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                         Universal Brotherhood




                         Universal Brotherhood

                               A MAGAZINE
                 DEVOTED TO THE BROTHERHOOD OF HUMANITY
                       THE THEOSOPHICAL MOVEMENT
                       PHILOSOPHY SCIENCE AND ART

             Founded in 1886 under the title of THE PATH by
                            WILLIAM Q JUDGE

                          VOLUME XIII. No. 11.
                            FEBRUARY, 1899.




                                CONTENTS


           Henry Clay           Alexander Wilder,         585
                                M.D.

           Richard Wagner’s     Basil Crump               593
           Prose Works

           Alphonse de          Alexander Wilder,         596
           Lamartine: IV. Poet, M.D.
           Diplomat, Traveller

           Passage to India     Walt Whitman              607
           (_Extracts
           Selected_)

           The Human Cell       Arthur A. Beale,          609
                                M.B.

           The Sokratic Club    Solon                     614

           Students’ Column     Conducted by J. H.        621
                                Fussell

           Young Folks’
           Department:

           The Weston Ten       Margaret S. Lloyd         623

           Brotherhood                                    627
           Activities

         Editors:—=Katherine A. Tingley=, =E. Aug. Neresheimer=

      $2.00 PER YEAR.      ISSUED MONTHLY.      PER COPY 20 CENTS.
        Entered as second-class matter at New York Post-office.

                            Copyright, 1899.




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ANNOUNCEMENT.

UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD is a Magazine devoted to the promulgation of the
principles of the Brotherhood of Humanity in the widest sense. It is an
organ whose aim is to show that the Unity or Brotherhood of Mankind is
an actual fact in nature. If this principle were better understood by
the multitude or even by certain classes of Society there would be less
strife and competition and more sympathy and co-operation.

The demonstration of these broad ideas from the Ethical, Scientific and
Practical points of view will prove that there is much agreement between
these systems on this topic, and that it is an underlying ground-work by
means of which all Religions and all Philosophies agree also.

This magazine will endeavor to show the great similarity between the
Religions of the world, in their fundamental beliefs and doctrines as
also the value of studying other systems than our own.

A sound basis for ethics should be found.

Those who would assist the cause of Brotherhood should realize that it
is of the first importance to discover as much as possible concerning
the nature of man and man’s relation to the world around him. The laws
that govern his physical, mental, moral and spiritual being should be
studied and investigated.

It is hoped that every sympathizer with the cause of brotherhood will
endeavor to assist us in enlarging the circulation of this magazine.
Subscribers will greatly oblige by sending us the names and addresses of
individuals known to them as willing to investigate liberal ideas.

All writers who are interested in the above objects are invited to
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It is in the hands of our readers to push the circulation of UNIVERSAL
BROTHERHOOD to an almost unlimited extent. =All profits arising from the
publication of this magazine, or from the business conducted by the
Theosophical Publishing Co., are devoted to propaganda of Brotherhood.
All who assist us in this work are directly helping the great cause of
humanity.=




A U M

    “The Theosophical ideas of charity mean _personal_ exertion for
    others; _personal_ mercy and kindness; _personal_ interest in the
    welfare of those who suffer; _personal_ sympathy, forethought and
    assistance in their troubles or needs.”—H. P. BLAVATSKY, _Key to
    Theosophy_.

    “To help men and women to realize the nobility of their calling and
    their true position in life.”—First Object of the International
    Brotherhood League.

UNIVERSAL BROTHERHOOD




                              HENRY CLAY.
                       BY ALEXANDER WILDER, M.D.


[Illustration: Henry Clay.]

The illustration of “Henry Clay addressing Congress” exhibits, with
almost the exactness of portraits, the likeness of the prominent members
of the American Senate at that time. It is to be regretted that a key is
not given, as several of them, and these not the men of less importance,
are not at this late period easily recognized. Yet as we look upon their
faces here delineated, we feel as if we had known them all.

Naturally our attention is first directed to the figure of the one
addressing the Senate. The United States will have to pass through
another Civil War as destructive of former memories as this one has
been, before Henry Clay can be forgotten. Making his mark upon the
history, legislation and diplomacy of the country, that mark cannot be
removed except the heart of the Nation is torn out with it.

The presiding officer we recognize as Millard Fillmore, once a favorite
son of New York, and Vice-President in 1849 and 1850; then succeeding to
the presidency at the death of General Taylor. Growing up from poverty
and his few opportunities, he became an accomplished lawyer, a diligent
legislator, and a statesman of recognized ability. Comely of person,
graceful in manner, and generous in his impulses, he was at the time one
of the most popular men of Western New York, and continued to be till he
signed the measure that operated more than any other to estrange the
citizens of the Republic from one another—the Fugitive Slave Act of
1851.

We also observe near the speaker General Lewis Cass, then the foremost
man of the Democratic Party, whose nomination for President in 1852 Mr.
Clay desired and hoped for as most likely to avert the crisis which he
foresaw. He then lay dying, but to the last the welfare of his Country
was at his heart. But General Cass was passed over, and the current
moved with renewed force to the final event. For years as Senator and
Cabinet Minister he put forth his energy to arrest its progress, but was
compelled to give way overpowered.

On beyond is John C. Calhoun, with head bent forward, listening
intently. His, likewise, was a career of remarkable significance in the
Nation. He had entered Congress almost at the same time with Mr. Clay,
and both in concert with Langdon Cheves and William Lowndes, who seemed
to have been elected for that purpose, put forth their utmost efforts
with success, to procure a declaration of war with Great Britain. The
measure was regarded essential to the continuance of the Republican
Party in power, and Mr. Madison reluctantly acceded to it, regretting
his compliance soon afterward. The next turn of the wheel made Mr.
Calhoun a Cabinet Minister, and an aspirant for the presidency, for
which he had the support of Daniel Webster. Falling short of that
ambition, he became the champion of State Rights and nullification,
bringing his native commonwealth to the verge of civil war, and himself
into personal peril. Thenceforth he set about educating his people for
mortal conflict. The attempt to add new territory to this country for
the extending of the power of the Southern as against the Northern
States, had brought nearer the crisis which Mr. Clay was striving to
avert. It seems almost anachronism to place Mr. Calhoun in this picture,
for he died in 1850.

Daniel Webster, however, is the figure soonest recognized. The artist
has placed him in a row a little way behind the orator, sitting in a
thoughtful mood, but leaving us at a loss to surmise whether he is
attending to the subject under discussion, or meditating upon some topic
which he may esteem to be of profounder importance. He was translated to
the Cabinet a second time by President Fillmore, but found himself
without supporters except personal friends and admirers, and estranged
from his political associates. He quickly followed Mr. Clay to the grave
in 1852.

The other faces in the picture seem familiar and are carefully depicted.
We do not find, however, the “new men” who had already come as
precursors of the next epoch in American history. John P. Hale and
William H. Seward are left out, and we fail of finding Daniel S.
Dickinson, John Davis or Stephen A. Douglas. Those whom we do see there
were undoubtedly regarded as more notable, belonging as they did to an
era that seems to have passed almost completely into oblivion. For it is
true however discreditable as it may seem, that the events of that time
and the men of that time are almost as little cognized by Americans of
the present generation as though they had been of the period of Magna
Charta and the Conference of Barons at Runnymede.

The war with Mexico resulting from the annexation of Texas in 1845, had
effected the addition of New Mexico and California to the jurisdiction
of the United States. Legislation was required to provide for the
exigency. An issue had been introduced by the “Wilmot Proviso,”
declaring that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for
crime, should exist in the new territory. This issue had decided the
election of 1848 giving the Whigs the National Administration. The
organizing of Oregon with this inhibition had created an alarm. There
were fifteen states with slavery and fifteen without, so that each
region had an equal number of Senators. This arrangement was now
imperilled. The contest was very sharp. Mr. Clay apprehending danger to
the Union, procured the appointment of a joint Congressional Committee
to devise measures of pacification. This Committee reported what was
known as the “Omnibus Bill,” providing for the admission of California
as a State, the organization of territorial governments for Utah and New
Mexico, and more effective measures for the rendition of runaway slaves.

It is apparently in support of this measure that Mr. Clay is speaking.
The prominent senators, the supporters of this legislation, are
listening. It may be well to add that it did not pass in this form, but
that the several propositions thus massed together, were afterward
enacted in separate bills.

[Illustration: Henry Clay Addressing Congress.]

Mr. Clay was always a conspicuous character in American History. His
marked personality, his impressive manner, his profound sincerity, his
unquestioned patriotism, his unblemished public career, his loyal
friendship, his ardent sympathy for the helpless and injured, all
combined to make him the idol of his party. He was like Agamemnon, a
“king of men.” Even when defeated, he never lost prestige, but gained in
the affection of those who knew him. Ambitious, he certainly was, for he
aspired to the chief office in the Republic, but he stubbornly refused
to employ unworthy means to secure the prize. When the place was within
his grasp, and his supporters were buoyant with assurance of success, he
put it out of his reach by exuberant frankness. Yet the disappointment
never weakened his love of country, and his last efforts were put forth
to secure harmony in our public councils and to preserve the Nation
undivided.

He was the architect of his own fortunes. His early opportunities were
limited, and he had never been able to obtain a liberal education. His
father was a Baptist preacher, at that time of no account in Virginia,
and there was no relationship with “first families.” Henry Clay was
strictly of the people and a son of the people; his blood was intensely
red, without any tinge of patrician blue. Early left an orphan he ate
the bread of poverty, and at a tender age was taught to work for a
livelihood, to plough, to dig and labor in the harvest field. He was
generally known in the region as “the Mill Boy of the Slashes.”
Fortunately for him when he was fourteen years of age, his mother
married a second husband, a man quick to perceive the ability of the
youth and to find him opportunity. He was placed for a year in a retail
store in Richmond, and afterward in the office of the clerk of the High
Court of Chancery.

A biographer describes him at this period as raw-boned, lank and
awkward, with a countenance by no means handsome, and dressed in
garments home-made and ill-fitting, with linen starched to such a
stiffness as to make him look peculiarly strange and uncomfortable. As
he took his place at the desk to copy papers, his new companions
tittered at his appearance, and his blushing confusion. They soon
learned to like him, however, and he was found to be a faithful and
industrious worker. He read incessantly during his hours of leisure but
unfortunately acquired a habit of cursory perusing, a “skimming over”
which he never conquered, and which seriously interfered with
thoroughness. This became afterward to him a source of profound regret.

His diligence at work attracted the attention of the Chancellor, George
Wythe, who selected him for amanuensis to write out and record the
decisions of the Court. This was the turning point of his career. Wythe
was a signer of the Declaration of Independence and member of the
Convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He believed in what he
promulgated, emancipating his slaves and making provision for their
subsisting. Thomas Jefferson and John Marshall had been his students.
The four years thus spent there decided Clay to become a lawyer, and he
entered the office of Robert Brooke the Attorney-General as a regular
student. A year later he received the license to practice. At the age of
twenty he set out for Kentucky to seek his fortune, making his residence
at Lexington then styled “the literary and intellectual centre of the
West.”

He became, like all Southern men of note, a politician, and quickly
gained distinction as a speaker. In 1797 a Convention was held to revise
the Constitution of the State, and he labored assiduously, but without
success to procure the adoption of a system of emancipation. He saved
his popularity, however, by vigorously declaring against the Alien and
Sedition Laws of Congress. So much easier is it to resent and deplore
the wrongs that others commit than to repent of those we commit
ourselves. Mr. Clay was from this time a champion of the helpless and
the wronged. It required personal as well as moral courage. There were
men in Kentucky who regarded themselves as leaders in Society and above
being held to account for unworthy and lawless acts. Colonel Joseph
Daviess, then District Attorney of the United States and a Federalist,
perpetrated a brutal assault upon a private citizen. Everybody feared
him but Mr. Clay. He took the matter boldly up. Daviess warned him to
desist, but was unable to frighten him even by a challenge to a duel.
With like sentiment toward a man that he conceived to be wronged, he
became a defender of Aaron Burr, but on learning of deception he refused
further friendly relations.

After a period of