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Bell's English History Source Books

General Editors: S. E. WINBOLT, M.A., and KENNETH BELL, M.A.


WALPOLE AND CHATHAM (1714-1760)

Compiled by

KATHARINE A. ESDAILE

Some Time Scholar of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford







[Illustration: bell]

London
G. Bell & Sons, Ltd.
1912




INTRODUCTION


This series of English History Source Books is intended for use with any
ordinary textbook of English History. Experience has conclusively shown
that such apparatus is a valuable--nay, an indispensable--adjunct to the
history lesson. It is capable of two main uses: either by way of lively
illustration at the close of a lesson, or by way of inference-drawing,
before the textbook is read, at the beginning of the lesson. The kind of
problems and exercises that may be based on the documents are legion,
and are admirably illustrated in a _History of England for Schools_,
Part I., by Keatinge and Frazer, pp. 377-381. However, we have no wish
to prescribe for the teacher the manner in which he shall exercise his
craft, but simply to provide him and his pupils with materials hitherto
not readily accessible for school purposes. The very moderate price of
the books in this series should bring them within the reach of every
secondary school. Source books enable the pupil to take a more active
part than hitherto in the history lesson. Here is the apparatus, the raw
material: its use we leave to teacher and taught.

Our belief is that the books may profitably be used by all grades of
historical students between the standards of fourth-form boys
in secondary schools and undergraduates at Universities. What
differentiates students at one extreme from those at the other is not so
much the kind of subject-matter dealt with, as the amount they can read
into or extract from it.

In regard to choice of subject-matter, while trying to satisfy the
natural demand for certain "stock" documents of vital importance, we
hope to introduce much fresh and novel matter. It is our intention that
the majority of the extracts should be lively in style--that is,
personal, or descriptive, or rhetorical, or even strongly partisan--and
should not so much profess to give the truth as supply data for
inference. We aim at the greatest possible variety, and lay under
contribution letters, biographies, ballads and poems, diaries, debates,
and newspaper accounts. Economics, London, municipal, and social life
generally, and local history, are represented in these pages.

The order of the extracts is strictly chronological, each being
numbered, titled, and dated, and its authority given. The text is
modernised, where necessary, to the extent of leaving no difficulties in
reading.

We shall be most grateful to teachers and students who may send us
suggestions for improvement.

 S. E. WINBOLT.
 KENNETH BELL.


NOTE TO THIS VOLUME

I have to thank the Editors of the _English Historical Review_ for
permission to reprint the passages dealing with the War of Jenkins' Ear,
published by Sir John Laughton in the fourth volume of the _Review_, and
the Scottish History Society for a similar permission with regard to the
Proclamation of James III. and the Landing of the Young Pretender. The
Letters of Horace Walpole are quoted throughout under the dates and
names of correspondents, not from any particular edition, as this
enables a letter to be found without difficulty in any edition;
otherwise the sources are given in full.

The lover of the eighteenth century is born, but he is also made. It is
the aim of this little book to help in the making.

 K. A. E.




TABLE OF CONTENTS


                                                                       PAGE

 STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714)                             1

 PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714)                                         4

 CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727)                            5

 PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714)                              6

 THE '15:
       I. THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION                                     9
      II. THE PROCLAMATION OF JAMES III.                                 14
     III. FAILURE OF THE EXPEDITION EXPLAINED                            16

 THE SEPTENNIAL ACT (1716)                                               18

 DEFEAT OF THE SPANISH FLEET OFF SICILY BY ADMIRAL SIR GEORGE
   BYNG, JULY 31, 1718                                                   19

 THE SOUTH SEA BUBBLE (1720):
       I. THE PROPOSALS: THE SECOND SCHEME OF THE SOUTH SEA COMPANY      21
      II. THE BUBBLE BURST                                               25

 SIR ROBERT WALPOLE AS PRIME MINISTER (1721-1741)                        27

 WOOD'S HALFPENCE: THE FIRST DRAPIER's LETTER (1724)                     29

 CHARACTER OF GEORGE II. (1683-1760)                                     36

 THE CONDITION OF THE FLEET PRISON, AS REVEALED BY A PARLIAMENTARY
 ENQUIRY (1729):
    (_a_) DESCRIPTION OF THE WARDEN, THOMAS BAMBRIDGE                    38
    (_b_) HIS CRUELTY                                                    39
    (_c_) FINDINGS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE                        40

 THE EXCISE BILL (1733)                                                  42

THE PORTEOUS RIOTS (1736)                                                45

 LORD CHESTERFIELD'S SPEECH ON THE BILL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT
   OF THE CENSORSHIP OF STAGE PLAYS (1737)                               47

 DEATH OF QUEEN CAROLINE (1737): HER CHARACTER DESCRIBED
   BY GEORGE II.                                                         49

 THE WAR OF JENKINS' EAR (1739)                                          51

 THE OPPOSITION SUSPECTS WALPOLE OF DOUBLE-DEALING (1739)                53

 ADMIRAL VERNON'S VICTORY AT PORTOBELLO (1740):

       I. "ADMIRAL HOSIER'S GHOST"                                       55
      II. "GREAT BRITAIN'S GLORY; OR, THE STAY-AT-HOME FLEET"            58

THE NEW MINISTERS (1742):
       I. HERVEY'S ACCOUNT OF THE MINISTRY                               58
      II. EPIGRAM ON THE MINISTRY                                        60
     III. EPIGRAM ON PULTENEY'S ACCEPTANCE OF A PEERAGE                  60

 THE ORIGIN OF THE SEVEN YEARS' WAR (1741-1748)                          61

 THE '45:
       I. LANDING OF THE YOUNG PRETENDER; THE RAISING OF THE
             STANDARD; SURRENDER OF EDINBURGH                            65
      II. TREATMENT OF THE VANQUISHED--
          (_a_) AFTER PRESTON PANS                                       74
          (_b_) AFTER CULLODEN                                           76
     III. COLLINS'S "ODE WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 1746"      79
      IV. AN ADVENTURE OF CHARLES EDWARD                                 79

 TRIAL OF THE REBEL LORDS (1746)                                         81

 TREATY OF AIX-LA-CHAPELLE (1748):
       I. LORD BOLINGBROKE ON THE PRELIMINARIES                          84
      II. THE ARTICLES OF PEACE                                          86
     III. A CONTEMPORARY VIEW OF THE PEACE                               88

 LORD CHESTERFIELD'S ACT FOR THE REFORM OF THE CALENDAR (1751):
       I. HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE BILL                                 89
      II. LORD CHESTERFIELD'S OWN ACCOUNT                                93

 SMOLLETT'S CHARACTER OF THE DUKE OF NEWCASTLE                           94

 THE TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ADMIRAL BYNG (1759):
       I. HORACE WALPOLE TO SIR HORACE MANN                              97
      II. THOMAS POTTER TO MR. GRENVILLE                                101

 THE COALITION GOVERNMENT OF 1757                                       102

 THE ENGLISH IN INDIA (1757-1759):
       I. THE BLACK HOLE OF CALCUTTA DESCRIBED BY A SURVIVOR            103
      II. CLIVE TO PITT ON ENGLAND'S OPPORTUNITY                        105

 THE PLAINS OF ABRAHAM, SEPTEMBER 13, 1759:
       I. THE NIGHT ATTACK                                              109
      II. THE BATTLE                                                    110

"THE HEAVEN-BORN MINISTER": HORACE WALPOLE's HOMAGE TO PITT:
       I. IN THE GREAT YEAR (1759)                                      113
      II. CHARACTER OF WILLIAM PITT DESCRIBED IN THE LIGHT
            OF SUBSEQUENT HISTORY                                       114

 DEATH OF GEORGE II. (1760)                                             115

 APPENDIX: LONDON IN 1725-1736:
    (_a_) DEFOE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON IN 1725                         117
    (_b_) PRESENTMENT OF THE MIDDLESEX GRAND JURY (1736)                119




 WALPOLE AND CHATHAM

 1714-1760




STATE OF PARTIES AT THE QUEEN'S DEATH (1714).

+Source.+--_Letter to Sir William Windham_, Bolingbroke's Works, 1754.
Vol. i., pp. 28-31.


The thunder had long grumbled in the air, and yet when the bolt [the
Queen's death] fell, most of our party appeared as much surprised as if
they had had no reason to expect it. There was a perfect calm and
universal submission throughout the whole kingdom. The Chevalier indeed
set out as if his design had been to gain the coast and to embark for
Great Britain, and the Court of France made a merit to themselves of
stopping him and obliging him to return. But this, to my certain
knowledge, was a farce acted by concert, to keep up an opinion of his
character, when all opinion of his cause seemed to be at an end. He
owned this concert to me at Bar, on the occasion of my telling him that
he would have found no party ready to receive him, and that the
enterprise would have been to the last degree extravagant. He was at
this time far from having any encouragement: no party, numerous enough
to make the least disturbance, was formed in his favour. On the King's
arrival the storm arose. The menaces of the Whigs, backed by some very
rash declarations, by little circumstances of humor which frequently
offend more than real injuries, and by the entire change of all the
persons in employment, blew up the coals.

At first many of the tories had been made to entertain some faint hopes
that they would be permitted to live in quiet. I have been assured that
the King left Hanover in that resolution. Happy had it been for him and
for us if he had continued in it; if the moderation of his temper had
not been overborne by the violence of party, and his and the national
interest sacrificed to the passions of a few. Others there were among
the tories who had flattered themselves with much greater expectations
than these, and who had depended, not on such imaginary favor and
dangerous advancement as was offered them afterwards, but on real credit
and substantial power under the new government. Such impressions on the
minds of men had rendered the two houses of parliament, which were then
sitting, as good courtiers to King George, as ever they had been to
queen Anne. But all these hopes being at once and with violence
extinguished, despair succeeded in their room.

Our party began soon to act like men delivered over to their passions,
and unguided by any other principle; not like men fired by a just
resentment and a reasonable ambition to a bold undertaking. They treated
the government like men who were resolved not to live under it, and yet
they took no one measure to support themselves against it. They
expressed, without reserve or circumspection, an eagerness to join in
any attempt against the establishment which they had received and
confirmed, and which many of them had courted but a few weeks before:
and yet in the midst of all this bravery, when the election of the new
parliament came on, some of these very men acted with the coolness of
those who are much better disposed to compound than to take arms.

The body of the tories being in this temper, it is not to be wondered
at, if they heated one another and began apace to turn their eyes
towards the pretender: and if those few, who had already engaged with
him, applied themselves to improve the conjuncture and endeavour to lift
a party for him.

I went, about a month after the queen's death, as soon as the seals were
taken from me, into the country, and whilst I continued there, I felt
the general disposition to jacobitism encrease daily among people of all
ranks; among several who had been constantly distinguished by their
aversion to that cause. But at my return to London in the month of
February or March one thousand seven hundred and fifteen, a few weeks
before I left England, I began for the first time in my whole life to
perceive these general dispositions ripen into resolutions, and to
observe some regular workings among many of our principal friends, which
denoted a scheme of this kind. These workings, indeed, were very faint,
for the persons concerned in carrying them on did not think it safe to
speak too plainly to men who were, in truth, ill disposed to the
government, because they neither found their account at present under
it, nor had been managed with art enough to leave them hopes of finding
it hereafter: but who at the same time had not the least affection for
the pretender's person, nor any principle favorable to his interest.

This was the state of things when the new parliament, which his majesty
had called, assembled. A great majority of the elections had gone in
favour of the Whigs, to which the want of concert among the tories had
contributed as much as the vigor of that party, and the influence of the
new government. The whigs came to the opening of this parliament full of
as much violence as could possess men who expected to make their court,
to confirm themselves in power, and to gratify their resentments by the
same measures. I have heard that it was a dispute among the ministers
how far this spirit should be indulged, and that the king was
determined, or confirmed in determination, to consent to the
prosecutions, and to give the reins to the party by the representations
that were made to him, that great difficulties would arise in the
conduct of the session, if the court should appear inclined to check
this spirit, and by Mr. W[alpole]'s undertaking to carry all the
business successfully through the house of commons if they were at
liberty. Such has often been the unhappy fate of our princes; a real
necessity sometimes, and sometimes a seeming one, has forced them to
compound with a part of the nation at the expense of the whole; and the
success of their business for one year has been purchased at the price
of public disorder for many.

The conjecture I am speaking of forms a memorable instance of this
truth. If milder measures had been pursued, certain it is, that the
tories had never universally embraced jacobitism. The violence of the
whigs forced them into the arms of the pretender. The court and the
party seemed to vie with one another which should go the greatest
lengths in severity: and the ministers, whose true interest it must at
all times be to calm the minds of men, and who ought never to set the
examples of extraordinary inquiries or extraordinary accusations, were
upon this occasion the tribunes of the people.




PROCLAMATION OF GEORGE I. (1714).

+Source.+--Oldmixon's _History of England, George I._, 1735. P. 564.


Whereas it hath pleas'd Almighty God to call to his Mercy our late
Soveraign Lady Queen _Anne_, of blessed Memory; by whose Decease, the
Imperial Crowns of _Great Britain_, _France_, and _Ireland_, are solely,
and rightfully come to the High and Mighty Prince _George_, elector of
_Brunswick-Lunenburg_: We therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of
the Realm, being here assisted with those of her late Majesty's Privy
Council, with Numbers of other principal gentlemen of Quality, with the
Lord-Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of _London_, do now hereby, with one
full Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart, publish and proclaim, That
the high and mighty Prince _George_, Elector of _Brunswick-Lunenburg_,
is now, by the Death of our late Soveraign of happy Memory, become our
lawful and rightful Liege Lord, _George_, by the Grace of God, King of
_Great Britain_, _France_ and _Ireland_, Defender of the Faith, _&c._ To
whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant Obedience, with all hearty
and humble Affection, beseeching God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign,
to bless the Royal King _George_ with long and happy years to reign over
us.

 Given at the Palace of St. _James's_,
 the First Day of _August, 1714_.

 GOD SAVE THE KING.

[Then follow the signatures of 127 peers and commoners, "Lords and
Gentlemen who signed the Proclamation," including Lords Buckingham,
Shrewsbury, Oxford, Bolingbroke, and Sir Christopher Wren.]




CHARACTER AND PERSON OF GEORGE I. (1660-1727).


A. BY LORD CHESTERFIELD.

+Source.+--Lord Chesterfield (1694-1774), _Characters of Eminent Persons
of His own Time_, 1777. P. 9.

George the First was an honest and dull German gentleman, as unfit as
unwilling to act the part of a King, which is, to shine and oppress.
Lazy and inactive even in his pleasures; which were therefore lowly and
sensual: He was coolly intrepid, and indolently benevolent. He was
diffident of his own parts, which made him speak little in public[1] and
prefer in his social, which were his favourite, hours, the company of
waggs and buffoons.... His views and affections were singly confined to
the narrow compass of his electorate.--England was too big for him.--If
he had nothing great as a King, he had nothing bad as a Man--and if he
does not adorn, at least he will not stain the annals of this country.
In private life, he would have been loved and esteemed as a good
citizen, a good friend, and a good neighbour.--Happy were it for Europe,
happy for the world, if there were not greater Kings in it!


B. BY HORACE WALPOLE.

+Source.+--_Reminiscences_, in _Works of Horace Walpole_, Earl of
Oxford, 1798. Vol. iv., p. 275; _Letter to Sir Horace Mann, Feb. 25,
1782_.

"At ten years old [_i.e._, in 1727] I had set my heart on seeing George
I., and being a favourite child, my mother asked leave for me to be
presented to him; which to the First Minister's wife was granted, and I
was carried by the late Lady Chesterfield to kiss his hand as he went to
supper in the Duchess of Kendal's apartment. This was the night but one
before he left England the last time."

"The person of the King is as perfect in my memory as if I saw him but
yesterday. It was that of an elderly man, rather pale, and exactly like
his pictures and coins, not tall, of an aspect rather good than august,
with a dark tie wig, a plain coat, waistcoat and breeches of
snuff- cloth, with stockings of the same colour and a blue
riband over all."

[1] Lord Chesterfield does not mention that George I. spoke no
English.--ED.




PUBLIC FEELING AS TO THE NEW DYNASTY (1714).


A. WHIG.

+Source.+--_Letters of Lady M. W. Montagu._ Vol. 1., p. 86. Bohn's
edition.

 _Aug. 9, 1714._

The Archbishop of York has been come to Bishopsthorpe but three days. I
went with my cousin to see the King proclaimed, which was done, the
archbishop walking next the Lord Mayor, all the country gentry
following, with greater crowds of people than I believed to be in York,
vast acclamations, and the appearance of a general satisfaction. The
Pretender afterwards dragged about the streets and burned. Ringing of
bells, bonfires, and illuminations, the mob crying Liberty and Property!
and Long live King George! This morning all the principal men of any
figure took port for London, and we are alarmed with the fear of
attempts from Scotland, though all Protestants here seem unanimous for
the Hanover succession.


B. TORY.

+Source.+--Thomas Hearne [1678-1735], _Reliquiae Hearnianae_, 1869. Vol. i.,
pp. 303, 309.

_Aug. 4._--This day, at two o'clock, the said elector of Brunswick (who
is in the fifty-fifth year of his age, being born May 28th, 1660) was
proclaimed in Oxford. The vice-chancellor, and doctors, and masters met
in the convocation house, and from thence went to St. Mary's, to attend
at the solemnity. There was but a small appearance of doctors and
masters that went from the convocation house. I stood in the Bodleian
gallery where I observed them. Dr. Hudson was amongst them, and all the
heads of houses in town. But there were a great many more doctors and
masters at St. Marie's, where a scaffold was erected for them.

_Aug. 5._--The illumination and rejoicing in Oxford was very little last
night. The proclamation was published at Abingdon also yesterday, but
there was little appearance.

A letter having been put into the mayor of Oxford's hands before he
published the proclamation, cautioning him against proclaiming King
George, and advising him to proclaim the pretender by the name of King
James III., the said Mayor, notwithstanding, proclaimed King George, and
yesterday our vice-chancellor, and heads, and proctors, agreed to a
reward of an hundred pounds to be paid to anyone that should discover
the author or authors of the letter; and the order for the same being
printed I have inserted a copy of it here.

 "_At a general meeting of the vice-chancellor, heads of houses, and
 proctors of the university of Oxford, at the Apodyterium of the
 Convocation House, on Wednesday, Aug. 4, 1714._

 "Whereas a letter directed to Mr. Mayor of the city of Oxford,
 containing treasonable matters, was delivered at his house on Monday
 night last, betwixt nine and ten of the clock, by a person in an
 open-sleeved gown, and in a cinnamon- coat, as yet unknown:
 which letter has been communicated to Mr. Vice-Chancellor by the said
 Mayor: if any one will discover the author or authors of the said
 letter, or the person who delivered it, so as he or they may be brought
 to justice, he shall have a reward of one hundred pounds, to be paid
 him forthwith by Mr. Vice-Chancellor.

 "BERNARD GARDINER, Vice-Chancellor."

The letter to which the vice-chancellor's programme refers:

 OXON, _August 2nd, 1714_.

 MR. MAYOR,

If you are so honest a man as to prefer your duty and allegiance to your
lawfull sovereign before the fear of danger, you will not need this
caution, which comes from your friends to warn you, if you should
receive an order to proclaim Hannover, not to comply with it. For the
hand of God is now at work to set things upon a right foot, and in a few
days you will find wonderfull changes, which if you are wise enough to
foresee, you will obtain grace and favour from the hands of his sacred
majestie king James, by proclaiming him voluntarily, which otherwise you
will be forced to do with disgrace. If you have not the courage to do
this, at least for your own safety delay proclaiming Hannover as long as
you can under pretense of sickness or some other reason. For you cannot
do it without certain hazard of your life, be you ever so well guarded.
I, who am but secretary to the rest, having a particular friendship for
you, and an opinion of your honesty and good inclinations to his
majestie's service, have prevailed with them to let me give you this
warning. If you would know who the rest are, our name is

 LEGION, _and we are many_.

 This note shall be your sufficient warrant in times to come for
 proclaiming his majestie King James, and if this does not satisfie you,
 upon your first publick notice we will do it in person.

 For Mr. Broadwater, mayor of the City of Oxford, these.

_Sept. 25._--On Monday last (Sept. 20th) King George (as he is styled)
with his son (who is in the 31st year of his age, and is called prince
of Wales, he having been so created), entered London, and came to the
palace of St. James's, attended with several thousands. It was observed
that the Duke of Marlborough was more huzza'd, upon this occasion, than
King George, and that the acclamation, _God save the Duke of
Marlborough!_ was more frequently repeated than _God save the king!_ In
the evening the illuminations and bonfires were not many. King George
hath begun to change all the ministers, and to put in the _whiggs_,
every post bringing us news of this alteration, to the grievous
mortification of that party called _tories_. The duke of Marlborough is
made captain general of all the forces in room of the duke of Ormond,
not to mention the other great changes. But the tories must thank
themselves for all this, they having acted whilst in power very
unworthily, and instead of preferring worthy scholars and truly honest
men, they put in the quite contrary, and indeed behaved themselves with
very little courage or integrity. I am sorry to write this; but 'tis too
notorious, and they therefore very deservedly suffer now. They have
acted contrary to their principles, and must therefore expect to smart.
But the whiggs, as they have professed bad principles, so they have
acted accordingly, not in the least receding from what they have laid
down as principles. 'Tis to be hoped the tories may now at last see
their folly, and may resolve to act steadily and uniformly, and to
provide for, and take care of, one another, and with true courage and
resolution endeavour to retrieve credit and reputation by practising
those doctrines which will make for the service of the king, and of the
whole nation, and not suffer those enemies the whiggs utterly to ruin
their country, as they have done almost already.




THE '15.


I.

THE PRETENDER'S DECLARATION (1715).

+Source.+--A. Boyer's _Political State of Great Britain_, 1720. Vol. x.,
pp. 626-630.

_His Majesty's Most Gracious Declaration._

 JAMES R.

James VIII. by the Grace of God, of Scotland, England, France and
Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith &c. To all Our Loving Subjects of
What Degree or Quality soever. Greeting. As we are firmly resolved never
to lose any Opportunity of asserting Our undoubted Title to the Imperial
Crown of these Realms, and of endeavouring to get the Possession of that
Right which is devolv'd upon Us by the Laws of God and Man: so we must
in Justice to the Sentiments of our Heart declare, That nothing in the
World can give Us so great satisfaction, as to owe to the Endeavours of
Our Loyal Subjects both our own and their Restoration to that happy
Settlement which can alone deliver this Church and Nation from the
Calamities which they lie at present under, and from those future
Miseries which must be the Consequences of the present usurpation.
During the Life of Our dear Sister, of Glorious Memory, the Happiness
which Our People enjoy'd softened in some Degree the Hardship of our own
Fate; and we must further confess, That when we reflected on the
Goodness of her Nature, and her Inclination to Justice, we could not but
persuade Our Self, that she intended to establish and perpetuate the
Peace which she had given to these Kingdoms by destroying for ever all
Competition