to write and defend a master's thesis (an analogue of a candidate dissertation in Russia). Obtaining a degree opens the way for the master to pursue a scientific career in the scientific departments of a university or a partner corporation, create his own business in the form of a startup, defending a doctoral dissertation and the opportunity to start a teaching career.
In Russia, the "Bologna system" is very difficult [2]. Bachelor and master programs are as two parts of «specialist degree program». The bachelor is considered as an "incomplete specialist", special disciplines are transferred to the magistracy, so there is no fundamental difference between the master and the "specialist". In view of the weaknesses of the practices at technical universities, it may make sense to introduce compulsory work at the enterprise for 1-2 years before admission to the magistracy in aim to choose the topic of the master's thesis, which should help solve any technical or economic problem at the enterprise. In this case, the future master will choose those special courses (within the framework of the required number of credit units) that will help to solve the problem posed in the thesis. However, such break in studies will require reforming the draft in the army. There is also need in postgraduate schools as the main opportunity for a prolongation of the scientific or teaching careers.
Let's discuss another problem of higher educationtuition fees. In the USSR, higher education was free of pay with compulsory completion for 3 years in distribution, as a kind of tuition fee. In Russia, paid higher education is introduced gradually: in the bachelor's degree -partially, in the magistracymore. 70-80% of high school graduates look for higher education. In world practice, the situation is different. In some countries (for example, UK or Germany), the initial selection the suitability of the teenagers for accepting university education is carried out at the school level, according to the results of examinations, only a part of pupils are admitted to the free public secondary school, preparing to enter universities. The rest are offered free secondary special educational institutions that train specialists in workers' specialties. Higher education in most countries is paid, depending on the ranking of the university, country and demand for higher education. Higher education is connected with the pension system. An employee who started working at the age of 16-18 can retire early 65-67 years (usual retirement by age). So, selection at school, connection with retirement and tuition fees lead to the fact that according to statistics in countries such as the USA and Italy, only 30-35% of graduates are enrolled in universities (prestigious universities have a competition and entrance exams are held). Most young people prefer to get free special secondary school and start to work as soon as possible. Distance learning is widespread, but this is a separate issue. For Russia, according to the author, the payment system adopted in Italy is more suitable: a student pays 20% (ϵ2-5 thousand), the remaining 80% is paid by the Government and partner firms.

Methodology of international ratings
The fact that our leading universities occupy ranks in the third and subsequent hundreds in international rankings indicates not only the weakness of domestic higher education, but also the illusory ability to quickly overtake developed countries in high-tech industries, including civil aircraft, instrument making and electronics. The importance of the international ratings was "Project 5-100", it is a state program of additional financial support for a number of the largest Russian universities with the aim of getting five of them into the first hundreds of authoritative international ratings by 2020: Quacquarelli Symonds (QS), Times Higher Education (THE), and Academic Ranking of World Universities (ARWU). [3] All of these international rankings rank universities as separate specialties (about 50), five areas of knowledge (Arts & Humanities, Engineering & Technology, Life Sciences & Medicine, Natural Sciences, and Social Sciences & Management) and total rank.
The program "5-100" was started by the Ministry of Education and Science in accordance with the Decree of President V. Putin (May 7, 2012) "The improvement of the state policy in the field of education and science." 21 universities (out of more than 500) were selected on the competitive basis and 15 of them received the state finance support. Moscow State University and Saint Petersburg State University do not participate in the 5-100 project and are financed by a separate line in the State budget. Although the 5-100 project as a whole did not reach its aim up to 2020 while there are undoubtedly  3 certain changes. The process of improving the higher education quality in Russia has to be continued in accordance with international standards.
The methodology of three international rankings are correlated, especially QS and THE. The rankings are based on reputational and quantitative indicators, which can be summarized into four main criteria: teaching, research, the demand for graduates by employers and internationalization. Assessment of the university reputation is based on a survey of the academic community (about 180 thousand researchers at various universities) and employers cooperated with universities. Quantitative indicators are taken from the relevant databases. Firstly the assessment is carried out for separate specialties (for example, "Mathematics", "Computer Engineering", etc.), then for the five areas of knowledge indicated above, on the basis of which subject rankings are formed, and, finally, a general ranking is compiled.
Now we are going to analyze the correspondence of the international ratings' methodology with the Russian higher education system. The quality of teaching consists in the ability to arouse students' interest in the chosen specialty, to add the knowledge to their natural abilities, which only teachers are able to conduct in parallel with scientific work. The evaluation of teaching includes also the number of publications, citations, international prizes, and awards. The educational infrastructure (laboratories, computer classes, technology parks, libraries, and campuses for living) show to future students what they are going to have at the university. Only the universities having the high positions in rankings can teach the master's programs and have the right to be awarded the highest degree (PhD). Teaching career depends largely on the creativity and research abilities of the applicant. To participate in the competition for the position of associate and full professor, the applicant must prove to be a talented scientist with PhD degree and world renown in a particular field of knowledge. The credibility of the scientist should be supported by high-quality publications and students' interest in his program, since in many universities students are given the right not only to choose subjects for study, but also the professors. In the competition for filling the professor position usually involves several applicants.
In Russia, teaching remains the main activity of universities' staff. Hence, a very strong teaching load on the staff, which does not leave time for serious scientific work. Low salaries of the teachers push them to look for additional sources of income in the form of part-time jobs or non-scientific activities. The associate professors (candidates of science) prevail among a stuff who do not become full professors. In addition there are weak scientific laboratories, a small percentage of researchers who are able to propose and lead R&D and, as a consequence, the small number of full professors. Some universities have introduced the practice of "effective contracts" according to which the salary and duration of the teacher's contract (between the mandatory 5-year re-election) depend not only on the position, but on the academic and publication activity of the teachers. This practice and additional investment usually increase the university rank.
The quality of R&D at the university is of great importance in world industrial development and is also assessed by its reputational and quantitative indicators. In fact his innovations play the main role, i.e. new products and technologies obtained as a result of the university's scientific activity, transferred to industry and ensuring the country's economic growth. This criterion also includes the number of scientific publications and the citations in international databases. In the best universities are concentrated a large number of scientific laboratories in which researchers, teachers and students of all levels work. The leading universities have huge budgets for research, consisting of orders from Government organizations, various foundations and large corporations. Innovations can be made in the scientific laboratories of various universities. For example, the technology of producing graphene, marked by the Nobel Prize in physics and created by two graduates of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology A. Geim and K. Novoselov, increase a position of the Manchester University, where scientists conducted their research and where the Institute of graphene was created on the basis of the laboratory. The innovations create the intellectual property (patents, technologies, know-how, and scientific articles).
In the USSR, science was divided into university, academic, and applied branches. The science had a single customer, the Government, which financed all three scientific branches through various state structures. The university science was funded by state-owned enterprises through a system of business contracts. For example, in Moscow Aviation Institute, where the author worked and continues to work, there were many orders. Most of the contracts were quite serious, in the process of their implementation prototypes of new devices and systems were created and transferred to the industry customer. Graduates and teachers without a degree defended candidate and doctoral dissertations, creating a teaching reserve. The heads of R&D defended doctoral dissertations and became full professors. The results of nonsecret works were published in domestic scientific journals, the results of secret works were published in closed editions. A similar model of the organization of university science is still preserved in Russia. Presently the quantity of business contracts is significantly less (enterprises enter the market and save on R&D). doctor's dissertations become rare. According the author's opinion this model could not successfully function in an open market economy and provide high positions for the Russian technical universities in international rankings [4].
Most of the technical universities in Russia (and not only technical) created during the years of the "Stalin" industrialization had a sectoral nature, trained and continue to train specialists for the respective industries. Presently it is necessary to create the number of successful commercial enterprises that can financially support the university with orders and provide attractive jobs for graduates. Twenty-nine universities (two-thirds of them are technical) were given the status of "national research universities" and state funding was slightly increased. However, the budgets of these universities are clearly small compared with the budgets of universities in North America, Western Europe and even Asia. There are clearly not enough to research laboratories and technical centers in universities. Russia has real innovations in the scientific research institutes of the Russian Academy of Sciences and in the secret laboratories of military research institutes, which only narrow specialists can evaluate.
In the best western universities, the graduate is not worried about the problem of job, even if he is weighed down by student loans. He is expected in companies that sponsor the university and follow the university curriculum, the acquisition of theoretical and practical skills that are useful for the company. Representatives of large business are part of the Board of Trustees and participate in the selection of teaching staff. The government gives tax breaks to those companies and sponsors that invest in universities. In university laboratories and technology parks, with the assistance of venture capital funds, numerous startups are created that are bought by innovative companies located in the neighborhood. An example is the Silicon Valley and its clones around the world. Employment data is collected from surveys of employers, tax offices and employment services. Such indicators as impact on the economy of the region, assistance in regional development, and youth retention in the region are also taken into account.
In Russia, the problem of employing for graduates of technical universities is quite serious. There is a lack of large high-tech companies while the rich raw companies and banks need mainly specialists in the field of computer technology and data protection.
The enterprises of Defense Industry Complex (DIC) willingly hire graduates, but the salaries are not large and the career prospects are vague. Some leading Russian technical universities (MIPT, MVTU, MAI-MATI, etc.) use the so-called "Russian method" to connect universities with potential employers. This practice consists in the cooperation of university departments with relevant organizations by opening departments' branches at enterprises and research institutes. Of course, such cooperation is far from real scientific and practical activity. In addition, many of these enterprises belong to the DIC, are engaged in the implementation of the state defense order (the same plan) and are under sanctions of the USA and the EU (for example, Rostec and its aviation holdings). These organizations do not work in a competitive environment and are not ready for the competition in civil segments.
Internalization (attracting foreign students) plays a large role in the prospect of scientific, economic and political relations with the countries from which students come to study in Russia. International demand for universities in a given country, that is, the number of foreign students, is a fairly objective criterion for assessing the competitiveness of a university. By this criterion, American and UK universities dominate today, accounting for about 40% of the international student flow.

Conclusion
What does the author suggest? Firstly, in universities closely connected with the defense industry have to be divided the curriculums at the level of departments or faculties into those who work on military topics and those who work on civil topics. There are too many differences between military and civilian customers: in technical requirements, level of competition, pricing system. The military customer is a monopolist limited by the defense budget, but there should be many civilian customers (industry partners) for civilian projects. Unfortunately there are few Russian innovative high-tech companies willing to sponsor university science. For university innovative projects (and startups), it is easier to find an interested partner abroad. Example: there is a cooperation of one of the MIRT departments with the American company Honeywell. Thanks to cooperation with the international company Honeywell, students have the opportunity directly in the learning process to apply the theoretical knowledge gained in the practice of real projects.
Secondly, for successful competition in world rankings, domestic technical universities should gradually move away from the exclusive industry orientation (similar to the best technical universities in the USA, and Europe). [5]. The best American and European technical universities have high ratings in all five areas of knowledge open the possibility for the university to conduct interdisciplinary R&D, and for students to form their future specialty themselves. The main weakness of the domestic industries is in civilian high-tech technologies and products. The author advises gradually to transform two or three big technical universities into a classical multidisciplinary university of a regional scale. Row companies financing half the country's budget do not invest their income in the development of the domestic high-tech sector, preferring to buy equipment and machinery abroad. The consequence of this situation is lack of high-tech companies, private funding for scientific research in the civilian sphere (state funding is clearly insufficient), and high brain drain [6].
Thirdly, it is necessary to overcome a gap between academic and university sciences. Obviously, the Russian Academy of Science (RAS) will not abandon its role as the "Ministry of Science" and will not transfer its many academic research institutes under the auspices of universities and industry, as China did, following the world trend. Here it's necessary to look for good examples of cooperation. One of such examples is the Institute of Problems of Chemical Physics (IPCP) located in Chernogolovka (Moscow Region). IPCP is one of the largest scientific centers of the RAS, which has great achievements in world and domestic science in the fields of chemistry, physics and engineering. On the basis of IPCP, a faculty of Moscow State University was created under the name "Fundamental Physicochemical Engineering" with undergraduate and graduate degree programs. This faculty has possibility not only provide the special courses but also organize research practice for students. Every student receives the individual topic for term papers on chemistry, physics and engineering. The interdisciplinary work is carried out in the Institute laboratories. Thus the students accumulate a certain experimental experience for completing the data materials for the bachelor's degree, and then the master's thesis. There is also a postgraduate course at IPCP. The IPCP has agreements on scientific cooperation and practical training for students with many Russian universities including MGU, MAI-MATI and others [7].
Fourthly, the worldwide practice of increasing positions in international rankings is the creation of technology parks at universities. Positive examples are known also in Russia: the Novosibirsk State University considers Akademgorodok as its technopark since many innovations and startups in the technopark were created by professors and employees of NSU. The Tomsk Polytechnic University has a famous technology park. Both universities are included in the 5-100 program and have relatively high positions in international rankings.
Fifthly, in terms of internationalization, some universities have proposed the teaching programs in English, that are popular for foreign students in many non-English speaking countries. The effect was twofold: the increasing of the foreign students' number and an additional motivation for teachers and students to learn English.