



Produced by David Widger






LIFE OF MOZART

By Otto Jahn.

Translated from The German by Pauline D. Townsend.

With A Preface by George Grove, Esq., D.C.L.

In Three Volumes Vol. II.

London Novello, Ewer & Co.

1881.




CONTENTS:

XVIII.--French Opera.................. 1

XIX.--Paris, 1778.....................34

XX.--The Return Home.................. 71

XXI.--Court Service in Salzburg............84

XXII.--" Idomeneo ".....................126

XXIII.--Release.....................170

XXIV.--First Attempts in Vienna............186

XXV.--" Die Entpuehruno aus dbm Serail ".........216

XXVI.--Courtship.....................249

XXVII.--Married Life..................264

XXVIII.--Mozart's Family and Friends............312

XXIX.--Social Intercourse...............352

XXX.--Van Swieten and Classical Music.........374

XXXI.--Mozart and Freemasonry...............400

XXXII.--Mozart as an Artist...............410

XXXIII.--Mozart's Pianoforte Music............441





VOL. II.




CHAPTER XVIII. FRENCH OPERA.

MOZART and his mother left Mannheim on March 14, and arrived in Paris on
the 23rd, after a journey of nine days and a-half. "We thought we should
never get through it," writes Wolfgang (March 24, 1778),[1] "and I never
in my life was so tired. You can imagine what it was to leave Mannheim
and all our dear, good friends there, and to be obliged to exist for ten
days without a single soul even to speak to. God be praised, however,
we are now at our journey's end. I am in hopes that, with His help, all
will go well. To-day we mean to take a fiacre and go to call on Grimm
and Wendling. Early to-morrow I shall go to the Electoral Minister Herr
von Sickingen, who is a great connoisseur and lover of music, and to
whom I have letters of introduction from Herr von Gemmingen and Herr
Cannabich." L. Mozart was full of hope concerning this visit to Paris,
and believed that Wolfgang could not fail to gain fame and, as a
consequence, money in the French capital. He remembered the brilliant
reception which had been given to him and his children fourteen years
before, and he was convinced that a like support would be accorded to
the youth who had fulfilled his early promise to a degree that to an
intelligent observer must appear even more wonderful than his precocious
performances as a child. He counted upon the support and assistance
of many distinguished and influential persons, whose favour they had
already experienced, and more especially on the tried friendship of
Grimm, who had formerly given them the benefit of all his knowledge and
power, and with whom they had continued in connection ever since. Grimm
had lately passed through Salzburg with two


{FRENCH OPERA.}

(2)

friends, and was pleased to hear his "Amadeo," as he called Wolfgang.
He chanced to arrive at Augsburg on the evening of Wolfgang's concert
there, and was present at it without making himself known, since he
was in haste, and had heard that Wolfgang was on his way to Paris.
L. Mozart, who placed great confidence in Grimm's friendship and
experience, had made no secret to him of his precarious position
in Salzburg, and of how greatly Wolfgang was in need of support; he
commended his son entirely to Grimm's favour (April 6, 1778):--

I recommend you most emphatically to endeavour by childlike confidence
to merit, or rather to preserve, the favour, love, and friendship of
the Baron von Grimm; to take counsel with him on every point, and to do
nothing hastily or from impulse; in all things be careful of your own
interests, which are those of us all. Life in Paris is very different
from life in Germany, and the French ways of expressing oneself
politely, of introducing oneself, of craving patronage, &c., are quite
peculiar; so much so, that Baron von Grimm used always to instruct me as
to what I should say, and how I should express myself. Be sure you tell
him, with my best compliments, that I have reminded you of this, and he
will tell you that I am right.

But, clever as he was, L. Mozart had miscalculated on several points.
He did not reflect that Grimm had grown older, more indolent, and more
stately, and that even formerly a tact and obsequiousness had been
required in order to turn the great man's friendship to account, which,
natural as they were to himself, his son never did and never would
acquire. He had not sufficiently realised that the attention of the
public is far more easily attracted by what is strange and wonderful,
than by the greatest intellectual and artistic endowments. This was
peculiarly the case in Paris, where interest in musical performances
only mounted to enthusiasm when some unusual circumstance accompanied
them. True, such enthusiasm was at its height at the time of Mozart's
visit, but his father could not see that this very fact was against
a young man who had so little of the art of ingratiating himself with
others. To us it must ever appear as an extraordinary coincidence that
Mozart, fresh from Mannheim, and the efforts there being made for the
establishment of a national German opera, should have come to Paris at

{LULLY, 1652-1687.}

(3)

the very height of the struggle between Italian opera and the French
opera, as reformed by Gluck, a struggle which appeared to be on the
point of being fought out. In neither case did his strong feelings on
the subject tempt him to take an active part; he maintained the attitude
of a neutral observer, in preparation for the tasks to which he might be
appointed.

If we are clearly to apprehend the musical situation, we must remind
ourselves in order of the circumstances which had brought it about.

Jean Baptiste de Lully (1633-1687), a native of Florence, had gained
such distinction by his violin-playing and ballet music, that in 1652 he
was appointed kapellmeister by Louis XIV., and in 1672 he received full
power to establish and direct the Academie Royale de Musique. Not
only was he the founder of this still existing institution,* but he
established by its means the grand opera in France. Faithful to the
traditions of his birthplace, Florence, he kept in view the first
attempts which had been made in Italy to revive ancient tragedy in
opera (Vol. I., p. 154 et seq.). As in Italy, so in Paris, operatic
performances were originally designed for court festivals; Lully's
privilege consisted in his being allowed to give public representations
of operas, "even of those which had been produced at court" ("meme
celles qui auront ete representes devant Nous "). They were preceded by
ballets, in which the connection of the action was indicated by vocal
scenes; but the singing was quite subordinate to the long succession of
dances, in which the distinguished part of the audience, and even
the king himself, took part. Dances, therefore, became an essential
ingredient of the opera, and it was the task of the poet and the
composers to give them appropriate connection with the plot; to this
day, as is well known, the ballet is the special prerogative of
the Grand-Opera at Paris. It was not less important to maintain the
reputation of the most brilliant court in the


{FRENCH OPERA.}

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world by means of variety and magnificence of scenery, costumes,
machinery, &c.; in this respect, also, the Grand-Opera has kept true to
its traditions.[2]

But whilst in Italy the musical, and especially the vocal, element of
the opera had always the upper hand, in Paris the dramatic element held
its ground with good success. It was the easier for Lully to found
a national opera in Paris, since he found a poet ready to hand in
Quinault, who had the genius to clothe his mythological subjects in
the dramatic and poetical dress of his own day. To us, indeed, his
productions seem far apart from the spirit of ancient tragedy, and more
rhetorical and epigrammatic than poetical in their conception. But his
operas (or rather tragedies) expressed truly the spirit of the age, and
they became more distinctively national in proportion as the reign of
Louis XIV. came to be considered as the golden age of France. It was
Lully's task to give musical expression to the national spirit, and
in this he succeeded to the admiration of his contemporaries and of
posterity. His music is closely connected' with those first attempts
in Italy. We find none of the set forms of the later opera seria, no
regular arie, no duets, no ensembles. The words are for the most
part simply rendered in recitative. There is sometimes a figured bass
accompaniment; but even then it is not the free movement of Italian
recitative, but is much more precisely apportioned, and the harmonies
of the accompaniment change more frequently. When the sentiment
becomes rather more elevated, a sort of compromise is effected between
recitative and song. The words are rendered with a declamatory spoken
accent; and not only are they strictly in time, but the harmonies are
so arranged that a full orchestral chord is given to every note of the
song. The melodies are therefore limited in every respect; the phrases
are generally too small in compass to be well carried out, and hang
loosely together without any proper design; it was difficult to develop
an elaborate musical form out of such elements as these. Independent
songs occur seldom, and then only in the most precise of forms, tending
generally to dance melodies (airs). When several voices unite they
alternate with each other; or if they


{LULLY'S OPERAS.}

(5)

sing together note follows note, with only exceptionally real ensemble
passages. The choruses are formed by a simple harmony in several
parts, the soprano not being always appointed to give the melody.
The orchestra, except in the dance music, has seldom any independent
significance, but simply gives the full harmony to every note of
the bass. Instrumental effect is seldom aimed at, and the different
instruments are only occasionally employed singly. Lully's merit chiefly
consists in his having accentuated his music in a manner which suited
the French language, and also in his having succeeded in throwing a
certain amount of characteristic pathos into some of his passages. It is
comprehensible that at first, musical cultivation being in its infancy,
this quality should be most readily felt and acknowledged; but in
every art, and especially in music, it is the fate of individual
characteristics to become the soonest incomprehensible, and, therefore,
unpleasing. For this reason, the reaction against Lully's music attacked
just this mode of treating the text. It was considered monotonous,
tiresome, and heavy; and the isolated significant phrases having lost
their power to please, were compared with the plain-song (plain-chant)
of church psalmody.[3]

The delivery of the vocalists, male and female, is described as
dreadful; monotonous droning alternating with violent shrieks and
exaggerated accent (_urlo francese_).[4]

Notwithstanding all this, Lully's operas held undisputed possession of
the stage during his life,[5] and even after his death, a sure proof
that his success was not merely the result of the favour personally
accorded to him. The composers whose operas found favour after his (such
as Campra, Colasse, Desmarets, Blamont, and Mouret) are of less


{FRENCH OPERA.}

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importance historically, because they all copied his manner. Any part of
their works which pointed to the influence of the opera seria, as it
was being formed in the Neapolitan school, was rejected by the national
vanity.[6]

Jean Phil. Rameau (1683-1764) came to Paris from the provinces as an
established musician in 1721. He succeeded by his force of character,
and the powerful protection of the Farmer-General, La Popeliniere,
in placing his operas on a level with those of Lully in the public
estimation. When he produced his "Hippolyte et Aricie" in 1732, he was
met by the most determined opposition on the part of Lully's supporters;
but the very decided success of his acknowledged masterpiece, "Castor
et Pollux," in 1737,[7] placed him, if not above Lully, certainly on
an equality with him during the remainder of his career. His opponents
became gradually reconciled to his supremacy, and acknowledged that
French music had not been essentially altered by Rameau, only developed
and perfected.[8] And there can be no question that this was the case.
Before Rameau had produced any operas he had made his reputation as an
organist and instrumental composer, and more especially as the founder
of a theory of harmony. On this latter point his operas also show
considerable progress--the harmonic treatment is rich and varied, though
sometimes the straining after novelty and effect


{RAMEAU, 1732-1764.}

(7)

leads to affectation and over-elaboration. Rameau's accompaniments are
free and independent; the orchestra is used with striking effect by
means of variety of tone-colour-ing in the instruments as well as
of independent subjects, which serve to accent the details. Rameau's
employment of the orchestra shows a marked improvement, not only on
Lully, but even on Italian opera as then existing. In the same way we
find the choruses released from the fetters of strict thorough-bass, and
the parts moving freely and expressively. In the lyrical portions of the
opera, much is evidently due to the advance in the art of solo singing,
both rhythm and melody move more freely, and embellishment is not wholly
wanting. But Rameau has not avowedly adopted the Italian style, although
he spent a short part of his youth in Italy. The accepted forms of
Italian opera are entirely disregarded, both in the choruses and solos.
The slow, uniform progress of Lully's operas becomes freer and more
animated in Rameau's, the dramatic expression has more energy and life,
and the music has more of individual colouring; but the foundation
remains. The same is the case with the treatment of the dialogue. It is
still severe, stately, recitative-like singing in varied measure, but
Rameau's harmonic art is displayed in his incomparably greater power of
expression. Rameau's opera, notwithstanding its independent invention
and advance in artistic feeling, is the natural development of Lully's
principles, not a revolution against them. It was debated at the time
with much warmth whether Rameau's peculiarities were to be accepted as
improvements, or to be looked upon as injudicious attempts at novelty.
The points which then excited the liveliest interest now seem to us
most trivial. But the main fact is not to be denied, that Rameau, by the
efforts of his own genius, constructed a national French opera upon the
foundations laid by Lully, and that the further development of the grand
opera proceeded along, the lines laid down by him. Not only can the
framework and design of these early operas be recognised in the grand
opera of the present day, but French dramatic music, spite of many
transformations, betrays its relationship with the early masters in many


{FRENCH OPERA.}

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peculiarities of melody, rhythm and harmony; a sure proof that national
feeling lies at the root of the traditions.

The well-wishers of the national French opera were right in settling
their disputes about Lully and Rameau by the recognition of them both;
for both alike were threatened by a formidable irruption of Italian
taste, which now so completely governed the remainder of Europe that
France could not fail to be in some measure affected by it. In August,
1752, a company of Italian singers came to Paris under the direction
of a certain Bambini, and having received permission to represent comic
operas (intermezzi) in the hall of the Grand Opera, were called "Les
Bouffons."[9] Their first representation of Pergolese's "Serva Padrona"
was a failure, but subsequently it was applauded with enthusiasm. The
chief singers of the company, Manelli and Anna Tonelli, were highly
esteemed both for their singing and acting, although they did not reach
to the highest level of Italian opera; the others were indifferent.[10]
But they were Italian throats, Italian ways of singing and acting which
lent all their powers to the interpretation of opera buffa, with its
polished, pleasing form, simply and easily grasped harmonies, and
sustained melodies. They found in Paris an appreciative audience, and
very soon even the Parisian orchestra, where the conductor beat time
audibly,[11] while the Italian conductor only directed from the clavier,
was described, in comparison to the Italian, as a company of uneducated
musicians whose great aim was to make as much noise as possible. The
supporters of the national school of music naturally took up arms
against the


{LES BOUFFONS, 1752.}

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Italian enthusiasts, and so arose the well-known struggle between the
"coin du roi" (nationalists) and the "coin de la reine" (Italians).[12]

Grimm, who always manifested great interest in musical matters, had
become acquainted with Italian opera in Germany, and afterwards in
Paris, where he took up his abode in 1749; his intercourse with Rousseau
and other sympathetic friends increased his partiality for it. His
burlesque of "Le Petit Prophete de Boehmischbroda" (1753), which
foretold in the biblical prophetic style the downfall of good taste if
Paris were not converted to Italian music,[13] proved a powerful ally
to Italian music; he was joined by Diderot, who, like all the
encyclopedists, was personally antagonistic to Rameau on account of his
attack on the "Encyclopedie."[14] Jean Jacques Rousseau, who in his "Devin
du Village" had shown the delighted public how far the treasures of the
Italian opera could be turned to good account in the French (Vol. I., p.
87 et seq.), threw all the weight of his influence into the scale of the
Bouffonists; not content with mercilessly exposing the shortcomings of
the French opera, he undertook to prove that the French language
was unfitted for composition, and French music altogether an
impossibility.[15] The enraged musicians threatened to punish this
daring outrage on the nation[16] with horsewhipping, assassination, or
even the Bastille; but a flood of angry discussion was all that actually
resulted.[17] Those, however, whose interests were


{FRENCH OPERA.}

(10)

attacked, especially the proprietors and singers of the opera-house,
took such measures as obliged the Italian singers to quit Paris in
March, 1754.[18]

It may well be wondered at that men like Rousseau[19] and Diderot,[20]
who upheld simplicity and nature as the true canons of art, should have
evinced a preference for Italian music. For though doubtless the Italian
style was grounded originally on the nature of music, it had already
become conventional, and far removed from what the philosophers called
natural. At the same time it must be remembered that their partiality
always turned in the direction of opera buffa, which sought from its
commencement to free itself from the conventional restraint of
opera seria (Vol. I., p. 203). Then, too, the musical element, as
distinguished from the poetical or dramatic, had always been the
foundation of Italian opera, and an opposition directed against the
French opera, with its poetical and dramatic proclivities, would be sure
to uphold the purely musical development of the Italians, even though
the exaggerations into which it was carried might be displeasing to the
philosophers.

The influence of the Bouffons survived their departure. The Comedie
Italienne (aux Italiens) produced Italian comedies in masquerade, French
comedies, and parodies of qperas, the charm of which consisted mainly
in their vocal parts, on which account they were called operas
comiques.[21] A dangerous rival to the Comedie Italienne was the Theaetre
de la Foire, whose representations took place originally on


{OPERA COMIQUE--DUNI, 1757-1775.}

(11)

the Feasts of St. Germain, St. Laurent, and St. Ovide. The two companies
were always inimical, and the "Comediens de la Foire" were from time to
time suppressed by their stronger rival,[22] but always revived, until
at last in 1762 the two companies were amalgamated.[23] In this soil
was planted opera buffa, and, favoured by circumstances, it grew into
a great national institution.[24] Translations and adaptations of
favourite Italian operas satisfied the public at first, and were decried
by the Bouffonists as travesties of the original.[25] But very soon,
especially after the brilliant success of Vade's "Les Troqueurs" in
1753, a new school of composers sought to reconcile the excellencies
of the Italian music, especially in singing, with the exigencies of
the national taste. It was difficult at first to break loose from the
defined outline and simple design of the intermezzi, but gradually the
French taste became apparent in the greater connection and interest
of the plot, and the delicacy and wit of the composition. The lively
interest of the public induced poets of talent, such as Favart, Sedaine,
and Marmontel, to devote themselves to operatic writing, and the French
comic opera soon surpassed the opera buffa, from a dramatic as well as a
musical point of view. These various impulses were all the more lasting
since they were founded on the national character.[26]

Egidio Romoaldo Duni (1709-1775), born and educated in Naples, having
made his reputation on the Italian stage, was led by his connection with
the court at Parma, which was French in manners and in taste, to compose
French operettas, as, for instance, "Ninette ae la Cour." The applause
with which they were received induced him to go to Paris in 1757, where
he made an exceptionally favourable debut with the "Peintre Amoureux,"
and during the next


{FRENCH OPERA.}

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thirteen years produced a succession of comic operas, the easy style and
simple form of which secured them both the favour of the public and the
imitation of untrained French composers.[27]

Duni was followed by Pierre Alex. Monsigny (1729-1817),[28] a
dilettante, who was so excited by the performances of the Bouffons that
he applied himself to the study of music, and at once began to compose
operas. In 1759 he put his first opera, "Les Aveux Indiscrets," on
the stage, and this was rapidly succeeded by others. Sedaine was so
interested in Monsigny that he intrusted all his operatic librettos to
him.[29] A wider sphere was opened to him with the three-act opera, "Le
Roi et le Fermier," which was the commencement of the most brilliant
success. It must be allowed that the co-operation of a poet to whom even
Grimm allows all the qualities of a good librettist[30] was an important
element in this success; but Monsigny's work was quite on a level with
that of his collaborateur. His music expresses with instinctive truth
the most amiable side of the French character. Monsigny not only had at
his command a wealth of pleasing sympathetic melodies, but possessed as
decided a talent for pathos as for light comedy, and a sure perception
of dramatic effect, combined with life, delicacy, and grace. His natural
feeling for beauty of form concealed the want of thorough artistic
training,[31] and his operas were universally admired, some of them,
such as "Le Deserteur,"[32] acquiring more extended fame.


{PHILIDOR, 1759-1795--GRETRY, 1768-1813.}

(13)

A better theoretical musician was Franc. Andre (Danican) Philidor
(1727-1795), who enjoyed the reputation of extraordinary genius as
a chess-player before appearing as a composer with his first opera,
"Blaise le Savetier," in 1759.[33] His fame as a musician was soon
established, and he ruled the comic stage with Duni and Monsigny until
Gretry took possession of it. He was reproached with justice for
too great a display of musical scholarship, and for making his
accompaniments too prominent.[34] He had more force and energy than
Monsigny, with greater power of passionate expression, but his fun
is coarser, and he is inferior in grace and tenderness. He finally
abandoned music, partly from disinclination to enter into rivalry with
Gretry, and partly from his passion for chess.

It was characteristic that comic opera, the outcome of vaudeville and
chanson, should have been nursed in its infancy by composers like
Duni, who had no pretensions to great genius, Monsigny, who was half a
dilettante, and Philidor, who only composed music as a pastime. Andre
Ern. Gretry, on the contrary (1741-1813), threw himself into the pursuit
with all his powers, and with zealous ardour. He it was who perfected
the comic opera, making it, what it still remains, the representative
of the French national character in the province of dramatic music. As
a boy, he had delighted in the performances of Italian opera singers in
his native town of Liege, and as a youth he had been in Rome during the
most brilliant part of Piccinni's career, had studied there for several
years, and at last produced an intermezzo, "Le Vin-demiatrici," which
was well received, and gained even Pic-cinni's approval. In Paris,
although Monsigny and Philidor received him kindly, he had to contend
with difficulties; but


{FRENCH OPERA.}

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after the complete success of his opera "Le Huron," in 1768,[35] even
his remarkable fertility in production could hardly satisfy the demands
of the public for his works. Marmontel, Sedaine, and other poets offered
him libretti which were in themselves pledges of success. The idea that
dramatic poetry should represent human nature in its naked reality,
which had emanated from the encyclopedists, found its realisation in the
drama of common life, and had considerable influence on the development
of the comic opera.

The strict line of demarcation between opera seria and buffa did not
exist in Paris. The effort to give more dramatic interest and freer
scope to operatic music led to the portrayal of the deeper and noble
emotions, and opera approached more and more nearly to serious comedy
in plot, situations, and psychological intention. Merriment gradually
ceased to be the predominating element, and became nothing more than a
flavouring thrown in; it was replaced by that mixture of seriousness
and playfulness which, in opposition to the former prohibition of
any amalgamation of different styles, was now considered as the true
expression of music.[36] A characteristic distinction between comic
and serious opera in France was the adoption by the former of spoken
dialogue instead of recitative.[37] Any attempt to imitate the free,
declamatory recitative of the Italians would have been thought too
daring, and was perhaps actually prohibited by the privileges of the
Grand-Opera. But in renouncing recitative, the dialogue gained the
freedom of witty and sparkling conversation, without which the French
cannot exist; and this note, once struck, soon regulated the whole
character of


{GRETRY.}

(15)

operatic music, which, elevated as it may be, nevertheless starts from
the idea of a conversation.

No one could be better fitted than Gretry for the development of such a
style as this.[38] His was a pliant and amiable nature, but not a great
one. He was excitable and susceptible to any emotion, but without depth;
his wit was delicate and versatile, and he possessed the power of giving
it the most striking and appropriate expression. He was determined that
his music should always faithfully render some definite emotion, even
to the minutest detail of the dramatic situation and characters. He held
that a composer could only attain this end by working himself up into
a pitch of intense excitement,[39] and living for the time in the drama
that was under his hands.[40] The actual means which he employed was
song, that is, melody. He learnt the art of tuneful song from the
Italians,[41] and made its expressiveness depend upon intonation in
delivery, which it is the composer's part to suggest and control.[42]
He laid great stress upon true and strongly accentuated declamation,[43]
which he had studied under good actors.[44] This lent a liveliness
and piquancy to his musical style,[45] and rendered it essentially
French.[46]


{FRENCH OPERA.}

(16)

Gretry accomplished wonders for musical form, as far as grace and
freshness, lively emotion and wit go, but his powers did not attain
to anything truly great or important to art. The art of melodious
expression was developed by him almost to the exclusion of other means,
such as rich and well-chosen haermonies,[47] artistic accompaniments,
and instrumental effects, all of which he treated as subordinate and
unimportant.

He inveighs against the misuse of the instruments, especially of the
wind instruments, which Gluck's example had introduced, even if he were
not personally responsible for it;[48] but he recommends the moderate
use of them for characterisation,[49] and prides himself on his
very questionable invention in his "Andromaque" of assigning special
instruments to the recitatives of each principal character--Andromache,
for instance, having always three flutes.[50] A saying of Gretry's, that
in opera song is the statue, and the orchestra the pedestal, and that
Mozart sometimes put the pedestal on the stage, has often been repeated.
Whether this is authentic or not, the fact remains that Gretry's neglect
of the orchestra was not altogether of set purpose, but that this branch
of artistic education was unknown to him and interested him as little
as did the minute elaboration and hard study which are dear to all
first-rate musicians. His idea that a musician of genius may spoil his
inventive powers by too much study is truly comical; what he tells of
his own studies shows how shallow they were, and his productions are
all of a piece. On the other hand he lays great weight upon reflection,
which does not properly concern music at all; but his simplicity, which
almost amounted to barrenness, served to heighten his truly excellent
qualities, and to make him the popular idol he was. It is quite
conceivable that the encyclopedists, who were the champions of Italian
music, should have seen in him the man who united beauty and melody with
Italian truth and characteristic expression. Diderot wrote under


{GLUCK.}

(17)

Gretry's portrait the motto: "Irritat, mulcet, falsis terroribus implet,
ut magus";[51] Rousseau thanked him for having reopened his heart to
emotion by his music;[52] Grimm, who had received him with approbation
from the first,[53] declared during the heat of the struggle between
Gluckists and Piccinnists that connoisseurs and others were all agreed
that no composer had succeeded like Gretry in fitting Italian melody to
the French language, and in satisfying the national taste for wit and
delicacy.[54] Suard and Arnaud, Gluck's supporters, stood by Gretry,[55]
as well as Marmontel, who was opposed to Gluck.[56] And with what
enthusiasm the public received his operas! Many of them--to mention
only "Zemire and Azor"--made their way throughout Europe, and had
unquestionably much influence on the formation of musical taste.

While comic opera was thus flourishing more and more richly and
abundantly, the grand opera was confined almost exclusively to Lully and
Rameau; it might almost seem that it had reached its limits, and
that the interest of the public was henceforth to be centred on comic
opera.[57] But fresh trials awaited the grand opera. Doubtless the light
breezes which sprang from the reformed comic opera were precursors of
the coming storm; but the actual impulse to it was not given in Paris
itself.


{FRENCH OPERA.}

(18)

Christ.