7mm Remington Magnum

The 7mm Remington Magnum rifle cartridge was introduced as a commercially available round in 1962, along with the new Remington Model 700 bolt-action rifle. It is a member of the belted magnum family that is directly derived from the venerable .375 H&H Magnum. The original purpose of the belted magnum concept taken from the .300 H&H Magnum and .375 H&H Magnum, was to provide precise headspace control, since the sloping shoulders, while easing cartridge extraction, were unsuitable for this purpose. Improved cartridge extraction reliability is desirable while hunting dangerous game, in particular when a fast follow up shot is required. The 7mm Remington Magnum is based on the commercial .264 Winchester Magnum, .338 Winchester Magnum, and .458 Winchester Magnum, which were based on the same belted .300 H&H Magnum and .375 H&H Magnum cases, trimmed to nearly the same length as the .270 Weatherby Magnum.
On its introduction, the 7mm Remington Magnum substantially usurped the market share held by the .264 Winchester Magnum, which went into sharp decline in popularity and sales after 1962. Remington has offered Managed Recoil ammunition for achieving reduced recoil when shooting and for generating less meat damage when hunting smaller game.
Design.
The 7mm Remington Magnum offers ballistics better than the .30-06 Springfield with all available bullet weights, one of the more popular loads being a 160 grain spitzer loaded to . This is due both to the higher muzzle velocity of the magnum compared to the Springfield and that .284 diameter bullets tend to have better ballistic coefficients than .308 diameter bullets of comparable mass. Because of the smaller bullet diameter .284 diameter also have higher sectional density than .308 diameter bullets, and because of that better penetration in the target (it takes a 206 grain .308 diameter bullet to get the same sectional density as a 175 grain .284 bullet, an increased weight that requires 15-20% more muzzle energy to get the same muzzle velocity). The heaviest commercially loaded ammo available for the 7mm is 180 grains, while the .30-06 Springfield can be loaded with bullets up to 220 grains, but for a .308 caliber to equal the flat trajectory and penetration of a .284 diameter 180 grain bullet with a muzzle velocity of 2,860 ft/sec, as offered for the 7mm Remington Magnum, requires muzzle energy close to what the .300 Winchester Magnum can offer, i.e. well beyond what the .30-06 can deliver.
Cartridge dimensions.
The 7mm Remington Magnum has 5.31 ml (82 grain) H2O cartridge case capacity.
7mm Remington Magnum maximum C.I.P. cartridge dimensions. All sizes in millimeters (mm).
Americans would define the shoulder angle at alpha/2 = 25 degrees. The common rifling twist rate for this cartridge is 241 mm (1 in 9.49 in), 6 grooves, Ø lands = 7.04 mm, Ø grooves = 7.21 mm, land width = 2.79 mm. The cartridge uses a large rifle magnum primer type.
According to the official C.I.P. (Commission Internationale Permanente pour l'Epreuve des Armes à Feu Portatives) rulings, the 7mm Remington Magnum case can handle up to Pmax piezo pressure. In C.I.P. regulated countries every rifle cartridge combo has to be proofed at 125% of this maximum C.I.P. pressure to certify for sale to consumers.
This means that as of 2016, 7mm Remington Magnum chambered arms in C.I.P. regulated countries are proof tested at PE piezo pressure.
The SAAMI maximum average pressure (MAP) for this cartridge is piezo pressure.
Use.
Because of its flat shooting nature and the relatively tolerable recoil, the 7mm Remington Magnum is especially popular for big game hunting in Canada and in the United States, as well as for use on plains game in Africa. It has also been chambered in sniper rifles as the US Secret Service counter-sniper team has deployed this cartridge in urban areas along with the .300 Winchester Magnum.
Popular online gun author Chuck Hawks calls the 7mm Remington "one of the great all-around rifle cartridges."
Alternative cartridges.
The 7mm Winchester Short Magnum cartridge, a rebated rim bottlenecked centerfire short magnum introduced in 2001, is probably the closest ballistic twin of the 7mm Remington Magnum. The 7mm Winchester Short Magnum is considerably shorter and fatter and has a steeper shoulder angle and a shorter neck (6.17 mm) than the 7mm Remington Magnum. This makes the 7mm Remington Magnum case with its 6.89 mm long neck better suited for loading long heavier bullets. On the other hand, the proportions of 7mm Winchester Short Magnum promote good internal ballistic efficiency that allows the 7mm Winchester Short Magnum to fire shorter lighter bullets at slightly higher muzzle velocities while using less propellant than the classically proportioned 7mm Remington Magnum.
The commercially rarer 7mm Remington Short Action Ultra Magnum cartridge, a rebated rim bottlenecked centerfire short magnum introduced in 2002, is probably the other closest ballistic twin of the 7mm Remington Magnum. The 7mm Remington Short Action Ultra Magnum is considerably shorter and fatter and has a steeper shoulder angle and a longer neck (7.90 mm) than the 7mm Remington Magnum. This makes the 7mm Remington Short Action Ultra Magnum better suited for loading long heavier bullets.
These 21st century ballistic twin short fat magnum cartridges can handle Pmax piezo pressure according to the C.I.P. or a maximum average pressure of piezo pressure according to the SAAMI.
Choice of bullet and barrel length.
Bullet choice when reloading is critical, as bullet velocity at close ranges may result in less robust bullets disintegrating without providing significant penetration on especially tough game. Thus one would do well to use a premium bullet of some sort, for instance a bonded bullet. The choice of barrel length is also critical, as a barrel is commonly needed to achieve the full velocity potential of the cartridge, and a barrel should be viewed as a practical minimum. This is because in shorter, i.e., sporter, barrels, of approximately , the cartridge ballistics deteriorate to much the same as those achieved in a .270 Winchester, while generating more recoil and muzzle blast than the .270 Winchester.


Dukezong

Dukezong () or Dorkhar is a Tibetan town in Shangri-la County, Dêqên Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture, Yunnan province, China.
History.
The town is over thirteen hundred years old. In January 2014, a fire lasting over ten hours broke out destroying most of the town. There were no injuries or deaths reported, but over two thousand six hundred people had to be evacuated. Many buildings, including one statue that was from the seventeenth century, were destroyed.


BL 7.5-inch Mk I naval gun

The BL 7.5-inch gun Mk I was a British 45-calibre, medium-velocity, naval gun which entered service with the Royal Navy in 1905.
History.
This gun was only mounted on "Devonshire" class cruisers commissioned in 1905, and was quickly superseded by the 50-calibre 7.5-inch Mk II gun.


Savanna Army Depot

Savanna Army Depot was a installation, located on the eastern bank of the Mississippi River, in Carroll and Jo Daviess counties, around north of Savanna, Illinois. It was opened in 1917 as a proving and testing facility for weapons developed at Rock Island Arsenal. In 1921 it became a weapons depot. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) listed the depot as a Superfund site in 1989. The depot was selected for closure through the Base Realignment and Closure process in July 1995 and was officially closed on March 18, 2000. The Jo-Carroll Local Redevelopment Authority (LRA) was established to redevelop a portion of the property for commercial and business usage referred to as the Savanna Depot Park. On September 26, 2003, the United States Department of Defense agreed to transfer of land to become the Lost Mound Unit of the Upper Mississippi River National Wildlife and Fish Refuge. were initially transferred with the rest to be transferred following environmental cleanup. The portion near Lock and Dam No. 12 was transferred to the United States Army Corps of Engineers and a small part to the Illinois Department of Natural Resources.


.345 Winchester Self-Loading

The .345 Winchester Self-Loading (colloquially .345 WSL or eventually .345 Winchester Machine Rifle) is a rimless, rifle fire cartridge in a "cylindrical" shape, created in 1917 by the Winchester Repeating Arms Company.
According to Cartridge Collector. It was designed for aircraft use, but there was also an alternate barrel with bayonet attachment for ground use. The rifle was the Winchester-Burton Machine Rifle, also known as the Winchester Model 1917 and was developed by Frank F. Burton. Little documentation on the rifle survives, but it was believed to have been intended for use as an anti-balloon weapon.
History.
During the outbreak of the First World War, observation balloons were essential for both sides of the front. These static balloons inflated with hydrogen, became targets for airmen on both sides, and were defended by anti-aircraft batteries and patrol fighters.
To face these balloons, conventional ammunition proved to be inefficient, and other alternatives were sought. In 1916, French officer Yves le Prieur created a rocket system powered by electricity, but its range was limited. In 1917, tracer and incendiary ammunition was being developed to target these balloons.
To meet this need, Frank F. Burton of Winchester, developed the "Burton Light Machine Rifle", a semi-automatic blowback rifle, with selection of rate of fire to be used in observation and surveillance planes, the first practical version of which was ready in 1917. For this rifle, he adapted the .351 WSL cartridge into a rimless cartridge, firing an incendiary Spitzer bullet, resulting in the .345 Winchester Self-Loading.


Q-ZAR

Q-ZAR (called Quasar in the UK, Ireland, and called LaserGame in Sweden) is a type of laser tag that was developed by Geoff Haselhurst and Omnitronics in Perth, Western Australia. The rights were later sold to Leisureplex Ltd, a company based in Ireland which in turn sold them to Q-ZAR International based in Dallas, Texas.
Basic rules.
Like other lasertag games, Q-ZAR is played with a gun (or "phaser") that fires harmless beams of infrared light that are detected by equipment worn by the players. There is also a laser pulse on firing, though it is for visual effects only. The basic mechanism of the game revolves around shooting (called "tagging") each other or stationary objects.
The standard game of Q-ZAR involves two teams: the red team and the green team (Quasar Elite involves a red and blue team). Each team has a Headquarters (aka "HQ" or "base") to defend from the other team. The goal of the game is to score the most points for the team. You can achieve this by either deactivating the opponents' HQ or by tagging the opposing team's players. You may deactivate the opponents' HQ by tagging it twice leaving a few seconds between. Whichever team has the most points at the end of the game wins.
Upon being tagged, the following happens: the pack vibrates, makes an explosion noise and the player who has been tagged has a window of around one second to fire off a "reflex" shot (providing no shot was fired in the previous second) before the penalty sequence kicks in. After the one second has passed, the six-second penalty sequence starts. During the penalty sequence, the phaser says "Defense Shield, Active Active" for the first 3 seconds. For this period, the player may not be tagged and may not tag other people. For the final three seconds, the phaser says "Warning, Warning, Warning." For this period, a player may be tagged, but may not tag other people. If a player is tagged during Warning, the entire process starts over (including getting a 1-second reflex shot).
The back of the phaser has a simple LED display. When a pack is not energised, there is a number above a "U" showing. The number is the pack's ID number. The U means that the pack is "Un-energized." When a pack is on during normal play, the top number is the number of lives remaining, the bottom is the number of shots (when a player is out of shots, they lose a life, getting a "Good Shot" resets the shot counter). When a player re-energizes, the display shows how many times the player has energised. When a player is out of lives, the display flashes the amount of time left in the game. If a player holds the trigger down for three seconds, either display will show the time remaining or a "bomb" will be triggered that can deactivate all vests around the player, including those on the same team.
History.
The game of Quasar was created by inventor Geoff Haselhurst around 1987 in Perth, Australia. The original system was sold to Irish investors in 1991. The name Quasar is still in use in the UK and Ireland, but due to trouble securing the name Quasar in other countries, the courier company was renamed Q-ZAR for worldwide operations. As part of the international expansion of Q-ZAR the company relocated to the USA, however manufacturing operations remained in Ireland. In 1996 the company joined NASDAQ and rolled out a short-lived, child-based expansion called Q-KIDZ. Q-ZAR missed the first interest payment for a $30-million bridge loan in October 1997 and was forced into bankruptcy by the lender.
In 1995, a company called Q-Support sprung up, run by a past manager of several Q-Zar centers, Zac Adams. Adams offered support and parts to existing Q-Zar centers, greatly undercutting the Q-Zar corporate offices. Despite threats from Q-Zar corporate, most centers started purchasing parts from Q-Support, leading to the closure of the corporate parts and service center shortly before they went bankrupt. Q-Support closed in 1999 due to dwindling numbers of centers still being operated and a narrow vertical market.
In 2000 Will Low purchased some of the assets of Q-ZAR calling it Q-ZAR World Wide. Low claimed ownership of the Q-ZAR trademark, but failed in a class-action lawsuit to force existing centers to pay a license fee to him. In 2002 Laser Light Entertainment, Inc. purchased the Concord, California, location. In 2003, J. R. Robles purchased the Q-ZAR assets held by Jarvis Entertainment and formed the company Q-ZAR USA. Laser Light Entertainment, Inc. successfully completed the registration of the Q-ZAR trademark in 2008. This registration gives them control of the Q-ZAR trademark from 1999–present. In 2008 Laser Light Entertainment, Inc. also purchased the Q-ZAR assets of Low. Laser Light Entertainment, Inc. has been selling Q-ZAR equipment, Q-ZAR System Sales since 2003. Quasar in the UK, Ireland, Europe and Asia remains supported by Quasar UK (now Quasar Manufacturing LTD). In 2001 Quasar Manufacturing Ltd (once Quasar UK) took over Q-ZAR and Quasar Trade Marks for UK, Ireland and Europe and in 2005 released a new version named Quasar Elite (Q-Zar Mark VI version) with revised software and hardware. In 2009 Quasar Manufacturing started testing Mark VII Wireless Q-Zar equipment. Laser Light Entertainment and Quasar Manufacturing made arrangements to distribute Quasar Elite Wireless in the United States (from the end of 2011 on), replacing previous equipment.
Hardware.
Quasar vests have gone through a number of revisions (Mark I to VII). The original system used a strap based vest, metal housed front and back sensor areas and a hand-held pistol. The back sensor contained the battery, the front sensor contained the CPU and speaker. The pistol was small and contained few parts.
A major revision was the Mark IIIB system which moved most of the electronics into a larger (quite heavy) two handled gun. The speaker, battery, display and CPU were all moved to the gun, leaving the front and back as sensor only areas. The strap based vest was retained.
Prior to the international launch of Quasar as Q-ZAR the vests were redesigned again (Mark IV). The gun shape was retained, however it was remoulded in a lighter plastic greatly reducing the weight of the gun. In addition the strap based vest was dropped in favour of brightly coloured plastic body Armour style vests.
Two systems were developed for Q-ZAR as its next generation system. Neither of these systems made it to production, the first is believed to be due to Q-ZAR defaulting on a payment. The second system, IQ, was in development when the company collapsed; by all accounts it was bug-ridden.
After the collapse of Q-Zar, Quasar Manufacturing withdraw remaining Q-Zar available stocks from United States market, keeping up basic components production, to give support to open European sites.
In 2005 Quasar UK renamed themselves Quasar Manufacturing and launched Quasar Elite (Mark VI), which used a smaller gun and body armour to accommodate younger players. In addition Quasar Elite changed the green equipment to blue to assist those with color blindness. The new version even dropped the elasticated side straps in favor of seat-belt style straps with buckles as these were found to be more durable.
In 2009 Quasar Manufacturing started projecting Quasar Elite Wireless Equipment (Mark VII), ready at the end of 2011. The new system finally gave up infra-red Unit-Gun connection, adopting more advanced radio frequency linking.
Game types.
Many combinations of game types, game options and arena lighting and positioning can create themed games.
Game options.
The Q-ZAR software has many built in options that can be used in combination with the main game types above to create many different types of games.
Tournaments.
There are active tournament scenes in many countries across the world, including the USA, UK, Ireland, Italy, Russia, Sweden and Ecuador. Tournament formats are the same for USA, UK and Ireland, and always use one shot per second, reflex shot and defence shields, other settings may vary depending on the actual event, with most events being Supercharge with six lives. Other countries play with settings local to their tournament scene.
Events lasting two days or more are regularly held one to five times per year in the UK and Ireland. Italy runs a national tournament once per year, and have a Q-Zar season when teams travel to play each other home and away. The USA tournaments are infrequent as the number of centres have reduced and the player-base has dwindled.


Fire discipline

Fire discipline is a system of communication in the military, primarily for directing artillery. By definition, fire discipline is the language of fire control. It consists of words, phrases, rules, and conventions which have specific meanings and which result in some definite action being taken with the guns. All ranks concerned in fire control must be thoroughly familiar with the language and the resulting actions. The aim of fire discipline is to ensure that in response to calls for fire (from a forward observer), the appropriate action is taken at the FPC (future planning cell), FSCC (fire support coordination center), FDC (fire direction center) and at the Guns/MRL, strictly in accordance with the intentions of the originator and with the minimum of delay.
Six elements of a call for fire.
An initial call for fire (to an artillery battery) consists of six elements:
Call for fire.
In the United States military, artillery is usually brought into play when a forward observer sends a three part "call for fire". While there are many "missions" available, the most common in a wartime scenario is the basic "adjust fire":
Fire missions are started with a warning stating the observer identification (call sign) and the type of mission to be fired: "M10, this is G35, adjust fire, over."
The next radio transmission will be from the artillery battery, mirroring what was sent: "G35, this is M10, adjust fire, out."
The forward observer then sends a six-digit Military Grid Reference System (MGRS) grid coordinate with a 100,000-meter grid square identifier: "Grid ES 923 945, over".
The forward observer will always get a reply mirroring what was originally sent: "Grid ES 923 945, out."
The last element is the description of the target, and optionally, method of engagement and method of fire and control: "Two BMPs and 20 enemy dismounted infantry in the open, over."
The phrase "in the open" is the degree of protection of the target. If the forward observer does not specify the method of engagement and the method of fire and control, the Fire Direction Center will choose the ammunition type and fusing, be it for a target in foxholes or dug in, in dense foliage or in a bunker. If the forward observer or any friendly troops are within 600 meters of the impact point, to keep themselves safe, the forward observer would declare "danger close" in this last element.
"Two BMPs and 20 enemy dismounts in the open, out."
The next step would be for the Fire Direction Centre (FDC) to send an MTO (Message To Observer) describing what ammunition will be used, what gun is shooting the spotting rounds, and what guns will fire the actual mission. The identifiers are the last letter of the call sign for the gun and battery in question (one gun adjusts, the next call sign fires the actual fire for effect) and how many shells each gun fires in the mission. For example, if there are three guns in the battery, the FDC decides that each fires five rounds, that means fifteen rounds will be fired: "R, F, DPICM in effect, 5 rounds, over." (DPICM stands for Dual-Purpose Improved Conventional Munition)
The forward observer would reply: "R, F, DPICM in effect, 5 rounds out."
The FDC will then send the mission out to the individual guns to fire. After the guns are loaded and oriented, the mission is fired.
The FDC will then send "Shot, over", to which the forward observer replies "Shot, out". This indicates that the guns have fired. Corrections to the transmission are possible at any time up to this point. After shot is called, the rounds are on the way and any corrections or retractions are impossible.
The FDC will then send a warning that the rounds are five seconds from impact, so that the forward observer may observe the impact of the rounds for adjustment: "Splash, over" the reply is "Splash, out".
Sometimes, the initial target location might be off. This is why the mission is called "Adjust fire": the forward observer has the chance to adjust where the final impact will be when the full battery fires on the target.
The first step for adjustment is to send the FO's direction to the target in mils and the correction in meters: "Direction 2500, add 100, left 150, over" Direction is rounded to the nearest 10 mils. To increase the range, the FO sends ADD, to decrease the FO uses DROP.
"Direction 2500, add 100, left 150, out."
Assuming the FO's spotting round lands within the effective radius of the munitions, the FO would then send the command: "Fire for effect, over".
The proper reply to this would be: "Fire for effect, out." After this, the FO would then receive another MTO, another "Shot" and "Splash" notification.
Again, however, things might not go as planned; the rounds fired might not be sufficient to destroy the target. The FO would then send the proword "Repeat, over."
The proword "repeat" is never used anywhere on a radio but when communicating that a forward observer wants the previous artillery battery to fire the mission again. "Repeat, out."
Assuming allied forces have destroyed the target, the FO would then send an end of mission report such as: "M10, this is G35, End of mission: 2 BMPs destroyed, estimate 25 casualties, over."
The battery would then reply: "G35 this is M10, End of mission, 2 BMPs destroyed, estimate 25 casualties, out."
There are many different missions. The last-ditch mission is "immediate suppression": Every gun in any concerned battery immediately fires whatever round and fuse is loaded, possibly from someone else's, or more than one callsign's mission. The FO may end up getting parachute flares, white phosphorus illumination, DPICM, and VT-HE rounds on the target in the same shot.


Weapons platform

A weapons platform is generally any structure, vehicle or mechanism on which a weapon can be installed (via various mounting mechanisms) for optimal stability and performance. The mounted weapons, the platform and all other associated supporting equipments together form the weapon system.
In more general use, a weapons platform could be structured around a gun, such as a gun turret on a ship, or bracing on an aircraft. For example, a jet aircraft is a weapons platform for missiles, bombs or autocannons, and the resultant weapon system is the fighter jet; a motorboat can serve as a weapons platform for automatic weapons, torpedoes and flamethrowers, resulting in weapon systems such as gunboats and fast attack crafts. Land vehicles, either wheeled, tracked or mixed, are also considered weapons platforms for grenade launchers, machine guns, recoilless guns and some missile launchers, which transform the vehicles into weapon systems such as armored cars (such as the Humvee), IFVs and technicals (improvised from civilian pickup trucks). In addition, artificial satellites have been proposed as potential space weapon platforms. These satellites could carry an arsenal of weapons, such as to threaten other countries with the possibility of an orbital nuclear strike (see Rods from God).
The earliest weapons platforms were chariots, followed by war wagons. The ancient Greek Helepolis, a massive siege tower which mounted catapults, could also be considered a weapons platform. The next attempt to mount weapons on platforms was made at sea, with catapults and eventually cannon mounted on their final form as ships of the line before the advent of ironclad warships mounting turrets.
On land, the attempt to mount weapons on mobile platforms in the modern period was first made with railway guns. These, as forms of artillery, were the last vestiges of development of the super-weapon thinking before the advent of the tanks that changed the use of weapons platforms in warfare, although the largest railway guns were still used during the Second World War on the Eastern Front.


SWAT (magazine)

SWAT (special weapons & tactics for the prepared American) is a monthly magazine dedicated to firearms, law enforcement and other tactical-related activities in the United States with a special focus on SWAT police officers.
The magazine primarily offers reviews on guns, ammunition, tactics, training, shooting gear; as well as self-defense and alerts on firearm rights. In addition to those departments, each issue contains featured articles and personality profiles of people in the tactical industry as well as press releases of new products.
"SWAT" staff writers include Massad Ayoob, Scott Reitz, Lewis Awerbuck, Leroy Thompson, Chuck Taylor, Claire Wolfe and Denny Hansen.


.30-40 Krag

The .30-40 Krag (also called .30 U.S., or .30 Army) was a cartridge developed in the early 1890s to provide the U.S. armed forces with a smokeless powder cartridge suited for use with modern small-bore repeating rifles to be selected in the 1892 small arm trials. Since the cartridge it was replacing was the .45-70 Government, the round was considered "small-bore" at the time. The design selected was ultimately the Krag–Jørgensen, formally adopted as the M1892 Springfield. It was also used in M1893 and later Gatling guns.
History and development.
Though the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps had adopted limited numbers of smokeless powder and bolt-action rifles, the .30-40 was the first cartridge adopted by the US Army that was designed from the outset for smokeless powder. After a brief experiment with a 230-grain bullet loading, the .30 Army loading was standardized in 1894 using a metal-jacketed round-nose bullet with of nitrocellulose powder. This loading developed a maximum velocity of in the barrel of the Krag rifle, and in the barrel of the Krag carbine.
The rimmed .30-40 round was also known as .30 Army, or .30 U.S. Although the .30-40 Krag was the first smokeless powder round adopted by the U.S. military, it retained the "caliber-charge" naming system of earlier black powder cartridges, i.e. a .30-caliber bullet propelled by of smokeless powder. The first use of a smokeless powder round by Winchester was a single shot in 30-40, and it was one of only three rounds for which the 1895 Winchester lever action, introduced in 1896, was originally chambered.
From the outset, the .30-40 cartridge proved popular for hunting, and was chambered in a variety of firearms. In 1899, a Krag in .30-40 caliber was used to shoot the world-record Rocky Mountain elk. The record stood until the latter half of the 20th century.
In October 1899, after reviewing the experiences of the Spanish–American War, U.S. Army ordnance authorities developed a new loading for the .30 Army used in the Krag rifle, in an attempt to match the ballistics of the 7×57mm Mauser cartridge employed by Spanish forces in that conflict. The new loading increased the muzzle velocity in the rifle version of the Krag to at 45,000 psi. However, once the new loading was issued, reports of cracked locking lugs on service Krags began to surface. In March 1900 the remaining stocks of this ammunition (some 3.5 million rounds) were returned to the arsenals, broken down, and reloaded back to the original specification.
In 1903, after recommendations from the infantry Small Arms Board, the U.S. Army formally adopted a higher-velocity .30-caliber replacement for the .30-40 or .30 Army cartridge. The new cartridge was designated by its year of adoption, the .30-03.


Asbury mechanism

An Asbury Mechanism opens and closes the breech of heavy artillery for reloading with a projectile and bags of propellant. It was widely used for naval artillery of the world wars and similar coastal artillery and railway guns. The device was invented at the Washington Navy Yard in 1916 by draftsman Dorsey Frost Asbury. It is sometimes called a Smith-Asbury mechanism by the United States Navy in recognition of Asbury's supervisor, Lieutenant Commander George Leonard Smith, USN.
Large caliber breech-loading artillery became practical with French development of the obturator by Charles Ragon de Bange in 1872; and speed of reloading was improved by adaptation of the interrupted screw breech plug, which was later further improved by Axel Welin in 1890 as the Welin breech block and adopted by the Swedish. Asbury used gearing to fully open a Welin breech by linking the unscrewing, withdrawing and swinging clear movements into one continuous action.


Xert/Chert


Guy of Roye

Guy de Roye (died 1409) was a French prelate.
Biography.
Originating from a noble house in Picardy, he attached himself to the Avignon popes Clement VII and Benedict XIII. He was bishop of Verdun, Castres, and then Dol before becoming archbishop of Tours and of Sens. He finally became archbishop of Reims in 1390. He founded the collège de Reims in Paris, facing the collège Sainte-Barbe. He got into a quarrel with the marshals of Volti, near Gênes, on his way to the council of Pisa with Louis I of Bar and Pierre d'Ailly, leading to a riot in which Guy was killed by a crossbow bolt.


Hal Block

Harold Block (August 2, 1913 – June 16, 1981) was an American comedy writer, comedian, producer, songwriter and television personality. Although Block was a highly successful comedy writer for over 15 years, today he is most often remembered as an original panelist of the television game show "What's My Line?" who was fired from the show in its third season, reportedly for inappropriate on-air behavior. Block is a controversial figure in the history of television, denounced by some, while praised by others as a writer and for contributing to the original success of "What's My Line?"
During the 1940s, Block was considered one of America's best comedy writers, having worked for many of the top comedians of the era, such as Bob Hope, Abbott and Costello, Martin and Lewis, Milton Berle and Burns and Allen and in all major media, including radio, Hollywood movies, Broadway and print. Block also made major contributions to the USO during World War II.
In March 1950, producers of the new game show "What's My Line?" hired Block for its fourth episode to add humor to the show's format. With a panel previously consisting of journalists, a politician and a poet, reviewers had criticized the show as bland. After a rocky start, "What's My Line?" became one of the top-rated shows on television. Critics praised his work; the "Chicago Sun-Times" called Block the "freshest new personality in TV."
However, his humor could be risqué, which antagonized some conservative 1950s viewers. He once risked the sponsor's wrath, referring to their deodorant with the line "Make your armpit a charmpit." In early 1953, Block was suspended and then fired. He left show business for the investment business a few years later, while "What's My Line?" continued on as a staple of Sunday night television for another 14 years.
Background.
Block was born on August 2, 1913 in Chicago and raised in the Hyde Park area.
According to Gil Fates, producer of the "What's My Line?" television game show, there were rumors Block had come from a wealthy family.
Three comedy writing contemporaries of Block, Melvin Frank, Norman Panama and Bob Weiskopf, also came from Hyde Park. Block attended the University of Chicago High School, graduating in 1930, and then the University of Chicago where he majored in law, graduating in 1935. At the University of Chicago he was co-captain of the university track team, running the 100 and 220 yards sprints, member of Zeta Beta Tau (Alpha Beta, Chicago) fraternity and editor of the university humor magazine.
Phil Baker.
Block had paid his way through college selling material to comedian and radio emcee Phil Baker at $20 a joke ($300 in 2010 dollars).
While still in college, he was Baker's head writer. However, getting into Baker's employ had required persistence and some chicanery. Block originally met Baker when he and his then writing partner, Phil Cole, introduced themselves while Baker was performing in Chicago. Based upon Baker's dismissive "Sure, sure, next
time you're in New York look me up" the two promptly followed him to New York. Informed by his agent that he didn't know where Baker was, they went to every likely restaurant leaving the message "When Mr. Baker comes in, tell him that Block and Cole are here."
Eventually discovering the suburb where Baker resided, but not the address, they devised the ruse of pretending to send him a wire from the local telegraph office. The attendant noticed the recipient and said "Why, Mr. Baker lives just a few blocks from here!" At Baker's home they told the maid, "Tell Mr. Baker that Block and Cole are here." Angered by all the restaurant messages, Baker charged to the door demanding "Who are Block and Cole, anyway?"
Amused by the response that they were "his new writers", Baker met them at his offices the next day. Reading the script, they suggested a joke for his show, but once again he sent them on their way. Despondent and halfway back to Chicago they listened to Baker's radio show which included their joke. They turned the car around and armed with a new comedy routine were subsequently hired. After two years of studying law, Block quit for the profession of comedy writing.
Writing career.
Block was considered one of the best writers of comedic radio scripts of the 1940s. During his days as a comedy writer, Time magazine described Block as a "serious, curly-haired, stocky ... gag-factory" who "resembles actor Edward G. Robinson".
Radio, Broadway, Hollywood.
The 1930s and 1940s were the Golden Age of radio and there were significant financial rewards to be made for those writing for radio comedy programs. Phil Baker, for whom Block was the head writer, reportedly spent $1,500 per week on his three writers, equivalent to $24,000 in 2010 dollars. However, the failure rate of those attempting to make it a career was high. Despite the risk, and against his father's expressed wishes, in 1935 Block abandoned the study of law and moved to New York City. He was able to achieve immediate success, being hired by the comedy team of Abbott and Costello. He also continued to write for Phil Baker, for whom he would write even into the 1940s, including Baker's hit game show, "The $64,000 Question". By 1937, he was so busy as a writer that in September he only had three hours to stop off in Chicago for his parent's anniversary party before continuing by train to Hollywood, writing for Baker's radio show. "What's My Line?" was on the air for 17 years and became the longest running game show in U.S. primetime history, while Block returned to anonymity.


Tsubaki Nakatsukasa


Natural point of aim

Natural point of aim, (NPOA, or NPA), also known as "Natural Aiming Area", (NAA), is a shooting skill where the shooter minimizes the effects of body movement on the firearm's impact point. Along with proper stance, sight alignment, sight picture, breath control, and trigger control, it forms the basis of marksmanship.
Process.
To achieve natural point of aim, the shooter settles into position while not looking through the sights. Some shooters actually close their eyes, but this can upset the natural maintenance of balance because the brain uses visual cues to help stay in balance. The shooter looks through the sights only after ensuring the position is comfortable and the firearm is resting in the stance with minimal muscle tension. If the sights are not resting on the desired point of impact, the shooter adjusts the position by repeating the same steps until the sights rest on the target. After achieving a comfortable and natural position, if the sights are not on the target, the shooter adjusts his stance (moves his feet) until the sights are on target. The arm, head and body position do not change; when standing only the feet are moved to bring the sights onto target.
Natural point of aim is not achieved if the shooter must apply pressure to the firearm so the sight picture is on target. One of the main advantages of natural point of aim is that it minimizes fatigue when shooting a long course of fire. Over time, the shooter learns to assume the correct position quickly, allowing for accurate fire immediately.
Purpose.
The main purpose of identifying and potentially correcting natural point of aim is to make shots with both accuracy and precision, where accuracy is the ability to place rounds on the desired target, and precision is the ability to put multiple rounds in the same location. Good shooters are always precise, and this skill is more fundamental than accuracy, which can be adjusted. Typically, precision is based on natural point of aim. Fire 10 rounds downrange and they will, hopefully, all land in a similar area on the target. This is the natural point of aim. If the strike zone is not in the middle of the target, adjustments are made to the shooter's positioning and/or the firearm's sights so that the shots accurately strike the centre of the target.
Concept.
Natural point of aim marksmanship is based on the idea that muscular control is insufficient to provide a stable platform for shooting, especially more than one shot. Instead, the shooter relies on non-muscular (skeleton/ligaments/tissue) support to provide the shooting platform. This eliminates changes in aim due to muscle fatigue and also minimizes the shaking associated with muscle tension.
Natural point of aim is a concept that can be used in relation to any type of shooting position but is most often discussed in relation to prone, sitting, or kneeling positions, and less frequently with offhand/standing positions.


Parrying dagger

The parrying dagger is a category of small handheld weapons from the European late Middle Ages and early Renaissance. These weapons were used as off-hand weapons in conjunction with a single-handed sword such as a rapier. As the name implies they were designed to parry, or defend, more effectively than a simple dagger form, typically incorporating a wider guard, and often some other defensive features to better protect the hand as well. They may also be used for attack if an opportunity arises. The general category includes two more specific types, the sword breaker and trident dagger.
The use of this off-hand weapon gradually fell out of favor as sword fighting evolved into the modern sport of fencing. The use of progressively lighter primary weapons such as the small sword, épée and foil allowed for greater speed since the fencer needed less protection for himself as double hits became more allowed in sport fencing.
Early development.
Parrying daggers were an important development of the ubiquitous quillion dagger form, appearing in the early to mid-16th century starting with the so-called left hand dagger. Although this is often used as a term of convenience for parrying daggers in general, it also refers more specifically to the earlier and simpler form of the weapon. It had stout quillons (straight or curved) for effective parrying as well as an additional guard in the form of a ring or shell on one side of the quillons where they crossed the grip. In addition to straight blades, there are examples of left hand daggers with wavy blades, those with saw edges and blades that are perforated along the central fuller with small holes, all designed to make the weapon lighter or to aid in defense. This form of dagger largely disappeared in the early 17th century in favor of the much more important main-gauche which was especially popular in Spain and Italy. The triple dagger and swordbreaker were rare and relatively late developments, first appearing around 1600. Parrying daggers were often made "en suite", or similar in terms of construction and decorative technique, to the sword with which they were paired as a companion weapon.
Dagger types.
Main-gauche.
The main-gauche (French for "left hand", ) was used mainly to assist in defense by parrying enemy thrusts, while the dominant hand wielded a rapier or similar longer weapon intended for one-handed use. It was a relatively large dagger, having a longer and heavier blade (often measuring 19 inches or slightly more in length) and very long, straight quillons. Its most characteristic feature was a wide knuckleguard that curved from the quillons to the pommel and protected the hand. The guard was usually (but not always) triangular in outline, and the quillons typically measured 11 or more inches from tip to tip.
Since this style of dagger was usually made "en suite" with a cup-hilted rapier, the decoration of the knuckleguard tended to reflect that of the cup of the rapier. The edges of the guard are usually turned over toward the outside, possibly to trap the point of the opponent's blade and prevent it from slipping into the defender's hand. The quillons are normally cylindrical with knobbed tips, and in many instances are decorated with spiral fluting. The pommel is normally decorated to match the quillons and made to resemble the pommel of its matching rapier, while the grip is usually made of wood and wrapped with twisted and braided wire.
The blade is normally made in three distinct sections or zones. The first section, near the hilt, comprises the ricasso (unsharpened portion) which is flat-sided and slightly beveled at the edges with one or two small holes at its forward end. In some examples there are two arms running parallel to the sides of the ricasso with spaces inbetween, designed to catch the opponent's blade in a manner similar to the curved quillons of a dagger. On the side of the ricasso opposite the knuckleguard there is usually an oval depression for the thumb. The second section of the blade is normally single-edged with a flat triangular cross-section. The edge faces the wielder's left when the dagger is held in the ready position. The back of the blade (the dull edge) in this section is usually filed with a series of grooves or notches. The third and longest section of the blade extends to the point, and is double-edged with a diamond cross-section. It will occasionally have notches or serrations for a short distance along the edge which corresponds to the back of the previous zone. Although this form is typical, numerous variations can be found including those with curved quillons, rounded guards or blades with only two sections. These various forms reached their peak of development in the late 17th century and, despite a period of decline, the weapon continued to be used even into the 18th.
Swordbreaker.
The swordbreaker was a dagger that had large, deep serrations along one side of the blade, resembling the barbed teeth of a comb and designed to entrap an opponent's blade, allowing a variety of follow-up techniques. Like the triple dagger, the swordbreaker was a rare form of parrying dagger compared to the main-gauche, partly due to the difficulty of crafting such a specialised weapon. One Italian example dated around 1600 can be found in the Wallace Collection in London and has a hilt consisting of a pair of straight quillons and a ring guard.
Despite the name "swordbreaker", it is uncertain whether they could in fact break sword blades as suggested by some scholars, as swords of this era were intended to stand up to substantial forces, well in excess of what could be generated by a fighter's off-hand. Swords are sometimes depicted in Fechtbüchern as withstanding a two-handed attempt to break them (or show off their resilience). Late Renaissance rapiers and smallswords may not be as robust as the cutting swords of earlier times, however, and have indeed been known to break on occasion, so the claim may have more veracity in relation to the typical civilian weapons of this period.
The term is also applied in modern times to the various devices (such as hooks or spikes) found on some bucklers which served the same purpose as the parrying dagger to entrap an opponent's blade.
Trident dagger.
Trident daggers (or triple daggers) have blades divided lengthwise into three parts which fold together to resemble a conventional blade. When a mechanism near the hilt is released the two side blades open under spring pressure to form the "trident", flying apart until they are stopped by the ends of the curved quillons. This creates a dagger capable of trapping blades more securely and easily. Like the swordbreaker, the triple dagger was a rare form of parrying dagger compared to the main-gauche.
Modern usage.
An off-hand weapon is rarely used in modern sport competition. In fact, the use of the off-hand as a defensive measure is often prohibited by the rules of many sport fighting styles that are common in the Western world today. However, in HEMA (historical European martial arts) Rapier and Dagger is a common sparring method, and backsword and dagger is also practised. Another exception is kendo where the use of two shinai of different size is allowed but uncommon; this style is known as nito-ryu (literally "two sword-style"). Several other fighting styles not only incorporate but even promote off-hand weapons, for example the Filipino style eskrima. Simultaneous use of two weapons is also frequently featured in fiction, particularly in video games, literature, and other media from the fantasy genre, where it is commonly dubbed "dual wielding". In the Society for Creative Anachronism (SCA), rapier combat makes use of various forms of off-hand device, including parrying daggers, batons, cloaks, and a second sword, which in fencing is termed a "case of rapier".


Laila Shahzada

Laila Shahzada (1926 – 20 July 1994) was a Pakistani abstract painter who lived and worked in Karachi, Pakistan.
Biography.
Laila Shahzada was born in Littlehampton, England in 1926. After completing her basic education in England, she decided to become a painter-artist and trained initially in England in drawing and watercolour. Later, she trained under the artist, Ahmed Saeed Nagi, in Karachi who taught her how to use oils. She held her first solo exhibition at the Arts Council of Pakistan, Karachi in 1960. Using artifacts of Indus Valley Civilization in Pakistan as models, she made a series of paintings reflecting the culture of this ancient civilization. These paintings were shown at an exhibit at Karachi in 1976. In 1986, she participated in a group show at the Shorouks International Gallery, Regent Street, London. A total of 60 to 70 paintings were done by her before hear death. She was killed in a gas explosion at her studio on 20 July 1994.
Personal life.
Shahzada married twice in her life. She had a son and a daughter from the first marriage, Sohail and Shahien. After separation from her first husband, she was given custody of their son and the first husband got custody of their daughter. She remarried and had another son, Zahir, in the second marriage but could never emotionally get over the loss of her daughter, Shahien. Later, she did a painting titled "Mother and child". Some friends and art critics said that the painting was a reflection of her own pain as a mother.
"Laila Shahzada was a sensitive, disturbed and powerful artist whose brush had immense flow and impact", said Naeem Tahir, director-general of the Pakistan National Council of Arts in 2005.
Death.
Laila Shahzada died in a gas explosion in her studio in Islamabad, Pakistan on 20 July 1994.


Designated marksman rifle

A designated marksman rifle (DMR) is a modern scoped high-precision rifle used by infantrymen in the designated marksman (DM) role. It generally fills the engagement range gap between a standard service rifle and a dedicated sniper rifle, at around .
DMRs, unlike the often bolt-action sniper rifles, are almost always semi-automatic as these have higher rates of fire and typically larger magazine capacities (10, 20, or 30 rounds depending on the firearm and operational requirements) to allow rapid engagement of multiple targets. These rifles have to be effective, in terms of hit rates and terminal ballistics, at application ranges exceeding those of ordinary assault rifles and battle rifles, but do not require the extended-range performance of a dedicated sniper rifle. DMRs needs to function as part of squad (and possibly at close quarters) and often share some basic characteristics with sniper rifles when compared to other weapons carried in the DM's platoon. They typically have telescopic sights for more detailed observation and aiming, often also quick-deployed bipod for optimized accuracy, reduced recoil and better stability, and an adjustable stock for better ergonomics.
Comparison to sniper rifles, battle rifles, and assault rifles.
Most designated marksman rifles are based on modified designs of an assault rifle currently issued by a nation's military, or on a battle rifle that was formerly issued. The ammunitions used are often of the same caliber as that of the squad automatic weapons within the same combat unit, typically a fully powered cartridge such as the 7.62 mm NATO. For example, battle rifles such as the M14, FN FAL, AR-10 and Heckler & Koch G3 were largely replaced during the 1980s and 1990s by modern assault rifles firing the 5.56 mm NATO intermediate cartridge, but many were accurized and retained as DMRs.
Conversely, some nations have also built rifles that were designed for the designated marksman from the ground up. Examples include the Soviet SVD and Chinese QBU-88.
Sights.
Some designated marksman rifles will have some type of optical sight with a higher magnification level than the standard issue rifle. For example, the SDM-R issued to the United States Army is fitted with a Trijicon 4× ACOG, while the standard-issue M4 carbine is equipped with an unmagnified Aimpoint CompM2 or CompM4. Commonly, the sighting system will be the only difference between the standard rifle and the designated marksman rifle, as is the case with the F88S DMR issued to the Australian Army.
Sniper rifles often have even greater magnification than designated marksman rifles outfitted with magnification, for example, the M110 SASS used by the United States Army, is equipped with a Leupold 3.5-10× variable-power scope. However, some designated marksman rifles, such as the Mk 12 Special Purpose Rifle or the USMC Squad Advanced Marksman Rifle are fitted with scopes with similar magnification.
Barrels.
In some cases, the designated marksman rifle will have a longer barrel than the standard issued rifle. For example, until October 2015, when the M4 carbine was approved as the new standard issue rifle, the M16A4 rifle was still standard issue throughout the United States Marine Corps. The barrel on the Mk 12 Special Purpose Rifle, the current rifle used by the squad designated marksman in the USMC, is only 500 mm (18 in) long - 50 mm (2 in) shorter than the barrel on the standard rifle. This is no longer the case, however, as the M4 carbine has a barrel length of only 370 mm (14.5 in). Also, some rifles, such as the F88S Austeyr, have a barrel that is the same length as the standard service rifle. The FD-200 has an accurized barrel, also found on designated marksman rifles.
Most sniper rifles, such as the Accuracy International Arctic Warfare, have a barrel with a length of 610 mm (24 in) or greater. Only the Dragunov sniper rifle (SVD) and similar designated marksman rifles have a barrel of this length. The designated marksman rifles based on the M14 have barrels 460–560 mm (18–22 in) long.
Ammunition.
In most cases, a designated marksman rifle will share the caliber and possibly even the ammunition type used by standard issue rifles. DM rifles may be issued with standard ball ammunition, or special match grade loads, such as 7.62 mm NATO 'M118LR' sniper round. Sniper rifles are (almost exclusively) deployed with match grade ammunition in order to take advantage of their full effective range and accuracy potential.
In the U.S. military, designated marksman rifles chambered for 5.56 mm NATO have available the 5 g (77 grain) match grade Mk 262 Mod 0/1 cartridge that enhances the effective range to roughly .
Action.
All designated marksman rifles in use today are semi-automatic, some with select fire. Sniper rifles are generally bolt action rifles, but can also be semi-automatic.


5"/54 caliber Mark 42 gun

The Mark 42 5"/54 caliber gun (127mm) is a naval gun (naval artillery) mount used by the United States Navy and other countries. It consisted of the Mark 18 gun and Mark 42 gun mount. United States naval gun terminology indicates the gun fires a projectile in diameter, and the barrel is 54 calibers long (barrel length is 5" × 54 = 270" or 6.9 meters.) In the 1950s a gun with more range and a faster rate of fire than the 5"/38 caliber gun used in World War II was needed, therefore, the gun was created concurrently with the 3"/70 Mark 26 gun for different usages. The 5"/54 Mk 42 is an automatic, dual-purpose (air / surface target) gun mount. It is usually controlled remotely from the Mk 68 Gun Fire Control System, or locally from the mount at the One Man Control (OMC) station.
The self-loading gun mount weighs about including two drums under the mount holding 40 rounds of semi-fixed case type ammunition. The gun fires projectiles at a velocity of . Maximum rate of fire is 40 rounds per minute. Magazine capacity is 599 rounds per mount. The Mark 42 mount originally was equipped for two on-mount gunners, one surface and one antiaircraft, but the antiaircraft gunner position was scrapped later on when the increasing speed of naval aircraft made manual aiming of anti aircraft weapons impractical. The Mark 45 lightweight () gun mount began replacing the Mk 42 mount in 1971 for easier maintenance and improved reliability in new naval construction for the United States Navy.


Chagulak Island

Chagulak Island (also spelled "Chugul", "Chugula", "Chegoula", or "Tchougoulok"; ) is a small, uninhabited volcanic island in the Islands of Four Mountains group in the Aleutian Islands of southwestern Alaska, United States. The -wide island consists of a single cone that reaches an elevation of 3,747 ft (1,142 m). Chagulak is a stratovolcano and is separated from the nearby Amukta Island by a channel about wide; though the two islands are joined underwater. No eruptions have been recorded and very little is known about the volcano, as the only study done on Chagulak so far is a single chemical analysis of a "low-potassium, high-alumina basaltic andesite" from the north shore.


Per-Axel Arosenius

Per-Axel Daniel Rank Arosenius (7 November 1920 – 21 March 1981) was a Swedish film and television actor of mostly supporting parts. His most prominent film role was that of Soviet defector Boris Kusenov in the thriller film "Topaz" (1969), directed by Alfred Hitchcock.
Death.
After a dispute with the Swedish taxation authorities, Arosenius protested by setting himself on fire outside their office in Nacka. He died, age 60, in the ambulance on the way to the hospital.


Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance

The Assistant Secretary of State for Arms Control, Verification and Compliance is the head of the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance. The position was created on December 12, 1999, by Secretary Albright as the Assistant Secretary of State for Verification and Compliance. The Bureau became fully operational on February 1, 2000, and was first known as the Verification and Compliance Bureau. Within the Department, the Assistant Secretary is responsible for all matters relating to the supervision of verification and compliance with international arms control, nonproliferation, and disarmament agreements. The bureau was given its current name during the Obama administration.
The Assistant Secretary advises the Secretary of State and the Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security/Senior Adviser to the President and the Secretary of State for Arms Control, Nonproliferation and Disarmament on the appropriate uses of the "Key Verification Assets Fund," and manages the fund.
The Assistant Secretary is also responsible for the President's Annual Report to Congress on Adherence to and Compliance with Arms Control Agreements, for Verifiability Assessments for all international arms control and nonproliferation agreements, and for specialized compliance reports required by U.S. Senate Resolutions of ratification, such as the Chemical Weapons Convention and the Non-Proliferation Treaty.


Climate change and gender

Climate change and gender is a way to interpret the disparate impacts of climate change on men and women, based on the social construction of gender roles and relations.
Climate change increases gender inequality, reduces women's ability to be financially independent, and has an overall negative impact on the social and political rights of women, especially in economies that are heavily based on agriculture. In many cases, gender inequality means that women are more vulnerable to the negative effects of climate change. This is due to gender roles, particularly in the developing world, which means that women are often dependent on the natural environment for subsistence and income. By further limiting women's already constrained access to physical, social, political, and fiscal resources, climate change often burdens women more than men and can magnify existing gender inequality.
Gender-based differences have also been identified in relation to awareness, causation and response to climate change, and many countries have developed and implemented gender-based climate change strategies and action plans. For example, the government of Mozambique adopted a Gender, Environment and Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan in early 2010, being the first government in the world to do so.
Analysis of gender in climate change, however, is not limited to women. It also means not only applying a binary male/female system of analysis on sets of quantitative data, but also scrutinizing discursive constructions that shapes power relations connected to climate change, and considering how gender, as a social factor that influences responses to climate change, intersects with other variables such as age, caste, marital status, and ethnicity.
Gendered effects of disasters.
Different numbers of death between men and women.
A study by the London School of Economics found that, in natural disasters in 141 countries, gender differences in deaths correlated to women's economic and social rights in those countries. Due to their social standing, women in developing countries are not generally taught survival skills like swimming or climbing, meaning they are more likely to die in a natural disaster. When women have fewer rights and less power in society, more of them die due to climate change, but when there are equal rights for all groups, death rates are more equally matched.
Sexual abuse and disease transmission.
Natural disasters disrupt daily routines and complicate gender and family roles, which can cause victims of natural disasters to feel powerless and frustrated. These feelings often result in aggression against less powerful groups. Women and children in developed and developing countries are at higher risk of sexual abuse during and after natural disasters than before. Cases of child marriage and sex trafficking have risen in some areas of the Indian Sundarban delta after the devastating effects of Cyclone Amphan and ongoing stress caused by COVID-19, impacting the lives of young girls. Condom use during disasters is also lower than at other times, because of decreased access to condoms. Combined with the accelerated spread of diseases and infections in developing countries, the breakdown of the social order and the malnourishment that sometimes accompanies climate change have led to higher rates of dengue fever, malaria, HIV, and STI transmission, especially for women. Elderly women are also particularly at risk during natural disasters and times of crisis because they are more susceptible to climatically-induced health risks like disease and because they are often isolated from social support to which men and some younger women have access.
Gender differences in perceptions of climate change.
A study of young people in Finland shows that concern over climate change has a higher impact on climate friendly consumption in women compared to men. This may be incidental to differences in perception of climate change. Women tend to agree with the scientific opinion that anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions are mainly responsible for climate change (m: 56%, f: 64%) and are more concerned about its effects: 29% of men and 35% of women in the US "worry about global warming a great deal".
Another study was conducted in 2016 using men and women from Brazil and Sweden to measure and inspect the effects of gender and political orientation on perceptions of climate change. Data was collected via online questionnaires from 367 participants from Brazil consisting of 151 men and 216 women, and 221 participants from Sweden with 75 men and 146 women. The results of the study showed a strong positive correlation between conservative men and denial of climate change in both groups (rSweden = .22, rBrazil = .19) indicating that men (typically with conservative political orientation) are more likely to deny the existence of climate change. Women in both groups mostly showed the opposite results, indicating that women are more likely to believe in the existence of climate change.
A study published in 2020 found that there are also differences in the coping strategies. The study, conducted among rice farmers in Mazandaran Province in Iran, found that men tend to believe that better techniques for conservation management of land is a good way to manage climate risk, while women believed that education is the most important way to adapt, since they could find out what are the better techniques and technologies to face climate risk.
A key enabler to climate change adaptation is access to useful climate information, however in Sub-Saharan Africa access to information has been found to be gendered with women having poorer access to climate information. In a study published in 2020 of smallholder sugarcane farmers in Malawi, it was found that more women than men do not access forecast information to guide adaptation decisions. Gendered access and preferences of climate information may be tied to varying marital status and well as education and literacy levels among women and men.
Gender differences in contributions to climate change.
Contribution to climate change - through emissions of greenhouse gases - is correlated to gender. A study on car use in Sweden, for example, found that men are likely to use the car more, for longer distances and alone compared to women, thereby emitting more (a greenhouse gas).
Gender differences in vulnerability to climate change.
Agriculture.
The poor and impoverished are dependent on the environment and its natural resources for subsistence and income; poverty research reveals that many of the poor are women because, as a group, they have less social power. Many women in developing countries are farmers, but women as a group have trouble obtaining education, income, land, livestock, and technology, meaning climate change may negatively impact female farmers more than male farmers by further limiting their resources. In 2009, women produced between 60 and 80 percent of all food in the developing world, yet they owned ten percent of all agricultural land and approximately two percent of land rights.
As the planet warms and access to water changes, the crop yields tend to decrease. These effects are not uniform, and they have the largest impact on areas of the world where the economy depends on agriculture and the climate is sensitive to change. In developing countries, women are often in charge of obtaining water, firewood, and other resources for their families, but these resources are directly impacted by climate change, meaning women must travel further and work longer to access them during crisis. Climate change increases burdens placed on women by society and further limits their access to education and employment. A changing climate has adverse impacts on agricultural production and in India's Mahanadi delta, this has forced the male farmers to migrate, leaving behind the responsibility of cultivating the small land-holdings to the women under "increasingly uncertain climatic conditions".
Strong gender norms around roles and access to resources in semi-arid regions often confine women-led businesses to climate-exposed sectors, particularly agriculture, but also limit the options women have to build resilience within their businesses. Despite these limitations and the need to addressing inequalities, women entrepreneurs can harness significant adaptive capacity and take advantage of new opportunities.
In fact, a UN Food Agriculture Organization report shows that women farmers will be more affected by food insecurity due to climate change. Even though they represent 43% of farmers in developing countries, female farmers find it hard to compete with men farmers. This is due to their responsibility to be more present at home, and their limitations to market credit access. In addition to that, women don't usually invest more money in sectors that might increase agriculture productivity. An FAO dossier on Women and Agriculture reported in 2011 confirms that "The obstacles that confront women farmers mean that they achieve lower yields than their male counterparts... Yet women are as good at farming as men. Solid empirical evidence shows that if women farmers used the same level of resources as men on the land they farm, they would achieve the same yield levels."
Increased inequalities through climate change.
The IPCC Fifth Assessment Report concludes that there is ‘robust evidence’ for an increase of gender inequalities as a result of weather events as well as for the perpetuation of differential vulnerabilities. The increase of inequalities due to climate change can have several reasons. For example, girls often face more serious risks than boys due to unequal distribution of scarce resources within the household. This effect is amplified by climate change induced resource scarcity. Furthermore, climate change often results in an increase of out-migration of men. This leaves women with an increased work-load at home, resulting in a "feminization of responsibilities". Climate change is predicted to increase frequency and magnitude of natural hazards such as extreme heat. During and after these hazards especially women are burdened with increased care work for children, the sick and old, adding furthermore to already significant amount of household duties. Women also tend to donate their food in times of food scarcity, leaving them more vulnerable to health, social and psychological damages.
Gender differences in climate change science.
According to a survey conducted IPCC WGI Co-Chairs and Technical Support Unit (TSU) on April 25, 2014, many of the polled authors stated that they saw the need for a better gender balance. This is reflected in the gender balance of contributors to the fifth IPCC assessment report. Only 27% of contributors to Working Group II, concerned with impacts, adaptation and vulnerability and 18,5% of contributors of Working Group I, concerned with the physical science basis, are female. This also applies to other organisation, as for example only 7% of leadership positions in the offices of National Weather Services are women. On a similar note, a study conducted by the University of Oxford in cooperation with the Nielsen Company found that 18 of the 22 ‘most influential spokespeople on climate change’ are male. Female spokespeople were neither politicians nor scientists and their direct connection to climate change is therefore doubtful. A list of prominent women scientists is available at Women in climate change.
Gender differences in climate change policy.
Mitigation policy attempts to moderate the intensity of global warming's effects through measures like reducing greenhouse gases and enhancing sinks. According to research, men and women use their knowledge of their environments to mitigate disasters, transferring this knowledge through informal education. Some of this knowledge includes food preservation processes, methods of construction, and understanding of natural resources in the area. Examples of mitigation efforts include carbon emissions trading. Mitigation efforts largely ignore gender.
Adaptive policy involves spontaneous or planned efforts to tolerate the negative effects of climate change and take advantage of the beneficial effects. Men and women respond differently to climate change and subsequently also to adaptation measures, which can affect men and women unequally, when the gender perspective is ignored in the policy. For example, the IPCC report AR5 points out that adaptation measures in agriculture can in some cases lead to increased gender inequalities.
Most effective approaches for gender-sensitive policies.
Some scholars recommend incorporating gender dimensions into research and using human-rights approaches like the Millennium Development Goals and CEDAW as frameworks for climate change responses. Several organizations believe that linking mitigation and adaptation approaches, equally funding both types of efforts, and integrating gender into mitigative and adaptive policies will better address the consequences of climate change. The UNDP mandates gender mainstreaming in all adaptation measures, meaning adaptive responses to climate change must consider gender and gender equality from their inception and cannot incorporate a gender component late in their development or only in certain areas. Others believe that imposing mainstreaming agendas on communities can make gender-sensitive policy less effective and may even be counter-productive, emphasizing gender differences and isolating gender issues from other areas affected by climate change.
Gender-blind mitigation policy.
In 2009, a forest-protection mechanism called Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) was agreed upon by attendees of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. Many development organizations praise the REDD mechanism, but others criticize its function as a market-based instrument and its impact on local communities.
Gender-blind adaptation policy.
Some scholars believe that climate change policy that does not address gender is not effective. Much of the climate change policy created before the 21st century focused on economic rather than social effects of climatic change and global warming. Climate change research and policy began to look at gender in the 21st century. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Millennium Development Goals, and the Beijing Platform for Action are all gender-aware initiatives that may affect climate change policy. Some of the international responses to climate change that do not address gender or employ gender-sensitive approaches include Agenda 21, the Rio Declaration on the Environment and Development, the Kyoto Protocol and the Bali Action Plan.
The Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change have incorporated gender dimensions, the latter through a Gender Action Plan. Roehr notes that, while the United Nations officially committed to gender mainstreaming, in practice gender equality is not reached in the context of climate change. Little data and research results in insufficient gender awareness in enacted gender policies.
Indian state of Odisha's Climate Change Action Plan for 2018-2023 has an entire chapter dedicated to gender and climate change, which outlines a gender-sensitive approach of "empowering women as agents of change and not victims". This is a refreshing change from the earlier Climate Change Action Plan 2010-2015 where gender in the context of climate change has not been fully explored and is thus not included in the government's own Progress Report on the Implementation of the Climate Change Action Plan. This indicates "an exclusion of women's voices from decision-making and financial processes" and further removing them from the policies which have direct impact on their lives.
Including women in policy-making processes.
Gender inequalities do not only emerge in context of climate change as a physical reality, but also within discourses of and negotiations over climate change. This is reflected in the fact that men are dominant in all levels of climate change debate – from the science to policy, from the local to the global level. This has an effect on climate change policies.
Women can be important players in climate change policy because they have gendered knowledge about things like managing water resources. While women in rural areas depend on the environment heavily, they are not usually represented in climate change decision-making processes. CARE's research shows that, when women are in control of the family income, it is more likely to be spent on human development. Women are also generally more risk averse than men and make safer decisions. Yet, in 2008, the EU Commission and Council on adaptation policy did not address gender at all. Furthermore, gender roles and subsequent institutional and social pressures can pose constraints to adaptive capacities. Most scholars and organizations working to address climate change agree that policy-makers must work with both women and men and take them into consideration at all levels.
Patriarchy and climate change science and policy.
Some feminist scholars hold that the debate on climate change is not only dominated by men but also primarily shaped in ‘masculine’ principles, which limits discussions about climate change to a perspective that focuses on technical solutions, and accounts for the inability to adapt to and mitigate climate change. points out the impact of spatial practices that manifest power relations and marginalise women. The often-hidden subjectivity and power relations that actually condition climate change policy and science, lead to a phenomenon which Tuana terms ‘epistemic injustice’.
Similarly, MacGregor criticizes the scientific discourse from a less quantitative perspective but focusses on discursive aspects. She attests that by framing climate change as an issue of ‘hard’ natural scientific conduct and natural security, it is kept within the traditional domains of hegemonic masculinity.
Seager maintains that the 2 °C aim, which is a reoccurring topic in the climate change debate, is not, as often assumed, a safe goal for all people on the planet. Rather it will ensure the stability of a patriarchal capitalism and subsequently the continuity of power for those who are powerful today.
Case studies.
Madagascar.
80% of species of plants and animals found in Madagascar are not available anywhere else on Earth. Due to this exceptional uniqueness of the species, deforestation in Madagascar will have serious impact on the global biodiversity, and this arguably makes the country the highest priority for world's biodiversity conservation. Climate change effects in Madagascar, a country of predominantly rural and vulnerable population is expected to exacerbate the occurrences of powerful cyclones, flooding, droughts and unpredictability in climate patterns which will further threaten food security,infrastructures, and the ecosystem of the country. The Policy Research Brief published by International Policy Centre for Inclusive Growth (IPC-IG) titled "Greening the Economy and Increasing Economic Equity for Women Farmers in Madagascar" identifies that the lived realities of climate change in Madagascar are distinctly gender-differentiated. The relevant national policies and strategies such as Madagascar's National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA) related to climate change have not been gender focused, hence, resulting to vital gender related policy gap that tends to further reinforce women marginalization in policy processes relating to climate adaptation, funding and mitigation. The report recommended organization of women's cooperatives and improved inclusion of women in leadership role to improve social inclusivity in the green economy.
Mozambique.
The government of Mozambique adopted a Gender, Environment and Climate Change Strategy and Action Plan in early 2010, being the first government in the world to do so. In its phase II action plan, Alcinda António de Abreu, Mozambique's then Minister of Environment, comments that "climate change adaptation and mitigation [rely] upon the sustainable use and equitable control of, as well as benefits derived from, natural resources – and all citizens, regardless of their social status or their gender, in all spheres of economic and political life, have a role to play in this critical effort". Sustainable use and management of natural resources training have been provided to over 12,000 women. Similarly, thirty-six communities have learned and gained knowledge about more effective methods for prevention and control of fires, plantation of drought resistant crops, and production and usage of improved stoves.
South Africa.
In 2010, South Africa was the region with the largest economy in Africa, yet more than half of the population lived in poverty and many were unemployed. Impoverished populations of South Africa depend heavily on agriculture and natural resources to live. Coal and metal ore mining were also significant contributing sectors of the economy, but are decreasing in the 21st century due to climate change and globalization. In 2007, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) predicted that Africa would warm due to climate change 1.5 times more than the rest of the world and that South Africa, specifically, would be 3 - 4 °C warmer by 2100. Water, agriculture, mining, and forestry would all be affected by these changes in temperature and weather. The Human Sciences Research Council found in 2004 that 57% of South Africa's poor were at risk for negative climate change effects because they depended on rain-fed agriculture and climate change in Africa was expected to cause longer and more intense periods of drought over time. Many of the rural poor in South Africa are women who have only limited access to property, income, credit, resources, and social power.
In South Africa, men traditionally look after the livestock while women look over the garden, but in extended periods of drought, many households lose their livestock. In response to this loss and to increasing unemployment, men are turning to alcohol to deal with the psychological stress. Some are also increasing their number of sexual partners, increasing their risk of contracting or spreading HIV. In response to these changes, more women are entering the workforce, either formally or informally. Some are now working in traditionally male occupations like mining and construction. Others are making and selling goods locally. Social grants from the South African government further support households affected by the changing climate. These grants include pensions, disability payments, and child support. In some cases, when men are responsible for the distribution of social grants in the household instead of women, they use the money to purchase alcohol. In response, the government tends to give grant money to women, which can cause domestic disputes within households.
Understanding of climate change in South Africa is based mainly on experience and local knowledge, which is communicated orally. Women tend to hold more of this knowledge than men do because of their experience with farming and gardening. In response to drought, some women plant crops near wetlands or other water sources. They also preserve food for periods of drought or crop failure. Despite their knowledge of climate change, many responses in South Africa (like the South African Country Study on Climate Change Vulnerability & Adaptation Assessment) do not address gender. While women in South Africa are represented in the government at national and provincial level, there are not many women in government at a municipal level.
Controversies regarding gender and climate change.
"Women as vulnerable" vs "Women as virtuous".
There are two concurring themes that emerge when examining climate change and gender: "Women as vulnerable or virtuous in relation to the environment." This means that women living in countries in the global South are more likely to be affected by climate change than men in those countries and that men in the global North are more likely to contribute to climate change than women. These assumptions about women's vulnerability and virtuousness are negative because they are reinforcing the global north–south biases, which is that women in the global South are poor and helpless and women in the global North are well-educated and pro-environmentalists. These debates are also negative in that they are deflecting the attention away from climate change.
Women furthermore possess unique skills and knowledge, which are important in building equal and sustainable responses to climate change. The UNFPA report State of world population 2009 - Facing a changing world: women, population and climate identifies women as important actors in mobilizing against climate change. The report quotes Wangari Maathai that "Women hold the key to Climate's Future"; "when we talk about reducing emissions from deforestation and degradation, we need to focus on women [...]" Specifically, Carolyn Sachs discusses the struggles women face on a global scale against environmental factors such as gender arrangements in agricultural development. Often women become oppressed by their Corporate counterparts as a more focused point of reference in women's vulnerability. Women labor is exploited as a way to keep them from fighting back in turn, during the mid year season change they face vast struggles of extreme climate change and availability to natural resources.


Warren G. Harris

Warren G. Harris was an American politician and business executive who served as a member of the Massachusetts Governor's Council from 1947 to 1949.
Early life.
Harris was born on April 29, 1913 in Worcester, Massachusetts. He was raised in Millbury, Massachusetts, where his father, Warren B. Harris, was a member of the school committee. Harris attended the Boston University College of Business Administration and School of Law.
Political career.
In 1938, Harris was elected to the Millbury school committee. He defeated the same candidate who beat his father in 1923. Harris was reelected in 1940. In addition to serving on the school committee, Harris was also the president of the town's Republican committee and Kiwanis.
In 1942, Harris enlisted in the United States Army. He served in the Pacific, African and Middle East theaters of World War II. He left the Army with the rank of Lieutenant.
In 1946, Harris was elected to the Massachusetts Governor's Council. He was defeated for reelection in 1948 by Democrat John O'Brien.
In 1950, Harris was a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts. He finished fifth in the five-candidate Republican primary behind former state treasurer Laurence Curtis, businessman and future John Birch Society founder Robert W. Welch, Jr., state senator Harris S. Richardson, and former Beverly Mayor Daniel E. McLean.
Business career and personal life.
Harris owned two insurance firms, with offices in Millbury and Worcester.
During the late 1940s, he held three world records in speedboat racing.
Death.
Around 10 pm on November 5, 1970, a fire broke out at Harris' home. Fire officials were unable to enter the home for over an hour. Harris' body was identified by dental records.


Nebraska Ordnance Plant

The Nebraska Ordnance Plant is a former United States Army ammunition plant located approximately ½ mile south of Mead, Nebraska and 30 miles west of Omaha, Nebraska in Saunders County. It originally extended across producing weapons from 1942-45 after which the Army used it as a bomb factory during the Vietnam War. Environmental investigations in the 1980's found the soil and groundwater contaminated with the explosive RDX and the degreaser trichloroethylene. In 1990, federal agencies added the site to the National Priorities List as a Superfund site. Remediation included soil excavation and water treatment, the latter of which has been ongoing since 1997. Water is contained and treated at 4 treatment plants and the known plumes are monitored at hundreds of wells. The latest wells, dug deeper into the bedrock than previously, showed RDX and TCE above desired action levels in April 2016.
Description.
The former Nebraska Ordnance Plant is one of Nebraska's 5 major ammunition plants: the Cornhusker Ordnance Plant, the Sioux Army Depot, the Hastings Naval Ammunition Depot and the Martin Bomber Plant. It stretches over 17,250 acres of nearly flat terrain about half a mile south of the village Mead, Nebraska and 30 miles west of Omaha, Nebraska in Saunders County. Rain water drains to the southwest toward Silver Creek, Nebraska on the plants western part, and on its eastern portion to the south-southeast, toward Johnson Creek, Nebraska, Clear Creek, Nebraska, and the 'Lower Platte North Natural Resource District Reservoir'.
The ground consists of sand and gravel deposits, and beyond 30 feet below the surface of sandstone. The groundwater generally flows south-southeast toward the Platte River Valley and is used as drinking water and for agriculture.
 the University of Nebraska - Lincoln owns 8,650 acres on which it maintains an agricultural research and development center. The Department of Defense owns a portion used by the Nebraska National Guard and Army Reserves and the remainder is private property.
History.
Army use, 1942-1962.
The site started producing bombs, boosters, and shells in 1942 during World War II.
It consisted of four bomb load lines, an explosive booster assembly plant, an ammonium nitrate plant, two explosives burning areas, a proving ground, a landfill, a wastewater treatment plant, analytical laboratories, and storage and administration facilities.
From 1942-1945 the Nebraska Defense Corporation operated the site for the Army. Ammunitions were loaded with trinitrotoluene (TNT), amatol (TNT and ammonium nitrate), tritonal (TNT and aluminum), and Composition B ( RDX and TNT). A 1943 article said that the Firestone Company operated the plant for the Army.
From 1950-1956, the plant was reactivated and produced weapons for the Korean War. In 1959 it was declared "excess to Army needs" and was transferred to the General Services Administration. The National Guard and Army Reserve retained roughly 1,000 acres for training, the Army used 12 acres as a Nike Missile maintenance area, and the United States Air Force built the Offutt Air Force Base Atlas Missile site on 2,000 acres. The Department of Commerce received 40 acres.
From 1959 to 1960, the Air Force built the "Atlas missile Area (AMA) site S-1 launch area" [sic] or shorter "Nike Area" on 1,185 acres north of bomb load line 4. The Air Force also used 34 acres of the northern bomb load line 1 as "Ballistic Missile Division Technical Area". In 1964, both were decommissioned and transferred to the Nebraska National Guard.
As of 2016, there are four contaminated groundwater plumes, each 2 to 3 miles long and 200 feet to half a mile wide.
Civilian, 1962-present.
In 1962, the University of Nebraska - Lincoln bought about 9,600 acres, followed by 600 acres in 1964, to use it as a farm for agricultural research on crop, swine, dairy, and cattle, the Agricultural Research and Development Center.
Private individuals and corporations bought the remainder 5,250 acres. Adjacent land is used primarily agricultural.
During the late 1970s and early '80s, the university buried hazardous waste low-level radioactive medical wastes and solvents in trenches and a landfill. Some areas were used to rinse pesticides off machinery.
Environmental investigations, 1980's- present time.
Environmental investigations in the 1980's found the soil and groundwater contaminated with RDX and TCE. On August 30, 1990 the former plant was listed as a superfund site on the National Priorities List of CERCLA. In September 1991, the Kansas City District Corps of Engineers, the EPA, and Nebraska Department of Environmental Quality entered into an interagency agreement to investigate and control environmental contamination. Cleanup activities were organized into three operable units (OUs) as follows: the upper four feet of soil contaminated with explosive compounds (OU1), groundwater and soil contaminated with volatile organic compounds and explosive compounds, which was not remediated during OU1 and could contaminate the groundwater with explosive compounds (OU2) and miscellaneous emerging areas of waste that had not previously been identified (OU3). OU5 consists of areas on University property.
The ATSDR produced a "Health assessment" in 1992, classifying the site as a public health hazard, "because a risk to human health may exist from possible exposure to hazardous substances at concentrations that may result in adverse human health effects. Individuals could have skin contact and ingestion exposures to RDX, TNT, and polychlorinated biphenyls in on-site soils". The site was not considered for follow-up health activities because in the ATSDR opinion "no current exposure was occurring at levels of public health concern".
In 2004, local residents complained that "regulators were dragging their feet in getting private wells sampled and were accused of not providing accurate and timely information to the public".
In spring 2016, three new clusters of monitoring wells dug deeper into the bedrock aquifer than previously were installed at the south end of the known plumes, and showed RDX and TCE above the action levels. Of the 75 household water wells which have been tested as of May 2016, only 3 household wells have contaminants above the defined safe drinking water levels.
Remediation, 1991 - present time.
Remediation for OU1 consisted of soil excavation from 5 up to 30 feet deep and on-site thermal treatment, which was completed in 1999. Incineration of 16,449 tons of explosives-contaminated soil was done from October - December 1998.
It was not until 1997 that a Record of Decision for OU2 was signed; Groundwater remediation (OU2) began 1998 with hydraulic containment and focused extraction wells; there were 11 extraction wells for containment and one extraction well for focused extraction. Four groundwater treatment plants have been operating, two use air stripping, one the Advanced Oxidation Process, and the fourth uses an activated carbon filter. Four times a year, water is sampled from some of the over 300 monitoring wells and from surface water. Together with wells by other agencies in the surrounding area over 500 wells can be chosen for regional measurements semi-annually. The water level data are displayed on maps which show plume flow across the area over time.
For OU3, the final investigation was completed in 2011 and in April 2013 the involved parties signed a "No Further Action" Record of Decision.
The water treatment system depends on Platte River flow, which if it was going dry and remaining dry year after year, would need to be changed.
OU5 was started to be cleaned up in 2007, and in September 2013, the EPA selected in situ chemical oxidation as a remedy.


Chan I-hua

Chan I-hua (; 1957 — 19 May 1989) was a Taiwanese pro-democracy activist and graduate of Lunghwa University of Science and Technology. He performed self-immolation on May 19, 1989 when the funeral procession of fellow activist Cheng Nan-jung (who had similarly immolated himself) was blocked by the police in front of the Presidential Office Building in Taipei on what is now called Ketagalan Boulevard.