Educational Qualification : Matriculation or 10th Class from recognized board/ university.
Age Limit : 18-23 Years .
How to Apply : Eligible candidates may apply in Prescribed Application form and send with self attested documents send to Concerned Recruitment Agency (BSF HQRs) on or before 30 days for the date of Advertisement.
How to Apply : Eligible candidates may apply in Prescribed Application form and send with self attested documents send to The Commandant, 95 Bn BSF, Bhondsi, Post Office – Bhondsi, District-Gurugram – Haryana -122102 on or before 30 days for the date of Advertisement.
Educational Qualification : Graduation Degree.
Age Limit : upper age limit is 32 Years .
Selection Process: Physical Test & Written Test.
Selection Process: a) Physical Standard Test (PST), (b) Physical Efficiency Test (PET), (c) Documentation (Original documents will be checked).
Educational Qualification : Matriculation with Two years work experience in respective trades (OR) One year certificate course from Industrial Training Institute (ITI) of Vocational Institute with at least one year experience in the trade; (OR) Two years Diploma from Industrial Training Institute in the trade or similar trade.
How to Apply : Eligible candidates may apply in Prescribed Application form which are available on bsf website www.bsf,nic.in application form and admit card duly filled up by the candidates may be sent to to the Commandant, 32 BN BSF, HISAR, Post Office- Sirsa Road, District- Hisar, Haryana- 125011 before with in 30 days from the date of publication in Employment News. within 30 days after publication of this advertisement in Employment News Paper (dated 16 – 22 September 2017 Issue) (i.e. Last date will be 03/11/2017).
best opportunity for those who waited for this, apply now.


Experience Allure MedSpa in the heart of Old Town Scottsdale or our brand new East Mesa location! We provide professional consultations, personalized services, advanced organic cosmetic injectable treatments, such as Botox, Dysport, Juvederm, Restylane, Voluma, Microneedling, Kybella, PRP Treatments, Sculptra, VI Peels and much more, all in a nurturing setting. Allure promises to provide you a more youthful look, healthy glow, and an all over more beautiful YOU!


Humidifresh vanilla water treatment in 16 oz bottle. humidifresh will help fight bacteria in your humidifier while filling the air with a refreshing scent. not designed to be used on flow thru furnace mount units.


text:
Clint Frazier working to improve defense with RailRiders
Jack Margaros
Scranton, Pa. — Clint Frazier stood out near the warning track in left field and laced up his cleats.
He was dressed is his usual warm-up attire — Yankees team shorts and t-shirt with some navy blue Nike tights go with it.
He was huddled with Scranton Wilkes-Barre RailRiders' defensive coach Julio Bourbon. They conversed for a couple of moments then jogged over to left field.
The RailRiders game against Rochester that evening wasn't supposed to start for another three hours. No one was on the field but a couple of Red Wings players in the right-field corner. Frazier and Bourbon spent the next several minutes doing some more talking. Bourbon went through some motions that imitated a proper crow hop. Frazier mimicked.
Clint Frazier (Matt Bufano)
Then Bourbon left Clint in the outfield and migrated to home plate. He started hitting fly balls of various speeds, trajectories and directions out to left field. Frazier camped under each one, made the catch and took a large crow hop — as if trying to cut down a runner trying to take the extra base — then softly threw the ball back in.
The two continued for over an hour before heading back into the clubhouse.
Frazier has made a habit of these one-on-one sessions ever since his return to Scranton Wilkes-Barre. It's part of his defensive routine — an area of his game Clint is quick to say he needs to improve upon.
The two work on everything together.
"First step, reads to the ball, the routes that I take, conversations," Frazier said. "It's not always just mechanics out there. Julio is so fresh out of the game it's almost like I'm talking to a teammate out there."
Brian Cashman told RailRiders manager Jay Bell he wants the majority of Frazier's time in the outfield to be in left. Knowing that Frazier is facing the problem head-on.
"Since he's been here he's been fine," Bell said. "Julio continues to work with him. He's got a nice defensive routine every day. I think he goes out of his way to find ways to get better daily in all areas of his game."
Frazier says centerfield is easier for him, and he's logged more innings at that position than the corners. But to return to the Yankees, he's accepted that he'll have to get more acclimated to the corner spots.
"We've got a guy that's pretty good up there in the big leagues, so I think I'm going to have to take my chances in the corners," he said. "The ball gets on you just a little bit faster in the corners. Guys typically, if they hit it to you, they pulled it, so they hit it pretty well."
At the plate, Frazier has recently been thrust into the leadoff spot. It's a spot he's occupied for the majority of his career, dating back to high school.
"It's just an opportunity for me to get as many at-bats as I can, which is why I like it the most," Frazier said.
At first, Frazier did not fare too well in the box, hitting .136 in his first five games back.
Since then, however, he has put up substantial numbers. He's hit close to .300 with an on-base percentage of .357 in a ten game stretch, smacking five doubles and striking out just four times.
Still, Frazier thinks he has more to give at the plate.
"At times I've felt good, and at times I've not felt good," he said. "I'm going to get in a groove here pretty soon."
He's not worried about his bat. Frazier has shown more than enough capability on offense with the Yankees this season. He is hyperfocused on improving his defense.
"I'm not going to hit my way back."
He is comfortable here with the RailRiders. His defense is coming along, and Frazier is taking advantage of getting as many at-bats as possible. In 15 games back, he feels right at home.
"Jay has given me the opportunity to play center and hit leadoff, so it's been fun while I've been here," Frazier said.
clint frazier Jay Bell Julio Bourbon Scranton Wilkes-Barre RailRiders
jmargaros
Yankees MiLB Preview: Tuesday, July 9,2019
News and Notes: CC, Stroman, Frazier, Juiced Balls, A Draft Signing and Dan Jennings – Views from 314 Ft.
[…] of Frazier, Jack Margaros over at Pinstriped Prospects wrote a nice piece on Clint's daily pre-game defensive routine. Improving his corner outfield defense has been […]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


text:
World's largest immersive studio opens at Les Mills City Gym
Three new workout studios designed in response to changing demographics and exercise trends mark the first stage of a long-term project to transform the Les Mills Auckland City Gym, the original home of the global exercise brand.
Created by New Zealand architects Monk Mackenzie and interior designer Rufus Knight, the spaces include a new Immersive Cycle studio, the largest of its kind in the world, featuring a 100-bike terraced theatre environment, wall-to-wall curved screen and a five-projector, cinema-quality audio-visual system that delivers Les Mills' THE TRIP.
In addition are a highly tactile functional studio with a newly-developed functional training workout, CEREMONY; and a boxing studio designed around the new boxing conditioning workout, CONQUER.
The new spaces have been designed to meet the expectations of the Gen Z and Millennial demographics, which are driving much of the global and local fitness spend.
"We've designed these new studio spaces to bring to life what the future of exercise might look like," says Clive Ormerod, chief marketing officer at Les Mills.
Register your details for a free copy of Physical Activity Facilities Magazine
Get your FREE copy here


text:
French Disconnection?
Why Fillon's Primary Win Is Good News for Le Pen
By Cole Stangler
PARIS—Something very nasty is in the air. Beyond all polls and punditry is the zeitgeist and today it lurches unmistakably toward the far right. In the world of Brexit and Trump, it sometimes feels like the election of the National Front's Marine Le Pen is the only possible outcome of France's presidential election next spring—the inevitable conclusion of a dystopian trilogy sounding the death-knell of the European Union and a certain era of Western democracy itself.
Naturally, experts here insist otherwise. She's not popular enough to win, they say—too divisive, too tainted by her party's extremist image. But like a nightmare where you can sense the macabre ending in advance, an electoral scenario favoring Le Pen is now starting to take shape.
On Sunday, former prime minister François Fillon unexpectedly won the presidential primary of France's newly renamed center-right party, Les Républicains (LR), defeating former French President Nicolas Sarkozy in the first round of voting and knocking out another former prime minister, Alain Juppé, in the second. Like their British and American counterparts, French pollsters utterly failed to predict Fillon's late surge in support. Now that he's secured the LR nomination, Fillon is the odds-on favorite to win France's two-round presidential election that begins next April.
To capture the Elysée Palace, Fillon will almost certainly have to defeat Marine Le Pen, the daughter of National Front (FN) founder Jean-Marie Le Pen and head of the far-right party since 2011. Riding high from mounting dissatisfaction with the political establishment, Le Pen has been building support for years—well before Brexit, well before the refugee crisis, and well before the recent string of terrorist attacks on French soil, all events that have only added to her appeal. She now regularly leads polls for the first round of the general election in May.
The second round is where it will get more complicated. Traditionally, French electors from across the political spectrum have joined forces to block National Front candidates who reach the run-off phase from winning office. It's what happened in the 2002 presidential race: Le Pen's cartoonishly racist father squeaked into the second round only to be crushed by incumbent Jacques Chirac. It's also what happened in last year's regional elections: Despite winning more first-round votes than any other party, the FN was unable to win a single one of the fifteen regional presidencies up for grabs.
Defeating Le Pen in the second round wasn't supposed to be Fillon's job. It was Alain Juppé's. Pollsters and pundits agree that the task of unifying voters against the National Front is up to the mainstream right; after all, thanks to François Hollande's disastrous presidency—a recent poll placed his support at 4 percent—the Socialist Party is in tatters. Juppé ran with this in mind.
Throughout the primaries, the seventy-one-year-old statesman proudly campaigned as a moderate, portraying himself as the only one capable of turning out general electors en masse against the menace of the National Front. On the campaign trail, Juppé lambasted the excesses of his opponents' economic and security proposals. And like a wise and cheerful grandfather, he urged a pessimistic nation to embrace its "happy identity." Primary voters either didn't buy it or they didn't care. Instead they chose Fillon, a classic conservative who combines support for restrictive social policies with a program of brutal fiscal austerity and deregulation.
While it's still early, conventional wisdom says Fillon's nomination complicates the FN's chances of capturing the presidency. Politico Europe proclaimed it "torture for Marine Le Pen" and certain French observers seem to agree. There's an element of truth to this: Fillon could siphon off support from social conservatives who would otherwise vote National Front. Much like the standard-bearer of the European far right, Fillon wants to curtail immigration, restrict birthright citizenship, and prioritize welfare for French citizens. He's a proud Catholic who backed the burkini ban and promises to promote "family values."
And yet, to reduce the presidential election to a referendum on national identity is to misread the general electorate. To do so in a country with 10 percent unemployment and annual growth of just 1 percent is especially foolish. Indeed, a recent poll found terrorism and the economy nearly tied for first place among the most important election subjects.
It may be hard for either of the frontrunners to out-chest-thump the other over national security. But on bread-and-butter economic issues, serious differences emerge. Fillon speaks longingly of Margaret Thatcher and vows to usher in the free-market revolution that France never knew. When Le Pen talks about the economy, on the other hand, she rails against privatization and calls for "strategic" state intervention.
This means any potential second-round matchup between the two could come down to a clash of economic visions: a battle between neoliberalism and welfare-state nationalism. As with Brexit and Trump, the perceived differences matter just as much as the actual ones. One is the "safe" pick associated with economic and cultural elites; the other, a chance to enact large-scale vengeance against them. We've seen this drama before—and it hasn't turned out well for the establishment.
IT'S FAIR TO SAY that Fillon has the most radically neoliberal program of any center-right presidential nominee in the history of the Fifth Republic. He wants to replace France's thirty-five-hour workweek with the EU's forty-eight-hour limit. He vows to cut the welfare state by merging unemployment, housing, and medical aid programs into a simplified stipend with fewer benefits. He promises to get rid of the nation's wealth tax—a measure that only affects people with assets above 1.3 million euros—and make up the revenue gap with a hike in the regressive and already unpopular value-added tax on the consumption of goods and services. Then there's the pièce de résistance: The elimination of five hundred thousand public-sector jobs.
Such proposals demonstrate a mind-boggling tone deafness. In fact, it would be hard to come up with an economic platform that more perfectly reflects the exact opposite of the country's mood. While this radical platform may have worked with right-wing primary voters—older, more conservative and better-off than the rest of the population—it's extremely dangerous for a general election.
National Front spokesman Florian Philippot understands perfectly well what's at stake. In the week following Fillon's victory in the first round of the primary, the party's shrewd vice president in charge of strategy and communication—and the person most responsible for its successful rebranding—previewed the sorts of attacks his party will launch against Fillon in the coming months: "He's clearly ultra-liberal, clearly for austerity," Philippot said of Fillon. "It's a program of incredible violence, under the drive of the European Union." (In French political parlance, "liberal" means free-market.)
On another cable-news show, a journalist tried to tell Philippot that Fillon's conservative platform threatened to cut into the FN's base of support.
"Social questions will not be at the heart of this presidential election," Philippot retorted. "French families don't wake up in the morning thinking about the Taubira Law [which legalized gay marriage]. They wake up in the morning thinking about how they can get a place in the childcare center... how can we pay for the kid who's gone to study in Paris and it's ridiculously expensive to find housing as a student? How can we deal with family welfare benefits that were frozen under Nicolas Sarkozy's term?"
Philippot knows his base. The National Front dominated among blue-collar workers in the last major elections, the 2015 regional race. According to exit polls, the FN won a whopping 43 percent of such voters, compared to just 20 percent for the Socialists and 17 percent for the Republicans. The FN also captured more support from service-sector workers than any other party, earning 36 percent their vote, compared to 21 percent for the Republicans and 20 percent for the Socialists. (France's official distinction between ouvrier and employé is somewhat arbitrary; it roughly corresponds to manual versus intellectual labor but also depends on the industry.)
These votes are far from guaranteed to go to Le Pen in the general presidential election. Much like young people—another group the National Front won in 2015, according to exit polls—the working class tends not to show up at the polls. About 60 percent of blue-collar and service-sector workers didn't even bother to vote in the last regional elections. If Le Pen is to stand a chance of winning the presidency, she'll have to mobilize these voters. Turning the election into a referendum on whether the state should dramatically slash welfare is an easy way to do just that.
Not unlike Donald Trump, the FN performs especially well in old bastions of the industrialized working class: in the North of France, the former heart of the now defunct mining sector, and the East, where steel and manufacturing used to rule the day. Once strongholds of the left, these parts of the country have been devastated by globalization and never fully recovered from the ensuing waves of job loss. The only thing keeping them from looking as bleak as the U.S. rust belt is the French state. From providing unemployment benefits to reliable transit services and jobs, public spending forms the backbone of society. Like Thatcher before him, Fillon is essentially proposing to cut the threads that bind thousands of communities together.
The former prime minister is vulnerable on another front too. Simply put, Fillon reeks of the establishment, or les élites, as the French say. Juppé had a longer career in government but his golden years as prime minister were in the 1990s. By contrast, Fillon's term as prime minister under Sarkozy, from 2007 to 2012, is decidedly fresher in the minds of voters. For many, it's synonymous with the economic crisis and a broader, ill-defined political malaise. There's a reason why Sarkozy was only the second French president to lose re-election since World War II.
In his recent book on the National Front, political scientist Joël Gombin looks at voters' confidence in political institutions. French society as a whole has little faith in the "system," he notes, but FN voters share this sentiment more than those of any other party. Facing a choice between a former prime minister who served under an unpopular president and someone untainted by the burdens and compromises of governing, the preference of the politically disillusioned seems self-evident.
To be sure, there are many reasons to be deeply as skeptical of the National Front's commitment to the welfare state as of Donald Trump's. It doesn't extend to immigrants. It oozes of opportunism. And serious internal debates persist: a more free-market wing of the National Front represented by Marine Le Pen's twenty-six-year-old niece and parliamentarian Marion Maréchal-Le Pen has well-known reservations about Philippot and his influence, though the latter seems to have the presidential candidate's ear for now.
Still, none of this alters the favorable circumstances for the National Front as it enters election season. Marine Le Pen's newly unveiled campaign logo, the blue rose, all but encapsulates the FN's desire to seduce disillusioned voters of the left, combining the traditional color of French conservatives with the traditional emblem of international socialism.
Chillingly, the image captures one of the defining gestures of another generation of the European far right: the desire to demolish traditional class and political divides with the cleansing power of nationalism. In The Brown Pest, French activist and writer Daniel Guérin observes that fascism "promises the moon to each social category without worrying about accumulating contradictions in its program." Indeed, like its predecessors, the National Front could not be less concerned about conflicts of this sort. It vows to protect big French corporations. It vows to protect French small-business owners. And it vows to protect French workers.
THOUGH INCREASINGLY GRIM, the electoral landscape may not be entirely irredeemable.
Ironically, Fillon's nomination could have the effect of opening up space for a genuinely left-wing presidential campaign—one that combines defense of a well-funded, redistributive state with respect for ethno-religious diversity. Juppé at least paid lip service to left-leaning voters. Fillon cannot credibly do the same. Those horrified by the prospects of the most likely second-round matchup right now will want a candidate of their own to rally behind.
But the Socialist Party is a wreck, leaving the French left in a state of uncertainty. Amazingly, the sitting president is still considering a run for re-election, despite his abysmal poll numbers and massive unpopularity. Emmanuel Macron, a former economic minister under Hollande who recently launched his own presidential campaign, is too pro-business to fit the profile required of the moment. Two progressive candidates running in the Socialist primary, Benoit Hamon and Arnaud Montebourg, may gain some traction but are probably doomed because of their own associations with Hollande.
The most likely beneficiary of the vacuum is Jean-Luc Mélenchon, the founder of the Left Party, who in 2017 is running as an independent. Mélenchon currently polls around 15 percent, about even with Macron for third place, but his economic populism and anti-establishment aura offer him an opening, especially in this cycle. An admirer of Bernie Sanders and a gifted public speaker, Mélenchon has a go-it-alone attitude that sometimes vexes and grates even those open to his message. But if there were ever a time to put aside such hesitations, it is now, as the abyss approaches.
If Mélenchon manages to sneak into the second round and win, we'll have learned a valuable lesson: the antidote to today's resurgent far right is not austerity or the free-market reforms that have fomented mistrust in the political system on both sides of the Atlantic. It is a populism of the left that directs people's anger where it belongs—not at immigrants, but at the wealthy elites who demand such regressive policies—and shows that the state can deliver material benefits to all those living within its borders.
But this remains only a slim hope. For now, the National Front's much uglier message seems likely to gain momentum. The party and its candidate have the fortune of surging at an exceptional moment—the left is weak and fractured like never before while the right lines up behind a vulnerable candidate. Le Pen and company could not have asked for more.
Cole Stangler is a Paris-based journalist who writes about labor and politics. His work has been published in The Nation, Jacobin, The Guardian and The Washington Post, among other outlets.
Does Baseball Have a Future in Europe?
In the Harsh Light of Trumprise
Branca's Pitch, Branca's Cross
Donald TrumpForeign AffairsWeb Exclusive
We've Come a Long Way
By John W. Farrell
An Interview with Hans Küng
By Claude-Francois Jullien
Pandemic Parenting
By Burke Nixon


Nicholas Donohue, Deputy Secretary of Transportation: According to a press-release, Nicholas Donohue served previously as Policy and Legislative Director for the Transportation for American Campaign. Before that he served as Assistant Secretary of Transportation and Special Assistant to the Secretary of Transportation in the administration of Governor Tim Kaine. Nicholas holds a Bachelor's Degree in Urban Studies and Geography from Virginia Commonwealth University.
as an accountant, financial analyst and community relations consultant. She holds a Bachelor's of Science Degree in Accounting from Norfolk State University.
Jennifer Mitchell, Director, Department of Rail and Public Transportation: According to the enotrans.org and wtsinternational.org, Jennifer Mitchell is a senior-level transportation professional who specializes in the implementation of public transit projects, with a particular emphasis on developing financial plans and advancing projects through planning, design and construction. She previously served as a Principal Consultant with PB's Strategic Advisory practice, and Manager of the Transportation Finance and Project Development group in the eastern US, consulting with local and State agencies on developing project financial plans and advancing projects through planning, design and Construction phases. Throughout her career, she has worked on the planning and implementation of toll roads, port, airports and transit projects in the U.S. and internationally.
Jennifer has a Masters in Regional Planning from The University of North Carolina – Chapel Hill, and a Bachelor of Urban Planning from the University of Virginia.
Virginia Secretary of Transportation and Virginia Department of Aviation Director Randall Burdette are also members of the VCSFA board, which oversees the operations of the Mid-Atlantic Regional Spaceport (MARS) on Wallops Island. Two board seats remain open.


Tigers tamed as Blues go sixth.
Brief summary… Another three points as Everton eventually put a hard working Hull away, with maiden goal for Calvert- Lewin and a brace for Romelu Lukaku.
Ronald Koeman resisted any temptation to drop Romelu Lukaku, keeping faith with the leagues leading scorer as the Blues looked to move into sixth place even if only for 24 hours. He made changes to the eleven that began against West Brom in selecting: Robles, Baines, Williams, Jagielka (C), Coleman, Gueye, Schneiderlin, Davies, Barkley, Calvert-Lewin and Lukaku.
Hull city, fighting for Premier League survival under new manager Marco Silva were without Everton loanee Oumar Niasse and they lined up: Jakupovic, Elabdellaoui, Robertson, Maguire, Ranocchia, advise, N'Diaye, Clucas, Markovic, Huddlestone and Hernandez.
The referee in charge was Paul Tierney.
A damp and breezy afternoon at the Old Lady but, the pitch looked in perfect condition for some slick attacking football and with Calvert-Lewin up alongside Lukaku, Ronald Koeman appeared to have set the team to play with two up front with Barkley and Davies to push forward too.
Everton survived an early Hull threat as Williams blocked a Hernandez effort and Calvert-Lewin (DCL) showed some good early touches from a wide left position.
The Blues opened the scoring on eight minutes as a searching through ball from Barkley found Davies in space on the right flank inside the Hull box and his inch-perfect cross was swept home confidently from seven yards by DCL.
A Lukaku flick-on gave Coleman a shooting chance and his half volley was saved at the foot of the post. Good defensive cover from Baines denied Markovic and the ex-RS skied his next effort high over the bar.
Schneiderlin was spraying balls around and setting the tone for much of the Everton play, but the next good move was starred by Jagielka as he won the ball in our box and found Lukaku on the left. The Belgian played a sweet cross field ball for DCL and he excellent turn bamboozled the Hull marker who immediately blocked his progress.
A tempting low cross from the right by Barkley unluckily evaded both Davies and DCL as the Blues continued to dominate possession.
Everton were denied a second goal on 23 minutes as a late offside flag ruled out a curling shot from Lukaku after a lovely pass from Gueye.
Disappointingly, Morgan Schneiderlin limped off on 28 minutes to be replaced by Gareth Barry and this disrupted the team somewhat, no offence to GB.
Williams got caught in two minds and that allowed Clucas to nip in and lob the onrushing Robles, thankfully the ball cleared the crossbar.
The final action of a half that Everton had dominated saw Davies burst forward on the left and push a through ball for Barkley that was a tad too strong for the recalled England international.
The first ten minutes of the second half were massively forgettable until a break saw Barkley release Lukaku away on the right. The big man cut inside and fired a shot just over the bar.
Funes-Mori came on for DCL on 55 minutes and Maguire denied Barkley with a goal saving challenge.
Everton then had Koeman fuming on the touch line as they were forced back from the Hull area all the way back to Robles.
Baines then fired a long cross field ball for Lukaku to collect, beat his man and sting the goalies fingers with a rasping drive.
Grosicki replaced Davies for Hull on 64 minutes ahead of Williams seeing yellow for a professional foul on Markovic. Some tough tackles were being made on Barkley and Davies, and one too many by Huddlestone on Gueye saw the red card brandished on 72 minutes.
Ener Valencia came on for Tom Davies two minutes later and with his second touch of the ball doubled the Blues lead, taking a sweet chip over the back line from Lukaku to round the keeper and net.
Barry saw yellow for pulling back Markovic and Hull brought Diomande on for Hernandez for the final nine minutes.
As the fourth official was preparing to signal four extra minutes, Everton made it three nil as Gueye to Barry, to Barkley saw the ball laid perfectly into the path of Romelu Lukaku and he slid home majestically.
And as the Hull defence fell apart, Lukaku added an injury time fourth to the adulation of the crowd.
Hull made Everton work hard for these three points, but the better quality and class of the Blues eventually earned the rewards. Barkley worked hard throughout as did Lukaku who got the goals we desperately need to retain.


Every so often on the journey of life, one reaches seemingly impassable terrain. In January of this year, Scott Conary's wife gave birth to a girl with hypoplastic left heart syndrome. Within a few days, she endured the first of three surgeries to be spaced out over her childhood. Scott describes the surgery as something from science fiction, and the experience of those weeks of raw fear and unreal, unavoidable processing of each family member's pain as akin to stopping a train.
How does the creative person navigate such shifts in their personal landscape? Scott's paintings are at once straightforward and mysterious: figures stand in undefinable communication with each other, and farmhouses might be placed on only semi-recognizeable land. When describing his paintings, he writes that he tries to create a "solidity" in the play between the subject matter and how much he enjoys using the paint itself as subject matter. Where, then, is his new reality, as the fragile child that he loves is subjected to tangles of probes and tubes. She was given the name Analogue Jane in reference to her eventual ability to escape these impositions of her surgery. His painting is "driven by a love and curiosity of the natural world and how we live within it." As his internal creative narrative incorporates a new character, how will his dry and kind sense of humor assist him in the description of this beloved new life?
Scott will be opening his studio again in October. Be sure to check out his portfolio at Conary.org.


text:
Men's and women's golf teams swing for the spring
With the conclusion of Iowa golf's fall tournament slate, both teams have a lot to look forward to.
Iowa's Alex Schaake putts during a tournament at the Donald Ross Course at the Cedar Rapids Country Club in Cedar Rapids on Tuesday, Sept. 19, 2017.
Joseph Cress
Jess Westendorf, Sports Reporter
Filed under men's golf, Sports, Women's Golf
The arrival of November means the end of the men's and women's golf teams' fall seasons.
Both of Iowa's teams have finished their respective slate of tournaments and are now focusing on getting ready for the spring, but the fall work is important to look back on.
The Hawkeye women's team competed in five tournaments this fall but only placed in the top-five in one: the Diane Thomason Invitational.
The team took home the gold with an 898 (34-over), led by three top-five individual finishes including a first-place tie by senior Shawn Rennegarbe.
Rennegarbe put everything out on the course this season, and it paid off. She recorded season-best records as well as career-best records: a 18-hole score of 69 at the Thomason Invitational, a 54-hole score of 221 at the Thomason, and a best career finish of tying for first place at the Thomason.
Freshman Manuela Lizarazu was one of the new additions to the team this fall, and the effect she had on the team was quite beneficial.
She made the lineup for every tournament and recorded three top-30 finishes. As the season went on and she continued to get experience, her scores got better.
During the first tournament — the Branch Law Firm Invitational — Lizarazu tied for 70th and during the Thomason, she placed third.
The Iowa men's golf team also competed in five tournaments this fall and enjoyed successful finishes.
Iowa placed in the top-five in three of the tournaments and the top-10 once.
But the team didn't just have season-best finishes; junior Alex Schaake had three top-10 finishes.
The 2018-19 season also notched an impressive statistic for the team. There are eight members on the team, and five shot lows in the 60s: Aaron DeNucci (69), Gonzalo Leal Montero (67), Schaake (67), Matthew Walker (66), and Benton Weinberg (67).
These statistics also led to the team recording an average low score of 66.
For the team to have a successful spring, it will need to keep up the production and build on the success from the fall.
Schaake is essential. He averages a 70.7 in tournaments and recorded a low of 67, the second best on the team.
Walker is another Hawkeye who has a pivotal role on the team. He placed fifth at the Gopher Invitational on Sept. 9 and 10 for a career best.
Needless to say, both Iowa golf teams could have big springs ahead of them.
RELATED: Manuela Lazarazu leads Iowa women's golf in Mexico
Hawkeye football's 'New Kirk' aggressive approach has sparked excitement
Iowa men's basketball set to share in season-opener
No. 6 Nebraska sweeps Iowa volleyball at home
Hawkeye football's 'New Kirk' aggressive approach has sparked excitement
Iowa men's basketball set to share in season-opener
Schaake earns Big Ten Player of the Year
Iowa men's golf wins Hawkeye Invitational
Hawkeye golf set for Big Tens, Hawkeye Invitational
Iowa men's golf heads south for Big Ten Match Play
Iowa men's golf takes eighth in Texas tourney with top teams
Hawkeye men's golf heads to greens in Texas
Iowa men's golf climbs to fourth at Fighting Irish Classic
Iowa men's golf goes back on the road
Iowa men's golf disqualified at Marquette Intercollegiate
Iowa women's golf stays home, men hit the road


text:
Views & Reviews about Writing and Reading
Poems Published
Liffey Sound FM
Floorshows
Salmon Poetry Books
The Sunflower Sessions
Salmon Poetry
Lucan Book Club
Favourite Novels
Turas Press
'It's Time Reviews
'Finnegan' on Digital Hub FM 94.3
by tvivf on December 16, 2009 December 16, 2009
I have been remiss in not blogging about our radio programme which goes out every Friday at 9.00pm on Digital Hub radio 94.3. We started back last month for another few sessions and with the usual suspects, viz., Edward Delaney (genial host), Micheal MacAonghusa (raconteur and current affairs guru) and myself (resident poet and court jester). One or two guests also, among them the very worthy Ronnie Byrne of St catherine's Boxing Club in nearby Marrowbone Lane (our radio studio is off Thomas Street). And yes the club is for girls as well as boys, and no you don't have to do the boxing. It can be just 'keep fit' and games if you like. It's had its funding difficulties in the past, says Ronnie, but it's come through those and is simply bursting at the seams with youngsters wanting to get involved. It's more than a boxing club. It's a social networking base. Any night you pick you could have 30-40 kids there doing training and other activities. For €20 once a year, and €8 per week it's a great outlet, says Ronnie, and I believe him. I also believe that this type of thing would not be happening were it not for Ronnie's commitment and dedication and you can see now why I began this piece by calling him 'the very worthy' Ronnie Byrne.
Ronnie Byrne of St Catherine's Boxing Club
Edward has been delving into films made in Ireland by Ardmore studios (fado', fado') and I have been surprised at the number of Abbey Theatre people who featured in them. Also according to Edward it was the Irish in America who created the 'musical film', starting with a film called 'Sally's Irish Rogue'. All this sounds fascinating and I hope I can get some time to have a look at this Irish Cinema History.
Previous Post: 'Departures & Arrivals', by Eric Newby
Next Post: DigitalHubRadio: That's all for now!


A pilot deliberately smashed a stolen plane into a club hosting a baby shower in a bid to kill his wife following a blazing row on Saturday, witnesses say. Charl Viljoen was filmed flying the aircraft dangerously low as he menaced guests at the party in Botswana, according to horrified onlookers.
He then ploughed the plane directly into the building, killing himself in a huge fireball and destroying the clubhouse. Unfortunately for him, no one else is believed to have been hurt as panicked party-goers managed to evacuate just moments earlier.
Dramatic footage of the aftermath of the crash shows flaming debris and plumes of thick black smoke - as well as a deflated children's' bouncy castle. Viljoen was taken to nearby Deborah Retief Memorial Hospital where he was pronounced dead.


text:
Q: Merge multiple REGEX statements I have an example string.
This should be **bold**, *indented* or ***bold and indented***.

The string is parsed using 3 regex that run one after another to get the following result:
This should be bold, indented or bold and indented.

It's simple and works fine. However, I'd like to save me a few lines (if it's possible, prettier, and more efficient, then why not eh?), and merge them. To make all the replacements in a single regex statement. Is it possible with extra efficiency? or should I leave it as is? (even if I should, I'd like to see a possible solution?)
My matching statements:

*

*\*\*\*(.+?)\*\*\* -> $1

*\*\*(.+?)\*\* -> $1

*\*(.+?)\* -> $1

A: Honestly, keeping them as 3 separate regexes is almost certainly...

*

*More readable

*Simpler

*(Due to #1 and #2) More maintainable.

Fewer lines is not always better, especially when it comes to regexes.

Also, you only actually need 2 regexes - the bold one and the italic one. Just always run the bold one first:
***foo***

becomes, after the bold regex...
*foo*

and then the italic regex makes that...
foo

Which is the correct output. (The reason for running the bold one first is because the italic one would match *** as * which is wrong.)

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


text:
»News»Liverpool criticised for government subsidy request
Liverpool criticised for government subsidy request
Posted by Sean Whetstone on April 5, 2020 in News, Whispers
Liverpool has been accused of betraying their "morals and values" for their move to furlough non-playing staff during the suspension of football. Premier League leaders Liverpool said they would top up the public money made available from the government to ensure staff on temporary leave received their full salaries.
It follows similar moves by Spurs, Newcastle, Bournemouth and Norwich to take advantage of the job retention scheme, under which employers can claim for 80% of furloughed employees' wages. The rich football clubs have faced media and public backlashes as a result.
West Ham have so far stood firm and adopted a wait and see approach to furloughing non-playing staff who cannot work from home.
Yesterday West Ham Vice-Chairman Karren Brady confirmed a Claret and Hugh story we run last Monday which said West Ham standby their staff
Brady said on social media on Saturday 'All staff at West Ham United, full and part-time have been paid 100% of their wages, ensuring everyone is safe and looked after is our most important priority, regardless of what you think'
The Hammers have yet to rule out completely that they will never furlough staff but have no immediate plans to do so.
← UK government could suffer from Premier League wage cut
Confusion over players wage cuts →
About Sean Whetstone
I am Season Ticket Holder in West stand lower at the London Stadium and before that, I used to stand in the Sir Trevor Brooking Lower Row R seat 159 in the Boleyn Ground and in the Eighties I stood on the terraces of the old South Bank. I am a presenter on the West Ham Podcast called MooreThanJustaPodcast.co.uk. A Blogger on WestHamTillIdie.com a member of the West Ham Supporters Advisory Board (SAB), Founder of a Youtube channel called Mr West Ham Football at http://www.youtube.com/MrWestHamFootball, I am also the associate editor here at Claret and Hugh. Life Long singer of bubbles! Come on you Irons! Follow me at @Westhamfootball on twitter