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Title: The Future of the <DW52> Race in America

Author: William Aikman

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The Project Gutenberg Etext of The Future of the <DW52> Race in
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THE FUTURE OF THE <DW52> RACE IN AMERICA.

BY WILLIAM AIKMAN, Pastor of the Hanover Street Presbyterian Church,
Wilmington, Delaware.



In whatever way the present civil war in America shall result, it
is certain that the future condition of the <DW52> race in this
country will be the question over-mastering all others for many
years to come. It has already pushed itself into the foremost place.
However it may be true, that slavery and the <DW64> were not the
proximate causes of this war, no one who gives any candid thought
to the matter can fail to recognize the fact, that back of all,
this stands as the grand first occasion of it. Had there been no
slavery, there would have been no war. General Jackson was only
partly right when he said, that while in his day the tariff was
made the pretext of secession, and that by and by slavery would take
its place, but that neither would be the true motive of disunion;
that a desire for a separate confederacy was the final cause. This
was evidently correct, yet had slavery not stood in this country
there would not have come into being that peculiar state of society
which now lives in the Southern States, and which demands for its
very existence that it should rule alone. Slavery has created an
aristocracy, not of numbers, but of wealth and power, which bears
with all the social forces. While the slave-holder are but a very
small minority of the whole people, yet by the force of their
wealth and the fact of their being slave owners, they hold all the
political power, and indeed, sweep out of existence any opposition.
There are, with very rare exceptions throughout the whole South,
but two classes--free and slave, or we may say, slave-holders and
slaves, for the non slave-holders are completely lost and absorbed
in the all-controlling element which is above them; they work
in with it, and are indeed a part of it. As slavery called this
aristocracy into being, and created its power, so it holds it in
being; anything which strikes at slavery strikes at the root of
this power; to destroy slavery would be to blot it out of existence.

Around this point the whole contest is waged, and from it alone
every movement is to be interpreted. In the days of South Carolina
nulification the tariff was indeed the pretext of rebellion, and
the true motive was a separate government and the perpetuation of
the power of the dominant class, but this power depended wholly
upon the status of slavery, and so, back of all slavery was even
then the thought, and to strengthen slavery the great end. In
this we find the accurate explanation of the studied and persistent
efforts to extend and perpetuate it, not because it is admired
in itself, or because it is seen to be politically or socially
beneficial, but because it is the cornerstone of a valued social
state. A friend, some years ago sailing down the Potomac, was
engaged in conversation with the captain of the boat, a blunt, bluff
Southerner, and looking over the beautiful scenery on either side
of the river, said, "Why do you Virginians hold on to slavery? it is
a thousand pities that such a country as this should be so poorly
used." "I know it," replied the captain, "slavery does ruin the
state; but the fact is, we like it; a man feels good when he owns
twenty or fifty <DW64>s, and can say to one go, and he goes, and
to another come and he comes." Here the whole philosophy of the
social state of the South is in a nut-shell. To abandon slavery is
to abandon a position which has been held as a tenure of nobility
for two hundred years. Nothing but the direst necessity will bring
it about. It will never be given voluntarily up; the whole force
of human nature is against it relinquishment. As well might the
nobility of England be expected to throw up their titles and their
coronets on persuasion. Here is a case where argument has no power.
You may exhaust it, you may prove slavery to be wrong morally, wrong
socially, wrong politically, you may prove it to a demonstration
that it is an economic blunder of the most gigantic proportions, you
may make it clear as sunlight that it is demoralizing and ruinous,
but you have done absolutely nothing toward its abolishment. Here
and there a truly conscientious man or woman, under the great
pressure of duty, will consent to the liberation of their slaves;
but the public conscience is so ethereal a thing that it can be
touched by no appeals of duty or obligation, and will never force
a community up to any great work, least of all to such a work as
this.

The effect of emancipating one's slaves upon the social position
of the master, has been seen over and over again; the hour when
the bonds are broken and freedom is given is the hour when all the
former associations are given up; expatriation and banishment are
the inevitable results. The generous, or the conscientious emancipator
at once becomes an exile; he has sunk at once out of an aristocracy
whose titular power he gave up the moment he ceased to be a slave-holder,
and he cannot comfortably abide in even his old home. Here is the
explanation of the vast and unexpected power put forth by this
rebellion, of the unconquered will, of the enormous sacrifices
endured; here is the explanation of the seeming insanity of the
struggle, of the unwarrantableness of its acts, of the demoniac
fierceness of its rage, and the diabolical malignity and cruelty
of its method of war; it is the death struggle of a great social
element, for which to be conquered is to be ruined and swept out
of existence.

No man understood this so well or so soon as the great Nullifier.
He was a thinker and a philosopher, and so with great logical
consistency he became the early author of the doctrine of slavery as
now almost universally held at the South. He startled and shocked
the men of his time by his bold positions in respect to that
institution, and was far in advance of his time in his assertions
of its inherent rightfulness, and the determination not only
to terminate, but to extend, strengthen and perpetuate it. He was
a nullifier because a slave-holder in principle. The one grew out
of, and was a part of the other. The maintenance of an oligarchy
was the ultimate end, that rested on slavery, and so "state rights"
so called, and the divine right of slavery went hand in hand.

This is strikingly evident in the history of the present war. The
rapid rise, and the culmination of rebellion in act, was preceded
by the new annunciation of these doctrines of Calhoun on slavery.
We remember well how strange it sounded, and how startling in
the General Assembly of only 1856, when slavery was declared an
institution not needing to be defended or apologized for, but to
be praised and justified as truly an ordinance of God as marriage,
or the filial relation. The church had known no such doctrine
before, and then spued it out of her mouth, but it was gravely held
and fiercely and impudently avowed. It was followed by secession
as a logical consequence. It is very remarkable how rapid was the
change in public sentiment. This new doctrine of the rightfulness
of slavery swept over the whole Southern States in a