text:
Images of Old Hawaiʻi
Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance
Missionaries / Churches / Religious Buildings
Hawaiian Traditions
Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks
April 29, 2019 by Peter T Young 1 Comment
Coral doesn't grow in freshwater. So, where a stream enters a coastal area, there is typically no coral growth at that point – and, as the freshwater runs out into the ocean, a coral-less channel is created.
In its natural state, thanks to Nuʻuanu Stream, Honolulu Harbor originally was a deep embayment formed by the outflow of Nuʻuanu Stream creating an opening in the shallow coral reef along the south shore of Oʻahu.
Honolulu Harbor (it was earlier known as Kuloloia) was entered by the first foreigner, Captain William Brown of the English ship Butterworth, in 1794.
They called the harbor "Fair Haven" which may be a rough translation of the Hawaiian name Honolulu (it was also sometimes called Brown's Harbor.) The name Honolulu (meaning "sheltered bay" – with numerous variations in spelling) soon came into use.
Tradewinds blow from the Northeast; the channel into Honolulu Harbor has a northeasterly alignment. Early ships calling to Honolulu were powered only by sails. The entrance to the harbor was narrow and lined on either side with reefs. Ships don't sail into the wind. Given all of this, Honolulu Harbor was difficult to enter.
Boats either anchored off-shore, or they were pulled into the harbor (this was done with canoes; or, it meant men and/or oxen pulled them in.)
It might take eight double canoes with 16-20 men each, working in the pre-dawn calm when winds and currents were slow. In 1816 (as stories suggest,) Richards Street alignment was the straight path used by groups of men, and later oxen, to pull ships through the narrow channel into the harbor. (Richards Street was named for a man selling luggage to tourists in his shop on that street.)
As Honolulu developed and grew, lots of changes happened, including along its waterfront. What is now known as Queen Street was actually the water's edge.
The reef belonging to the land of Waikahalulu, on the south side of Honolulu Harbor, had been purchased by the government from the Queen Dowager Kalama.
Then, from 1856 to 1860, the work of filling in the land to create an area known as the "Esplanade" or "Ainahou," and building up a water-front and dredging the harbor to a depth from 20 to 25-feet took place.
About 22-acres of reef land were added to the downtown area between Fort Street and Alakea Street; it was filled in with material dredged from the harbor.
Following the demolition of Fort Kekuanohu (Fort Honolulu) in 1857; its walls became the 2,000-foot retaining wall used to extend the land out onto the shallow reef in the harbor.
The remaining fort materials were used as fill to create what came to be known as the Esplanade (it's where Aloha Tower and surrounding land now stand.)
The old prison was built in 1856-57, to take the place of the old fort (that also previously served as a prison.) The new custom-house was completed in 1860. The water-works were much enlarged, and a system of pipes laid down in 1861.
An 1887 Hawaiian Government Survey map of Honolulu shows continued urban expansion of the Downtown Honolulu area.
Many dredging and filling operations soon followed, and the 1890s and 1900s saw the construction of many new piers and channels in the harbor, the dredged material going to create new dry land areas.
The dredging of Honolulu Harbor and expansion of the Esplanade soon followed; major alteration of Honolulu from its natural configuration began in 1890 with the dredging of the main channel to 200 ft width by 30 ft deep for about 1000 ft through the sand bar at the entrance.
Piers were constructed at the base of Richards Street in 1896, at the site of Piers 17 and 18 in 1901 to accommodate sugar loading and at Piers 7 and 12 in 1907. Further dredging was conducted at the base of Alakea Street in 1906.
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Honolulu_Harbor-Esplanade_Lots-Reg0279 (1857)
Honolulu_Map-(1847)-over_GoogleEarth
Honolulu_Harbor-InteriorDept-Wall-Reg_1119 (1886)
Honolulu Harbor-Ships pulled by canoes-Henry Walker-1843
'Honolulu_Beach'-would_later_become_the_area_from_Pier_5_to_Fort_Armstrong-Burgess-(SagaOfTheSandwichIslands)-mid-1850s
Auguste_Borget_-_'Honolulu_Waterfront',_graphite_on_paper,_1838
Western_ships_docked_in_Honolulu's_deep_harbor-early-1800s
Boats_in_Honolulu_Harbor-1900
Honolulu_Harbor-Aerial-June 11, 1924
Downtown_Honolulu–Map-1893
Filed Under: Economy, General, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Esplanade, Fort Kekuanohu, Hawaii, Honolulu Harbor, Paul Emmert
April 13, 2019 by Peter T Young Leave a Comment
Kalolopahū
For a period of five years from the time of Cook's landing at Hawai'i, the waters of the islands were busy with ships, some of which were "friendly" and others that were "bent on destroying men and governments". (Kamakau)
In 1789, Simon Metcalf (captaining the Eleanora) and his son Thomas Metcalf (captaining the Fair American) were traders; their plan was to meet and spend winter in the Hawaiian Islands.
The Eleanora arrived in the islands first at Kohala on the island of Hawaiʻi. After a confrontation with a local chief, Metcalf then sailed to the neighboring island of Maui to trade along the coast. On February 1790, the Eleanora anchored off of Honua'ula.
Kalola, the widow of Kalani'ōpu'u, was staying at Honua'ula at the time of the arrival of the ship with her new husband Ka'opuiki.
Captain Simon Metcalf anchored his trading ship the Eleanora off shore, probably at Makena Bay, to barter for necessary provisions.
"Ka'opuiki was glad to go on board to trade for iron, muskets, and red cloth; but muskets were the objects he most desired. The people brought in exchange hogs, chickens, potatoes, bananas, and taro."
"Night fell before they had finished their bargaining, and the next day Ka'opuiki and others went out again to trade further; but the strangers were unfriendly and beat them off with ropes."
"When Ka'opuiki heard from the people of Honua'ula about the small boat which it was customary to keep tied to the back of the ship, he determined to steal the boat at night."
"At midnight when the guard on the skiff and the men of the ship were sound asleep, Ka'opuiki and his men cut the rope without being seen from the ship. As they were towing it along, the guard awoke and called out to those on board the ship, but he was too far away to be heard; he was killed and his body thrown into the sea."
"The boat was taken to Olowalu and broken up, and the iron taken for fishhooks, adzes, drills, daggers, and spear points." (Kamakau)
Metcalf sailed to Olowalu but found that boat had been broken up for its nails. (Nails were treasured like gems in ancient Hawaiʻi; they were used for fishhooks, adzes, drills, daggers and spear points.)
Chiefess Kalola, knowing the explosive nature of the situation, declared a three-day kapu on all canoes approaching the Eleanora.
When the kapu was lifted and Kalola's husband Ka'opuiki returned only the stolen boat's keel and the watchman's stripped thighbones, an enraged Metcalfe invited the villagers to meet the ship, indicating he wanted to trade with them.
However, he had all the cannons loaded and ready on the side where he directed the canoes to approach. "(T)he ship opened fire and shot the people down without mercy, just as if they were creatures without souls. Even those who swam away were shot down."
"John Young was an eyewitness on board the ship and has testified to the great number who were killed at this time. At noon that day the Eleanor sailed, and the people went out and brought the dead ashore, some diving down into the sea with ropes and others using hooks; and the dead were heaped on the sands at Olowalu."
"Because the brains of many were oozing out where they had been shot in the head, this battle with the ship Eleanor and her captain was called "The spilled brains" (Kalolo-pahu)."
"It was a sickening sight, as Mahulu and others have reported it; the slaughtered dead were heaped upon the sand; wives, children, parents, and friends came to view and mourn over their dead; and the sound of loud wailing arose." (Kamakau)
After the massacre, Metcalfe weighed anchor and sailed back to the island of Hawai'i.
This tragedy, termed the Olowalu Massacre, set into motion a series of events which left two Western seamen and a ship (the Fair American) in the hands of the ambitious Big Island chief Kamehameha.
John Young (off the Eleanora) and Isaac Davis (off the Fair American) befriended Kamehameha I and became respected translators and his close and trusted advisors. They were instrumental in Kamehameha's military ventures and his ultimate triumph in the race to unite the Hawaiian Islands.
Several months after the massacre at Olowalu, Kalola watched the Great Battle of Kepaniwai from ʻIao Valley. Kamehameha stormed Maui with over twenty thousand men, and after several battles Maui troops retreated to ʻIao Valley.
Kalola escaped through the Olowalu Pass and down to Olowalu, where she boarded canoes for Molokai. On the island of Molokai Kalola became ill and they could not carry out their original intention of going to Oahu to join Kahekili.
Kamehameha followed Kalola to Molokai and asked Kalola for Keōpūolani (Kalola's granddaughter) to be his queen. Kalola, who was dying, agreed to give Kamehameha Keōpūolani and her mother Kekuiʻapoiwa Liliha, if he would allow the girls to stay at her death bed until she passed.
Kamehameha camped on Molokai until Kalola died, and then returned to Kona with his high queen Keōpūolani. Later, both Liholiho (Kamehameha II) and Kauikeaouli (Kamehameha III) were sons born to Kamehameha and Keōpūolani.
Olowalu-old
Olowalu
Olowalu-aerial
Olowalu-Valley
West_Maui-Olowalu-Iao-Puu_Kukui
Olowalu-Ahupuaa
Filed Under: Ali'i / Chiefs / Governance, Prominent People, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Fair American, Hawaii, Isaac Davis, John Young, Kamehameha, Kauikeaouli, Keopuolani, Kepaniwai, Liholiho, Maui, Simon Metcalf
The war for independence against the British on the American continent (1775-1783) closed the colonial trade routes within the British empire.
The merchantmen and whalers of New England swarmed around South America's Cape Horn, in search of new markets and sources of supply. A market was established in China.
China took nothing that the US produced; hence Boston traders, in order to obtain the wherewithal to purchase teas and silks at Canton, spent 18-months or more of each China voyage collecting a cargo of sea-otter and other skins out of the northwest side of the American continent, highly esteemed by the Chinese.
Years before the westward land movement gathered momentum, the energies of seafaring New Englanders found their natural outlet, along their traditional pathway, in the Pacific Ocean.
Practically every vessel that visited the North Pacific in the closing years of the 18th century stopped at Hawai'i for provisions and recreation; then, the opening years of the 19th century saw the sandalwood business became a recognized branch of trade.
Sandalwood, geography and fresh provisions made the Islands a vital link in a closely articulated trade route between Boston, the Northwest Coast and Canton, China.
The central location of the Hawaiian Islands between America and Orient brought many ships to the Islands. They needed food and water, and the islands supplied this need from its fertile lands.
Hawai'i's whaling era began in 1819 when two New England ships became the first whaling ships to arrive in the Hawaiian Islands.
At that time, whale products were in high demand; whale oil was used for heating, lamps and in industrial machinery; whale bone was used in corsets, skirt hoops, umbrellas and buggy whips.
Rich whaling waters were discovered near Japan and soon hundreds of ships headed for the area.
Whalers' aversion to the traditional Hawaiian diet of fish and poi spurred new trends in farming and ranching. The sailors wanted fresh vegetables and the native Hawaiians turned the temperate uplands into vast truck farms.
There was a demand for fresh fruit, cattle, white potatoes and sugar. Hawaiians began growing a wider variety of crops to supply the ships.
In Hawaiʻi, several hundred whaling ships might call in season, each with 20 to 30 men aboard and each desiring to resupply with enough food for another tour "on Japan," "on the Northwest," or into the Arctic.
The whaling industry was the mainstay of the island economy for about 40 years. For Hawaiian ports, the whaling fleet was the crux of the economy. More than 100 ships stopped in Hawaiian ports in 1824.
"At present the whale ships visit the Sandwich Islands in the months of March and April and then proceed to the coast of Japan, the return again in October and November remain here about six weeks, and then proceed in different directions …"
"… some to the Coast of California, others cruise about the Equator when they return thither again in March and April and proceed a second time to the Coast of Japan; it usually occupies two seasons on that coast to fill a ship that will carry Three Hundred Tons." (Jones report to Henry Clay, Secretary of State, 1827)
"The number of hands generally comprising the Company of a whale ship will average Twenty Five; and owing to the want of discipline, the length and the ardourous duties of the voyage, these people generally become dissatisfied and are willing at any moment to join a rebellion or desert the first opportu(nity) that may offer …"
"… this has been fully exemplified in the whale ships that have visited these islands, constant disertions have taken place and many serious mutinies both contributing to protract and frequently ruin the voyage." (Jones report to Henry Clay, Secretary of State, 1827)
The effect on Hawaiʻi's economy, particularly in areas in reach of Honolulu, Lāhainā and Hilo, the main whaling ports, was dramatic and of considerable importance in the islands' history.
Over the next two decades, the Pacific whaling fleet nearly quadrupled in size and in the record year of 1846, 736-whaling ships arrived in Hawai'i.
Then, whaling came swiftly to an end.
In 1859, an oil well was discovered and developed in Titusville, Pennsylvania; within a few years this new type of oil replaced whale oil for lamps and many other uses – spelling the end of the whaling industry.
Port-of-Lahaina-Maui-1848
Lahaina as seen from Lahainaluna-(portion_Lahainaluna_engraving)-1838
Koloa_Landing-Kauai-(KauaiMuseumCollection)
Rotch fleet in the midst of a school of sperm whales off the coast of Hawaii-LOC-1833
Whaling-Honolulu_Harbor-1850s
A view of whale fishery, from A Collection of Voyages round the World…Captain Cook's First, Second, Third and Last Voyages, 1790 (NOAA)
Cutting up the 'junk' – central section of the head of sperm whales
head oil from sperm whales could be bailed directly into casks
Hoisting the blanket strip
Trying the horse pieces – the minced 'horse piece' to the 'try-pot'
'The wharf-gauging oil', by David H. Strother, a New Bedford whaling wharf covered with casks of whale oil. (Harper's New Monthly Magazine, June 1860)
Stripping the ivory for scrimshaw
Drake_Well-Park-sign
EarlyOilField-Titusville-WC
Filed Under: Economy, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Economy, Hawaii, Hawaiian Economy, Hawaiian Islands Humpback Whale National Marine Sanctuary, Lahaina, Lahainaluna, Whaling
April 7, 2019 by Peter T Young 1 Comment
Aloha Tower
Boats either anchored off-shore, or they were pulled into the harbor (this was done with canoes; or, it meant men and/or oxen pulled them in.) It might take eight double canoes with 16-20 men each, working in the pre-dawn calm when winds and currents were slow.
A few years after, in 1825, the first pier in the harbor was improvised by sinking a ship's hull near the present Pier 12 site. As Honolulu developed and grew, lots of changes happened, including along its waterfront. What is now known as Queen Street used to be the water's edge.
Between 1857 and 1870, the coral block walls of the dismantled Fort edged and filled about 22-acres of reef and tideland, forming the "Esplanade" or "Ainahou," between Fort and Merchant Streets.
In 1904, the area around South Street from King to Queen Streets was filled in. The Hawaiʻi Department of Public Works reported that "considerable filling (was) required" for the extension of Queen Street, from South Street to Ward Avenue, which would "greatly relieve the district of Kewalo in the wet season."
With the opening of the Panama Canal in 1914 and anticipated increased trans-Pacific shipping, government and business planned to further enlarge Honolulu Harbor by dredging Kalihi Channel and Kapālama Basin.
Even in today's high-tech environment with tools and toys with satellite support, the simple illumination from a known point continues to serve as a navigational aid, as well as warn mariners of hazardous areas.
Carl W Winstedt and the National Construction Company began construction on the Aloha Tower in 1924. The project took a year and a half to complete.
Aloha Tower opened in 1926; at 10 stories and 184-feet, 2-inches tall it was the tallest building in the Territory (and remained such for the next forty years.) (LRB)
It has 4 clocks, each face 12 feet in diameter (by far the biggest clock in the Territory of Hawai'i and one of the largest in the United States at the time) and facing different directions, were made of bronze and weighed 7 tons each.
"Large public clocks first appeared in the 1840s and 1850s. In 1842, James Hunnewell presented Kawaiahaʻo Church with the large church clock on the gallery wall below the new organ."
The public clock served the functional purpose of telling passers-by the time. But it also served as a village landmark, a reference point, and a symbol of civic pride. Indeed, public clocks were something of a status symbol for a community, a sign that a town had reached a certain level of prosperity, that there was action there.
If a ship or person was too far away to read the clock, two other means of time synchronization were provided. A time ball was lowered to the bottom of the forty-foot mast atop the tower each day at noon, and the blast of a siren was sounded at 7 am, noon and 4 pm.
Aloha Tower was built as a control tower for the Honolulu harbormaster and a lighthouse as part of a modern freight and passenger terminal at piers 8, 9 and 10.
In addition, it provided offices for the harbor master, pilots and customs officials. The eleventh floor of the tower served as a lookout for the harbor pilots, with balconies on all four sides.
In the day (pre-1959 trans-Pacific jetliner service,) the method of travel to Hawai'i was by ship. Aloha Tower welcomed cruise passengers/visitors to the islands.
When the attack on Pearl Harbor came on December 7, 1941, Coast Guardsmen took up defensive positions around Aloha Tower and protected it from being occupied.
The Aloha Tower received little damage during the bombing of Pearl Harbor, but shortly thereafter, it was camouflaged with brown and green paint, and its light was extinguished for the remainder of the war.
Pre- and during WW II, the tower had been secretly a control facility for military convoy shipping for the Pacific Theater of Operations.
The military took control of the facility and painted it camouflage to minimize detection. (In 1947, the green camouflage paint was sandblasted from the tower and the brilliant white paint replaced.)
By the late 1960s, tall buildings were crowding the tower, and the Coast Guard decided to discontinue the beacon atop the Aloha Tower and install one on a 220-foot television tower.
This navigational aid served until 1975, when the present Honolulu Harbor Light was established on a metal pole at the end of Pier 2.
Owned by the State of Hawai'i, the Aloha Tower was renovated in 1994, at no cost to taxpayers, by the developer of the adjacent Aloha Tower Marketplace.
Aloha_Tower-Honolulu_Harbor-Postcard-aerial-1935
19990624 CTY Construction of the Aloha Tower between 1924 and Sept. 1926 when the Aloha Tower was dedicated. COPY PHOTO BY DENNIS ODA FROM THE STATE ARCHIVES ON JUNE 23, 1999.
Honolulu_Harbor-Aerial-December 25, 1927
Honolulu_Harbor_Aerial-1928
Aloha_Tower-1935
USS_Honolulu_1939
Aloha Tower 1946, camaflaged. Press release photo.
aloha tower camouflaged
Aloha_Tower,_Honolulu,_1959
Aloha Tower Marker Under Tower
Old-Boat-Days
Matson_Boat_Day
Filed Under: Buildings, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Aloha Tower, Carl Winstedt, Downtown Honolulu, Hawaii, Honolulu, Honolulu Harbor, National Construction
Hāna Landing
On December 19, 1853 the Privy Council awarded a monopoly to The Hawaiian Steam Navigation Company to operate steamers inter-island. In 1860 a propeller steamer Kilauea made its appearance; however she had a checkered run due to being laid up for repairs or lack of coal on many occasions.
In November, 1868, the SS Kilauea was withdrawn and the islands were without inter-island steamer service for two years. Sailing ships in the coasting trade filled the void created by the withdrawal of the Kilauea in 1868 until she was refit and returned to service in October, 1870. (HHF)
In the mid-1870s interisland transportation consisted of one steamer and around 30 sailing schooners, sloops and other boats. During this era the sugar cane industry utilized these vessels. In 1871 Samuel G. Wilder became the agent for the government-owned SS Kilauea and started Wilder & Company in 1872. (HHF)
Competitors Wilder Steamship Co (1872) and Inter-Island Steam Navigation Co (1883) ran different routes, rather than engage in head to head competition.
Inter-Island operated the Kauaʻi and Oʻahu ports plus some on Hawaiʻi. Wilder took Molokaʻi, Lānaʻi and Maui plus Hawaiʻi ports not served by Inter-Island. Both companies stopped at Lāhainā, Māʻalaea Bay and Makena on Maui's leeward coast. (HawaiianStamps)
Later, inter-island trade was carried almost exclusively by the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Co, the successor to the firm of Thomas R Foster & Co (the original founders of the company) and which, in 1905, acquired the Wilder Steamship Co. (Congressional Record)
"The Inter-Island Steam Navigation Co, established in 1883, own(ed) and operate(d) a fleet of first-class vessels engaged exclusively in the transportation of passengers and freight between ports on the islands of the Hawaiian group." (Annual Report of the Governor, 1939)
Regular sailings of passenger vessels are maintained from Honolulu four times weekly to ports on the island of Hawaiʻi, four times weekly to Molokaʻi, twice weekly to Kauaʻi, three times weekly to Lānaʻi and daily, except Monday and Saturday, to ports on the island of Maui. Included in the fleet are 12 passenger and freight vessels." (Report of the Governor, 1930)
During the 1920s, 30s, and 40s, Inter-Island Steam Navigation had the SS Haleakalā, Hualālai, Kilauea and Waiʻaleʻale. There were others that carried 12-passengers such as the SS Humuʻula, which was primarily a cattle boat.
On the Maui and Molokai Route, Wilder's had the main service for most Maui and Molokai ports. Wilder's steamers ran a "milk run" stopping at Molokai ports before arriving at Lahaina on the run from Honolulu.
From Lahaina, they proceeded around northern West Maui to Kahului and thence to Hāna or Kipahulu and then retraced their route stopping at various ports along northern East Maui, Kahului, Lahaina and Molokai.
The steamer route along the northern East Maui augmented the often unpredictable overland route between Hāna and Haiku. When overland service between West Maui and Wailuku/Kahului was terminated in 1888, the steamers carried all the mail from Lahaina to Kahului or other parts of Maui.
At Hāna, Maui, a series of landings, jetties, and pier had been in use since at least 1882 – the landing was located near the foot of Keawa Place.
In March 1902, the Hāna Landing was "washed away by the great storm of the first of the month." (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, March 31, 1902)
It was replaced in 1903. "The wharf measures about sixty feet by thirty feet and has a shed of corrugated iron over the end toward the water measuring forty-nine by thirty-eight feet."
"A wall of solid masonry was also constructed near the northeast corner of the landing to protect it against heavy surf, which in times of storm has often lined the platform from its foundations."
"Hāna people are much pleased with the new structure. The covered wharf will make an excellent dancing pavilion, inasmuch as those who have the festivity in charge intend that the floor shall be covered with smooth tongue and groove lumber." (Pacific Commercial Advertiser, June 29, 1903) (A July 4 luau and dance were held that year.)
But the location of the landing had its challenges. "Unusually stormy weather has been reported from Hāna this week. On Tuesday two of the Claudine's shore boats were tossed high upon the beach at the Hāna landing by the strong surf running, but no serious damage resulted." (Maui News, November 5, 1915)
The decision was made to replace the smaller landing with a larger pier. Original drawings were produced by the Board of Harbor Commissioners. They are dated from September 1918 to March 5, 1919, and are signed by Lyman H. Bigelow, Chairman.
The pier at Hāna Bay (also historically known as Kauiki Bay ca. 1920, and as Kapueokahi Bay ca. 1882) was completed in the first half of 1921.
When the 1921 structure was built, it was referred to as "Hāna Wharf", not as a pier (as it is known today). Because of a manpower shortage due to the military draft for service during World War, about 60 prisoners were used to man its construction.
When the pier was constructed, sugar had been grown commercially in Hāna for about 70 years. The Kaeleku Plantation Company was then the only plantation operating in the Hāna vicinity.
Bagged sugar from the Kaeleku mill was transported to Hāna Pier via the plantation railway system. From the wharf, the bagged sugar would often be lightered to a waiting transport ship anchored a short way offshore. Between 1922 and 1945, all of Kaeleku Plantation Company's bagged sugar was shipped out of Hāna Pier. (HHF)
It was originally a commercial harbor under the jurisdiction of HDOT. The facility was transferred to the Department of Land & Natural Resources Boating Division in the early 2000s, then conveyed back to HDOT in 2010.
Shortly after the transfer, investigations of the facility determined it was unsafe and the pier was condemned and closed. In 2016, due to safety hazards, the decision to remove the pier was made.
Hana Landing-HHF
Hana_Landing-HHF
Hana Landing-Howard
Boat at Hana Pier-HHF
Hana_Pier-HHF
Hana Wharf-HHF
Hana Pier-HHF
Filed Under: Economy, General, Place Names, Sailing, Shipping & Shipwrecks Tagged With: Hana, Hana Landing, Hana Pier, Hana Wharf, Hawaii, Inter-Island Steam Navigation, Maui, Wilder Steamship
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dead island 2 plot
THQ Nordic still plans to release two major AAA games in the fiscal year ending March 31, 2021. TimeSplitters is the most unexpected news, but also the vaguest. Dead Island 2, previously in development at Yager, and then also in development at Sumo Digital until at least 2018, is now at Dambusters and as they … The United States enforces military lockdown in entire California under full quarantine. According to THQ Nordic's new financials, Dead Island 2 could be out by 2021 on next-gen consoles. It has everything. Players will be able to venture in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and another location, which remains a secret for now. The first big difference between Dead Island and Dead Island 2 is the game world. As we know that it is a horror game so we will be getting some Zombies for sure. According to Deep Silver's statement, the game will take place in Northern California and Southern California back-to-back. [3][4], However, as of 2019, it's been confirmed that the game is still in development.[5]. Learn how your comment data is processed. Now a restricted zone, California has become a bloody paradise for those who refuse to leave their homes and an action-packed playground for renegades who seek adventure, glory and a fresh start. An unfinished version of Dead Island 2 from 2015 is now online, and you can see how Yager Development's game was shaping up. According to Deep Silver's statement, the game will take place in Northern California and Southern California back-to-back. be nice to the game! What is the plot of Dead Island 2 It is for sure that it has horror and of course Zombies. August 21, 2020 It was first revealed on June 9th, 2014 at Electronic Entertainment Expo 2014. It was released on September 6th, 2011 in North America, and on September 9th to Europe, and October 20th in Japan. Log into your account. Several months after the events on Banoi, California is put under full quarantine, becoming a bloody paradise and an action-packed playground for renegades who seek adventure and glory. The game's cinematic announcement trailer was met with controversy over its depiction of a dead child. Scene from Dead Island 1 Dead Island 2 OS X includes some features from its predecessors. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. dead-island-2 Item Preview dead-island-2.jpg ... Spec Ops The Line As far as the plot goes the game follows the events shown in previous chapter The plague that transformed people into living dead has gone out of control and began spreading throughout California The quarantine zone intended to contain the epidemic is currently full of soldiers sent in to root out the plague . Dead Island: Riptide is a survival horror video game and sequel to Dead Island developed by Techland and published by Deep Silver, released in April 2013 for Microsoft Windows, PlayStation 3 and Xbox 360. 8 talking about this. Devenu des jeux qui ont l'air exceptionnels dans les bandes-annonces! Les précédents Dead Island 2 jeux ont été créés avec l'aide de Techland. Menu. your username. This page is about the newest addition to the Dead Island series, Dead Island 2 which was announced on 9th June 2014 and looks to be set in California. The story is set when the zombie outbreak reaches California. We will see some improvements in the upcoming game spiced up with a few new features. Flag of California in DI2 with what seems to be a heavily mutated version of a bear. Dead Island: Riptide was a great follow up to that first game, but Dead Island 2 looks like it is going in a different direction. TimeSplitters is the most unexpected news, but also the vaguest. The trailer leaves the fans even more intrigued about the release of the game. Dead Island 2 is an action role-playing survival horror video game in development by Sumo Digital and will be published by Deep Silver. I would really Love to Hear your ideas. They are Ryan, the "Berserker" and a former volunteer firefighter, Ashlee, the "Huntress" and a former teacher and party girl, John, the "Bishop" and apparently a preacher, and Dani, the "Speeder" and a stuntwoman. Dead Island 2 is under Dambuster Studios' development since last year; therefore, there is still a long way to go. Suivez toute l'actualité sur Dead Island 2 en temps réel sur Gamekult, avec des articles indépendants et un éclairage unique servis par notre rédaction. Games The plot of Dead Island 2 is set seven months after the tragedy of a zombie outbreak on the lush, fictional, tropical island of Banoi. Dead Island 2 Release Date, Spoilers and Review: New Context of Game Play Plot to Focus on California as Venue. 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The Global Employment Trends for Youth: 2011 update augments the "special edition of the Global Employment Trends for Youth, August 2010 on the impact of the economic crisis" published by the ILO.
The earlier Report demonstrated that "crisis led to a substantial increase in youth unemployment rates" and "at the peak of the crisis period in 2009, the global youth un- employment rate saw its largest annual increase on record".
Youth have been more disadvantaged by the crisis than adults – "the "first out" and "last in" during times of economic recession".
The more recent analysis presented in this update show that the "youth unemployment rate remained unchanged … in 2009 and 2010" despite some signs of growth emerging.
In most developed economies, the long-term unemployment rates of youth surpassed those of adults, by far.
There has been a clear increase in inactivity among youth in the crisis years. Globally, the youth labour force participation rate decreased … with the largest regional decreases in the Developed Economies & European Union and South Asia … growing frustration over unemployment and underemployment has pushed a large cohort of discouraged youth to drop out of the labour market altogether.
So little or no jobs growth, further entrenched unemployment – with some teenagers in chronic long-term unemployment and falling participation. The lesson from the ILO is that this is a global trend.
… there is a massive gap now between the current youth labour force count and the expected youth labour force based on pre-crisis trends. This means many young people are either "hiding out" in the education system rather than face the job search or are idly waiting at home for prospects to improve before taking up an active job search. Had these youth been instead looking for work, the "actual" youth unemployment rate in Ireland could be as much as 19.3 percentage points higher than the official rate.
The official rate in Ireland was 27.5 per cent (2010). The same point can be made for most nations. Our leaders are ignoring massive idleness among our youth.
The ILO also note that the quality of work that the youth have been able to scrounge during the crisis "is less than ideal". Underemployment and low-skill employment is rising.
The ILO conjects that there will be "continuing uncertainty for young men and women and growing discontent" (which has already manifested in the Middle East in the Northern spring and among the "Los indignados" in Spain, and other protests in Greece, Italy and the United Kingdom to name a few examples).
The ILO reports that in Ireland, the rate of out-migration among people under 25 has doubled since the 2004.
Increased crime rates in the some countries, increased drug use, moving back home with the parents, depression – all of these are common consequences for a generation of youth that, at best, has become disheartened about the future, and, at worst, has become angry and violent.
Hardly the ideal preparation for our future workforce and community leaders.
The ILO claim that "governments struggle to find innovative solutions to ease the jobs crisis" although according to them "Governments are not closing their eyes to the dangers".
If you read the list of so-called government solutions to stimulating jobs growth that the ILO claims are being pursued you get the picture. Very little jobs growth potential – more neo-liberal supply-side ineffectiveness.
1. More training (Bill notes: which is ineffective if it is outside the paid-work environment).
2. More information about jobs (Bill notes: it is hard to provide information about jobs that are not there!).
3. Addressing poor signalling (Bill notes: making the CV look better for jobs that are not there!).
4. Addressing slow job growth barriers: programmes that aim to boost job creation, especial- ly for young people; public works programmes and tax cut incentives for business that hire long-term unemployed are examples (Bill notes: so where are the jobs? In Australia, as I note later, youth employment has gone backwards since the crisis. Further – why rely on the private sector which clearly will not provide enough jobs. Why not direct job creation – of a scale sufficient to solve the problem.
5. Financial and macroeconomic policies. The ILO finally have to admit that "ultimately, job growth will not come from labour market policies alone" which should say that jobs growth does not come from supply-side policies at all – it comes from stimulating demand. The ILO claim that governments have to "accelerating the repair of the financial sector balance sheets, including bank restructuring" but do not mention once the need for increasing budget deficits to directly create jobs.
The youth unemployment issue is intrinsically related to the ageing society debate although you wouldn't know that from what the politicians talk about and the policies they implement.
The attacks on the deficit are more likely these days to be based on so-called medium- to long-term challenges – given that the last four years or so have shown that the predictions that interest rates and hyperinflation would materialise with rising deficits within a few years have been shown to be erroneous.
This is the basis of the IMF's narrative about short-term support for growth and medium-term fiscal consolidation. The ageing society (with pension and health care implications) is the mostly often used justification for their pursuit of budget surpluses.
The claim is that failure ot act now with respect to fiscal consolidation will result in unsustainable fiscal consequences and, even, according to the more extreme versions of the story – the government running out of money.
It is clear that governments should always be forward looking and accept that its fiscal position will reflect changing challenges in terms of providing adequate public services and infrastructure while always be seeking to ensure that aggregate demand is sufficient to maintain production at the levels required to fully employ the available workforce.
From the perspective of Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) perspective, national government finances can be neither strong nor weak but in fact merely reflect a "scorekeeping" role.
MMT tells us that when a government boasts that a $x billion surplus, it is tantamount to saying that non-government $A financial asset savings recorded a decline of $x billion over the same period.
So when a government aims to achieve a surplus it must also be wanting the non-government $A financial asset savings to decline by an equal amount.
For nations that run current account deficits over the same period, we can then interpret that aim as saying that it is fiscally responsible to drive the private domestic sector (as a whole) into further indebtedness. That is a consequence of such behaviour. It is not what MMT would suggest is responsible fiscal management.
It follows that the entire logic underpinning the "ageing society-fiscal consolidation" debate is flawed. Financial commentators often suggest that budget surpluses in some way are equivalent to accumulation funds that a private citizen might enjoy. This has overtones of the regular US debate in relation to their Social Security Trust Fund.
This idea that accumulated surpluses allegedly "stored away" will help government deal with increased public expenditure demands that may accompany the ageing population lies at the heart of the neo-liberal misconception. While it is moot that an ageing population will place disproportionate pressures on government expenditure in the future, it is clear that the concept of pressure is inapplicable because it assumes a financial constraint.
A sovereign government in a fiat monetary system is not financially constrained.
The concept of the taxpayer funding government spending is misleading. Taxes are paid by debiting accounts of the member commercial banks accounts whereas spending occurs by crediting the same. The notion that "debited funds" have some further use is not applicable.
When taxes are levied the revenue does not go anywhere. The flow of funds is accounted for, but accounting for a surplus that is merely a discretionary net contraction of private liquidity by government does not change the capacity of government to inject future liquidity at any time it chooses.
The standard government intertemporal budget constraint analysis that deficits lead to future tax burdens is ridiculous. The idea that unless policies are adjusted now (that is, governments start running surpluses), the current generation of taxpayers will impose a higher tax burden on the next generation is deeply flawed.
The government budget constraint is not a "bridge" that spans the generations in some restrictive manner. Each generation is free to select the tax burden it endures. Taxing and spending transfers real resources from the private to the public domain. Each generation is free to select how much they want to transfer via political decisions mediated through political processes.
When modern monetary theorists argue that there is no financial constraint on federal government spending they are not, as if often erroneously claimed, saying that government should therefore not be concerned with the size of its deficit. We are not advocating unlimited deficits. Rather, the size of the deficit (surplus) will be market determined by the desired net saving of the non-government sector.
It is the responsibility of the government to ensure that its taxation/spending are at the right level to ensure that the economy achieves full employment. Accordingly, if the goals of the economy are full employment with price level stability then the task is to make sure that government spending is exactly at the level that is neither inflationary or deflationary.
This insight puts the idea of sustainability of government finances into a different light. The emphasis on forward planning that has been at the heart of the ageing population debate is sound. We do need to meet the real challenges that will be posed by these demographic shifts.
But if governments continue to try to run budget surpluses to keep public debt low then that strategy will ensure that further deterioration in non-government savings will occur until aggregate demand decreases sufficiently to slow the economy down and raise the output gap.
The real policy issue relating to the ageing society is the movement in the dependency ratio. Please read my blog – Another intergenerational report – another waste of time – for more discussion on the dependency ratio.
The standard dependency ratio is normally defined as 100*(population 0-15 years) + (population over 65 years) all divided by the (population between 15-64 years). Historically, people retired after 64 years and so this was considered reasonable. The working age population (15-64 year olds) then were seen to be supporting the young and the old.
To take into account how many workers are actually productively employed, policy makers use the so-called effective dependency ratio which is the ratio of economically active workers to inactive persons, where activity is defined in relation to paid work (thus ignoring major productive activity like housework and child-rearing).
The effective dependency ratio recognises that not everyone of working age (15-64 or whatever) are actually producing. There are many people in this age group who are also "dependent". For example, full-time students, house parents, sick or disabled, the hidden unemployed, and early retirees fit this description.
However, the unemployed and underemployed are usually excluded because the statistician counts them as being economically active. In a period of rising underemployment and persistent unemployment you can imagine that their inclusion provides a very different picture of the dependency ratios.
The other angle is that if our youth are being excluded from paid work now their future productivity is being seriously compromised. There is ample evidence to show that people who do not engage with paid work early typically have low-wage, unstable work histories.
The reason that mainstream economists believe the dependency ratio is important is typically based on false notions of the government budget constraint as explained above.
For them, a rising dependency ratio suggests that there will be a reduced tax base and hence an increasing fiscal crisis given that public spending is alleged to rise as the ratio rises as well.
However, this entire discussion misses the actual importance of dependency ratios. It is not a financial crisis that beckons but a real one. What we should be concerned about is whether there will be real resources available to provide aged-care at an increasing level?
That is never question that the neo-liberals ask.
There will be no problem with our ageing societies if there are enough real resources are available to meet the future demands. In this context, the type of policy strategy that is being driven by these myths will probably undermine the future productivity and provision of real goods and services in the future.
The quality of the future workforce will be a major influence on whether our real standard of living (in material terms) can continue to grow and we take into account the rising dependency ratios.
We should be doing everything that is possible to educate, train and employ our youth so that they will achieve higher levels of productivty into the future and offset the rising dependency ratio.
Unfortunately, tackling the problems of the distant future in terms of current "monetary" considerations which have led to the conclusion that fiscal austerity is needed today to prepare us for the future will actually undermine our future.
Maximising employment and output in each period is a necessary condition for long-term growth. It is madness to exclude our youth – many of whom will enter adult life having never worked and having never gained any productive skills or experience.
Further encouraging increased casualisation and allowing underemployment to rise is not a sensible strategy for the future. The incentive to invest in one's human capital is reduced if people expect to have part-time work opportunities increasingly made available to them.
Ultimately the ageing society challenge is about about political choices rather than government finances. If there are goods and services produced in the future, then the sovereign government will be able to purchase them and provide them to the areas of need in the non-government sector.
The challenge is to make sure these real goods and services will be available.
What does the ILO propose governments should do about this crisis?
Their proposals are often so general that they have no operational content. They read like G-20 Communiques – motherhood statements.
Develop an integrated strategy for growth and job creation to ensure long-term, sustained and concerted action for the promotion of decent work for young people. Assigning priority to youth employment requires a coherent policy framework, with measurable targets and achievable outcomes, that addresses youth employment in national development strategies and employment policies.
Which I would write – the Government commits to zero waste of our youth and will guarantee to support everyone in public education, skills training and if either of those prove unsuitable then a guaranteed job in the public sector with in-built opportunities to access career ladders.
Establish broad-based partnerships to turn youth employment commitment into reality. Partnerships among governments, employer organizations, trade unions and other organizations can be instrumental in determining the most appropriate action to be taken at national and local levels for the promotion of decent work for young people. Action plans on youth employment can be used as a tool for the conversion of youth employment priorities into concrete action and to strengthen the coordination of youth employment interventions.
Which I would write – the Government takes responsibility for the full employment of all citizens and will ensure there are is a public sector available at socially sustainable living wages to any one who cannot find a job elsewhere. The Government will also enforce all industrial legislation to ensure private compliance and recognises the role of the trade union movement in redressing bargaining imbalances in the labour market.
Improve the quality of jobs and the competitiveness of enterprises with a view to increasing the number of jobs in productive sectors and ensuring job quality for the many young people who are currently engaged in precarious jobs, especially in the informal economy. Together with labour legislation, these measures can reduce labour market segmentation based on the type of contract and job and can help young people move to decent jobs.
Which I take as being a "faith" that the private sector will generate the jobs. Competitiveness is one of those neo-liberal code words which have seen the decline of quality opportunities for youth.
The rest of the proposal was about coordination between the government and private employment agencies and training providers.
This is a vexed area. The so-called activist agenda promoted by the OECD Jobs Study which the ILO bought into to their discredit aims to create a competitive terrain for training provision. The policy has served to undermine public education and training by forcing public schools (especially the vocational divisions) into "competing" with fly-by-night private providers who cut corners and generally aim to pursue profits rather than public purpose.
There are exceptions to this which do provide excellent skills development within the private sector but the trend is to degrade the standards rather than augment them.
Further there is a sentiment that vocational skills should be developed outside the workplace and usurp general skills development which used to be the function of schools and tertiary institutions. Even universities are being pressured into providing "training" rather than "education" by these policies. The result is that students are forced to learn "vocational" skills which are better attained within the paid-work environment (on the job) and do not achieve a broad educational understanding of the history, numeracy, literature, expression etc.
There is also pressure from the corporate sector to turn public educational institutions into merely preparation grounds for a compliant workforce to serve narrow corporate interests. For example, in Australia there is intense pressure from the mining sector to influence educational design to support coal technologies at the expense of renewables.
With all these reservations in mind, the overwhelming fact remains that youth are not gaining jobs because there is a dearth of demand rather than an insufficiency of supply (skills, motivation etc). There are not enough jobs being produced and the ultimate cause of the deficiency rests with poor policy design by governments and the failure of governments to take responsibility for job creation to ensure there is full employment.
You will note that there is very little in the ILO proposals that directly confront that reality and that urgency.
The other comment I would make relates to the proposal to include "work experience components". This is another vexed area. The ILO know that the evidence is that training outside of a paid-work environment is usually ineffective. So they want some "work experience component" in the plans to provide some paid-work contact during training.
However, this type of component is typically abused by the private sector who see it as free labour. Work experience is usually not paid and often young workers do a range of menial tasks just to put the service on their CV.
I do not support workers not being paid and I think it is a government responsibility to ensure that all workers are paid for services rendered. If the job is worth doing then the private firm should pay for it. If it part of a training scheme then it should be built in to the paid work environment.
A more general point relates to the rise in "voluntarism" over the neo-liberal period. Governments preach the virtues of people working for free in a range of areas, often to assist the private sector make profits, when in the past the tasks were filled by paid workers.
The neo-liberals love volunteers and use all the "community service" appeals to provide free labour to the private sector.
Enhance the design and increase funding of active labour market policies to support the implementation of national youth employment priorities. Active labour market policies and programmes (ALMPs) programmes should offer a comprehensive package of services with a view to facilitating the transition of youth to decent work. Standard types of ALMPs based on single measures are unlikely to work for discouraged youth or for young workers engaged in the informal economy, especially during crisis and post-crisis periods. The effectiveness of these measures could be greatly improved by introducing mechanisms that target disadvantaged youth and by piloting programmes and assessing their results prior to their implementation on a larger scale. Funding for these measures should be increased to ensure greater support during the post-crisis period. Lack of support for these employment measures would have dramatic consequences for the current generation of young people.
More activism without any commitment to job creation. What youth need are jobs which are accessible to even the most disadvantaged and disaffected person. These jobs should have carefully crafted career-development opportunities embedded within them.
Review the provision of employment services with the objective of offering a set of standard services to all young people and more intensive assistance to disadvantaged youth. Public employment services should re-orient their services to offer "standard" support to all young jobseekers (for example, self-service, group counseling and job search techniques, including employment planning) and more intensive and targeted assistance for "hard-to-place" youth. Early interventions based on profiling techniques and outreach programmes should be developed at the local level to make the services more relevant to young people and to assist enterprises in the recruitment process. Partnerships between employment services and private employment agencies are important to support young people in their job search. Partnerships between labour offices and municipal authorities, the social partners, social services and civil society organizations are required to improve the targeting of young discouraged people and young workers engaged in the informal economy who do not usually fall within the reach of the public employment service.
Again, the proposal hints that the problem lies with the youth rather than the system. I would introduce a Job Guarantee immediately which at least would ensure there are public sector jobs available on demand to anyone youth who desired to work and could not find work in the wider labour market.
These jobs would provide a stable income to allow for adequate access to housing (should that be required and available) and allow access to public transport and other issues.
I would note that the introduction of a Job Guarantee is a minimum policy intervention. It is not a panacea for all ills. It should be the labour market safety net in all economies as an expression of minimum standards and "loose" full employment.
It is likely that a range of other support services along the lines outlined by the ILO would be useful within the context of there being enough jobs available overall. The "supply-side" measures are ineffective in the absence of sufficient jobs.
I also note that I do not use terminology such as jobseekers, which crept into the lexicon early on in the neo-liberal years as a way of attenuating the damage of the unemployment that persisted under the policy regimes that were pursued by governments under the influence of this ideology. The people they are talking about are unemployed.
You might like to read this 2006 Working Paper – The Job Guarantee in Practice – where we considered a range of issues regarding the implementation of an employment guarantee scheme. It is Australian-centric but the general principles are applicable anywhere.
You might also like to read this Report from 2008 – Creating effective local labour markets: a new framework for regional employment policy – for a related discussion.
Pursue financial and macroeconomic policies that aim to remove obstacles to economic recovery: Job growth will not come from labour market policies alone. Additional financial and macroeconomic measures, including bank and debt restructuring, are needed to remove the obstacles to growth.
The following graph is taken from Australian Bureau of Statistics data on Labour underutilisation and shows the underemployment rate for 15-24 year olds (blue) and the broad measure of labour underutilisation (red) which is the sum of official unemployment and underemployment.
The unemployment rate is implied in the graph as the difference between the two lines.
The broad measure understates the degree of waste because it excludes participation effects which see the hidden unemployed outside of the official labour force. A reasonable estimate of that effect is to add another 1.5 to 2 per cent to the broad measure.
The recession has seen youth (15-19 year olds) lose ground to the adult workers in participation. The following graph shows the movement in labour force participation (Data) for 15-19 year olds (blue line and left-hand axis) and all workers (green line and right-hand axis). February 2008 was the low-point unemployment rate of the last cycle (and so conceptually the maximum participation rate – given that participation is cyclically-sensitive).
The data shows that the discouraged worker effect was stronger for youth than it was for all workers. The discouraged worker effect arises when workers stop actively searching for jobs when they perceive that there is no prospect of employment (that is, when vacancies fall below some point). The statistician then excludes these workers from the unemployment category (that is, counts them as being not in the labour force). However, these workers would accept a job offer immediately should one arise.
Economists refer to this category of workers as being hidden unemployed because they are effectively equivalent to the official unemployment in that they are available for work and would start work immediately should a job arise.
The rise in overall participation in 2010 was directly the result of strengthening employment growth on the back of the fiscal stimulus packages.
As the fiscal stimulus was withdrawn and employment growth started to stall overall participation has once again fallen back but still remain above the pre-crisis levels. In part, the rise in participation overall has been attributed to older workers remaining in the workforce longer to recoup losses made during the crisis to their superannuation balances. The jury is still out on that one though.
But for 15-19 year olds it was all down hill and the participation rate is now some 5.5 percentage points below the January 2008 peak (the peak was just before the February 2008 unemployment low).
What does that imply about hidden unemployment for 15-19 year olds? If we consider all that participation rate decline to be the result of a discouraged worker effect (which will not be far off the mark given there has been no major changes in education policy in the meantime – that is, to change behaviour with respect to participation in full-time education), then the 15-19 year old labour force would be around 916 thousand in September 2011 rather than 833 thousand which was officially recorded.
That is, a further 82 thousand teenagers have left the labour force since the crises began as their employment prospects vanished. That figure has to be added to any hidden unemployment that was present at the peak of the cycle.
If you add the 82 thousand back into the official unemployed then the 15-19 unemployment rate rises to 22.6 per cent rather than the 14.9 per cent recorded as the official unemployment rate by the ABS. Add that to the underemployment rate (around 13.5 per cent – noting that the ABS only publish this for 15-24 year olds so we are approximating) – and you get a broad labour force underutilisation rate for teenagers of around 38 per cent. Read that again – 38 per cent. That is up there with the worst nations in the world – developed or otherwise.
That should give rise to headlines in our daily media and an immediate reaction and policy change from our government. The reality is that they rarely say a word about the youth unemployment situation and stand condemned accordingly.
This appalling picture is completed by examining the employment data. In my monthly labour force commentary I also note the fact that since the downturn employment has fallen overall for our teenagers.
I repeat (for context) the graph from last month which shows that since February 2008, there have been 653.5 thousand (net) jobs added to the Australian economy but teenagers have lost a staggering 67.1 thousand jobs (net) over the same period. It is even more stark when you consider that 75.6 thousand full-time teenager jobs have been lost in net terms while only 8.4 thousand (net) part-time jobs have been added.
Further, around 52 per cent of the total (net) jobs added since February 2008 have been part-time.
I understand that the plight of youth in other countries is severe and in many cases life threatening. In Australia, the poverty is relative (mostly). However, there is nothing good that you can say about the labour market prospects being delivered to our youth.
The situation makes a mockery of those (like the bank economists and our politicians) who claim we are close to full employment. An economy that excludes its active teenagers from any employment growth at all is not one that is using its existing capacity to its potential.
As noted earlier, the longer-run consequences of this teenage "lock out" will be very damaging.
At a time when we are wasting so much of our future productive potential and our societies are ageing, the last thing we should be supporting is fiscal austerity which not only undermines prosperity in the present but also will irretrievably compromise future prosperity.
Labour markets around the world are failing the youth. At a time when we keep emphasising the future challenges facing the nation in terms of an ageing population and rising dependency ratios these economies fail to provide enough work (and on-the-job experience) for our teenagers who are our future workforce.
There is an urgent need for governments to introduce employment, education and training guarantees for the youth of the world. It will be a much worse place in the coming years if they do not.
What we need are governments who will commit to a policy platform of zero waste of all workers. We are a long way from that at present.
I get lots of E-mail about the Quiz – some think it is too hard, others think it is too easy. That is always the problem faced by an "examiner". I just try to make it accessible for newcomers and a bit of fun for others. Sometimes the wording is inexact for which I apologise – I assemble it fairly quickly. But it is designed to be a bit of a challenge without melting anyone's brains.
Anyway, it will be back tomorrow – about the same as always. I appreciate the feedback but do not have much time to respond to everyone. But I value the diverse input and it makes me (try to) take care of how I word the questions to strike a balance between the quiz being too easy and too opaque.
As a sometime casual high school and TAFE teacher I am appalled that children in NSW must remain in school until age 17. Some people have a very unhappy school experience and resent being babysat. They are too tired or too slow to learn at the same pace as the rest of the class and as they fall behind they become disruptive to cover their deficiencies. They need to go to work to be under the one to one supervision of an expert learning their trade skills. School and university environments can't provide the expertise that is learnt through day to day application of the skills and techniques of your trade. Of course Victorian government is cutting the trade training program budget, VCAL, further alienating non-academic youth.
Coincidentally I note that Victoria has graduated 5000 surplus teachers annually for the past decade.
I hadn't noted to correlation between unemployed, disengaged youth and the looming crisis of an aging population.
Like you I also abhor the rise in internships and volunteerism.
Which part of 'there aren't enough jobs' do they struggle with?
The 'current vacancies' are in the statistics every month as are the number of people wanting work. In the UK the ratio is over 10 to 1.
Even using the most optimistic dynamic model adjustments (ie the flow of vacancies is much higher than the flow of unemployed leading to less stock build up) is simply not validated by the figures.
The private sector is failing to keep its side of the societal bargain and its time that they paid damages. I reckon as soon as you start suggesting that the private sector has to hand over cash to pay for it, they would start supporting deficit spending and 'quantity expansion' as a rational alternative.
How about a youth employment subsidy? In the case of the UK that could take the form of abolishing National Insurance contributions for both employer and employee in respect of youths. The revenue lost could be recouped by increasing NI contributions by adults. Or the in the case of the US, payroll taxes for youths could be abolished.
Youth unemployment figures are somewhat misleading because so many young people aren't really in the labor market. Let's say that 80% of people 15 to 18 are in school and 50% of people 19 to 24 are in school. If youth unemployment is 25%, then it will affect 5% of people 15 to 18 and 12.5% of people 19 to 24.
Sometimes laws encourage youth unemployment. For instance, in Spain an employer has to pay to an employee whom he dismisses 1 month of salary for each year that the employee has worked for him. Obviously, this means that an employer has a greater incentive to lay off a 22-year -old who has worked 2 years fror him than a 32-year-old who has worked 12 years for him.
I believe you are underestimating the labour force participation rate of young people. In Canada the 15-24 year old participation rate is not somewhere between 20 and 50% as you suggest but about 66% (http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-210-x/2010000/t021-eng.htm) only one or two points less than the overall rate.
The MMT lobby and Centre of Full Employment and Equity have to get an Australian political party on board with MMT and the Job Guarantee.
My suggestion is that CofFEE approach the Australian Greens with a view to a long term policy development partnership and a thinktank. Labor and Liberal are parties of the past and fully soborned by corporate capital, particularly mining corporations. The Greens will soon become the relevant, major players when predictions about climate change, species extinction and resource depletion soon become patently and obviously correct. The other parties will be seen as corporate lackeys, environmental terrorists and climate criminals when the whole of society has to pay the piper for their policy failures.
Ikonoclast, I agree that there is a natural affinity between MMT and the greens based on a common interest in sustainability and shared commitment to seeing this through. We need to be pursuing this alliance. A problem is that so far many if not most of the greens are clueless about monetary economics. and some are resistant to because they have succumbed the usual neoliberal programming, or worse the Austrian chimera. This is going to take some work.
It is far worse. I visited the (former) "Occupy Sydney" camp on Saturday and baited a young nice-looking lady to agitate me to join a Communist group. I am I would say a bit familiar with this stuff being a former anti-communist activist but I do see some value in their ideas. (Personally I think that 99% of the Marxist critique of capitalism is true and 99% of the liberal critique of the orthodox communism is true what indeed doesn't leave much left – but this is another story).
So when that lady had had enough of the discussion about Lenin and Felix Dzerzhinsky I asked her the last question – did she believe that governments could only spend as much as they raise in taxes. The answer was a textbook example of "sound finance".
When even the communists believe in the neoclassical economics something must be seriously wrong with our Western culture. This is the intellectual barrier which has to be broken before any serious discussion about global problems commences and any change is facilitated.
It would be ridiculous to approach the Greens given that their leader is a Conservative / Neo-Liberal with absolutely no grasp of macroeconomics.
Bob Brown is anti-Jobs. Always has been, and always will be.
Alan Dunn I dispute your allegation that Bob Brown is anti-jobs.
The Greens oppose jobs in exploitative non-renewable polluting industries like timber cutting in ancient old growth native forests, and using cheap polluting technology to build pulp mills. I heard a Tasmanian say that Gunns was closing its timber mills because it has lost its markets to cheap eucalypt forest products from South America. The forestry industry is so short sighted and unimaginative they did not charge a royalty on each seedling sent to or planted in South America.
That shows that the money has indeed bought first-class brain-washing.
We need a new enlightenment to get out of this religious belief trap.


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text:
Biografia
Cresciuto nelle giovanili del Tricolor Constanța, viene ceduto al , club nel quale esordisce in Divizia A il 6 novembre 1932 contro il Șoimii Sibiu nel campionato 1932-33

Dopo la prima stagione caratterizzata da difficoltà di ambientamento, diventa titolare e contribuisce alle vittorie in Coppa di Romania della propria squadra, 6 coppe vinte in 7 anni di cui 5 consecutive al momento del ritiro dal campo di gioco, avvenuto il 31 agosto 1941 nel match contro il Venus București, la 163º partita disputata nella massima divisione

Nazionale
Esordisce in nazionale il 17 giugno 1935 nella partita persa dalla Romania contro la Jugoslavia 2-0. Complessivamente gioca 25 partite senza mai segnare e partecipa ai mondiali nel 1938, manifestazione nella quale la Romania viene sconfitta al primo turno da Cuba

Dopo il ritiro
Dopo il ritiro e dopo la seconda guerra mondiale, Vintilă Cossini inizia a lavorare come ingegnere elettromeccanico nella capitale, diventando anche allenatore della squadra aziendale. Tra il 1971 e il 1976 è stato presidente della commissione per lo sviluppo del calcio di Bucarest

Palmarès

Rapid Bucarest: 1934-1935, 1936-1937, 1937-1938, 1938-1939, 1939-1940, 1940-1941.

Note

Voci correlate
 Italo-romeni

Collegamenti esterni

Omul cu sasa Cupe Sportm.ro

Italo-rumeni
Calciatori della Nazionale rumena

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Iran and Saudi Arabia have been locked in a proxy war for almost 40 years, competing for regional supremacy from Iraq to Syria and Lebanon to Yemen.
U.S. President Donald Trump has strongly backed Saudi Arabia in its efforts to counter Iran's influence in the region - the Saudis praised Trump for pulling out of the Iran nuclear deal. On multiple occasions, Trump has cited constraining Iran's influence in the Middle East as cause for canceling the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, which he claims allows Iran to continue to terrorize the region.
Saudi Arabia and Iran are locked in battle for regional control as the Sunni-majority Saudis try to expand influence to match and overtake the Shi'ite-majority Iranians. Saudi Arabia has vowed to pursue nuclear weapons in the event the Iranians restart their nuclear program.
Israel and the U.S. fear Iran could fall back on its regional militant allies or proxies to retaliate against airstrikes on Iranian targets in Syria allegedly perpetrated by Israel.
Iran has used this strategy with great success since its ruinous 1980s war with Iraq. After the 2003 U.S.-led invasion that toppled Saddam Hussein, the U.S. blamed Iran for training Iraqi militants to build so-called explosively formed projectiles, which penetrated armored vehicles to maim and kill soldiers. Tehran denied doing this. Western nations and UN experts also say Iran has supplied the Shi'ite rebels now holding Yemen's capital with weapons, from small arms to ballistic missiles, something Tehran also denies.
Iran's greatest proxy achievement is Hezbollah, the Lebanese militant group and political organization that pushed occupying Israeli forces out of Lebanon in 2000. Since then, Hezbollah has remained an adversary of Israel and fought one war against it in 2006. Southern Lebanon's rolling hills bordering Israel remain Hezbollah's stronghold.
Hezbollah also wants to further integrate into local Lebanese politics as the nation votes on Sunday for a new parliament for the first time in nine years. Launching a new war could endanger its political support base, including among its Shi'ite constituency, which is wary of another ruinous war with Israel.
After the surprise and temporary resignation of Lebanese prime minister Saad Hariri in November 2017, Saudi Foreign Minister Adel Jubeir said Hezbollah had been "calling the shots" in the Hariri government, which included two Hezbollah ministers and was formed last year in a political deal that made Michel Aoun, a Hezbollah ally, head of state.
Iraq is unique in the Middle East as it is both a U.S. and an Iranian ally. In Iraq, Tehran-backed militias and Iranian commanders have often seemed as powerful as the U.S.-backed Iraqi military, most recently in an operation to retake Kirkuk from Kurdish forces.
So emboldened was Iran that top Iranian official Ali Akbar Velayati trumpeted his regional alliance's success from Beirut early November 2017, declaring victories in Iraq, Syria and Lebanon. His statement to the media after a meeting with Hariri was seen as a major provocation to regional Sunni powerhouse Saudi Arabia.
Iraq votes in a May 12 election, which could complicate and delay the formation of a government, threaten gains against the Islamic State and let Iran meddle further in Iraq's politics.
About 60 percent of Iraqis are 27 or younger and many young people in urban areas say they want a secular government, underscoring the split within the Shi'ite voter base.
Since at least 2012, Iran has provided vital support for Syria's military. Tehran says its goal is battling extremist Sunni militancy. Its critics say it seeks to cement regional power extending through Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
Qassem Soleimani, the head of Iran's elite Quds Force – an overseas arm of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps – has appeared on frontlines across Syria and coordinated with Moscow over its deployment in Syria in 2015. Iran says its forces are in Syria in an advisory role.
More than 1,000 Iranians have been killed in the war, including senior members of the Guards.
Iran-backed Shi'ite militias have come to Syria from around the region, including from Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan, to fight on the side of government forces. They have often been led in battle by Hezbollah.
Asked about Saudi troops on the ground in Syria, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said: "We will sit down and talk about ... how to best make sure that this is not America alone working on this, it's the Gulf states working alongside us."
Their manpower has helped pro-government forces hold ground in various battles, helping fill gaps in the Syrian army's capacities.
Yemen's armed Iranian-aligned Houthi movement, which took out the Saudi-backed government in Yemen in March of 2015 and now controls northern Yemen, has fired over 100 missiles into Saudi Arabia, the latest salvo killing a man on Saturday in the southern Saudi province of Jizan. Those missiles have targeted the Saudi capital and key oil production facilities near Yemen, as well as Saudi oil tankers.
The United States and the Saudi-led coalition that intervened in Yemen's civil war in 2015 accuse Iran of providing the missiles to its Houthi allies, which Tehran denies.
The war in the Arabian Peninsula's poorest country, which pits a coalition of Sunni Arab states friendly to the West against a Shi'ite armed movement sympathetic to Iran, has unleashed one of the world's worst humanitarian crises.


NEW DELHI, August 10, 2018 : Breaking free from the fad of cashback, Onlymobiles.com has announced 7.2% instant discount on the purchase of all mobile phones from 9th August to 16th August to mark the 72nd Independence Day. The offer period will also make live the much-awaited Jio 2, to encourage the customers to avail the best out of the deal.
The one of its kind 'Freedom From Cashback' offer is applicable to all major brands like Oppo, Vivo, Samsung, Apple, Google Pixel, Honor, Tecno and iTel. In order to make the deal for more exciting and hassle-free, the offer eliminates the need to apply promo code and auto applies the discount, which the customers can benefit at the time of checkout during the online purchase. Mobile enthusiasts can choose from a range of options like Google Home Mini at Rs. 3,333, Google Home at Rs. 7,272, LG K7i (Mosquito Phone) at Rs. 5,999, Nokia 5 (3GB RAM Variant) at Rs. 9,999 and Honor 9i at Rs. 14,999 to celebrate the occasion.
Further, providing more ease to its customer, Onlymobiles.com also mentioned offering No Cost EMI on all major credit cards used for buying the mobiles. Onlymobiles.com is India's 3rd e-commerce company after Amazon and Flipkart to offer No Cost EMI. The No Cost EMI flexibility will cover smartphones like Apple iPhones, Google Pixel, Samsung Galaxy Series, Oppo, Vivo, Honor, Tecno and iTel.
"Cashback has become more of a usual and mundane process when it comes to alluring online customers. Hence, this Independence Day, we have decided to do away with cashback offers and give our customers the freedom from the long 45-90 days wait period to get the cashback credited. We believe that the instant discount is a more customer-friendly offer than cashbacks," said, Mr Sanjeev Bhatia, Co-Founder, Onlymobiles.com.
"Both the offers will also be applicable to the niche models like Apple iPads and Apple Watches," added Mr Sanjeev Bhatia.
Onlymobiles.com is the first mobile dealer in India to take the initiative to enable cardless payment to its customer while making online purchases from its platform. Besides, it is the only e-commerce company which offers 30-day price guarantee. Onlymobiles.com is a leading mobile leader and sells mobiles and accessories of brands including Samsung, Gionee, Apple, Blackberry, Google Pixel, Oppo, Micromax, Nokia among many others.


In part I think my sadness about his death, which oddly coincides with that of the talented actor John Ritter, can be attributed to the fact that he deeply felt and made others feel all through his life. This is a rare feat, and one that I often wish I had truly pursued. It's the life of an artist, of course, but it's also the life of someone who rarely compromised, who took extensive risks with his work and personal ife, and who was faithful to his core even while trembling. Johnny Cash, unlike John Ritter, was perhaps one of the most important artists of the 20th century, up there with Picasso, Dylan, and Guston.
I actually miss him and, listening to his last album this afternoon, I hung my head.


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An honest debate about rationing medicine?
by Jean Smith
The excellent Clare Gerada, Chair of the Royal College of GPs is calling for a brave and honest debate about rationing medicine. According to GP magasine two thirds of GPs think that the NHS should stop providing free prescriptions for drugs that are available over the counter. Generally stuff like Calpol which you can buy without a prescription is cheap, less than the £7.65 prescription charge we have to pay in England. So it seems unlikely that requests for this stuff are coming from the people who have to pay charges. Only a small minority of prescriptions attract a charge – and none at all in Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland. So some of these requests may be coming from people who really have trouble finding small sums for medication.
Child taking medicine
Gordon Brown was talking about abolishing prescription charges in England in 2008, and we investigated the options. Prescription charges were imposed in 1952 as a rather primitive form of rationing. Apart from the free prescriptions for the poor, the old and the young there is a list of medical conditions which entitle a patient to free prescriptions – because in 1968 when prescriptions were reintroduced by the Wilson government there was life saving long term medication for those conditions. The list hasn't been revised since. As the charges tend to deter people just above the level which qualifies them for free prescriptions from taking all their medication there is a downside. Some of those people will end up in hospital because they don't take their medication.
Rationing healthcare is universal and inevitable. The only question is how it should be done. Asking people to pay at the time they need treatment is agreed to be the worst possible way of doing it.
Dr Gerada has often called for decisions about rationing to be made by politicians, not doctors. We haven't seen a rush of politicians stepping up to make proposals about what should be rationed or how. The NHS reforms introduced by this government are designed to insulate politicians as far as possible from unpleasant decisions of this kind. In reality it's probably better for most of these decisions to be made in the consulting room than in Whitehall. The introduction of Clinical Commissioning Groups does seem to have had beneficial effects in many areas, because it's forcing GPs to look at each other's practise and see where money could be saved.
Perhaps the price doctors should ask in return for taking responsibility for rationing decision is that prescription charges should be abolished in England. Then the discussions in the consulting room need not be complicated by considerations about charges.
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