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THE GALAXY.

VOL. XXIII.--FEBRUARY, 1877.--No. 2.


Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1877, by SHELDON &
CO., in the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.




ADMINISTRATION OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.


The second session of the Thirty-seventh Congress, from its commencement
to its close, tested the strength of the Government and the capability
of those who administered it. Disappointment, in consequence of no
decisive military success during the first few months of the war, had
caused a generally depressed feeling which begot discontent and distrust
that in various ways found expression in Congress. Democrats complained
more of the incapacity of the Executive than of the inefficiency of the
generals, and the entire Administration was censured and denounced by
them for acts which, if not strictly legal and constitutional in peace,
were necessary and unavoidable in war. Republicans, on the other hand,
were dissatisfied because so little was accomplished, and the factious
imputed military delay to mismanagement and want of energy in the
Administration. Indeed, but for some redeeming naval successes at
Hatteras and Port Royal preceding the meeting of Congress in December,
the whole belligerent operations would have been pronounced weak and
imbecile failures. Conflicting views in regard to the slavery question
in all its aspects prevailed; the Democrats insisting that fugitives
should be returned to their masters under the provisions of law, as in
time of peace. The Republicans were divided on this question, one
portion agreeing with the Democrats that all should be returned,
another claiming that only escaped slaves who belonged to loyal owners,
wherever they resided, should be returned; another portion insisted that
there should be no rendition of servants of rebel masters, even in loyal
or border States, who, by resisting the laws and setting the authorities
at defiance, had forfeited their rights and all Governmental protection.
Questions in regard to the treatment of captured rebels, and the
confiscation of all property of rebels, were agitated. What was the
actual condition of the seceding States, and what would be their status
when the rebellion should be suppressed, were also beginning to be
controverted points, especially among members of Congress. On these and
other questions which the insurrection raised, novel, perplexing, and
without law or precedent to guide or govern it, the Administration had
developed no well defined policy when Congress convened in December,
1861, but it was compelled to act, and that in such a manner as not to
alienate friends or give unnecessary offence, while maintaining the
Government in all its Federal authority and rights for the preservation
of the Union and the suppression of the rebellion.

The character and duration of the war, which many had supposed would be
brief, was still undetermined. While affairs were in this uncertain and
inchoate condition, and the Administration had no declared policy on
some of the most important questions, Congress came together fired with
indignation and revenge for a war so causeless and unprovoked. A large
portion of the members, exasperated toward the rebels by reason of the
war, and dissatisfied with delays and procrastination, which they
imputed chiefly to the Administration, were determined there should be
prompt and aggressive action against the persons, property,
institutions, and the States which had confederated to break up the
Union. There was, however, little unity among the complaining members as
to the mode and method of prosecuting the war. It was not difficult to
find fault with the Administration, but it was not easy for the
discontented to settle on any satisfactory plan of continuing it. The
Democrats complained that the President transcended his rightful
authority; the radical portion of the Republicans that he was not
sufficiently aggressive; that he was deficient in energy and too tender
of the rebels. It was at this period, after Congress had been in session
two months, and opinions were earnest but diverse and factious, with a
progeny of crude and mischievous schemes as to the conduct of affairs
and the treatment of the rebels, that Senator Sumner, in the absence of
a clearly defined policy on the part of the Administration, and while
things were not sufficiently matured to adopt one, submitted his project
for overthrowing the State governments and reducing them to a
territorial condition, and with the subversion of their governments the
abolition of slavery. It was the enunciation of a policy that was in
conflict with the Constitution, and would change the character of the
Government, but which he intended to force upon the Administration.
Though a scheme devised by himself, it had in its main features the
countenance of many and some able supporters.

