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G-5 Class Motor Torpedo Boat
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A G-5-class motor torpedo boat passing in front of the Soviet cruiser Kirov in 1940
Spanish Navy
Finnish Navy
Korean People's Army Naval Force
Preceded by: Stalnoy class
Succeeded by: D3 class
Subclasses: Series 7, 8, 9, 10, 11
1934-late 1950s
Completed: about 300
Lost: 73
Preserved: 1
General characteristics (Series 10)
Type: Motor torpedo boat
Displacement: 16.26 tonnes (16.00 long tons; 17.92 short tons) (standard)
Length: 18.85-19.1 m (61 ft 10 in-62 ft 8 in) overall
Beam: 3.5 m (11 ft 6 in)
Draught: 0.82 m (2 ft 8 in)
Propulsion:
2 shafts, 2 × Mikulin GAM-34BS petrol engines
850 bhp (630 kW) each
Speed: 53 knots (61 mph; 98 km/h)
Complement: 6-7
Armament:
1-2 12.7 mm (0.50 in) machine guns
2 × 533 mm (21 in) torpedoes
Notes: 1,600 kg (3,500 lb) of fuel
The G-5 was a Soviet motor torpedo boat design built before and during World War II. Approximately 300 were built, of which 73 were lost during the war. Four were exported to the Spanish Republican Navy during the Spanish Civil War and others were transferred to North Korea after the war. Three were captured by the Finns, but only two were used before all three had to be returned to the Soviets after the Moscow Armistice in 1944.
The G-5 class was an improved and enlarged version of the Sh-4-class motor torpedo boats which were derived from a design by Andrei Tupolev, the noted aircraft designer. It was intended to use Soviet-built engines and carry larger torpedoes than its predecessor. A prototype was designed and built by TsAGI (Russian: ? or "Tsentralniy Aerogidrodinamicheskiy Institut", the Central Aerohydrodynamic Institute) in 1932-33. As its intended engines were not yet available two 1,000 bhp (750 kW) Isotta Fraschini engines were imported from Italy. Unarmed, and with a partial fuel load, it achieved a maximum speed of 63.5 knots (73.1 mph; 117.6 km/h) during its trials in the Black Sea during 1933 and the decision was made to place it into production.[1]
The G-5 was a single-step, hydroplaning design with a whaleback upper hull. It was mainly built from duralumin which saved a significant amount of weight, but greatly complicated its use in service because of duralumin's susceptibility to galvanic corrosion in salt water. One captured Soviet torpedo boat commander said that G-5s could only be kept in the water for 5-7 days during the summer and 10-15 days during the winter before it had to be removed from the water and treated with anti-corrosion measures. The hull was divided into three compartments by two transverse bulkheads. The superstructure was very small to reduce top-heaviness, and crewmembers could not stand up inside it.[2]
The G-5 was designed to use a version of the Mikulin AM-34 aircraft engine adapted for maritime use as the GAM-34. The two engines were fitted in the forward compartment of the hull. Each engine had its own transmission and drove a bronze propeller .67 m (2 ft 2 in) in diameter. The initial version of the GAM-34 was less powerful than planned at only 675 bhp (503 kW) and the initial Series 7 boats could only reach 45 knots (52 mph; 83 km/h). However the minimum speed was 18 knots (21 mph; 33 km/h) which caused a great deal of trouble when trying to moor and when maneuvering in close proximity.[3]
The two torpedoes were carried in troughs set into the rear deck in a manner derived from that used by the British WW I-era coastal motor boats captured by the Soviets during Russian Civil War. The torpedoes were shoved out the back of the trough by an arbor with a bell-shaped head that was activated by an explosive charge, but the torpedo motor was not activated until a wire trailing from the boat snapped, giving the boat time to turn away from the target.[4] This launching system was very light, but it required additional training to properly aim the torpedo and prior coordination when making massed torpedo attacks to prevent the boats from ramming each other or the torpedoes.[4]
The gun armament initially consisted of a single 7.62 mm (0.300 in) machine gun, but this was upgraded to a 12.7 mm (0.50 in) DShK machine gun in later models. Some later boats carried two DShKs although the mounts varied; some were placed in a tub in the forecastle, but others carried theirs in a rotating turret behind the superstructure, above the torpedoes.[5] Some boats carried 82 mm (3.2 in) ROFS-82 or 132 mm (5.2 in) ROFS-132 rocket launchers in fixed mounts above and behind the wheelhouse.[6]
Approximately 300 G-5s were built. 152 of the Series 7, 8 and 9 boats were built between 1934 and 1936. 20 Series 10 boats were built in 1937, another 76 in 1938-39 and five in 1939-40. 39 Series 11 boats were built beginning in 1941 and production may have continued during the war.[7]
They weighed 14.03 tonnes (13.81 long tons; 15.47 short tons) at standard load, had an overall length of 18.85 m (61.8 ft) and drew 0.6 m (2 ft 0 in) of water. They were armed with a single 7.62 mm (0.300 in) machine gun and sometimes an additional 12.7 mm DShK machine gun.
Essentially identical to the Series 7 except that they had only a single DShK machine gun.
Slightly enlarged version of the Series 8. Displacement increased to 14.85 tonnes (14.62 long tons; 16.37 short tons) at standard load, draft to 0.65 m (2 ft 2 in) and overall length ranged from 18.85 to 19.08 m (61.8 to 62.6 ft). Fitted with more powerful GAM-34B engines that produced 800 bhp (600 kW) and raised the maximum speed to 49 knots (56 mph; 91 km/h). 1,450 kg (3,200 lb) of fuel.
Displacement increased still further to 16.26 tonnes (16.00 long tons; 17.92 short tons) and draft to 0.82 m (2 ft 8 in). They mounted more powerful GAM-34BS engines with 850 bhp (630 kW) that boosted their speed to a maximum of 53 knots (61 mph; 98 km/h).
Used 1,000 bhp (750 kW) GAM-34BSF engines and had a top speed of 56 knots (64 mph; 104 km/h). Their armament increased to two DShK machine guns.
On 22 June 1941, the day that the Germans invaded the Soviet Union, 254 G-5s were in service. The Baltic Fleet had 60, the Black Sea Fleet had 92, the Pacific Fleet had 135 and the Caspian Flotilla had six. During the war 73 were lost in action and 31 were scrapped after becoming unserviceable.[6] By the end of the war in 1945 24 were in service with the Baltic Fleet, 134 were with the Pacific Fleet and six were still with the Caspian Flotilla.[7]
Many of the Soviet G-5s were used for different roles (landing units, transports, escorts, etc..) and saw a relatively low numbers of torpedo attacks against enemy targets. In Baltic Sea TK-94 scored the locally significant sinking of Finnish minelayer Riilahti.[8] The only other known sinking caused by G-5s in Baltic Sea was the German minesweeper M37.[9] Likewise, few victories were scored in Black Sea. During the Crimean Offensive, on the night of 27 April, three G-5s attacked and crippled the German submarine hunter UJ-104 near Sevastopol. The Romanian gunboat Sublocotenent Ghiculescu opened fire with tracer rounds, enabling several more warships to locate the three boats and begin firing, resulting in one of the G-5s being sunk. UJ-104 was towed to Sevastopol and later sunk by Soviet aircraft.[10][11] Later, some G-5s sank the already damaged and abandoned Romanian minelayer Romania.[12][13]
On 18 November 1942 the Finnish motor torpedo boat Syöksy, the captured G-5 boats Vinha and Vihuri, as well as a minelaying KM-boat, attacked Soviet ships in the harbour of Lavansaari. Syöksy sank the Soviet gunboat Krasnoye Znamya, although she was later raised and put back into service.[14]
Four boats were transferred to the Spanish Republican Navy during the Spanish Civil War, two continue in service after the war in the Spanish Nationalist navy until 1946. A number were transferred by the Soviet Union to North Korea after the end of the war.[6]
^ Breyer, p. 196
^ Breyer, pp. 196-97
^ a b Bryer, pp. 279-80
^ Breyer, pp. 197-201
^ a b c Conway's, p. 342
^ a b Breyer, p. 200
^ http://www.navypedia.org/ships/germany/ger_mine_35_39mob.htm
^ Nicolae Koslinski, Raymond St?nescu, Marina român? in al doilea r?zboi mondial: 1942-1944 (in Romanian)
^ Jipa Rotaru, Ioan Damaschin, Glorie ?i dram?: Marina Regal? Român?, 1940-1945 (in Romanian)
^ http://www.navypedia.org/ships/romania/ro_cm_amc2.htm
^ Rohwer, Jürgen (2005). Chronology of the War at Sea 1939-1945: The Naval History of World War Two (Third Revised ed.). Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press. p. 213. ISBN 1-59114-119-2.
Breyer, Siegfried (1992). Soviet Warship Development: Volume 1: 1917-1937. London: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 0-85177-604-3.
Roger Chesneau, ed. (1980). Conway's All the World's Fighting Ships 1922-1946. Greenwich: Conway Maritime Press. ISBN 0-85177-146-7.
Rohwer, Jürgen (2005). Chronology of the War at Sea 1939-1945: The Naval History of World War Two (Third Revised ed.). Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press. ISBN 1-59114-119-2.
Rohwer, Jürgen; Monakov, Mikhail S. (2001). Stalin's Ocean-Going Fleet. London: Frank Cass. ISBN 0-7146-4895-7.
brief listing of each G-5, but complicated by frequent redesignations(in Russian)
G-5_class_motor_torpedo_boat


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A Message from Germaine Copeland: Prayer Assignments for November 1-15
by prayersthatavailmuch | Nov 1, 2013 | Prayers for Nations
PRAYER ASSIGNMENTS FOR NOVEMBER 1-15
Thank you for your faithfulness to take time each day to pray with us as we cover the nations of the earth. We continue to believe that:
"…The effectual fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much." (James 5:16b)
2.-3. Spain:
Spain's modern transformation is not all positive. Secular materialism brought religious freedom and economic advancement, but it has also struck a crushing blow to traditional foundations of society and created a spiritual vacuum that is being filled with many dangerous elements.
a) Morality, and values in general, have suffered. Decadent behaviors and hedonistic lifestyles, combined with increased material possessions, cause greater degrees of depression, addiction, debt and lost direction. The younger generation rejects the idea of absolute truth.
Pray that:
Christianity might still be able to provide a moral compass and demonstrate moral authority.
b) Spiritual confusion. False beliefs are quickly multiplying – a natural consequence of the rapidly formed vacuum left by departure from religious faith. Spaniards flirting with occult practices is common. New Age deceptions abound. Marginal cults such as Jehovah's Witnesses and Mormons have a large presence, augmented now by the arrival of new foreign sects and other religions.
c) Drugs are a blight on Spain, one of the world's heaviest users of cocaine, heroin and
marijuana. Around two million take drugs, most of them young people. Cocaine dominates the drug trade, but heroin wreaks particular havoc on the health of users. As yet, there are no signs of drug abuse or addiction abating.
d) Gambling addiction remains a problem for the nation as well. It is estimated that 15% of net household income is spent on betting, possibly one of the highest proportions of any nation in the world. Bookmakers and gambling companies press in harder on the lucrative Spanish market, well aware of the breadth of addiction.
e) Sexual ethics and behaviors are a battleground, since immorality, prostitution and
abortion are common. Children are sexualized at ever younger ages, while an "anything goes" mentality characterizes young people especially. The Spanish have all but stopped having children – they have one of the lowest fertility rates in the world, lower still if excluding immigrant families. All of these will have devastating future consequences in terms of disease, social attitudes and demographic pressure.
Pray for Spain to wake up to the lies that have blinded it to the truth of the gospel.
Pray for social renewal, and that those working for the salvation of the Spanish might be endowed with love, power and wisdom.
4.-5. Sri Lanka:
Sri Lanka has suffered much in the past generation. From the constant threat of the Sinhala-Tamil conflict to the tsunami of 2004 to the civil war's bloody conclusion in 2009, over 100,000 people have lost their lives, over 900,000 (mostly Tamils) emigrated or fled and over one million are displaced.
Points for prayer:
a) A resolution of the long-term conflict between Tamils and Sinhalese.
Defeating the LTTE as a force means little if enmity, resentment and rebellion are still brewing. Key players are the Sri Lankan government, the former LTTE core members, the Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora and even India and China. Power sharing may be the only way to long-term peace. A new constitution is being considered, one to resolve ethnic antipathy and return the nation to a more secular status with no religious favoritism.
Pray that wise heads may prevail, and that peace, reconciliation and freedom for religious minorities might take precedence over ethnocentrism, prejudice and pride.
b) A government that will work toward transparency, justice and the fair representation of all communities and their civil, economic and religious rights. Corruption and nepotism are too common. Post-2009, courageous decisions have been and will need to be made to oversee the healthy stewardship and development of this nation.
c) The handling of immense human needs in the aftermath of the civil war. Former LTTE fighters need to be reintegrated into society, the many injured and maimed government soldiers must be rehabilitated and given new vocations, orphans and widows must be cared for and half a million who were displaced need to be returned to their homes to rebuild their lives.
d) The fight against the many growing social ills:
i The plight of children – malnutrition, selective abortion/female infanticide or abandonment, abuse (including sexual abuse) and child prostitution (including sex tourism) are evils that are sadly making names for themselves in Sri Lanka.
ii Sri Lankans working abroad, especially in the Middle East and Gulf regions, are vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, especially since most of them are female domestic helpers. There are up to 700,000 such women willing to endure the risk in order to earn enough to send remittances home. Their absence is often very difficult on the children they leave behind.
iii Threats to traditional Sri Lankan culture include alcoholism, suicide, casual violence and rape.
6. St Barthélemy:
This island caters to the uber-rich, trading on its sophistication and isolation for its exclusivity. There is little interest in spiritual things. Pray that amid the boutiques, cafés and villas there might awaken a hunger for spiritual reality and the opportunity to know God.
Pray also that the few churches on the island might minister meaningfully into this unique context.
6. St Helena:
Emigration from St Helena increases as jobs become scarcer. Much of the employment
occurs on the communications and military bases of Ascension and the Falkland Islands.
Pray for an effective witness to those working on these bases.
Pray also for those leaving to find work elsewhere; failure to approve building an airport deflated many hopes for St Helena's development.
The Christian heritage of St Helena is strong but islanders' committed to faith are
decreasing. Most Christians are nominal, and church attendance continues to decline. A
critical mass of evangelicals on the islands is needed to generate spiritual momentum.
Pray for Baptists and the Salvation Army, where most evangelicals can be found, and for the Anglican Church – the largest group, but spiritually dormant.
6. St Kitts and Nevis:
The shift in economy, from sugar to tourism and offshore finance, has borne unwanted fruit in attracting, along with the money, undesirable elements.
Pray for personal and social righteousness to combat this trend.
There is no lack of churches or other ministries on these islands, but their impact is limited.
Pray for the Holy Spirit to revive, empower and embolden believers for Kingdom effectiveness.
Pray especially for ministries that draw together the diverse denominations, such
as the Evangelical Association and Youth Impact Ministries.
Women lead 45% of households. Teenage mothers account for 19% of the total
number of live births nationally.
Pray that God might work to restore the strength of family life in this nation.
6. St Lucia:
Evangelically oriented churches have multiplied – as have divisions. The Fellowship of Gospel Preaching Churches is working to develop that unity in practical terms.
Pray for true unity amid the increasing diversity so that churches can offer a united front for the gospel's sake.
The majority of St Lucians speak a French Creole. The NT, recently translated into
Creole, is being used for literacy projects. CLC has a Christian bookstore in Castries.
Pray for the Word of God to be acquired, read and applied in the lives of St Lucians.
7. St Martin:
The tropical location and French liberality combine to make this a playground for the
most wealthy. Exclusive hotels, clothing-optional beaches, designer-clothing boutiques and cafés typify the island's culture. There is little room for or interest in a life of service to Christ.
Pray that in the midst of this elegant but hedonistic paradise, people might gain a hunger
for an eternal heaven.
The St Martin United Ministerial Foundation seeks to provide a platform for united
action among evangelical Christian leaders on both the French and Dutch sides of the island.
Pray that God might use this fledging organization to powerfully impact this small island.
7. St Pierre & Miquelon:
These isolated islands and their people have long been Catholic. Traditions are strong
and change has come slowly, despite the economic downturn when the fishing industry
all but disappeared. There are no longer any evangelical groups. The Baptists and AoG have both withdrawn from this hard field. While there may be a few private believers, there is no longer a formal evangelical or even Protestant presence in the islands.
Pray for people to find hope in a living relationship with Christ.
7. St. Vincent:
St Vincent is a religious country, but most are not related to God through a
personal faith in Jesus Christ. There is a crisis of holiness, lack of spiritual fruit and
growing apathy, especially regarding missions.
The smaller Grenadine Islands suffer a lack of churches due to their more isolated nature. Groups such as the Methodists, Pentecostals and Baptists seek to plant more churches in the Grenadines.
Pray for revival and for restoration of a biblically-based, Spirit-led Church.
8.-10. Sudan:
Sudan has known only war for its entire modern history. Violence is rife throughout
Sudan, which is regarded as one of the world's least stable nations. The belligerent government/military waged war against restive populations in the south, west and east at massive human and economic cost to its own citizens. With such religious, ethnic and linguistic diversity added to civil conflicts and hostile relations with neighbors, peace is nearly impossible.
Pray for sweeping change at the highest levels and throughout the land – for repentance,
restitution and rebuilding of communal life.
The persistence of slavery in Sudan is a serious issue, again made prominent in the
1990s during the civil war. Almost all slaves are from the south and the Nuba Mountains.
Northern militias are the main perpetrators, but inter-tribal raiders and even the SPLA also take captives for enforced labor. Their lot – whether slaves, abductees or POWs – is misery. In the north alone, an estimated 40,000 to 100,000 (or more) southerners are now held as chattel. The controversial buying back of slaves by Western NGOs frees some and raises awareness, but probably exacerbates the problem.
Pray that all such wrongs may end, and pray that world leaders may prevail upon all involved to end this wickedness. Shari'a law in the north and the impunity with which northern militias act help perpetuate this barbarism.
Persecution of the Church, persisting over most of the last 60 years, has been most
intense since 1985. Deliberate attempts to eliminate a viable Christian presence are
extreme and include bombing of Sunday church services, destruction of churches, hospitals, schools, mission bases and Christian villages, massacres and mutilation, and murder of pastors and leaders. Persecution is especially severe in the Nuba Mountains. Whole areas have been laid waste and lands seized and given to Arabized northerners.
Pray that Christians may bear good witness to their persecutors in these sufferings and become spiritually strong as a result.
Pray also that the sufferings of Christians might become widely known and that peace, justice and religious freedom may be firmly established.
11. Suriname:
Nearly half the population professes to be Christian, but many have little understanding of their faith, and Christian belief is often mixed with spiritism. In the larger Catholic and Moravian denominations, growth has been incremental, but recent Pentecostal and charismatic growth has been rapid.
Pray for new life and dynamism to replace traditionalism and syncretism practiced by many.
Pray for increasing trans-denominational cooperation to continue in Bible related
ministries and outreach to every ethnic group in Suriname.
Suriname's post-independence existence faces challenges old and new. While more
stable than in the troubled years of coups and dictatorships, the nation remains largely
compartmentalized by race and religion – polarizations that cripple political and social
development. The sudden and seemingly unstoppable rise of a criminal economy through drug trafficking and gold smuggling requires both wise and concerted action.
Pray for the emergence of godly leaders and for a spiritual awakening in this young nation.
11. Swaziland:
The impact of HIV/AIDS cannot be overstated – it has devastated the population. Life expectancy plummeted to age 32 in 2008 (according to some reports), and 26% of adults (up to 40% in other reports) are HIV-positive. Sixty-one percent of all deaths could be attributed to HIV/AIDS. The pandemic has denuded society of a young adult workforce, and many households are orphaned and led by the oldest sibling. All talk about ministry and evangelism is irrelevant if this issue is not addressed.
Pray for:
a) Treatment of those afflicted. Anti-retrovirals are available for free, but there is a severe
shortage of adequate care facilities. Widespread poverty exacerbates the suffering.
b) Sexual morality must be restored. Until purity and fidelity are practiced as a social norm, this scourge will never be defeated. Polygamy and a lack of holiness among Christians contribute to the problem.
Pray for marriages and families to function as God intended; that in itself will
be a great victory against AIDS.
c) Christian response. Genuine Christian love, demonstrated in practical and gracious ways, has the potential to win many to the Lord. No church trying to be relevant can afford to ignore the physical, emotional and spiritual needs of AIDS sufferers. Training pastors to address this challenge is a strategic key.
12. Sweden:
The Church of Sweden is no longer the State Church. Its size, political influence and
social impact are large, but on the wane. Liberal theology and practice dominate the
Church, from endorsing same-sex marriage to universalism and rejecting the divine authority of Scripture. Politicians (often without any clear faith in Jesus) are frequently chosen to sit on parish councils. Unsurprisingly, the Church is in numerical decline and attendance is between 1-2% of membership. On the local level, there are a number of evangelical congregations, pastors and members, but the national structures are dominated by a liberal agenda. Movements such as Taizé, Oasis and Pilgrimage are having a positive and inspirational influence on the Lutheran Church.
Pray for God to shake and refine this Church.
The spiritual decline of Sweden is apparent on many levels. Only 23% of people
believe in a personal God. Nearly every religious group faces dropping numbers of
members and attendees. The number of active Christian youth and of missionaries sent from Sweden drastically declined in the last 30 years. Society, especially the younger generation, is so effectively secularized that any discussion of the gospel must involve a painstaking amount of pre-evangelism. Materialism, hedonism and individualism are among the most cherished of values, and adherence to absolute values or truth is regarded as "intolerance".
Pray for a new awakening for this spiritually struggling nation; recent signs are that young people are moving back toward more traditional values.
Missionary outreach from Sweden, traditionally strong, has declined markedly in recent
years across several mission agencies. The Swedish Mission Council serves 36 organizations in coordinating and encouraging mission. A number of agencies and national churches (including World of Life and Light in the East) train workers for ministry among the unreached. The Institute of Bible Translation in Stockholm carries the vision of publishing the Bible in every non-Slavic language of Russia and the CIS; pray for its strategic work.
Pray also for a new wave of mission's vision and workers to come out of Sweden and out of Scandinavia generally.
13. Switzerland:
This exceptional nation now struggles with the same social and spiritual malaise shared by its neighbors, despite its traditional policy of neutrality and its relative isolation. Spiritual decline is mirrored by political apathy – in this direct democracy, election/referendum turnout is now 40%, down from 80% a century ago. Low birthrates and a rapidly growing aged population pressure the pension system and require high levels of immigration, in itself a huge social issue. Over 22% of the population are foreigners, many from Muslim backgrounds. Integration of these groups is often a problem, as is the reactionary presence of far-right political groups. Yet, tensions such as the Minaret referendum in 2009 cause many to consider again Switzerland's Christian heritage.
Pray for wisdom for leaders who must attempt to preserve Swiss identity while guiding the country forward.
Renewed vision for evangelicals is bubbling up. The Swiss Evangelical Alliance, Free
Churches and other agencies are working on a renewed vision for the evangelization of
Switzerland. Most Christian non-profit groups have united as a more audible voice within
society regarding religious freedom, evangelism and mission, aid and social responsibility, environmental issues, media, youth and others. While church planting remains an important goal, they see renewal and Christian testimony within society as equally important.
Pray for increasing numbers of congregations as well as for renewal of many existing ones.
Pray for newer groups, such as the International Christian Fellowship (ICF) and the house church movement, that are reaching people outside of traditional church structures.
14. Syria:
Changes within the country point to a potentially dangerous future. The Iraq situation created possibly 1.8 million refugees to add to the 600,000 Palestinians in Syria. They are now beginning to move onward, either to Western countries or back to Iraq. Traditionally
moderate Sunni Islam is shifting toward more fundamentalist expressions just as the exploding youthful population find themselves jobless and without prospects. Water issues grow more significant in the region.
Pray for God to use the uncertainty to draw people to seek the truth more urgently.
Syria's role in the Middle East has been a troubled one in recent decades. But a new
and younger president, economic difficulties, nervous minorities and, above all, shifting
political fault lines in the region put Syria's own stability at risk. Lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without Syrian participation in any solution.
Pray that God might somehow use this nation to bring peace to the area.
Syria's Antiochan Church was instrumental in initiating mission to the Gentiles (Acts
13). Today, Christians must exercise caution and wisdom in relating to the state and to
Muslims. Evangelicals in particular must discern how to effectively share Christ without
proselytizing. Biblical training and a loving attitude toward Muslims are essential.
Pray that believers might rediscover the zeal and faith of the NT Church of Antioch.
15. Tajikistan:
The Christian population has been massively reduced by emigration. It was and remains largely Russian Orthodox. The civil war and its aftermath drove out the majority; most of the remainder are cultural/nominal Christians with little desire to share the gospel with indigenous peoples. While multi-ethnic congregations exist in a few cities, the bulk of the rural majority remains unreached.
Pray that such a vision might be awakened.
Pray also for contextually sensitive outreach efforts and for church structures that will reproduce in rural areas.
Freedom of religion exists, but barely. The government, to prevent the growth of
extremism in Islam, introduced many restrictions that place a stranglehold on Christian
ministry. Religious teaching, publishing and proselytism is made very difficult if not illegal. Registering churches is also very difficult.
Pray for the gospel to spread and Christians to find ways to teach and minister despite these harsh restrictions.
Emigration is a major social challenge. As many as one million Tajik men are
working abroad, mostly in Russia. This is a huge proportion of the population and
especially of the male population of working age. Entire villages are denuded of the younger generation. One additional difficulty this creates is the constant drain on church leadership; many Christians move away for financial reasons.
Pray for job creation within Tajikistan generally and, in particular, for churches to be able to hold onto their leaders.
We know that the Lord is faithful to hear the cries of the intercessor for the nations. Let us continue to believe for a move of God across the nations of the earth in the coming months. Jesus Christ is Lord!
Germaine Copeland and the Staff of Word Ministries
Mission Info Bank. Used by permission.
Copyright © 2013 Global Mapping International. All Rights Reserved
Use and reproduction subject to User Agreement.
© Operation World 2001
With thanks to Dawn Ministries and Operation World
Hosted by 24-7Prayer.com, Edited by Eloise Armstrong
This information is only about 20% of what is available in the 'Operation World' book and CD-ROM.
To find out more click here, to buy the book click here.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Here Are the 15 Worst Songs of 2016 We Hope to Never Hear Again
We can forget these tracks along with everything else that happened this year.
The last thing we need this year is more negativity. Hate has defined 2016, and it seems completely reckless to put more of that out into the world. At first I was hesitant to put together a list of worst songs of 2016. What's the point? Then, I realized, the hate in our society is showing no signs of slowing down for the next four years. Once the clock strikes midnight on New Year's Eve and this crushing year comes to an end, there are decades worth of problems to still deal with.
But one thing we do have power over is what we listen to. We can go into 2017 and never have to hear songs from the Chainsmokers or Imagine Dragons or Twenty One Pilots again if we so choose. Beyond that, there is merit in pointing out the most garbage songs of the year: You need to recognize the lows to truly appreciate the highs. For every Shawn Mendes song, there's a Frank Ocean song to hear instead. For every Meghan Trainor song, there's a Beyoncé song you can put on.
Justin Timberlake — "Can't Stop the Feeling"
I love Justin Timberlake, but his intentions are just so annoyingly obvious with this song—which is to write a song for a children's movie with sickeningly positive lyrics that already sounds like it's been warped by Kidz Bop. But hey, the most basic weddings of the summer needed something to dance to.
John Newman — "Ole"
Calvin Harris co-wrote this song after his breakup with Taylor Swift. I appreciate anyone who also felt miserable during the Summer of Hiddleswift, but the rest of us just wrote some dumb tweets about it. Harris should have stuck to passive-aggressive social media tactics instead.
Desiigner — "Timmy Turner"
It's kind of fun to listen to this song and try to picture all the people making mouth noises in the background. At least that helps you keep your mind off Desiigner's mumbling, auto-tuned fake accent.
Lady Gaga — A-Yo
How did no one at Interscope Records listen to this and immediately realize that it sounds strikingly similar to a little Taylor Swift song called "Shake it Off" that went eight times platinum? It even has talk-rapping...
Bruno Mars — "24K Magic"
Bruno Mars seems like a sweet guy. He really does. Moms love him. But that doesn't mean he should be allowed to get away with shouting "hashtag blessed" in a song that sounds like it was exclusively written for Season Two of Ballers.
Shawn Mendes — "Treat You Better"
If I were to pinpoint the single worst moment of any pop song written this year, it would be when the computerized voice of Shawn Mendes, Popbot3000™, yells "better than he can" in the post-chorus.
Twenty One Pilots — "Heathens"
More terrifying than Method Actor Jared Leto's Joker in Suicide Squad is the thought that nu-metal is actually making a comeback thanks to 21 Pilots (I use numerals here). Do fans of this band not remember the worst bands of the early 2000s or were fans of this band just waiting for the early 2000s to come back with their JNCO jeans? Seriously, consider the tick-tok Linkin Park drum beat, the spooky chorus, and the shitty emo white guy sing-rapping.
Lukas Graham — "7 Years"
Fun fact: Lukas Graham is not a guy named "Lukas Graham," but actually a band of gentleman who refer to themselves as "Lukas Graham." With that knowledge in mind, this pseudo-autobiographical jam about four guys' collective lives (with a focus on their seventh year on this planet) is a TOTAL GODDAMN LIE.
Meghan Trainor — "No"
Just say no to "No."
Mike Posner — "I Took a Pill in Ibiza"
It's unclear if this is a pro drug song or anti-drug song, which few people probably considered while taking drugs to make this song better. Regardless, the narrative tells the story of Mike Posner (who's probably sad this remix was far more popular than his original), who takes a lot of cool drugs in cool situations and advises you not to be as cool as him.
ZAYN — "PILLOWTALK"
WHY ARE YOU SHOUTING AT US, ZAYN? Annoying stylistic capitalization aside, "PILLOWTALK" is a 3 minute and 22 second build that never reaches a satisfying climax, which I'm guessing is similar to what happens just before and after Zayn's IRL pillow talk.
Gnash — "i hate u, i love u"
Whereas ZAYN's excessive capital letters are a bit aggressive, Gnash takes a more subtle, yet equally stupid, approach with this truly deep look at the duality of the human condition. I hate impotent white-boy emo rap, yet I love to make fun of impotent sadboy rap. Life's messed up, man.
Imagine Dragons — "Levitate"
There's a special spot in hell reserved for whatever suit in the music making machine devised the brilliant plan to market Creed meets Coldplay.
The Chainsmokers — "Closer"
The Chainsmokers are the Nickleback of both EDM and party rap, combining lowest-common-denominator beats with every tired lyric that basic privileged frat bros can take shots to.
Macklemore — "Spoons"
Poor, poor Macklemore. He thinks we're all laughing with him. Part of me feels like a high school bully for making fun of a song as whimpering and pathetic as "Spoons." But he truly deserves all the ridicule in the world for so sincerely rapping the words: "She get too comfortable, bathroom door open when she boo boo-ing."
Matt Miller Culture Editor Matt Miller is a Brooklyn-based culture/lifestyle writer and music critic whose work has appeared in Esquire, Forbes, The Denver Post, and documentaries.
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Energy is essential to the manufacturing Industry. In fact, to manufacture anything, a reliable energy supply as well as the ability to convert and control that supply is necessary. Factories are full of devices requiring energy, in all forms, to operate.
In some facilities, energy comes in the form of electricity while others also use heat, steam and pressure. Some plants burn carbon based products such as coal, oil or plant waste to transform energy into a usable form while others take electricity directly off the grid and transform it into the appropriate voltage levels, current and power. Sophisticated automation and control systems ensure the work products and components are formed and come together in just the right way or at just the right time.
Energy in manufacturing is literally converted, moved and controlled throughout the plant. Consequently, the overall cost of manufacturing in the United States is tied closely to the cost of energy in manufacturing. Such is also the story of jobs in the manufacturing industry.
With the recent resurgence in manufacturing in the US, this means the demand for energy to power those jobs has increased. This demand comes at a time when there are increasing options in the field of energy and for energy in manufacturing.
As of the first quarter 2014, there were over 260,000 job openings in manufacturing in the USA. It's true, the BLS does project a decline in new jobs in manufacturing through 2022. However, largely due to retirement of the aging workforce, continued job openings will remain strong.
Supporting industries have also felt this increase in job openings. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) projects there will be a steady increase in auto sector job openings, around 5% over the next 10 years. Along with this growth is a drive to reduce carbon emissions and increase efficiency standards.
With new federal regulations on energy consumption, factories will need to hire engineers to help with reduction in energy costs. This means both electrical and mechanical engineering jobs will increase. While the BLS projects slower than average growth for electrical engineers over all (7% over the next 10 years), that does not take into account the energy sector specifically.
Energy Star compliance can also lead to an increase in industrial engineering jobs. Again, while the BLS projects only 5% growth for the industrial engineering industry overall, engineers specializing in energy and energy sector jobs should see better than average growth according to experts.
As investments lead to an increase in manufacturing reliance on green energy, experts will be needed to assess the applicability of wind, solar and other green energy technologies. While growth in the green energy sector is slower than was previously anticipated, research and development of specific applications of green technology is projected to continue to grow spurred on by federal government regulations on green manufacturing processes.
The boom in oil and gas due to shale oil and fracking will also increase manufacturing jobs. Supplemental industries, such as pipeline production, are seeing spikes in employment that have not been seen in years.
Manufacturing technicians working in energy supporting industries are projected to grow steadily, at a rate of around five percent over the next 10 years according to some studies. This projection is made based on growth since 2006. However, some experts project that as the field gains momentum, job creation in the manufacturing sector will increase accordingly.
Cities like Youngstown, Ohio are seeing a revival in energy sector manufacturing. Unemployment which stood at 13.3% in early 2010 in that area has dropped to 6.7% this year. This is due to a resurgence of manufacturing of oil and gas equipment. Pipe mills, sheet steel and tubing are all industries that are seeing a resurgence and job creation.
Hands-on jobs in this part of the energy sector generally require a high school diploma for entry level positions and for more advance positions associate's degrees or experience in the manufacturing field.
A final sector that is seeing growth is the area of reducing carbon emissions in manufacturing. Since energy consumption is thought to be one of the major contributors to greenhouse gasses, manufacturers are looking for ways to reduce energy related emissions.
One subsector is in the area of combined heat and power. The federal goal is to deploy 40 gigawatts of new combined heat and power, as well as other waste recovery methods by the year 2020. This will require engineering and design advances to meet this goal.
Overall, while increases in manufacturing grow, it may be hard to predict the exact impact on the energy industry. But, you can be assured, growth in manufacturing will impact growth in the energy sector since the two are so closely linked.
We hope you found these tips useful and that they will get you closer to finding that next career opportunity! I encourage you to provide your comments in the "Leave a Reply" box below.
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A little while ago, in endlessly scrolling through Instagram – as you do – I came across beautiful pictures of Myanmar, posted by a well-known travel blogger.
I have never been personally interested in visiting Myanmar, but the scenery – luscious, colorful and styled to perfection – was very appealing.
One commenter darkly pointed to the ethnic cleansing that was probably going on just out of frame. Is it responsible to invest money in a country whose government is committing horrific human rights violations? And, as a travel blogger or influencer, is it fair to present an "unpolitical" view on a destination to an audience that trusts in your word?
Blogging is certainly not a new fad. With 2 Mio. blog posts written each and every day, it's fair to say that the art of blogging as well as the occupation of "blogger" has become almost commonplace.
In its essence, blogging is the everyman's (and everywoman's!) artform; anyone can open a blog for free, there's no need for a specific social or educational background and the blogger may share their opinion and experience however they desire, with no editor to censor their word.
Some travel bloggers (e.g. Drew Binsky) have come under fire for accepting paid press trips to North Korea (operated by Koryo Tours) despite the severe human rights violations committed by the country's government.
In his video on the trip, Binsky emphasized that it was not meant to be political; that the viewer is supposed to take what he says and shows "with a grain of salt".
While some may take this as his attempt at presenting balanced views on a controversial issue, it sounds much more like a refusal to take full responsibility for his content. What does a travel blogger do if not inform about the location they visit? What purpose does their work serve otherwise? Considering the massive restrictions he's been put under, it makes me think that not only did he fail to inform his audience on the realities of travel to and life in North Korea, he sold his work to the government as cheap and insincere marketing. As a travel enthusiast and consumer, I don't feel informed, I feel cheated out of an authentic report.
On the one hand: Being political all the time isn't fun. Reporting on human rights violations, genocide and environmental destruction isn't fun.
On the other hand: being "non-political" is a stance you can only allow yourself if you're not directly or immediately affected by the atrocities committed. Deciding not to think or act politically is a privilege given to those with enough power and money to protect themselves and their loved ones from the repercussions.
If you're not affected by it, or maybe even benefit from it in some way, you are likely less interested in standing against political oppression.
This type of thinking is especially harmful from the mouths of people that have a certain measure of influence. By being "non-political", you not only allow yourself to openly disregard the plight of people in dire need of support, you also deliberately mislead your audience.
How we spend our money defines our moral values, what we believe is right and wrong. Will you go out of your way to save on plastic while grocery shopping or will you just chuck your fruit and veggies into a little baggy and call it at a day? Will you buy that minced meat for less than 3 euros per 500 grams, pay three times the price at a local butcher or decide to completely go without?
Jess Harling of Jess Travels argues that the tourism sector of North Korea is so small that it's highly unlikely that the little money that does enter the country through tourists will be spent on nuclear power. And while that may be true, you do end up giving money to a government you probably don't support.
But while traveling Myanmar does put money in the pockets of a brutal government, responsible travel can support locals who are much less fortunate than the average European citizen. A statistic by the WTTC (World Travel and Tourism Council) from 2016 says that tourism makes up about 4% of overall employment, as well as about 7% of the country's GDP (Gross Domestic Product). When tourism slows to a crawl, the locals working in this industry suffer the consequences much more directly than the government does. The government may lose income, but the people of Myanmar lose their livelihood.
As tourists, our choice of travel destination can make or break a country and its people. Deciding to shun Myanmar may lower the government's income, but more than anything, it draws attention away from a continuing issue. The war against the Rohingya has been going on for a long time.
That's the power of travel – establishing communication.
A single traveler may not be able to change the laws of Myanmar or do anything about this longstanding conflict, but we can at least talk about it, inform about it, engage with it. Communication won't solve all problems, but at the very least, people become aware that there even is a problem. And if travel can achieve that at least, it has done something to help the Rohingya.
There isn't one correct answer in dealing with the moral implications of traveling to destinations such as Myanmar and North Korea. Whether you choose to fight the government by not giving them any more money or by drawing attention to their actions, it's important to engage at all.
The phrase "I'm not political" is infuriating; not because anybody really likes to talk about politics, but because it's a refusal to face real-life issues. They might not have an immediate impact on this person at this moment, but it does have a very real impact on other people who are not fortunate enough to be protected by their government, wealth or privilege.
A single person does not have the ability to solve a whole country's problems, but empathy should drive each and every one of us to at least do what little we can do, even if it's just posting on social media about it.
If you have any power or influence at all and actively refuse to use it to help people in need, aren't you just fueling ignorance against real-life violence? And really – are paid press trips and goody bags worth it?


This story is the first in a four part look at 'Robots and Michigan.' Check back tomorrow for part two.
More than 550 miles northwest of Detroit, squeezed into the craggy "Copper Country" of Michigan's Upper Peninsula, Professor Aleksandr Sergeyev lords over a team of bright yellow robot arms. It's here on the metal-rich coastland once brimming with mines that Sergeyev hopes to teach the next generation how to expertly design industrial robot systems and run factories in a whole new way.
For this, the Michigan Tech professor is building a free software program called "Robot Run," a first-of-its-kind digital training camp for programming industrial robots. The program, which runs on both Macs and PCs, allows robotics-curious students and teachers to learn the basics of programming an assembly-line robot – without spending tens of thousands of dollars on an industrial robot arm.
Prof Sergeyev in his robot lab at Michigan Tech.
Make no mistake, these grabbing, pivoting, welding robot arms are the same machines that are gobbling up assembly line jobs in other corners of the Great Lakes State.
The International Federation of Robotics, a non-profit trade group that publishes annual "World Robotics" statistics, estimates that U.S. automakers installed a record-breaking 17,500 new industrial robots in 2016. Yet even as more robots replace assembly line workers, human employment in the auto industry is also getting a boost, picking up 9.3% since March of 2016, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Sergeyev says that all these shiny new robots need more brainpower on hand, people that can plot each machine's moves more strategically – not just fix broken parts.
"It takes you beyond being a mechanic, you have to have an engineering mindset," he says.
The electrical engineering professor's hoping his program will help shepherd in that new crew of "robotics specialists," human overlords for the machines that are on track to pummel between 3.3 and 6.1 million American jobs over the next decade. These "specialists" would be able to program and re-program the industrial machines to do their tasks in fewer moves, making assembly lines more efficient and cost-effective.
Learning how to control the workhorse machines isn't just effective, it can also be empowering. Siddharth Parmar, a mechanical engineering graduate student who helped design the robotic training software, says that learning how to control a robot – a move he didn't try out until he was 26-years-old – is kind of "like flying an aircraft." It can be exhilarating to see your own commands make a robot spring into action, and "that kind of gives a cool feeling to the students," Parmar says.
Robot Run teaches novices how to program industrial robots.
But the Robot Run team remains optimistic: next they want to "game-ify" their software, so that budding programmers can learn to level-up their skills doing something a little more exciting than basic assembly line work. The clock is ticking for the team: with Robot Run's three year, $702,000 grant from the National Science Foundation set to expire in 2018, Prof. Sergeyev is hoping to nab another round of government funding this fall from the NSF to further develop his robotics trainings and workshops.
The idea is that if more high schoolers and tech-minded teachers can learn how it feels to control a robot, wielding their own human brain power over the metal machines, then more eyes will glimmer with that initial sparkle of robotic excitement.
Join us tomorrow for part two of four in "Robots and Michigan," when we'll meet one of Prof. Sergeyev's former students.


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text:
In the history of the United States, carpetbagger is a largely historical term used by Southerners to describe opportunistic Northerners who came to the Southern states after the American Civil War, who were perceived to be exploiting the local populace for their own financial, political, and/or social gain. The term broadly included both individuals who sought to promote Republican politics (including the right of African Americans to vote and hold office) and individuals who saw business and political opportunities because of the chaotic state of the local economies following the war. In practice, the term carpetbagger was often applied to any Northerners who were present in the South during the Reconstruction Era (1865–1877). The term is closely associated with "scalawag", a similarly pejorative word used to describe native white Southerners who supported the Republican Party-led Reconstruction.

White Southerners commonly denounced "carpetbaggers" collectively during the post-war years, fearing they would loot and plunder the defeated South and be politically allied with the Radical Republicans. Sixty men from the North, including educated free blacks and slaves who had escaped to the North and returned South after the war, were elected from the South as Republicans to Congress. The majority of Republican governors in the South during Reconstruction were from the North.

Historian Eric Foner argues:

Since the end of the Reconstruction era, the term has been used to denote people who move into a new area for purely economic or political reasons, despite not having ties to that place.

Etymology and definition
The term carpetbagger, used exclusively as a pejorative term, originated from the carpet bags (a form of cheap luggage made from carpet fabric) which many of these newcomers carried. The term came to be associated with opportunism and exploitation by outsiders. The term is now used in the United States to refer to a parachute candidate, that is, an outsider who runs for public office in an area without having lived there for more than a short time, or without having other significant community ties.

According to Oliver Temple Perry in his 1912 book, "Notable men of Tennessee, from 1833 to 1875, Their Times and Their Contemporaries", Tennessee Secretary of State and Radical Republican Andrew J. Fletcher "was one of the first, if not the very first, in the State to denounce the hordes of greedy office-seekers who came from the North in the rear of the army in the closing days of the [U.S. Civil] War" within his June 1867 stump speech that he delivered across Tennessee for the re-election of the disabled Tennessee Governor William G. Brownlow:

"No one more gladly welcomes the Northern man who comes in all sincerity to make a home here, and to become one of our people, than I, but for the adventurer and the office-seeker who comes among us with one dirty shirt and a pair of dirty socks, in an old rusty carpet bag, and before his washing is done becomes a candidate for office, I have no welcome."

This was the origin of the term "carpet bag," and out of it grew the well known term "carpet-bag government."

In the United Kingdom at the end of the 20th century, carpetbagger developed another meaning: in British English it refers to people who join a mutual organization, such as a building society, in order to force it to demutualize, that is, to convert into a joint stock company. Such individuals are seeking personal financial gain through such actions.

Background
The Republican Party in the South comprised three groups after the Civil War, and white Democratic Southerners referred to with two derogatory terms. "Scalawags" were white Southerners who supported the Republican party, "carpetbaggers" were recent arrivals in the region from the North, and freedmen were freed slaves. Although "carpetbagger" and "scalawag" were originally terms of opprobrium, they are now commonly used in the scholarly literature to refer to these classes of people. Politically, the carpetbaggers were usually dominant; they comprised the majority of Republican governors and congressmen. However, the Republican Party inside each state was increasingly torn between the more conservative scalawags on one side and the more Radical carpetbaggers with their black allies on the other. In most cases, the carpetbaggers won out, and many scalawags moved into the conservative or Democratic opposition.

Most of the 430 Republican newspapers in the South were edited by scalawags—20 percent were edited by carpetbaggers.  White businessmen generally boycotted Republican papers, which survived through government patronage.

Reforming impulse
Beginning in 1862, Northern abolitionists moved to areas in the South that had fallen under Union control. Schoolteachers and religious missionaries went to the South to teach the freedmen; some were sponsored by northern churches. Some were abolitionists who sought to continue the struggle for racial equality; they often became agents of the federal Freedmen's Bureau, which started operations in 1865 to assist the vast numbers of recently emancipated slaves. The bureau established schools in rural areas of the South for the purpose of educating the mostly illiterate Black and Poor White population. Other Northerners who moved to the South did so to participate in the profitable business of rebuilding railroads and various other forms of infrastructure that had been previously destroyed during the war.

During the time most blacks were enslaved, many were prohibited from being educated and attaining literacy. Southern states had no public school systems, and upper-class white Southerners either sent their children to private schools (including in England) or hired private tutors.  After the war, hundreds of Northern white women moved South, many to teach the newly freed African-American children. There they joined like-minded Southerners, most of which were employed by the Methodist and Baptist Churches, who spent much of their time teaching and preaching to slave and freedpeople congregations both before and after the Civil War.

Economic motives

Initiatives such as the Southern Homestead Act, Sherman's field orders, and Reconstruction-era legislation by Radical Republicans aimed to strip the land, assets, and voting rights of Southerners believed, without evidence, to have supported the Confederates during the war. Although the stated purpose of these initiatives was to empower freedmen politically and economically, many carpetbaggers were businessmen who purchased or leased plantations. They became wealthy landowners, hiring freedmen and white Southerners to do the labor through the development of sharecropping.

Carpetbaggers also established banks and retail businesses. Most were former Union soldiers eager to invest their savings and energy in this promising new frontier, and civilians lured south by press reports of "the fabulous sums of money to be made in the South in raising cotton." Foner notes that "joined with the quest for profit, however, was a reforming spirit, a vision of themselves as agents of sectional reconciliation and the South's "economic regeneration." Accustomed to viewing Southerners—black and white—as devoid of economic initiative, the "Puritan work ethic", and self-discipline, they believed that only "Northern capital and energy" could bring "the blessings of a free labor system to the region."

Carpetbaggers tended to be well educated and middle class in origin. Some had been lawyers, businessmen, and newspaper editors. The majority (including 52 of the 60 who served in Congress during Reconstruction) were veterans of the Union Army.

Leading "black carpetbaggers" believed the interests of capital and labor were identical, and that the freedmen were entitled to little more than an "honest chance in the race of life."

Many Northern and Southern Republicans shared a modernizing vision of upgrading the Southern economy and society, one that would replace the inefficient Southern plantation regime with railroads, factories, and more efficient farming. They actively promoted public schooling and created numerous colleges and universities. The Northerners were especially successful in taking control of Southern railroads, aided by state legislatures. In 1870, Northerners controlled 21% of the South's railroads (by mileage); 19% of the directors were from the North. By 1890, they controlled 88% of the mileage; 47% of the directors were from the North.

Prominent examples in state politics

Mississippi
Union General Adelbert Ames, a native of Maine, was appointed military governor and later was elected as Republican governor of Mississippi during the Reconstruction era. Ames tried unsuccessfully to ensure equal rights for black Mississippians. His political battles with the Southerners and African Americans ripped apart his party.

The "Black and Tan" (biracial) constitutional convention in Mississippi in 1868 included 30 white Southerners, 17 Southern freedmen and 24 non-southerners, nearly all of whom were veterans of the Union Army. They included four men who had lived in the South before the war, two of whom had served in the Confederate States Army. Among the more prominent were Gen. Beroth B. Eggleston, a native of New York; Col. A. T. Morgan, of the Second Wisconsin Volunteers; Gen. W. S. Barry, former commander of a Colored regiment raised in Kentucky; an Illinois general and lawyer who graduated from Knox College; Maj. W. H. Gibbs, of the Fifteenth Illinois infantry; Judge W. B. Cunningham, of Pennsylvania; and Cap. E. J. Castello, of the Seventh Missouri infantry. They were among the founders of the Republican party in Mississippi.

They were prominent in the politics of the state until 1875, but nearly all left Mississippi in 1875 to 1876 under pressure from the Red Shirts and White Liners. These white paramilitary organizations, described as "the military arm of the Democratic Party", worked openly to violently overthrow Republican rule, using intimidation and assassination to turn Republicans out of office and suppress freedmen's voting. Mississippi Representative Wiley P. Harris, a Democrat, stated in 1875:
If any two hundred Southern men backed by a Federal administration should go to Indianapolis, turn out the Indiana people, take possession of all the seats of power, honor, and profit, denounce the people at large as assassins and barbarians, introduce corruption in all the branches of the public administration, make government a curse instead of a blessing, league with the most ignorant class of society to make war on the enlightened, intelligent, and virtuous, what kind of social relations would such a state of things beget.

Albert T. Morgan, the Republican sheriff of Yazoo, Mississippi, received a brief flurry of national attention when insurgent white Democrats took over the county government and forced him to flee. He later wrote Yazoo; Or, on the Picket Line of Freedom in the South (1884).

On November 6, 1875, Hiram Revels, a Mississippi Republican and the first African-American U.S. Senator, wrote a letter to U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant that was widely reprinted. Revels denounced Ames and Northerners for manipulating the Black vote for personal benefit, and for keeping alive wartime hatreds:

Elza Jeffords, a lawyer from Portsmouth, Ohio who fought with the Army of the Tennessee, remained in Mississippi after the conclusion of the Civil War. He was the last Republican to represent that state in the U.S. House of Representatives, having served from 1883 to 1885. He died in Vicksburg sixteen days after he left Congress. The next Republican congressman from the state was not elected until eighty years later in 1964: Prentiss Walker of Mize in Smith County, who served a single term from 1965 to 1967.

North Carolina
Corruption was a charge made by Democrats in North Carolina against the Republicans, notes the historian Paul Escott, "because its truth was apparent." The historians Eric Foner and W. E. B. Du Bois have noted that Democrats as well as Republicans received bribes and participated in decisions about the railroads. General Milton S. Littlefield was dubbed the "Prince of Carpetbaggers", and bought votes in the legislature "to support grandiose and fraudulent railroad schemes". Escott concludes that some Democrats were involved, but Republicans "bore the main responsibility for the issue of $28 million in state bonds for railroads and the accompanying corruption. This sum, enormous for the time, aroused great concern." Foner says Littlefield disbursed $200,000 (bribes) to win support in the legislature for state money for his railroads, and Democrats as well as Republicans were guilty of taking the bribes and making the decisions on the railroad. North Carolina Democrats condemned the legislature's "depraved villains, who take bribes every day"; one local Republican officeholder complained, "I deeply regret the course of some of our friends in the Legislature as well as out of it in regard to financial matters, it is very embarrassing indeed."

Escott notes that extravagance and corruption increased taxes and the costs of government in a state that had always favored low expenditure. The context was that a planter elite kept taxes low because it benefited them. They used their money toward private ends rather than public investment. None of the states had established public school systems before the Reconstruction state legislatures created them, and they had systematically underinvested in infrastructure such as roads and railroads. Planters whose properties occupied prime riverfront locations relied on river transportation, but smaller farmers in the backcountry suffered.

Escott claimed, "Some money went to very worthy causes—the 1869 legislature, for example, passed a school law that began the rebuilding and expansion of the state's public schools. But far too much was wrongly or unwisely spent" to aid the Republican Party leadership. A Republican county commissioner in Alamance eloquently denounced the situation: "Men are placed in power who instead of carrying out their duties ... form a kind of school for to graduate Rascals. Yes if you will give them a few Dollars they will liern you for an accomplished Rascal. This is in reference to the taxes that are rung from the labouring class of people. Without a speedy reformation I will have to resign my post."

Albion W. Tourgée, formerly of Ohio and a friend of President James A. Garfield, moved to North Carolina, where he practiced as a lawyer and was appointed a judge. He once opined that "Jesus Christ was a carpetbagger." Tourgée later wrote A Fool's Errand, a largely autobiographical novel about an idealistic carpetbagger persecuted by the Ku Klux Klan in North Carolina.

South Carolina
A politician in South Carolina who was called a carpetbagger was Daniel Henry Chamberlain, a New Englander who had served as an officer of a predominantly black regiment of the United States Colored Troops. He was appointed South Carolina's attorney general from 1868 to 1872 and was elected Republican governor from 1874 to 1877. As a result of the national Compromise of 1877, Chamberlain lost his office. He was narrowly re-elected in a campaign marked by egregious voter fraud and violence against freedmen by Democratic Red Shirts, who succeeded in suppressing the black vote in some majority-black counties. While serving in South Carolina, Chamberlain was a strong supporter of Negro rights.

Some historians of the early 1930s, who belonged to the Dunning School that believed that the Reconstruction era was fatally flawed, claimed that Chamberlain was later influenced by Social Darwinism to become a white supremacist. They also wrote that he supported states' rights and laissez-faire in the economy. They portrayed "liberty" in 1896 as the right to rise above the rising tide of equality. Chamberlain was said to justify white supremacy by arguing that, in evolutionary terms, the Negro obviously belonged to an inferior social order.

Charles Woodward Stearns, also from Massachusetts, wrote an account of his experience in South Carolina: The Black Man of the South, and the Rebels: Or, the Characteristics of the Former and the Recent Outrages of the Latter (1873).

Francis Lewis Cardozo, a black minister from New Haven, Connecticut, served as a delegate to South Carolina's 1868 Constitutional Convention.  He made eloquent speeches advocating that the plantations be broken up and distributed among the freedmen.  They wanted their own land to farm and believed they had already paid for land by their years of uncompensated labor and the trials of slavery.

Louisiana
Henry C. Warmoth was the Republican governor of Louisiana from 1868 to 1874.  As governor, Warmoth was plagued by accusations of corruption, which continued to be a matter of controversy long after his death. He was accused of using his position as governor to trade in state bonds for his personal benefit. In addition, the newspaper company which he owned received a contract from the state government. Warmoth supported the franchise for freedmen.

Warmoth struggled to lead the state during the years when the White League, a white Democratic terrorist organization, conducted an open campaign of violence and intimidation against Republicans, including freedmen, with the goals of regaining Democratic power and white supremacy. They pushed Republicans from political positions, were responsible for the Coushatta Massacre, disrupted Republican organizing, and preceded elections with such intimidation and violence that black voting was sharply reduced. Warmoth stayed in Louisiana after Reconstruction, as white Democrats regained political control of the state. He died in 1931 at age 89.

Algernon Sidney Badger, a Boston, Massachusetts native, held various appointed federal positions in New Orleans only under Republican national administrations during and after Reconstruction. He first came to New Orleans with the Union Army in 1863 and never left the area. He is interred there at Metairie Cemetery.

George Luke Smith, a New Hampshire native, served briefly in the U.S. House from Louisiana's 4th congressional district but was unseated in 1874 by the Democrat William M. Levy. He then left Shreveport for Hot Springs, Arkansas.

Alabama
George E. Spencer was a prominent Republican U.S. Senator. His 1872 reelection campaign in Alabama opened him to allegations of "political betrayal of colleagues; manipulation of Federal patronage; embezzlement of public funds; purchase of votes; and intimidation of voters by the presence of Federal troops." He was a major speculator in a distressed financial paper.

Georgia
Tunis Campbell, a black New York businessman, was hired in 1863 by Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton to help former slaves in Port Royal, South Carolina. When the Civil War ended, Campbell was assigned to the Sea Islands of Georgia, where he engaged in an apparently successful land reform program for the benefit of the freedmen. He eventually became vice-chair of the Georgia Republican Party, a state senator and the head of an African-American militia which he hoped to use against the Ku Klux Klan.

Arkansas
The "Brooks–Baxter War" was a factional dispute, 1872–74 that culminated in an armed confrontation in 1874 between factions of the Arkansas Republican Party over the disputed 1872 election for governor. The victor in the end was the "Minstrel" faction led by carpetbagger Elisha Baxter over the "Brindle Tail" faction led by Joseph Brooks, which included most of the scalawags. The dispute weakened both factions and the entire Republican Party, enabling the sweeping Democratic victory in the 1874 state elections.

William Furbush
William Hines Furbush, born a mixed-race slave in Carroll County, Kentucky in 1839 received part of his education in Ohio. He migrated to Helena, Arkansas in 1862. After returning to Ohio in February 1865, he joined the Forty-second Colored Infantry.

After the war, Furbush migrated to Liberia through the American Colonization Society, where he continued to work as a photographer. He returned to Ohio after 18 months and moved back to Arkansas by 1870. Furbush was elected to two terms in the Arkansas House of Representatives, 1873–74 (from an African-American majority district in the Arkansas Delta, made up of Phillips and Monroe counties.) He served in 1879–80 from the newly established Lee County.

In 1873 the state passed a civil rights law. Furbush and three other black leaders, including the bill's primary sponsor, state senator Richard A. Dawson, sued a Little Rock barkeeper for refusing to serve their group. The suit resulted in the only successful Reconstruction prosecution under the state's civil rights law. In the legislature Furbush worked to create a new county, Lee, from portions of Phillips, Crittenden, Monroe and St. Francis counties in eastern Arkansas, which had a black-majority population.

Following the end of his 1873 legislative term, Furbush was appointed as county sheriff by Republican Governor Elisha Baxter. Furbush twice won reelection as sheriff, serving from 1873 to 1878. During his term, he adopted a policy of "fusion", a post-Reconstruction power-sharing compromise between Populist Democrats and Republicans. Furbush was originally elected as a Republican, but he switched to the Democratic Party at the end of his time as sheriff. Democrats held most of the economic power and cooperating with them could make his future.

In 1878, Furbush was elected again to the Arkansas House. His election is notable because he was elected as a black Democrat during a campaign season notorious for white intimidation of black and Republican voters in black-majority eastern Arkansas. He was the first-known black Democrat elected to the Arkansas General Assembly.

In March 1879 Furbush left Arkansas for Colorado. He returned to Arkansas in 1888, setting up practice as a lawyer. In 1889, he co-founded the African American newspaper National Democrat. He left the state in the 1890s after it disenfranchised black voters. Furbush died in Indiana in 1902 at a veterans' home.

Texas
Carpetbaggers were least numerous in Texas. Republicans controlled the state government from 1867 to January 1874. Only one state official and one justice of the state supreme court were Northerners. About 13% to 21% of district court judges were Northerners, along with about 10% of the delegates who wrote the Reconstruction constitution of 1869. Of the 142 men who served in the 12th Legislature, some 12 to 29 were from the North. At the county level, Northerners made up about 10% of the commissioners, county judges and sheriffs.

George Thompson Ruby, an African American from New York City who grew up in Portland, Maine, worked as a teacher in New Orleans from 1864 until 1866 when he migrated to Texas. There he was assigned to Galveston as an agent and teacher for the Freedmen's Bureau. Active in the Republican Party and elected as a delegate to the state constitutional convention in 1868–1869, Ruby was later elected as a Texas state senator and had wide influence. He supported construction of railroads to support Galveston business. He was instrumental in organizing African-American dockworkers into the Labor Union of Colored Men, to gain them jobs at the docks after 1870. When Democrats regained control of the state government in 1874, Ruby returned to New Orleans, working in journalism. He also became a leader of the Exoduster movement. Blacks from the Deep South migrated to homestead in Kansas in order to escape white supremacist violence and the oppression of segregation.

Historiography

The Dunning school of American historians (1900–1950) espoused White supremacy and viewed "carpetbaggers" unfavorably, arguing that they degraded the political and business culture. The revisionist school in the 1930s called them stooges of Northern business interests. After 1960 the neoabolitionist school emphasized their moral courage.

Modern use

United Kingdom

Building societies

Carpetbagging was used as a term in Great Britain in the late 1990s during the wave of demutualizations of building societies. It indicated members of the public who joined mutual societies with the hope of making a quick profit from the conversion.
Contemporarily speaking, the term carpetbagger refers to roving financial opportunists, often of modest means, who spot investment opportunities and aim to benefit from a set of circumstances to which they are not ordinarily entitled. In recent years the best opportunities for carpetbaggers have come from opening membership accounts at building societies for as little as £100, to qualify for windfalls running into thousands of pounds from the process of conversion and takeover. The influx of such transitory 'token' members as carpetbaggers, took advantage of these nugatory deposit criteria, often to instigate or accelerate the trend towards wholesale demutualization.

Investors in these mutuals would receive shares in the new public companies, usually distributed at a flat rate, thus equally benefiting small and large investors, and providing a broad incentive for members to vote for conversion-advocating leadership candidates. The word was first used in this context in early 1997 by the chief executive of the Woolwich Building Society, who announced the society's conversion with rules removing the most recent new savers' entitlement to potential windfalls and stated in a media interview, "I have no qualms about disenfranchising carpetbaggers."

Between 1997 and 2002, a group of pro-demutualization supporters "Members for Conversion" operated a website, carpetbagger.com, which highlighted the best ways of opening share accounts with UK building societies, and organized demutualization resolutions.

This led many building societies to implement anti-carpetbagging policies, such as not accepting new deposits from customers who lived outside the normal operating area of the society.

The term continues to be used within the co-operative movement to, for example, refer to the demutualization of housing co-ops.

Politics
The term carpetbagger has also been applied to those who join the Labour Party but lack roots in the working class that the party was formed to represent.

World War II
During World War II, the U.S. Office of Strategic Services surreptitiously supplied necessary tools and material to resistance groups in Europe. The OSS called this effort Operation Carpetbagger. The modified B-24 aircraft used for the night-time missions were referred to as "carpetbaggers". (Among other special features, they were painted a non-glossy black to make them less visible to searchlights.) Between January and September 1944, Operation Carpetbagger operated 1,860 sorties between RAF Harrington, England, and various points in occupied Europe. British Agents used this "noise" as cover for their use of Carpetbagger for the nominated Agent who was carrying monies [authentic and counterfeit] to the Underground/Resistance.

Australia
In Australia, "carpetbagger" may refer to unscrupulous dealers and business managers in indigenous Australian art.

The term was also used by John Fahey, a former Premier of New South Wales and federal Liberal finance minister, in the context of shoddy "tradespeople" who travelled to Queensland to take advantage of victims following the 2010–2011 Queensland floods.

United States

In the United States, the common usage, usually derogatory, refers to politicians who move to different states, districts or areas to run for office despite their lack of local ties or familiarity. For example, West Virginia Congressman Alex Mooney was attacked as a carpetbagger when he first ran for Congress in 2014, as he had previously been a Maryland State Senator and Chairman of the Maryland Republican Party. 2022 Republican nominee for Pennsylvania Senator Mehmet Oz was prominently attacked as a carpetbagger by his opponent John Fetterman for previously living in New Jersey until months before the election. Fetterman won the election, with some claiming that this attack was vital to his victory. Hillary Clinton was attacked by opponents as carpetbagging, because she had never resided in New York State or participated in the state's politics before the 2000 Senate race.

The awards season blog of The New York Times is titled "The Carpetbagger".

Cuisine
A carpetbag steak or carpetbagger steak is an end cut of steak that is pocketed and stuffed with oysters, among other ingredients, such as mushrooms, blue cheese, and garlic. The steak is sutured with toothpicks or thread, and is sometimes wrapped in bacon.
The combination of beef and oysters is traditional. The earliest specific reference is in a United States newspaper in 1891. The earliest specific Australian reference is a printed recipe from between 1899 and 1907.

France

Politics
In French politics, carpetbagging is known as parachutage, which means "parachuting" in French.

See also
 Rootless cosmopolitans

References

Bibliography
 Ash, Stephen V. When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, 1861–1865 University of North Carolina Press, 1995.
 Barnes, Kenneth C. Who Killed John Clayton. Duke University Press, 1998; violence in Arkansas.
 Brown, Canter, Jr. "Carpetbagger Intrigues, Black Leadership, and a Southern Loyalist Triumph: Florida's Gubernatorial Election of 1872" Florida Historical Quarterly, 1994 72 (3): 275–301. ISSN 0015-4113. Shows how African Americans joined Redeemers to defeat corrupt carpetbagger running for reelection.
 Bryant, Emma Spaulding. Emma Spaulding Bryant: Civil War Bride, Carpetbagger's Wife, Ardent Feminist; Letters and Diaries, 1860–1900 Fordham University Press, 2004. 503 pp.
 Campbell, Randolph B. "Carpetbagger Rule in Reconstruction Texas: an Enduring Myth." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, 1994 97 (4): 587–596. ISSN 0038-478X
 Candeloro, Dominic. "Louis Post as a Carpetbagger in South Carolina: Reconstruction as a Forerunner of the Progressive Movement". American Journal of Economics and Sociology 34#4 (1975): 423–432.
 Current, Richard Nelson. Those Terrible Carpetbaggers: A Reinterpretation (1988), a favorable view.
 Currie-Mcdaniel, Ruth. Carpetbagger of Conscience: A Biography of John Emory Bryant, Fordham University Press, 1999; religious reformer in South Carolina.
 Davidson, Gienapp, Heyrman, Lytle, Stoff. Nation of Nations: A Concise Narrative of the American Republic. 3rd. New York: McGraw Hill, 2002.
 Durden, Robert Franklin; James Shepherd Pike: Republicanism and the American Negro, 1850–1882 Duke University Press, 1957
 Paul D. Escott; Many Excellent People: Power and Privilege in North Carolina, 1850–1900, University of North Carolina Press, 1985.
 Fleming, Walter L. Documentary History of Reconstruction: Political, Military, Social, Religious, Educational, and Industrial 2 vol 1906. Uses broad collection of primary sources.
 Foner, Eric. Freedom's Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction, Oxford University Press, 1993, Revised, 1996, LSU Press.
 Foner, Eric.  (1988). Harper & Row, 1988, recent standard history.
 Fowler, Wilton B. "A Carpetbagger's Conversion to White Supremacy." North Carolina Historical Review, 1966 43 (3): 286–304. ISSN 0029-2494
 Galdieri, Christopher J. 2019. Stranger in a Strange State: The Politics of Carpetbagging from Robert Kennedy to Scott Brown. SUNY Press.
 Garner, James Wilford. Reconstruction in Mississippi (1902)

 Harris, William C. The Day of the Carpetbagger: Republican Reconstruction in Mississippi Louisiana State University Press, 1979.
 Harris, William C. "James Lynch: Black Leader in Southern Reconstruction", Historian 1971 34 (1): 40–61. ISSN 0018-2370; Lynch was Mississippi's first African American secretary of state.
 Klein, Maury. "Southern Railroad Leaders, 1865–1893: Identities and Ideologies" Business History Review, 1968 42 (3): 288–310. ISSN 0007-6805 Fulltext in JSTOR.
 Morrow, Ralph E.; Northern Methodism and Reconstruction Michigan State University Press, 1956.
 Olsen, Otto H. Carpetbagger's Crusade: The Life of Albion Winegar Tourgee (1965)
 Post, Louis F. "A 'Carpetbagger' in South Carolina", The Journal of Negro History Vol. 10, No. 1 (Jan. 1925), pp. 10–79 autobiography. in JSTOR
 Prince, K. Stephen. "Legitimacy and Interventionism: Northern Republicans, the 'Terrible Carpetbagger,' and the Retreat from Reconstruction." Journal of the Civil War Era 2#4 (2012): 538-63
 Simkins, Francis Butler, and Robert Hilliard Woody. South Carolina during Reconstruction (1932).
 Tunnell, Ted. Edge of the Sword: The Ordeal of Carpetbagger Marshall H. Twitchell in the Civil War and Reconstruction. LSU Press, 2001, on Louisiana.
 Tunnell, Ted. "Creating 'the Propaganda of History': Southern Editors and the Origins of Carpetbagger and Scalawag", Journal of Southern History, (Nov 2006) 72#4.
 Twitchell, Marshall Harvey. Carpetbagger from Vermont: The Autobiography of Marshall Harvey Twitchell. ed by Ted Tunnell; Louisiana State University Press, 1989. 216 pp.
 Wiggins, Sarah Woolfolk; The Scalawag in Alabama Politics, 1865–1881. University of Alabama Press, 1991
 Wintory, Blake. "William Hines Furbush: African-American Carpetbagger, Republican, Fusionist, and Democrat", Arkansas Historical Quarterly, 2004 63 (2): 107–165. ISSN 0004-1823
 Wintory, Blake. "William Hines Furbush (1839–1902)" Encyclopedia of Arkansas History & Culture (2006).
 Woolfolk, Sarah Van V. "George E. Spencer: a Carpetbagger in Alabama", Alabama Review, 1966 19 (1): 41–52. ISSN 0002-4341

External links

Reconstruction Era
American Civil War political groups
Political metaphors referring to people
Pejorative terms for people
Political metaphors

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
Self-taught guitarist happy to share music with others
Posted September 9, 2019 in Featured | Front Page | News
From left, Community Living program participant Terry Coldwell enjoys the music of staff member Keri Compton, centre, and Julie Coulombe. Cathy Dobson
Cathy Dobson
When times are troubled, Sarnia's Julie Coulombe turns to music.
It's helped her through rough periods of loss and continues to bring comfort as she grieves her mom's recent death.
"There's no doubt that music is life changing, the way it connects us with others and enriches lives," says the 46-year-old self-employed foot specialist.
Now she is sharing her love of music through voluntary programs in the community and paid gigs with Jules & Company.
It's about self-care, but it's also about having a really great time, she says.
Coulombe grew up in a home in which music was always in the air. She played sax and clarinet in her high school band. But it wasn't until three years ago that she picked up the guitar for the first time and began teaching herself.
"I've never put it down," she said. "I play three or four hours a day; while I'm having my morning coffee, during my lunch break, when I'm at work."
Work often takes her into local retirement and nursing homes including the Residence on the St. Clair and Twin Lakes Village, where she keeps a guitar handy and voluntarily plays for the residents whenever the mood strikes.
Coulombe also has a growing list of regular gigs, some paid and some voluntary.
About 18 months ago, she began a monthly music program for participants in the local Community Living Activity Centre's day program for adults with disabilities.
She plays upbeat favourites like Elvis' "Hound Dog" and Sharon Lois and Bram's "Skidamarink" that have everyone moving and shaking noisemakers to the beat.
"There are a lot of smiles when Jules comes," says the centre's Rebecca St. Pierre-Foster. "It's really good to have people from the community come in and provide something new."
Coulombe also does professional footcare clinics at The Strangway Centre on East Street, and was asked to voluntarily lead an open jam music program there this fall.
Two-hour jam sessions start Sept. 13 and are held the second Friday of the month beginning at 2:30 p.m. They are open to all.
"We're going to have a hootenanny," said Coulombe. "No one needs to feel intimidated about their skill level. We're just going to have a fun environment."
Members pay Strangway $2.25 and non-members pay $5.
Earlier this month, she also started to host Wednesday night jam sessions at The Blue Line downtown.
Coulombe said she thoroughly enjoys her volunteer music but decided last winter that she wanted to start playing out on stage too.
"So I went to every open mic I could find in the city and began building my confidence," she said.
Her first gig was at Coffee Culture in a duet. Now she plays with several musicians regularly. Collectively they are Jules & Company. Sometimes, they play as a duet, sometimes as a five-member band.
"We have so much fun and play a little bit of everything. The beauty of music is that it connects people," she said.
On Friday, Nov. 1, Jules & Company is booked to play at the Royal Canadian Legion where the focus will be dance tunes.
The Arts Journal reflects the community's cultural fabric. Send your ideas to cathy.dobson@thesarniajournal.ca.
Ashley Shepley is all smiles while participating in a Community Living music program led by Julie Coulombe.