text:
Addressing the Turkish Dimension in Creating a Euro-Atlantic Security Community - Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI)
Home > Food for Thought > Addressing the Turkish Dimension in Creating a Euro-Atlantic Security Community - Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI)
Building a Euro-Atlantic Security Community has many dimensions, including the multiple and diverse sides of security—from its political-military aspects to economic, environmental, and energy security, as well as human security in the form of good governance and respect for the rights of individuals.
Other dimensions involve the evolving role and significance of key actors. On that front, none is more important than Turkey and the dramatic changes in its role in the Euro-Atlantic region. The Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative's Working Group on Turkey, which brought together experts from Turkey and from elsewhere in the region, examined the new assertiveness in Turkish foreign policy, Ankara's growing influence within its critical immediate neighborhood, and its evolving relationship with other key portions of the Euro-Atlantic region. The report that follows assesses each of these elements. It then recommends measures to be taken by the Turkish government and Turkey's partners in the Euro-Atlantic region to fit the Turkish component into the construction of a stronger Euro-Atlantic Security Community.
The Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI) was tasked, in the words of the commission's basic concept, with creating a Euro-Atlantic Security Community "free of opposing blocs and gray areas." The community should be a vast space in which "disputes would be expected to be resolved exclusively by diplomatic, legal or other nonviolent means, without recourse to military force or the threat of its use" and in which all countries "would be bound together by a shared understanding of the major security challenges facing member states and ready to respond to them with effective organization and action." If that is the objective, then integrating Turkey into the enterprise is key.
Turkey has obvious and unique geostrategic significance for the Euro-Atlantic area, given its location at the intersection of the Black and Mediterranean Seas and aside the Middle East, the Balkans, the Caucasus, and the Caspian basin. A population of 75 million makes Turkey by far Europe's most populous Muslim-majority country. It is a dynamic business and commercial powerhouse; its economy outperformed China's in 2010; and, were it in the European Union (EU), for the last ten years Turkey would have been its fastest growing member.
Scarcely any issue crucial in the construction of a Euro-Atlantic Security Community lacks a Turkish dimension. Speak of energy security as a critical component of a Euro-Atlantic community and Turkey's role as a vital player in the development of the new southern corridor supply route into Europe immediately arises. Turkey is an important factor for such political-military issues as the future of the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE), missile defense cooperation, and the disposition of nonstrategic nuclear weapons. As the Euro-Atlantic states deal with historic changes in the broader Middle East, Ankara has great potential to help shape events, and its diplomats are active players in the Balkans at a time when the attention of others has shifted elsewhere. Turkey also has a major presence in the post-Soviet space and will play an important role as that region's countries deal with political, economic, and security challenges. Ankara's positive relations with Moscow and its stake in resolving conflicts in the Caucasus can be assets in stabilizing that area and integrating both it and Russia into the wider Euro-Atlantic region. Location and exposure make Turkey's cooperation and capabilities vital in the struggle against terrorism, illegal immigration, organized crime, drug trafficking, and other illicit trade.
So too does Turkey figure prominently in the historical obstacles that must be overcome if North America, Europe, and Russia are to make of themselves a common economic and security space. Overcoming tensions and mistrust rooted in long-standing grievances between countries represents another critical step along the way to integrating the Euro-Atlantic space. Unless deep-seated sources of tension in Turkey's relations with key neighbors fade, the larger objective will remain severely constrained.
FRAMING THE CHALLENGE
In the not too distant past, Turkey's effectiveness as a world or even regional player often appeared limited by internal weaknesses and the burdens of history and culture. Among the former were economic failings and a fractured political system that hampered effective government and led to military control. The latter included an incomplete relationship with Europe, circumscribed ties with Russia, and an estrangement from the Arab world, the Balkans, and Armenia. As a result Ankara often "punched below its weight" in international affairs. In many cases, it was seen as a marginal complicating factor rather than a driver or source of solutions. Today, Ankara's engagement and presence appear in a markedly different light.
Ankara is energetically articulating a Turkish view, a Turkish interest, and a Turkish role on an astonishing array of issues, and then asserting itself in a manner not observed since Ottoman times. Based on its own internal social, economic, and political transformations, which have roots in changes that began in the 1980s and that have accelerated dramatically in the last decade, the country has developed an image and an influence in the volatile region around it that are enlarged and important.
Hence, it is of no small importance that Europe, particularly the European Union, has too long kept Turkey at arm's length. Whatever the complex issues that weigh on Turkey's accession negotiations with the EU, the absence of an EU strategic vision for its relations with Turkey has grown critical, as Turkey's relations within the Euro-Atlantic region reach a decisive turning point. Turkey is now more important than ever to the larger Euro-Atlantic community and that community is more important than ever to Turkey.
What Turkey brings to a potential EuroAtlantic Security Community is, while crucial, also complicated and controversial. The country is pivotal in four regions that matter to Euro-Atlantic security—the Mediterranean, the Balkans, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. Therefore, the way it defines its role and executes its foreign policy bears significantly on how developments within these regions will affect the peace and welfare of the larger Euro-Atlantic region. But the exercise of that role at times has stirred misgivings in allied capitals—the May to June 2010 blowup with the United States, France, Germany, and the United Kingdom on Iran being the most obvious example. On that issue and others, new Turkish activism has not always brought consistent or unmixed successes. Ankara's ability to influence events has, at times, been limited. For instance, the risky and so far fruitless confrontation with Israel over Gaza remains, and despite increasingly strong remonstrances by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Syria's violence against activists within its borders continues.
When Turkey acts in ways divorced from the actions of its longtime friends and allies as well as from others in the Euro-Atlantic space, it is less successful in achieving its goals; Turkey in concert with others will accomplish more on crucial regional and global matters. Achieving this harmony is not, of course, only up to the EU or the United States but is also a task for Ankara. Thus, expectations of Turkey, as the states of the Euro-Atlantic seek to act in concert to reinforce regional stability and development, are as great as Ankara's expectations of others. As the Euro-Atlantic states deal with historic changes in the broader Middle East, Ankara has great potential to help shape events.
There are also domestic considerations. Almost universally, Turks are proud of their country's historic reemergence in world affairs for the first time in nearly one hundred years and resentful of those who criticize it, particularly when those critics' policies—in Iraq, Afghanistan, and on Israel-Palestine, among other issues—seem to Turks to have been deeply flawed. At the same time, Turkey's own society is polarized. Suspicion of Prime Minister Erdogan, his colleagues, and their agenda runs deep. Antipathy about and opposition to many specific policies toward Israel, the Arab world, Iran, the United States, and Russia are substantial. Turkey's ability to play an effective role and fashion more effective partnerships with the other Euro-Atlantic states depends in real measure on how these internal tensions are resolved, and the degree to which Ankara is seen to be acting at home and abroad in ways consistent with its modern secular and democratic character.
The Turkish dimension of the Euro-Atlantic enterprise, therefore, has two sides, and dealing with both in a balanced and frank fashion constitutes—for Turks as well as their Euro-Atlantic partners—the core challenge.
CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
I. Turkey and the European Union
Like Russia, Turkey is a crucial European player whose relations with a key European institution are problematic and whose imperfect integration into European structures remains a challenge that clouds the vision of a Euro-Atlantic Security Community. But whereas Russia is decidedly skeptical about the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), Turkey's political culture and public have for decades expressed an eagerness to be part of the EU. That eagerness has not been reciprocated in all European capitals. Whether opposition to Turkey's entry reflects fears over bringing more Muslims into the community, jealousy that a state the size of Turkey will diminish the power and influence of others in EU institutions, or a genuine conviction that imperfect democracy and alienated neighbors make Turkey unfit for membership, the underlying reality is that much of Europe does not have a good understanding of contemporary Turkey—or, in fact, a desire to understand it.
Turkish-EU relations are characterized by paralysis, if not enmity. Far more negotiations chapters are offlimits than are open to negotiation, and, since no chapters can be closed, the talks, as they drag on year after year, lack an obvious end point. Fewer and fewer Europeans now speak about how and why Turkey should be part of the EU. The same holds true for Turkey, where leaders in Ankara have largely failed to make the case to their public of why it is a vital national interest to be a part of the EU. To the contrary, their repeated complaints about double standards and moving EU goalposts have halved public support for Turkey's EU accession project in just six years. So few Turks now expect the country will ever gain admission to the EU that this prospect's apparent hopelessness seems barely to be a political issue. Starved of oxygen on all sides, the negotiations are slowly suffocating.
The Turkish-EU relationship is fraught with structural and political problems. The 2004 decision to admit Cyprus even in the absence of a peace settlement there meant that Nicosia could veto any affirmative EU step in the talks with Turkey and that it could use Turkey's accession process as leverage in its UN-led negotiations with the Turkish Cypriots. The Cyprus issue has also amounted to a fig leaf behind which EU opponents could hide. Indeed, barely a year after their historic October 2005 decision to open accession negotiations with Turkey, EU leaders were maneuvered into circumscribing those negotiations by Cyprus and Ankara's other EU critics.
The fact that Turkey is an accession country means that relations with it are structurally "owned" by the enlargement directorate, limiting or at least crowding out a larger EU strategic foreign policy dialogue with Ankara. The conversations that the enlargement commissioner has with his Turkish counterpart cannot substitute for those that the high representative for foreign affairs and the Turkish foreign minister have only inadequately. Dialogue on specific issues, such as the Arab Spring or Caspian gas and energy, is pushed to the side and left unconnected to any broader vision for EU-Turkish relations.
This is not easy to fix. Ankara wants to be treated like every other country negotiating accession with the EU but also believes—correctly—that it is different and should be recognized as such. It is hard to have it both ways, and Ankara remains wary about developing relations outside of the accession context, not least for fear that doing so will be seen as accepting the secondbest "privileged partnership" to which French president Nicolas Sarkozy and German chancellor Angela Merkel want to consign it. As a result, the EU keeps Turkey at arm's length and renders itself more insular in the process. The EU should instead recognize that Turkey is an important window on Arab and other largely Muslim countries and communities with which the union's own relations have foundered. Turkey, in turn, deprives itself of the EU connection and synergies that would augment its regional role, influence European thinking and actions on key issues, and perhaps lead to better outcomes on issues where both share interests.
II. Managing and Resolving Regional Conflicts around Turkey
Ankara's has not been a historically easy neighborhood. Throughout much of the Cold War, as Turkish foreign minister Ahmet Davutoğlu has said, Turks thought of their country as having "three sides of seas and four sides of enemies." He sought to replace that with a policy of achieving "zero problems with neighbors." Indeed, well before the Justice and Development Party government was seated in 2002, Turkey set about overcoming historically friction-ridden relationships, beginning with Syria, Greece, and Armenia. At a time when others could not or would not take up the promotion of resumed negotiations between Syria and Israel, Turkey stepped into the void and made progress in 2007–2008. It played a helpful role with Qatar and others in mediating an end to Lebanon's presidential crisis in 2009. After sitting on the sidelines following the U.S. invasion of Iraq and allowing too much of its policy toward that country to be held hostage by terrorism organized by the Kurdistan Workers' Party and its supporters in northern Iraq, Turkey from March 2008 largely embraced the government of Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki, involved itself in Iraqi internal political issues as a balance to Iran, achieved rapprochement with the Iraqi Kurds and their leader Massoud Barzani, and successfully developed trade and investment with the region. The inclusion of Turkey proved important for NATO's confrontation with Muammar Qaddafi, even though the Turks' military role in Libya was passive. In the Balkans, Turkey has been welcomed by Kosovo, Albania, and Macedonia. It found a role for itself in promoting dialogue between Bosnia and Serbia, with which ties have flourished, and Ankara has involved itself in easing the complex Pakistan-Afghanistan relationship.
True, these initiatives have come with limitations. Work in 2009–2010 to mediate the Iran nuclear issue led to a confrontation with others over the Turkey-Brazil-Iran uranium swap deal and Ankara's vote against expanded United Nations Security Council sanctions against Iran. Israel-Syria mediation and back-channel efforts in the conflict between Israel and Hamas (including on the fate of Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier held by Hamas for five years and released in October 2011) collapsed after Israel's Operation Cast Lead into Gaza, a change of government in Israel, the Mavi Marmara flotilla confrontation, and sharp public rhetoric by key leaders. The deterioration of relations with the Israeli government of Benjamin Netanyahu in 2010–2011 suggests that any renewal of a Turkish mediating role with or among Israel, Syria, the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah, or the Hamas regime in Gaza will be a very long time coming.
Work to increase Ankara's role in the Caucasus foundered after the sidelining of a 2009 agreement with Armenia to normalize ties and deal with the difficult legacy of the Armenians' fate at Ottoman hands during World War I. The setback in Turkish-Armenian relations has had the indirect effect of slowing a bilateral rapprochement and a settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
Still, Ankara's attempts at reconciliation and mediation serve a larger strategic objective whose action elements are potentially a natural complement to the European Union's European Neighborhood Policy (ENP), including its European Mediterranean Partnership (EMP). If it is to make headway on issues of immediate interest—including Cyprus—while also enhancing its external role, Turkey needs to exercise leadership in promoting stability as well as intercourse within and among these regions. To accomplish this, Ankara has significant soft power tools. They include promoting freedom of movement through visa-free regimes, the development of joint social and cultural projects, and large trade and investment resources. This is precisely the approach and these are many of the tools at the heart of the EU's ENP/EMP. By most accounts the returns to Turkey's efforts exceed those to the EU, suggesting both lessons to be learned and success to be valued.
III. Dealing with the Arab Spring
A new and vital extension of Turkey's role on the Euro-Atlantic's southern front, Ankara's constructive engagement with the Arab Spring is potentially as important to Euro-Atlantic security as the actions of other powers, including the United States and the European Union. True, like others, its history has been more with leaders now ousted or under siege than with the Arab public. Its influence is spread unevenly, being much weaker in the Maghreb than in the Eastern Mediterranean, and until recently was overlaid with historical resentment of Ottoman subjugation and Turkish paternalism. But Turkish culture and ways have become increasingly familiar and popular in neighboring Arab states, not least because of the wide viewership of Turkish television, the image Prime Minister Erdogan has generated by standing up to Israel, and also Turkey's acceptance of thousands of Syrian refugees fleeing Bashar al-Assad's oppressive regime.
While democracy promotion, an important component of the European Union's EMP and of America's approach to the region, has seldom been an operationally articulated dimension of Turkish policy, leaders in Ankara have made increasingly clear in recent months their view that democracy is essential for long-term regional stability, and they have pressed regional autocrats to respond to the public will or find themselves swept away by it. Aspects of Turkey's development aid programs have focused on good governance, women's rights, and broader political participation. Ultimately, while it is commonplace to add to this list the hopefilled notion that Turkey, as a modern Muslim-majority society, can serve as a model for a Middle East struggling to find a new identity, Turkey's real contribution at this level is more likely to be as an object lesson based on its successes and failures in managing the four-sided challenge of reconciling Islam, secularism, democracy, and modernization.
But the Arab Spring plays another way, too. Part of the case for including Turkey in the EU is the need for a strong and closely linked Ankara to secure Europe's southeastern borders. However, with the Arab world's future even more uncertain than in the wake of the Iraq war, Turkey looks exposed on the front lines of turbulence, the end of which cannot be predicted. Why, EU members may ask, bring this turbulence to new EU borders? Better, it might seem, to keep Turkey a buffer state. And to the extent security concerns make Turkey an essential frontline partner, it is in any case a NATO member, implicitly diminishing the importance of the EU connection.
IV. Energy
Turkey lies at the nexus of a complex network of transit routes for oil and gas flowing to Europe from the south. As a result, Ankara will have an important say on whether the pipelines constructed enhance European energy security in an economically optimal fashion, whether they are built cooperatively or competitively, and whether the Russian dimension of Caspian energy contributes to or hinders this process. Today's issue is gas, and Turkey will play a significant role in decisions on whether new, larger-volume pipelines from the Caspian to Europe are built, and, then, which ones are built—Nabucco, the Interconnector Turkey-Greece-Italy, or the Trans Adriatic Pipeline. It will also play a large part in the related issues of where new gas will go in Europe and whether second-stage Shah Deniz gas from Azerbaijan will be developed and brought to Europe. The same is true of other potential new gas from Iraq and Turkmenistan. Were the obstacles to drawing Iran into Europe's energy grid one day to be lifted, Turkey would be its obvious transit corridor to Europe, too, and possibly a key developer of Iran's vast South Pars gas field.
The outcome in each case, and the extent to which Turkey (and others) succeed in becoming energy-trade exchanges and hubs, will have a lot to do with whether and how energy competition develops in Europe, with obvious implications for Russia and Russian interests in Europe and Central Asia. To the extent that new gas via the southern corridor and a new series of regional gas interconnectors in southern and eastern Europe progress, gas-to-gas competition will increase within Europe, benefiting consumers and adding pressure on Russia's Gazprom to move toward a more commercial approach to gas sales.
Yet, Ankara's hard-line, self-contradictory, or at least confusing, negotiating tactics on Caspian gas and the pipeline issue have seemed to undermine EU energy security goals, slowed decisionmaking on these projects, and alienated both Europeans involved in the project and Azerbaijan. Ankara's agreement with Azerbaijan in late October 2011 on Shah Deniz gas sales to Turkey and transit of volumes onward to Europe resolved many of these contradictions, but a number of issues remain to be worked out.
V. New Threats
Terrorism, drug trafficking, and illegal migration have become major security preoccupations for virtually every Euro-Atlantic state. Geography means that Ankara has a critical role to play in curbing these new threats, even while the country's location as well as its openness and freedoms make fulfilling that role difficult. Law enforcement cooperation, it appears, has developed more fully on narcotics trafficking and terrorism (for example, with the United States on al-Qaeda and with Russia on groups affiliated with Chechen rebels) than on migration, where porous borders, the extraordinarily close proximity of the Turkish shore to Greek islands, and historical grievances, claims, and resentments have hindered cooperation.
A major objective of the European Union's ENP and EMP is to reduce the danger of terrorism, constrain the operations of transnational organized crime, stem the flow of narcotics, and manage the impact of migration. At a more basic level, freedom of movement, as has long been known, is a critical element in fashioning a community. If a Euro-Atlantic Security Community is to be a serious objective, Turkey's emphasis on promoting visa-free relations with its neighbors—particularly Syria—along with the question of visa-free travel between Russia and the EU, represent an opportunity. But it is an opportunity with serious potential complications that need to be assessed in a regional, and not just a bilateral, context.
VI. Turkey-Russia Relations
Increasingly elaborate relations between Ankara and Moscow are a positive factor for advancing the idea of a more integrated and effective Euro-Atlantic Security Community. Without gainsaying occasional areas of discord—energy, mutual suspicions over one another's actions in the Caucasus, and Russia's 2007 CFE Treaty suspension—the level of economic and energy cooperation between the two, their potential to work together or in parallel in dealing with tensions in the Caucasus and the Balkans, and the steps they have taken to put Cold War attitudes behind them both set a positive example and create a potential element to help overcome Europe's divides.
But this positive picture sometimes looks different in other Euro-Atlantic capitals. The image of Ankara's seeming deference to Moscow has jarred Western officials long accustomed to Turkish deference on matters related to Russia, whether the matter is Turkey's awarding of a nuclear power plant tender to Russia or other nontransparent bilateral energy deals, the enforcement during the August 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict of Montreux Convention rules that curbed NATO and U.S. naval support for the Georgian government, or the stiff-arming of efforts to plant a stronger NATO flag in the Black Sea following the accession of Bulgaria and Romania to the alliance. That these pictures have not always comported with reality has not mattered. And for Russia, Turkey remains an integral part of NATO, seems now to support U.S. and NATO ideas on missile defense, and is an antagonist on the CFE Treaty and the broader issue of Europe's future security arrangements. At a practical level, the two countries cooperate too little on regional matters and clearly also compete with one another, including in Central Asia, the Caucasus, and even in Abkhazia, where Turks would like to see their ethnic kinsman develop options other than reliance on the Kremlin.
Finally, one of the obstacles to transforming the Euro-Atlantic region into a cohesive space is how to overcome competing projects of economic integration. Russia's efforts to promote both a customs union and the Eurasian Economic Community in the post-Soviet space c omplicate the process of integrating these states with—never mind into—the EU. Turkey's efforts to promote its own economic integration in surrounding regions, such as through its free trade agreement with Georgia, pose a generically similar problem. Here Turkey, like Russia, is central to another crucial opportunity that comes with complications: how to secure the advantages flowing from greater economic cooperation and integration among clusters of states without impeding the merger of all states within the Euro-Atlantic region into a greater economic whole.
To enhance Turkey's role in helping to build a Euro-Atlantic Security Community, we recommend initiatives in three dimensions.
I. Turkey and the EU
Although frustrated by the current stalemate in the accession negotiations, the Turkey-EU relationship remains crucial. It will be decisive in shaping Turkey's place in and approach to the broader Euro-Atlantic region. It will be an important mechanism for coordinating and collaborating on issues of great importance in European capitals and in Ankara, of which Libya and Syria are two current, prominent examples. A better relationship and fuller dialogue at all levels is more likely to contribute to progress on accession than are poorer relations and a constricted conversation on important international issues. Both sides—as well as the larger Euro-Atlantic community—would benefit were Turkey and the EU to upgrade their foreign policy dialogue. To that end we recommend that:
• Turkey and the European Union should establish a broad and regular foreign policy dialogue that is separate from the accession negotiations but framed in ways clearly distinct from a "privileged partnership" or any other alternative to accession.
• This dialogue should be given a strong base by including Turkish leaders on an ad hoc basis in EU summits devoted to foreign policy issues; by ensuring the Turkish foreign minister's participation at Gymnich meetings; by regularizing the four-way meetings among the EU high representative for foreign affairs, the enlargement commissioner, and the Turkish foreign and EU affairs ministers; and by frequent consultations on specific issues among senior EU and Turkish officials in capitals and in the field.
• Substantively, the EU-Turkey dialogue should include issues that affect the interests of both and should be wide-ranging, including matters beyond Turkey's immediate periphery such as those regarding China, Pakistan, and Africa. Ankara should not be excluded from EU deliberations on issues in which it has an interest and is active, such as Bosnia, Syria, and Iran, to take three current examples.
• EU member states and Turkey should examine the advantages and feasibility of including Turkey as a nonvoting member in the EU Political and Security Committee.
• In order to enhance the effectiveness of such a dialogue and to put the Turkish-EU relationship on better footing, initiatives should be taken to begin breaking the Cyprus impasse, including as a first step the unblocking of Cypriot trade (from both Greek and Turkish sides of the island) with Turkey and the EU.
II. Turkey and the Management and Resolution of Regional Conflicts
Turkey has played an active role in mediating conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond and has a potentially salutary role to play in dealing with evolving events in the new Middle East. In order to maximize the positive synergy between Turkey and other states and organizations in the Euro-Atlantic region, we urge that:
• The EU should more actively strive to draw a variety of Turkish actors (ministries, agencies, and nongovernmental organizations) into the formulation and implementation of the new European Neighborhood Policy and as a direct participant in the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument, allowing Turkey to share its development experience within an EU framework. Turkey should respond positively to such EU efforts.
• Turkey should be drawn more closely into the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe Minsk Group's effort to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and should more fully coordinate its regional initiatives with the Minsk process.
• The normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations should resume, and the EU should find ways to support it. Not only will this help address a long-standing historical grievance within the Euro-Atlantic region, but it will also help expand Turkey's conflict prevention and resolution role in the Caucasus.
• Practical steps should be taken to normalize Turkey-EU security and defense cooperation, as well as NATO-EU cooperation where both organizations are active.
• Turkey should coordinate more closely with the EU and others in the Euro-Atlantic community on its mediating efforts in Middle East, the Balkans, and elsewhere.
III. Turkey and the Euro-Atlantic Political-Military Agenda
Turkey figures in every effort to provide a more stable and cooperative defense and security environment in the Euro-Atlantic region. It has important interests in a renegotiated Adapted CFE agreement, in issues related to nonstrategic nuclear weapons, and in European missile defense. It plays an important role in Black Sea security arrangements and undertakings. It is on the front lines in the defense against terrorism, illegal migration, drug trafficking, and other illicit trade. To enhance cooperation in this sphere, we recommend that:
• The Euro-Atlantic states, before simply abandoning the one-sided flank limitations in the CFE Treaty and when negotiating further conventional arms control in Europe, should consider the creation of "safety zones" in their place in which all parties' armament levels, military exercises, and troop reinforcements would be limited and regulated.
• If a natural attrition of its forward-based European nuclear deterrent occurs, NATO should ensure that Turkey is not left isolated as a single host for B61 nuclear weapons.
• The United States should consult regularly with Turkey as it proceeds with the European Phased Adaptive Approach missile defense effort.
• NATO and Turkey should continue and enhance information sharing and operational collaboration between Turkey's Operation Black Sea Harmony and NATO's Operation Active Endeavor in the Mediterranean.
Click here for further information about EASI and EASI Working Group on Turkey
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace holds copyright to this material and has granted the Global Relations Forum (GRF) permission to translate and republish this version on the GRF website. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is not affiliated with GRF and takes no responsibility nor makes any endorsement for the content on the GRF's web site. Similarly, GRF takes no responsibility nor makes any endorsement for the content on the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace website.
HomeAboutStudiesCommunitiesEventsViewpointsFood for ThoughtGRF Vice-Chairman and Former Director-General of the OPCW Ambassador (R) Ahmet Üzümcü Has Been Made An Honorary Companion of the Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St George.Chairperson of Güven Hospital and GRF Member Mrs. Nüket Küçükel Ezberci Awarded with the Italian ''Cavaliere dell'Ordine della Stella d'Italia''Prof. Füsun Türkmen, Professor of International Relations at Galatasaray University and GRF Member Awarded with the French "Chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur"Friends of Europe Article by GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel on the EU's Role As a Global PlayerRemembering Sami Kohen (1928 - 2021)Dr. Fatih Birol, Executive Director of the International Energy Agency (IEA) and Founding Member of GRF, Has Been Chosen for TIME Magazine's "World's 100 Most Influential People in 2021".New GRF Special Report: Roadmap for Turkey - European Union RelationsThe Council on Foreign Relations' CoC Global Memo on the Latest G7 Meeting, With Contributions From GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel, Has Been Published.Article by Ambassador (R) Volkan Vural on His Memories of His Visit to ArmeniaArticle by Ambassador (R) Ahmet Üzümcü, Director-General of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and GRF Vice-Chairman, On His Memories and Observations Regarding Turkish-Armenian RelationsArticle By Ambassador (R) Erdoğan İşcan, Member of the UN Committee Against Torture and Lecturer at İstanbul Kültür University on the Legal Applicability of Genocide on the Armenian IssueArticle by Former Ambassador of Turkey to Washington, Ambassador (R) Namık Tan on the US-Turkey Armenian Genocide DebateOur Statement on Turkey's Withdrawal From the Istanbul ConventionNew Global Relations Forum Publication: GİF Küresel Durum Raporu 2020The Council on Foreign Relations' CoC Global Memo on the US Capitol Building Attack, With Contributions From GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel, Has Been Published.New Global Relations Forum Publication: Açık TelgrafRemembering Prof. Ahmet Acar (1949 - 2020)European Leadership Network (ELN) Article by GRF Members Formerly Serving as Permanent Representatives to NATO on the S-400 Crisis Now OnlineArticle by GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel Assessing the European Union's Sanctions Policies with Regards to TurkeyArticle by Ambassador Bozkurt Aran, Director of the TEPAV Center for Multilateral Trade Studies and GRF Member, on the Regional Comprehensive Economic PartnershipGRF is Accepting Applications for a New Associate Position.The Council of Foreign Relations' CoC Article Series on the US Elections, With Contributions From GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel, Has Been Published.GRF Honorary Member and Journalist Sami Kohen Awarded with 'Distinguished Service Award' of the Ministry of Foreign AffairsThe Council on Foreign Relations' CoC Article on the UN, With Contributions From GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel, Has Been Published.GRF Public Appeal on Preserving the Istanbul ConventionArticle By Ambassador (R) Erdoğan İşcan, Member of the UN Committee Against Torture and Lecturer at İstanbul Kültür University on The United Nations Human Rights System During COVID-19GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel's Article Has Been Published in the Council on Foreign Relations' COVID-19 Article SeriesArticle by GRF Member Ambassador (R) Selim Kuneralp on the Customs Union and EU-Turkey RelationsAnnouncement: All Planned GRF Events for March Have Been Postponed Due to the CoronavirusSpeech by Permanent Representative of Turkey to the United Nations (F) and NATO, Ambassador Ümit Pamir on Global Governance and the Liberal OrderThe GRF Viewpoint Article from GRF President Ambassador (R) Selim Yenel on the EU-Turkey Migration Deal Has Been Published by Friends of EuropeArticle by NATO Permanent Representative (F) and GRF Member Ambassador (R) Fatih Ceylan on NATO's Strategy in the Middle EastGRF Board Member Ambassador Ahmet Üzümcü Awarded with "The Most Distinguished Order of St. Michael and St. George" Honorary AwardEuropean Think Tanks Reflect on the Challenges of Emerging Military TechnologiesExcerpt from Per. Representative of Turkey to WTO (F) and Director of Trade Studies at TEPAV, Ambassador Bozkurt Aran's Article About Trump's Trade Wars on Turkish Policy QuarterlyExcerpt from Permanent Representative (F) of Turkey to the United Nations and to NATO, Ambassador Ümit Pamir's Interview with Daily HürriyetGRF Board Member, İşbank CEO, Mr. Adnan Bali's Assessments on the Turkish Economy and the Speculative Attacks Targeting the TLThe Task Force on Cooperation in Greater Europe's Position Paper Entitled "Towards a NATO-Russia Basic Understanding" Has Been PublishedGRF Board Member Ambassador Ertuğrul Apakan Awarded with the French "Officier dans l'Ordre National de la Légion d'Honneur"GRF Vice-Chairperson Mrs. Hanzade Doğan Boyner Delivers a Speech at the UN during the International Day of Women and Girls in ScienceDr. Fatih Birol Re-elected as the Executive Director of the International Energy Agency (IEA)Article from Permanent Representative of Turkey to WTO (F), Director of Trade Studies at TEPAV and Board Member at Şişecam, Ambassador (R) Bozkurt Aran, published by the Bretton Woods ComitteeExcerpt from Permanent Representative (F) of Turkey to the United Nations and to NATO, Ambassador Ümit Pamir's Interview with Daily HürriyetExcerpt from MIT Undersecretary (F) Ambassador Sönmez Köksal's Interview with Daily HürriyetGRF Young Academics Policy Paper Series No.5 "State Responses to Cyber Operations"Declaration on the JCPOAGlobal Perspectives: Rapid Reactions to U.S. Election Results - Memos by Council of Councils MembersGlobalization, European Union and Economic Integration - Ambassador (R) Bozkurt AranGRF Young Academics Policy Paper Series No.4 "The Russian-Turkish Rapprochement: Policy Options for Ankara and its Allies"Migration as a Challenge to Regional Security - Ambassador (R) Ümit PamirThe Referendum Heralds a New Europe - Ambassador (R) Ünal ÇeviközEU's Crisis or the Supranational Governance Utopia - Ambassador (R) Özdem SanberkGRF Young Academics Policy Paper Series No.3 - "Turkey's Foreign Policy Towards China, Analysis and Recommendations for Improvement"EU Energy Policy: Sustained by Fragile Solidarity, Indispensable for Eurasian Security - Memduh KarakullukçuGRF Board Member Prof. İlter Turan Elected President of the International Political Science Association (IPSA)GRF Board Member Prof. Gülsün Sağlamer Became the First President of European Women Rectors Association (EWORA)GRF Member Prof. Orhan Güvenen Recieved Award from the Academy of Transdisciplinary Learning & Advanced Studies"The Mashriq Crisis: Containing Waves of Instability" Meeting ReportGRF – CFR Council of Councils 8th Regional Meeting Rapporteurs' ReportGRF Young Academics Policy Paper Series No.2 - "Pipeline Partners: Expanding and Securing Iraq's Future Oil Exports"GRF – Club of Three "Working Session on Turkey and Europe" Meeting ReportGRF Founding Member Dr. Fatih Birol was appointed as the next Executive Director of the International Energy Agency (IEA)GRF Chairman Mr. Rahmi Koç Awarded with the French "Légion d'Honneur"Council of Councils' (CoC) Meeting on Crisis in Global Governance and International Cooperation Report Card LaunchGRF Security Task Force Report entitled "Turkey in a Changing Global and Regional Security Environment: Some Observations and Recommendations" has been publishedLaunch Meetings of GRF Security Task Force Report entitled "Turkey in a Changing Global and Regional Security Environment: Some Observations and Recommendations"GRF-ISD "Club of Three Plenary of Turkey and its Neighbours" Meeting ReportGRF Founding Member Dr. Fatih Birol Appointed as the next Executive Director of the International Energy Agency (IEA)Managing the Interaction between Islam and Democracy - Özdem SanberkTechnology, Democracy and Rights - Speech Delivered by GRF Vice-Chairman and President Mr. Memduh Karakullukçu at 4th Asian Forum on Global GovernanceGRF Young Academics Policy Paper Series No.1 - "Turkey in the Eurasian Energy Game"India Global Forum 2014 ParticipationGRF Board Member Mrs. Suzan Sabancı Dinçer has Received the "Order of Civil Merit" of the Kingdom of SpainGRF Vice-Chairwoman Mrs. Hanzade Doğan Boyner Named as "Role Model" by the Girl Effect MovementThe New Vision of the "New Turkey" - Özdem SanberkGRF MemberAmbassador Ertuğrul ApakanHeads OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to UkraineGRF Member Prof. Selçuk Esenbel Has Received the "Georg Forster Research Award"GRF Vice President Memduh Karakullukcu's Speech at the Observer Research FoundationGRF Member Prof. Orhan Güvenen has Received the "Gusi Peace Prize" -An Academy for Global Civics - Hakan AltınayGlobal Partnership Quests: New Contentious Dynamics in Trade and Prospects For Turkey in an Age of TPP and TTIP - Bozkurt AranLaunching Meeting of "Turkish Energy Strategy in the 21st Century: Weathering Uncertainties and Discontinuities" ReportThe Balkans and Turkey - Foreign Policy and Defence Research Group (DSA)Geopolitical Earthquakes - Sönmez KöksalG-20: Some Ideas for the Russian Presidency and Beyond - Speech Delivered by Mr. Memduh Karakullukçu, Vice-Chairman and President of GRFPolicy Understanding of Economic Globalization - Diana Mutz and Edward D. MansfieldA Light in the Forest: Brazil's Fight to Save the Amazon and Climate-Change DiplomacyJeff TollefsonThe Inequality Challenge Uri Dadush and Kemal DervişBroken BRICs: Why the Rest Stopped Rising - Ruchir SharmaTurkey-USA Relations: Fragile Alliance to "Model Partnership" - Associate Prof. Füsun TürkmenBucking Beijing: An Alternative U.S. China Policy - Aaron L. FriedbergUK-Turkey Knowledge Partnership DiscussionHow India Stumbled: Can New Delhi Get Its Groove Back? - Pratap Bhanu Mehta OECD Conference on Internationalisation for Job Creation and Economic Growth - Speech Delivered by Mr. Memduh Karakullukçu, Vice-Chairman and President of GRFObama's New Global Posture: The Logic of U.S. Foreign Deployments - Michele Flournoy and Janine DavidsonAddressing the Turkish Dimension in Creating a Euro-Atlantic Security Community - Euro-Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI) The Iran Crisis: Imperatives of Immediacy, Perils of Systemic Corrosion - Memduh KarakullukçuNATO is Still Fit for the Job and Continuous Adaptation is the Right Call for It - Ümit PamirThe Future of History: Can Liberal Democracy Survive the Decline of the Middle Class? - Francis FukuyamaSyrian-Iraqi-Iranian Triangle to Leave Turkey on Slippery Slope - Sönmez KöksalIs Indonesia Bound for the BRICs?: How Stalling Reform Could Hold Jakarta Back - Karen BrooksHow to Save the Euro—and the EU: Reading Keynes in Brussels - Henry Farrell and John QuigginThe Post-Washington Consensus: Development After the Crisis - Nancy Birdsall and Francis FukuyamaA G-Zero World: The New Economic Club Will Produce Conflict, Not Cooperation - Ian Bremmer and Nouriel RoubiniPolicy Paper entitled "Turkey and Turmoil in the Middle East"Turkey Is Losing Hope of a Rapport with Israel - Ozdem SanberkIrresponsible Stakeholders? The Difficulty of Integrating Rising Powers - Stewart PatrickThe Digital Disruption: Connectivity and the Diffusion of Power - Eric Schmidt and Jared CohenU.S. Aid to Pakistan: Time for a New Approach - Homi KharasGDP and Economic Policy - Roya WolversonGetting Energy Regulation Right - John P. BanksBigger Is Better: - The Case for a The Case for a Transatlantic Economic Union - Richard RosecranceAnd Justice for All - Gary Haugen and Victor BoutrosCoping With China's Financial Power - Ken MillerWhich Europe?: - The Future of the EU - Özdem SanberkU.S. Alliances in East Asia: Internal Challenges and External Threats - William BreerObama's New Nuclear Policies: A Step in the Right Direction - Michael E. O'HanlonIndia's Rise, America's Interest The Fate of the U.S.-Indian Partnership - Evan A. FeigenbaumVicious Circle Of National Narratives - Özdem SanberkFrom Hope to Audacity - Zbigniew BrzezinskiSearching For A Settlement In Southeastern Turkey -Are Davos Man's Days Numbered? - Raj M. Desai & James Raymond VreelandThree Keys to Understanding Japan's New Diplomacy - Keike IizukaIran's Ballistic Missile Program - Greg BrunoPublicationsContactAnnouncements


text:
Celebrating Carmen Carrera
by Kat Kulke on October 16, 2016 October 24, 2016
I remember the moment I first became acutely aware of my gender. I was about five years old and playing with several other neighborhood children—all male—in a friend's finished basement. Like most games invented by five year-old boys, ours was rife with play violence. As I remember, one of the boys had gotten hold of the brightly colored, Toys-R-Us equivalent of a crossbow, and was pursuing the rest of us as we leapt from couches to tabletops, navigating the scrapheap of blankets, stuffed animals, and half-built lego structures on the carpet.
We were well into the game, breathless and giggling, when someone proposed that we take off our shirts. We'd seen the macho, half-clothed warriors in cartoons and video games; I suppose partial nudity fit the game's rough-and-tumble sensibility. But as I watched my neighbors peel off their jerseys and baseball t's, I was uncertain whether or not to join the group. Something about the gesture didn't feel right somehow—though I couldn't point to what felt wrong, either. Fearful I'd be mocked for not following my playmates' lead, I stripped.
I'd just begun to like the rush of climate-controlled air against my torso when an adult's footsteps sounded on the basement stairs. I turned towards the door, where my neighbor's mother was staring at my bare chest with a mix of incredulity and horror. "Put your shirts back on!" she ordered the room, her voice flat and stern. As my friends scrambled to redress, her eyes met mine. "You can't do that," she reprimanded. "They can, but you can't. Ever."
I nodded dumbly. Her disapproval weighed on me. I felt suddenly sick. I understood that I had committed an inexcusable offense, broken a rule so obvious, so deeply ingrained in social consciousness that no one had bothered to warn me about it. I wanted to run home and cry into my mother's stomach, to ask her how it was fair for a rule to apply to one person and not everyone. Instead, I put my shirt back on.
For Carmen Carrera, this moment of realization came when she was three years old. As Carrera told an audience in McCosh just over two weeks ago, she was in the bathroom when she saw a box of maxi-pads. "I thought, this is something I'm supposed to be using; this is for me," she said, laughing. Were Carrera like most girls, her curiosity might have been dismissed as normal. But Carrera wasn't most girls. In fact, in the eyes of her family and friends, she wasn't a girl at all. Her name was Christopher Roman, and even the shape of her own body told her she was a boy.
Nearly three decades later, Carrera has the sort of magnetic presence that belongs to celebrities and the exceptionally charismatic. In an oxblood leather skirt and stiletto sandals that lace up to her knees, she doesn't work to hold our attention. She's come to Princeton thanks to the efforts of the nascent Princeton University Latinx Perspectives Organization (PULPO), who worked alongside the LGBT Center, the Program for Gender and Sexuality Studies, and several other academic departments to bring the internationally lauded drag performer-turned-model, actress, and reality TV star into a lecture hall.
Carrera's talk was refreshingly unrehearsed, and moving in its earnestness. Acknowledging her celebrity status, she began by noting that widespread recognition does not amount to widespread understanding. "I don't think everyone knows my true story," she said, adding that this was, in part, because it was "still happening." Indeed, while Carrera's story felt, in many ways, like a traditional overcoming adversity narrative, it also felt shockingly intimate and immediate. Maybe it was the leather skirt, or the talk's conversational tone—peppered with fucks, shits, and references to clubbing and weed— but the event felt less like a lecture or call to action than a really great conversation with a very wise friend about prejudice, self-perception, and the weirdness of gender.
A New Jersey native, Carrera grew up in Paterson, a largely working-class city roughly an hour away from Princeton. Her early years, she explained, were as marked by trial as they were community. The child of Peurto-Rican and Peruvian immigrants, she recalled feeling persistent pressure to "make it," to seize opportunities her parents had not had. This obligation to achieve only mounted when her father passed away from AIDS. "I didn't know what AIDS was until I read about it in the death certificate," she said. She's since used her celebrity status to reduce the stigmatization of the disease.
But the most challenging part of childhood wasn't her family's struggle to make ends meet or the loss of her father. Instead, Carrera was troubled by a conflict between her own self-perception, and the way she knew others saw her. She felt, viscerally, female, and resented the masculine persona she felt she had to put on to earn the affection of those close to her. "I knew, this is how I have to function at home, this is how I have to function at school, and this is how I have to be to be loved—I have to perform," she said. Every night, before bed, she would pray to God to let her wake up a girl.
Carrera's "life changed" when, at twenty-five, she was selected to compete in RuPaul's Drag Race. As a young adult, she noted, drag served as a liberating outlet for the femininity she was fighting to suppress. "I got to feel what it was like to be in girls' clothes and express myself as the woman I've always wanted to be," she said. Beyond being a pivotal step in her own path towards self-acceptance, the show was the launching pad for her career as an entertainer. Overnight, it seemed, she became an "example," she received fan letter after fan letter lauding her as an "inspiration." But although others saw her as an idol, she still felt shaky in her own skin. After years of donning women's clothes for the sake of art, she knew she still wanted what she'd wanted at age three: a female body.
I saw a drag show for the first time this past summer. I was visiting a friend in San Francisco, and she suggested drag might make for good, cheap, off-the-beaten path Friday night entertainment. The Monster Show was held weekly at a cramped, dimly lit dive bar in the Castro, and it soon became clear that we were two of the only women—and possibly the only straight, cis women— there. As the lipsticked performers took the stage in fishnets and backless chaps, wielding whips and lollipops, I became uncomfortably aware of my own discomfort. I'd taken gender studies classes; read portions of Gender Trouble. Still, watching a leather-clad performer run a manicured hand down their corseted bust, I noticed that I'd crossed my legs. Was I more closed-minded than I thought I was? Had the gendered rules that had seemed so absurd—unfair, even—at age five sunk in to a point where I could no longer see the world without their binary coloring?
Conversations about trans identity often focus on the complications of transitioning—finding a surgeon, balancing hormones, acclimating to a new body. But for Carrera, "transitioning was the easy part." While she noted that accessing medical care was difficult ("we don't have a lot of resources"), what was harder was navigating the complex web of perceptions and judgments that others imposed on her identity. It was difficult, she said, to build relationships, to trust, to love, when the way you saw yourself was often so different from the way that others saw you. When she was still on Drag Race, she recalled, she would often travel through airports and other public spaces, dressed androgynously. Sometimes, strangers would refer to her as a man. Initially, their insensitivity enraged her. In time, however, she says she's come to accept that we're products of what we've learned. "You have to forgive people," she said.
She's stopped making it her job to control how others perceive her. "I went through a phase where I had to cover up everything masculine, know how I looked at all times," she said. "And I still got my heart broken." Like so many other women, she became obsessed with her imperfections, determined to erase her insecurities with bronzer and eyeshadow. Now, she's trying to ignore the second, censoring pair of eyes that used to track her every move, chiding her for any deviations from "normal" femininity. "You can't put yourself through judgment and self hatred for the amusement of other people," she said. "Because people are assholes."
Princeton brings in a steady stream of academic lecturers: brown jacketed PHDs who can eloquently theorize from behind a podium. Carrera's talk was a marked departure from these. Though unfailingly witty, it wasn't intellectual in an academic sense. She didn't talk policy, or unpack the construction of gender. Instead, she shared a wealth of wisdom from a life shaped by precisely the kinds of moments that often don't get brought into University lecture halls: working at clubs, befriending sex workers, navigating the larger-than-life world of reality television. But hers' wasn't just a story about "making it," a TED-talk style narrative of individual ambition and resilience. Instead, Carrera emphasized the importance of acceptance, both of others' shortcomings and one's own needs, not in spite of but because of taboos.
Towards the end of the Q&A session following the talk, an audience member asked Carrera where she got her strength. "The gym," she replied, laughing. After a moment's reflection, she responded that it came from experience—from learning, not through any concerted effort but simply by living, working, and loving, that even the toughest decisions she's made were never as harrowing as she'd initially chalked them up to be. "You need to take responsibility for yourself," she said.
CategoriesCampus, Culture
Previous Previous post: Margin of Fragility
Next Next post: My Bowl Cut

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Plain small silver hoop earrings made of sterling silver 925ο with width 1.8 cm and thickness 0.2cm. They are light enough so you can wear them all day. A charm and timeless jewel that you must have in your jewelry collection!


text:
Last edited by Tubei
2 edition of Economic consequences of management strategies for the Columbia and Snake rivers found in the catalog.
Economic consequences of management strategies for the Columbia and Snake rivers
Niemi, Ernest G.
by Niemi, Ernest G.
Published 1995 by ECONorthwest in Eugene, OR .
Water resources development -- Economic aspects -- Columbia River Watershed.
Statement prepared for the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation by Ernie Niemi, Ed MacMullan, and Ed Whitelaw.
Contributions MacMullan, Ed., Whitelaw, W. Ed., Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Reservation, Oregon., ECO Northwest, Ltd.
Pagination ii, 77 p. :
The presidential election might have an impact, but the election brought no changes. Regional changes may prove more significant. Former U.S. Rep. Doc Hastings, an ardent defender of dams, is. the region. The new analysis results in an economic loss from breaching the four lower Snake River dams of $ billion to $ billion over 10 years. An independent economic analysis recently rein-forced BPA's conclusions. The Northwest Power and Conservation Council's Independent Economic Analysis Board said in a February report,File Size: KB.
Another study of the environmental impact of the 14 dams on the Lower Snake and Columbia rivers is expected to be completed by -- Kale Williams [email protected] The government's costly strategy for the Columbia and Snake rivers' endangered salmon has failed. A substantially different approach is required.
The Snake River originates in Wyoming and arcs across southern Idaho before turning north along the Idaho-Oregon border. The river then enters Washington and flows west to the Columbia River. It is the Columbia's largest tributary, an important source of irrigation water for potatoes, sugar beets, and other crops. It also supports a vibrant recreation industry. The Columbia Basin, Which Includes the Columbia and Snake Rivers, Has More Than Dams. Out of the dams, 28 are owned by the Federal Government. For .
Your home town
Hummingbirds, their life and behavior
Tregaran.
Irish Historic Towns Atlas No 13
By Isaac Brock, Esquire
Man--whence and whither?
Queens of Tristaine
National firearms act, and Federal firearms act.
Californians of Spanish surname
Judah Halevi as poet and thinker
Illinois Society of Church History, Congregational
Ketts rebellion in Norfolk
Magnetite and Ilmenite Resources, Iron Mountain Area, Albany County, Wyo.
ANALYSIS OF STATE SUPERFUND PROGRAMS: 50-STATE STUDY, 1998 UPDATE... ENVIRONMENTAL LAW INSTITUTE RESEARCH REPORT... U.S. ENVIRONMENTAL PR.
The Chancellor Manuscript
Economic consequences of management strategies for the Columbia and Snake rivers by Niemi, Ernest G. Download PDF EPUB FB2
Sports > Outdoors Impact statement on Snake and Columbia dams to usher in the next chapter of how to save imperiled fisheries. Thu., Feb. 27, Jerome Bowen, 67, of Tetonia, Idaho, poses with. a) associated with dams along the Columbia and Snake rivers. In addition to ecological knowledge, future sustainable management of wild anadromous fish populations will therefore require integrating economic, fiscal, engineering, and social–political analytic expertise into management by: Judging Cost-Effectiveness of Management of Snake River Salmon: Response to Halsing and Moore.
Conservation Biology (pdf kb) Yuen, H and R. Sharma. Using simulation techniques to estimate management parameters on Snake River steelhead: Declines in productivity make rebuilding difficult. Historians, journalists and policy advocates writing on the economic development of the Columbia River Basin focus on this conversion of free-flowing rivers into impoundments, channels, and industrial sites as a major cause for the decline of salmon populations in the basin.
Control and management of the Columbia-Snake River system. [Pullman, Wash.]: Agricultural Research Center, Washington State University, (OCoLC) Document Type: Book: All Authors / Contributors: Philip R Wandschneider; Washington.
A Columbia and Snake rivers cruise provides an opportunity to immerse yourself in that history lesson through nature walks, lectures and stellar museums and parks that relay one of early America's. For the fifth time, the federal agencies that run the Columbia and Snake river hydropower system must demonstrate to a judge's satisfaction they can do so without killing off the region's.
The Water Budget has subsequently evolved into a more extensive and complex water management strategy intended to increase instream water velocities, reduce travel times, and increase survival rates of smolts as they migrate seaward through the impounded Columbia and Snake rivers (spring migrants smolt during the spring months, and summer.
The Problem of the Columbia River Salmon. sections of the main Snake and Columbia Rivers used by remnant wild salmon and steelhead. is likely to ha ve significant economic impact.
However. How Do Rivers Help the Economy million Americans make outdoor recreation a priority in their daily lives, putting $ billion of their hard-earned dollars back into the economy. The Outdoor Industry Association recently released a groundbreaking report, "The Outdoor Recreation Economy: Take it Outside for American Jobs and a Strong.
The last comprehensive update to the operating strategy for the Columbia River System was issued in This DEIS responds to the need to review and update management of the System and evaluate impacts to resources in the context of new information and changed conditions in the Columbia River Basin.
The document contains detailed analyses of environmental, social and economic. The Columbia and Snake Rivers were once the greatest salmon rivers in the world until four dams were built on the lower Snake River.
Wild salmon bring nutrients from the briny ocean back to the high mountain streams. Columbia-Snake River Salmon Recovery Campaign. Economic Report regarding lower Snake River dams and their removal. The Columbia River System Operations draft environmental impact statement was released for a day public review and comment period from February 28 - Ap The draft includes the Preferred Alternative for the operations, maintenance and configuration of the 14 federal dam and reservoir projects that comprise the Columbia River System.
When the temperature of a river rises even a few degrees, it can impact their survival. For example, warmer water temperatures can allow the spread of diseases that are harmful to migrating salmon. Excessive heat prior to and during spawning can also result in decreased egg and fry survival.
Management Strategies for Columbia River Recreational and Commercial Fisheries: and Beyond (pdf) Fiscal Impact Statement for Columbia River Fishery Management for and Beyond (pdf) Latest Version of Tables C4 and C5 () (pdf) Archives of the Lower Columbia River Fisheries Management Reform Workgroup.
Presentation to Council, May 8, ; The Council requested the Independent Scientific Advisory Board (ISAB) to provide a review of the biological and economic impacts of native and non-native predators, the effectiveness of predator management control efforts currently implemented, and the potential impacts on the Columbia River Basin (Basin) from the introduction and spread of northern pike.
The last comprehensive update to the operating strategy for the Columbia River System was issued in Twenty-five years on, this new draft document contains detailed analyses of environmental, social and economic benefits and consequences to affected resources of the six considered alternatives for improved integrated operations.
The residents of Pasco, Kennewick, and Richland generally supported construction of dams on the Columbia and Snake rivers.
[A good summary of the politics behind the construction of dams on the lower Snake is Keith C. Petersen, "Battle for Ice Harbor: Fish, Navigation, and the Lower Snake River, ," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 86 (Fall.
The Columbia River is the largest river in the Pacific Northwest region of North America. The river rises in the Rocky Mountains of British Columbia, flows northwest and then south into the US state of Washington, then turns west to form most of the border between Washington and the state of Oregon before emptying into the Pacific Ocean.
The river is 1, miles (2, km) long, and Mouth: Pacific Ocean, at Clatsop County, Oregon. The last comprehensive update to the operating strategy for the Columbia River System was issued in This DEIS responds to the need to review and update management of the System and evaluate impacts to resources in the context of new information and changed conditions in the Columbia.
Salmonid habitats in main‐stem reaches of the Columbia and Snake rivers have changed dramatically during the past 60 years because of hydroelectric development and operation.
Only about 13% and 58% of riverine habitats in the Columbia and Snake rivers, respectively, by: Columbia and Snake Rivers deliver value to the region and the naon The Columbia Snake River System is one of the leading trade gateways in the United States.
Over 9 million tons of cargo are moved by barge on the inland portion of the system, feeding the deep draft lower Columbia River which transported over 50 million tons of cargo in The Columbia-Snake River Irrigators Association: Advancing Irrigated Agriculture and Water Resources Management.
The Columbia-Snake River Irrigators Association (CSRIA) represents many of Eastern Washington's most prominent farming operations, with its members irrigating aboutacres of prime row crop, vineyard, and orchard lands.
angelstouch16.com - Economic consequences of management strategies for the Columbia and Snake rivers book © 2020


happy new year—happy new light, new world—happy new edge, new realm—happy new haven!
rushing ever happens, like Aeolus's empty tower.
and the has-beens transform to the unhappened.
shall I tell you how I found out?
not an earthquake, not an avalanche.
"really, a regrettable loss. it's in the Times today.
will you write an article for him?" where?
"in the mountains." (the window opening onto fir branches.
the bedsheet.) "don't you read the papers?
and won't you write the obit?" no. "but—" spare me.
aloud: too hard. silently: I won't betray my Christ.
what day? "yesterday, day before yesterday, I don't remember.
you going to the Alcazar later?" no.
aloud: family stuff. silently: anything but Judas.
oops… no, no, I misspoke. bad habit.
like the empty stories we weave. wittingly.
now, how was the trip?
was your very breath taken, or worse?
matured on us. the rush is up and running.
hidden, so you'll kiss me to find out.
he'll eat anything, he won't even blink.
can I call it "ours"?—it isn't languageless.
all the tongues in one.
how to say "nest" in Russian.
sheltering a Russian rhyme with the stars.
no such thing as distraction from you.
no nest, without you, oh wait there is, just one. your grave.
you won't forg—I mean, not about me—?
what's it like there, Rainer, how are you feeling?
this planet you got only once?
as far as I'm concerned, here on the outskirts.
if not from that to this. suffering this. long suffering this.
these Bellevues and these Belvederes of ours!
I'm listless. losing it. the particulars. urgency.
the new year's knocking at the door. what can I drink to?
this new year's noise—your death echoes, Rainer, it echoes and it rhymes.
it's dimming, slipping away, I'll catch it when we meet.
my glass on yours. not tavern style!
and no one else's! so much foliage! all yours!
your places with me (your places with you).
(what would I do with you at a rally?
so the nightingales don't get there first.
it's probably hard for me to see because I'm down in a hole.
it's probably easier for you because you're up on high.
you know, nothing ever really happened between us.
look, I won't go into detail.
the beat doesn't stop. refrain, refrain.
courtesy of memory to the condemned.
Rainer, did we scrutinize too hard?
belonged to us. we're a reflection of ourselves.
instead of all of this—that whole light world. our names.
happy new place, Rainer, happy new world, new light, Rainer!
happy new vision, Rainer, new hearing, Rainer.
what's beyond those mountains? which rivers?
is the scenery nice without tourists?
baobab tree? not a Louis d'or?
another one, rainier, above him?
how's writing in the new place?
drop me a line, I miss your handwriting.
Rainer, do you delight in the new rhymes?
is there a new rhyme for death?
and another one, Rainer, above it?
nowhere to go. language is all learned up.
goodbye! see you next time!
we'll see each other—I don't know—we'll sing together.
happy whole sea, Rainer, happy whole me!
let's not miss each other next time! just write me beforehand.
there's a staircase in the sky, lined with Gifts.
I've got them in my palm so they won't overflow.
to Rainer, Maria, Rilke, right into his hands.
then shoves right on in.
Image: Trophy Wife Holiday Dinner by Kevin McShane.
Introduction and conversation moderated by Joseph Harrison, poet and Waywiser Press Senior American Editor.
The Anthony Hecht Poetry Prize, created in honor of the Pulitzer Prize-winning poet, is awarded annually by Waywiser Press for a poetry collection by a poet who has published no more than one book. The winner receives $3,000 and his collection is published on both sides of the Atlantic. Mark Kraushaar is the 2010 recipient. He will be joined by this year's judge, James Fenton.
Mark Kraushaar's first collection, Falling Brick Kills Local Man, won the 2009 Felix Pollak Prize. He was the recipient of Poetry Northwest's Richard Hugo Award and two Wisconsin Arts Board awards for poetry and has been a finalist for both the Walt Whitman Award and the May Swenson Prize. His poems are widely published and anthologized.
James Fenton has worked as a political journalist, drama critic, book reviewer, war correspondent, foreign correspondent, and columnist. A winner of England's Newdigate Prize for poetry, he is the author of several volumes of poetry. His latest work is Selected Poems. He edited The New Faber Book of Love Poems and D. H. Lawrence's Selected Poems. He was an Oxford Professor of Poetry from 1994 to 1999 and is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature and recipient of the Queen's Gold Medal for Poetry.
See also the discussion of Updike's poem at the Immortal Muse blog.


A Snapdragon 630 processor, a 3000 mAh battery also carries the novelty on board. The body of the device is made of a durable aluminum alloy of the 7000 series. And its front and back parts protected with tempered glass Gorilla Glass. Selling "seven" will be in two versions: with 4 GB of RAM and 64 GB of internal memory and in a configuration of 6/128 GB.
What about Nokia 7 Camera?
Nokia 7 is the second revive smartphone of the HMD brand. This phone equipped with a so-called two-way camera Bothie. In this "Bothie" mode, two photos can be shot at the same time both on the front and back cameras. After which they glued together into one image. As the main "camera" is a 16-megapixel module with a pixel size of 1.12μm and an aperture of f/1.8. A 5-MP camera (1.4 microns, f / 2.0) in front side.
Like other models of the recently revived line was not produced by Nokia, but by HMD Global. A Finnish campaign that licensed Nokia's right, to place the legendary brand on mobile phones and smartphones for a 10-year period. HMD began with low-cost devices, showing at the February exhibition MWC in Barcelona, "budget" Nokia 3, Nokia 5 and Nokia 6. All smartphones from this three equipped with an outstanding chip Snapdragon 430 and sold no more than $300.
The first real flagship model of HMD – Nokia 8 – introduced in August. The "Eight" has a premium design, a top Qualcomm processor, a super-bright screen, a surround sound recording function and a dual Zeiss camera.
In conclusion, with the release of Nokia 7, HMD filled the intermediate in Nokia series with the category of smartphones "middle hand". In China, the device will start selling on October 24 at a price of 2,499 (about $ 377) and 2,699 ($ 407) yuan.
The date of the international release is not specified yet.


Writing is among the important processes of expressing your thoughts, and communicating suggestions and views to the others. Writing the perfect composition may be difficult initially, but with some discipline and training, you're able to surely improve. The finest tactic to begin is by taking your limits. An additional means to approach the article is actually to use 1 illustration and explore distinguishing facets of it. But for the workplace, writing is crucial in tons of different places also. GRE is a normal entrance exam that contains analytic and spoken sections. The GMAT electronic check has many benefits for example it truly is extremely simple to create essay. There are various methods essay editing service to prepare yourself for the GRE, also a couple of people enjoy to get study instructions alone.
Your hunger will be suppressed by this and will lead to lower calorie consumption.
All the best for your own GRE attempt! It's unquestionably critical that each pupil understands the method to compose a sound article that presents. The article is reallyn't that significant. It's my expectation that this essay was helpful in earning your selection. Essays do not want to be hard. A specific topic should be utilized in the essay. Most programs deliver vague directions on how better to write your essay. Proofread your essay frequently until there's no lone typographical or grammatical error left. Request remarks in your article.


text:
Barcelona Regional (English edition)
Past, Present, Future.
Barcelona Regional Agency
It explains the urban development of Barcelona and its metropolitan environment through the trajectory of the Barcelona Regional Agency; as well as a reflection on the ring roads of Barcelona and its surrounding territory.
This publication wants to be much more than an institutional memory of the works that Barcelona Regional has developed in the last 25 years. It is a double publication with a unique design that wants to emphasize the role of the agency as an instrument of discussion and innovation for the City Council and the Metropolitan Area of Barcelona. The publication is divided into two volumes that are integrated into a single box.
The first volume, Barcelona Regional, past and present, focuses on the people who have directed and worked at the agency, and the most emblematic projects that they have developed during these 25 years. Mayors of Barcelona, directors and workers relate the close relationship of Barcelona Regional with the transformations of the metropolis, and how the agency has been able to adapt, incorporating multiple methodological innovations in the ways of thinking and doing the city.
The second volume, Ring roads Barcelona, present and future, wants to be an open reflection on the future of the metropolitan cities, using the case study of the ring roads of Barcelona to rethink their impacts as a territorial border. It is a statement of the multiple perspectives of future challenges that open up to the shared discussion of Barcelona Regional with other agents, such as universities, external professionals and even with the subjective views of citizens who tell us about their "intimate" relationship with an urban freeway that, as such, has the days (or rather the years) numbered.
Barcelona Regional (English edition) quantity
Author: Barcelona Regional Agency
Size: 16,5 x 21 x 5,5 cm / 6.5 x 8.25 x 2,15 in. (box)
Cover: Slipcase, comprising two volumes (Softcover)
Pages: Total: 528 pages. 272 (vol.#1); 256 (vol.#2)
Published by: Barcelona Regional, Ajuntament de Barcelona.
ISBN: English 978-84-9156-206-1
Price: $39.95 / €30 / £30
Revisiting Metropolitan Barcelona (English edition)
Barcelona (by Jon Tugores)
Re-Living the City
The Function of Ornament (Spanish edition)
Barcelona Modern Architecture Guide (Catalan edition)
Treacherous Transparencies (German edition)
Revisiting Metropolitan Barcelona (Spanish edition)
Suprarural (Spanish edition)
previous post: Tales from the Dark Side of the City: Treasured Island
next post: Barcelona Regional (Spanish edition)


text:
Halmatettix major är en insektsart som beskrevs av Grant Jr., H.J. 1955. Halmatettix major ingår i släktet Halmatettix och familjen torngräshoppor. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Torngräshoppor
major

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


text:
from django.db import models
from django.conf import settings
from django.template import Context, Template

from cabot.cabotapp.alert import AlertPlugin

from os import environ as env
import requests

logstash_alert_url = env['LOGSTASH_URI']
logstash_create_services = env.get('LOGSTASH_CREATE_SERVICES') or False

logstash_token = env['LOGSTASH_TOKEN']
logstash_secret = env['LOGSTASH_SECRET']

logstash_normal = env['LOGSTASH_NORMAL']
logstash_warn = env['LOGSTASH_WARNING']
logstash_error = env['LOGSTASH_ERROR']
logstash_crit = env['LOGSTASH_CRITICAL']

logstash_template = "Service {{ service.name }} {% if service.overall_status == service.PASSING_STATUS %}is back to normal{% else %}reporting {{ service.overall_status }} status{% endif %}."

class LogstashAlert(AlertPlugin):
    name = "Logstash"
    author = "Jason Pereira"

    def send_alert(self, service, users, duty_officers):

        # Logstash handles repeat alerts, so we can skip them
        if service.overall_status == service.old_overall_status:
            return

        alert = True
        priority = logstash_error

        if service.overall_status == service.WARNING_STATUS:
            priority = logstash_warn
        elif service.overall_status == service.ERROR_STATUS:
            priority = logstash_error
        elif service.overall_status == service.CRITICAL_STATUS:
            priority = logstash_crit
        elif service.overall_status == service.PASSING_STATUS:
            priority = logstash_normal
            if service.old_overall_status == service.CRITICAL_STATUS:
                # cancel the recurring crit
                pass
        else:
            # something weird happened
            alert = False

        if not alert:
            return
        # now let's send
        c = Context({
            'service': service,
            'host': settings.WWW_HTTP_HOST,
            'scheme': settings.WWW_SCHEME,
            'jenkins_api': settings.JENKINS_API,
            })
        message = Template(logstash_template).render(c)
        self._send_stashboard_alert(message, key=str(service.id), priority=priority, service=service)

    def _send_stashboard_alert(self, message, key, priority, service):
        # set up a session so we can do multiple requests easily
        s = requests.Session()
        s.auth = OAuth1(u'anonymous', u'anonymous',
                logstash_token, logstash_secret)

        resp = s.get('%s/services/%s' % (logstash_alert_url, key))
        if resp.status_code == 404:
            if not logstash_create_services:
                return

            # first create the service with the Cabot ID as the name
            s.post('%s/services' % (logstash_alert_url),
                    data={
                        'name': key,
                        'description': service.url,
                    },
                    headers={'Content-Type':None}
                )

            # now change the name to the name in Cabot
            s.post('%s/services/%s' % (logstash_alert_url, key),
                    data={
                        'name': service.name,
                        'description': service.url,
                    },
                    headers={'Content-Type':None}
                )

        payload = {
                'token':env['PUSHOVER_TOKEN'],
                'user': key,
                'status': priority,
                'message': message,
        }

        s.post(
                '%s/services/%s/events' % (logstash_alert_url, key),
                data=payload,
                headers={'Content-Type':None}
            )

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


The milled rock is a great decorative material. It can be successfully used in building and decorating. Wall coverings, finishes in floors or stairs ? these are only the most popular applications.
Certainly, every tile expert at least once in their lifetime faced the challenge of cutting milled rock and drilling holes in such material. Damaged tiles, uneven edges, loss of time and unnecessary stress ? these are the side effects of using inappropriate cutting method not the water jet technology. Water jet cutting of milled rock is currently a standard solution allowing to carry out the work more quickly and accurately. Why in comparison with other cutting methods water is interesting? There are at least a few reasons.
Water jet cutting of milled rock is quicker. The work is done by the machine much more efficient than even the most skillful human worker. Straight cutting or cutting at a 45° angle, not to mention hole drilling, take significantly less time.
The milled rock is a really hard material. Therefore, it is used everywhere where heavy traffic occurs. The cutting of miller rock using traditional methods is simply ineffective. The cut edges are sharp and uneven, and require additional polishing. At places where accuracy is of utmost importance, the water jet technology proves irreplaceable.
The arranged tiles with sharp edges or parts are not very attractive. We also do not accept the tiles, where holes are not round and edges are not even. Thanks to the water jet technology, such problems may be avoided. The method not only increases the working conditions of the specialist, but also improves the general aesthetic finishing.


Made of ultralight 70 denier Nylon-PVC. Which is extremely strong, robust and resistant. 100% waterproof. Each single pair factory-tested for leakage. Nice body style with flexible shoulder straps, chest pocket, good grip moulded sole. Color: green. Available in sizes from 39 up to 48.
Spacious chest pocket for a lot of eqiupment. The waders have a sturdy outsole for plenty of grip in the water and on land.
The length of the insole helps you to choose the right shoe size that fits perfectly, for example by measuring insoles that you already own and comparing them with our table.


With a new Pavilion dedicated to Additive Manufacturing, two emerging technology centers, and more co-located shows, IMTS 2018 is on track to be the largest IMTS ever.
Pat analyzes current economic indicators to make forecasts for the primary business sectors that fuel the manufacturing technology market.
Chief Marketing Officer, Gardner Business Media Inc.
Melissa outlines 6 steps to execute a marketing plan and breaks down that plan into a timeline with specific marketing tasks before, during and after the show.
Click here to download the slide deck (PowerPoint).
Long-time, manufacturing technology publishers give helpful tactics to let news organizations know about your new products and services.
Kim shows how Exhibitor Passport makes it easy to identify prospective buyers and communicate with them before, during and after the show.
Follow Ed's steps to build a booth that enhances your brand, supports your business goals, and is within budget.
Mark gives 10 reasons why exhibitors should communicate with prospective buyers before the show and ways to do so through IMTSTV, IMTS.com, and Exhibitor Passport.
Panelist: Travis Egan Group Publisher, Gardner Business Media Inc.
This panel reviews new sponsorship options at IMTS 2018, explains what a sponsorship program can do for your company, and lists contact information.
Bonnie highlights how to find and maximize IMTS 2018 communication products and tools to get noticed as well as 9 ideas to market your company.
David offers advice to connect with prospective buyers using custom registration, and reviews the new features of the lead retrieval solutions available at IMTS.
Nina explains data analytics and what it can tell us about Exhibitor Passport, a communication tool for exhibitors to target prospective buyers attending the show.
IMTS staff want exhibitors to be successful at IMTS 2018. Exhibitors' success is a measure of IMTS success. Peter encourages marketing, operations, and sales staff to implement what you learned into your plan for a successful IMTS 2018.


Home Resume writing Guide How to write a good Resume?
How to write a good Resume?
The purpose of both the Resume and CV are similar but a Resume is a brief synopsis and the CV goes into more depth in each section.


text:
Alex Boisvert-Lacroix wins silver & Ivanie Blondin earns bronze at ISU World Cup Long Track event in Heerenveen
Heerenveen, Netherlands, December 13, 2015 – Alex Boisvert-Lacroix won a silver medal in the men's 500m, his second of the weekend in this distance, while Ivanie Blondin came up with bronze in the women's mass start, Sunday, at the ISU World Cup Long Track Speed Skating competition held in Heerenveen, Netherlands.
Canada therefore tallied four medals at this fourth stage of the World Cup season, including a bronze in Friday's 500m by Boisvert-Lacroix and gold in the men's team sprint on the same day, for a total of 23 podium results since the start of the 2015-2016 season. That is already the best performance by the Canadian team since it won 29 over the 2009-2010 season.
Alex Boisvert-Lacroix of Sherbrooke, QC, once again found himself on the podium, Sunday, after skating in the second men's 500m of the weekend. He collected silver with a time of 34.76. Russia's Ruslan Murashov (34.67) won gold while Norway's Espen Aarnes Hvammen (34,86) picked up bronze.
Skating in the race's last pairing, the 28-year-old Canadian athlete was matched up for the very first time with World Cup standings leader Pavel Kulizhnikov. The Russian skater fell coming out of the first turn, however, letting Boisvert-Lacroix finish his race alone.
From the outside lane, Boisvert-Lacroix registered his best-ever time off the start, i.e. 9.48 seconds. That was also the best time of the day in that section, which led to both Boisvert-Lacroix and Kulizhnikov being almost nose to nose coming out of the first turn.
"I was off like a rocket, it was my best opening ever and I went into the first turn in the right way, but then I saw Pavel fall in front of me, a few metres away from me," explained Boisvert-Lacroix. "It surprised me a bit and I even had to hold back a little on the crossover to let Pavel go by in front of me to avoid coming into contact with him. But after that, I was able to get back in gear and with the help of my coach, I was able to refocus on my race. Under the circumstances, I'm quite happy about ending up on the podium."
"My coaches told me that his fall was probably caused by the fact that I put a lot of pressure on him, and he had to come into the first turn with a great deal of power, and that's what probably caused him to lose balance or his boot to touch the ice, because he was trying too hard. He knew I was going to come out right behind him, so he didn't have any other choice than to go all out."
"There's a part of me that's disappointed, however, because I didn't have the chance to go down the last straight alongside Kulizhnikov," added Boisvert-Lacroix. "We'll have to wait until next time for that to happen."
Aside from Boisvert-Lacroix, two other Canadian skaters finished in the top-5. Alexandre St-Jean of Québec City ended up one hundredth of a second away from the podium, finishing fourth with a time of 34.87, followed by Laurent Dubreuil (34.90) of Lévis, QC, who was fifth. Gilmore Junio of Calgary was 13th (35.183) while William Dutton of Humboldt, SK, was 18th (35.44).
In the women's 500m, Heather McLean of Winnipeg, MB, was 10th in 38.30. Marsha Hudey of White City, SK finished 16th in 38.73
A bronze for Ivanie Blondin
Ivanie Blondin of Ottawa, for her part, won her fourth medal in as many races this season in the women's mass start. On Sunday, the 25-year-old skater got hold of her second bronze medal. She has yet to come up with a win this season in this event.
Japan's Misaki Oshigiri won gold while silver went to Dutch skater Carien Kleibeuker. The leader in overall mass start World Cup standings, Irene Schouten of the Netherlands, had to settle for 10th place.
"This is a bronze medal that I will appreciate greatly," said Ivanie Blondin. "Misaki Oshigiri and Carien Kleibeuker skated out way in front. I was a little bit surprised by that and the gap was too great for me to do anything about it. So I stayed calm and I worked to my strengths. My goal was to finish ahead of Schouten and that's what I was able to do by making the first move on her. I acted a little bit like I did in short track to make sure she didn't go by me in the last straight."
That was the last mass start race on the World Cup schedule before the one slated for the World Cup Finals. Blondin, the reining World Cup champion in that discipline, is presently second in mass start standings with 300 points, behind Schouten who has 316 points.
"As for the title, that will all depend on the World Cup Final. I'm really working forward to that!", said Ivanie Blondin.
In the men's mass start, Jordan Belchos of Toronto was seventh while Rob Watson of Whitby, ON, was 22nd.
Career performances
In the men's 1500m, Vincent De Haître of Cumberland, ON, finished ninth in 1:46.19, for his best career placing in that distance. In his first A division 1500m races this season, De Haître went from a 16th-place finish in Calgary to 12th place in Salt Lake City and 11th place in Inzell to end up ninth just before the Christmas break.
"Overall, I'm pretty happy with my 1500m," said Vincent de Haître. "The last time I skated a 1500m here, I was in the 1:51 range, which is five seconds slower than I was today. So that's a testament to how well training has been going for me. I feel I can keep this up and hopefully I can finish in the top-5 for the season."
In the women's 1500m, Kali Christ of Regina, SK, finished 16th (1:59.55).
In the B division, Brianne Tutt of Airdrie, AB, Isabelle Weidemann of Ottawa, ON, and Olivier Jean of Lachenaie, QC, all came up with their best-ever placings in a long track 1500m.
Tutt was second with a time of 2:01.81, while Weidemann was seventh (2:03.29). Tutt's best showing so far had been a seventh-place finish in Salt Lake City last month. As for Weidemann, she had ended up 11th twice this season.
Olivier Jean, for his part, was sixth on the men's side with a time of 1:49.37, improving on his 14th-place finish from last week in Inzell.
Jean also came up with his best career placing in the mass start event with a third position in the B event Sunday. In Salt Lake City earlier this season, he finished fifth.
The fall World Cup season now being over, the Canadian long track skaters will start to prepare for the Canadian Single Distance Championships, which are set to take place January 3-6 at Calgary's Olympic Oval.
This competition will serve as a selection process for World Cup #5 in Stavanger, Norway, slated for January 29-31, the World Single Distance Championships February 11-4 in Kolomna, Russia, the World Sprint Championships February 27-28 in Seoul, South Korea, and the World Allround Championships March 5-6 in Berlin, Germany. The World Cup Final will bring a close to the season March 11-13 in Heerenveen, Netherlands.
TODAY'S CANADIAN RESULTS
500m (2) M - A
SILVER: Alex Boisvert-Lacroix: 34.76
4: Alexandre St-Jean: 34.87
5: Laurent Dubreuil: 34.90
13: Gilmore Junio: 35.18
19: William Dutton: 35.44
Mass Start W - A
BRONZE: Ivanie Blondin
10: Josie Spence
Mass Start M - A
7 : Jordan Belchos
22 : Rob Watson
1500m M - A
9: Vincent De Haître: 1:46.19
500m (2) W - A
10: Heather McLean: 38.30
16: Marsha Hudey: 38.73
1500m W - A
16: Kali Christ: 1:59.55
1500m W - B
2: Brianne Tutt: 2:01.81
7: Isabelle Weidemann: 2:03.29
Mass Start M - B
3: Olivier Jean
500m (2) W - B
5: Kaylin Irvine: 39.36
1500m M - B
6: Olivier Jean: 1:49.37
Mass Start W - B
10: Isabelle Weidemann
More details, including the race schedule, are available at Speed Skating Canada's website at www.speedskating.ca.
SSC is proud to be affiliated with partners that share the same vision and values including our premium sponsors Intact Insurance, as well as our funding partners, the Government of Canada, Own the Podium, and WinSport Canada.


Under the GDPR the requirement that data controllers register with the ICO each year will be dropped and replaced with a requirement that data controllers maintain their own internal data processing record instead. However, in order to provide continued funding for the ICO's activities, all data controllers will have to continue paying an annual fee.
The new charging structure is set out in the Data Protection (Charges and Information) Regulations and will come into effect on 25 May 2018 at the same time as the General Data Protection Regulation.
Organisations with a turnover of up to £632,000 or no more than ten members of staff, small occupational pension schemes, and charities.
Organisations with a turnover of up to £36m or no more than 250 members of staff.
The fee payable by public authorities is based on staff numbers only - they do not need to take turnover into account.
Those charities and small occupational pension schemes which are not exempt from paying a fee, will only have to pay the Tier 1 fee regardless of their turnover or how many staff they have.
processing personal information without a computer or other similar device.
This exemption is only in relation to payment of the fee – you will still need to ensure that you are complying with the other obligations set out in GDPR.
Existing ICO registrations will remain valid for their full 12 month term so there is no need to take any specific action whilst you are still covered under a current registration.
As registrations fall due for renewal, the ICO will contact data controllers giving notice of the new arrangements and fees. The ICO will make a preliminary decision as to which tier an organisation falls within based on the information it holds in relation to the existing registration. If you disagree with the ICOs allocation, you can contact them and explain why you should be in a different tier.
It is worth noting that the ICO will automatically assign organisations to Tier 3 unless information is available to demonstrate that Tier 1 or 2 should apply.
If you are a non-exempt data controller who has not previously registered with the ICO and paid a fee, you will need to do so. The quickest and easiest way to register is via the ICO website. Registration, prior to 25 May 2018, will be subject to the current fee structure and the requirement to provide detailed information regarding your processing activities.
It is a criminal offence for a non-exempt data controller to fail to pay the annual fee or pay an incorrect fee. From 25 May 2018, the ICO will be able to impose fines for non-payment of up to £4,350.
The content of this article is for general information purposes only. For further assistance or advice regarding data protection, please contact Nicola Gulrajani or another member of Birketts Corporate Team. Law covered as at February 2018.


text:
Q: C# http Get request error
An error occurred while sending the request   - The underlying connection was closed: An unexpected error occurred on a receive.

both the web project and the services are on localhost
Get request goes here -
    public static T Get<T>(string urlRequest, out string message) where T : class ,new()
    {
        T result = default(T);

        string executionMessage = "";
        using (HttpClient client = new HttpClient())
        {
            var task = client.GetAsync(urlRequest)
            .ContinueWith((r) =>
            {
                HttpResponseMessage response = null;
                response = r.Result;
                if (response.IsSuccessStatusCode == true)
                {
                    // convert response to CLR object
                    result = response.Content.ReadAsAsync<T>().Result;
                }
                else
                {
                    executionMessage = response.ReasonPhrase;
                }
            });
            task.Wait();
        }

        message = executionMessage;
        return result;
    }

Any possible solutions for this problem?

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Fun facts for Coal jobs in Mpumalanga The largest category under which open Coal jobs are listed is Other/General Jobs, followed by Energy, Oil & Gas Jobs. The standard deviation of salaries for the results of this search is 172,476.
The Penumbra coal mine is located within the Ermelo coalfields of the Mpumalanga province. The province is made up of Permian-aged Vryheid formations from the Ecca group. The mine has reserves of approximately 5.44 million tonnes of coal.
South Witbank Data - Mining Atlas - Explore the … South Witbank is a Coal Mine (Mpumalanga) in South Africa owned by Glencore Xstrata. General: Part of Xstrata Coals Southstock division.
Dragline Training Officer - Mining - Witbank / Emalahleni Top Talent Recruitment - eMalahleni, Mpumalanga. Adhering to licensing procedure - conduct practical and theoretical training - adhering to health and safety and community requirements.
Mining, the sole supplier of coal to Synfuels, entered the coal export market in 1995 with the establishment of Twistdraai East and West, together with the Twistdraai Export Plant, to beneficiate and supply coal to the export market.


You would expect nothing less than epic from a pair like Beyoncé and Jay-Z, and on opening night of their One The Run II tour on June 6 in Cardiff, Wales, they delivered. With a set spanning more than 35 of their combined hits, take a peek inside one of the hottest tours of the year.
In a cheeky nod to the infamous elevator incident of 2014, the GRAMMY-winning power couple were lifted onto the stage via elevator before launching into a joint rendition of " Magna Carta Holy Grail." They shared the stage for an addition four tracks, including "Part II (On The Run)," "'03 Bonnie & Clyde," "Drunk in Love," and "Clique"/"Diva."
Queen Bey and Hova then ran through a slew of tracks from her GRAMMY-winning Lemonade and his GRAMMY-nominated 4:44 in addition to some classic fan favorites. Jay-Z indulged the crowd with "Big Pimpin'," "99 Problems" and "Run This Town" while Beyoncé put the audience through their paces with her "Run the World (Girls)" and "Feeling Myself." She also covered Ed Sheeran's "Perfect."
Both giant artists in their own right, the couple shared the stage equally, offering just what you would expect: raw confessions, rousing, visually stunning crowd pleasers and a healthy dose of much-needed empowerment and political activism.
Beyoncé and Jay-Z will continue to wow European crowds through July 17 before they head back stateside for the North American leg of the tour that will run through Oct. 4. Grab your tickets now via Ticketmaster because we won't be "Young Forever."
After much speculation — and a Ticketmaster leak — it's finally official. Beyoncé and Jay-Z are heading back on tour.
The power couple are teaming for On The Run II, which will take them across arenas and stadiums in Europe and the United States this summer.
On The Run II will kick off in Europe in Cardiff, Wales, on June 6, with the 15-date leg extending until July 17 in Nice, France.
The 21-concert U.S. leg will commence June 25 in Cleveland. Hova and Bey will then hit up Washington, D.C., Boston, Chicago, Detroit, Atlanta, New Orleans, and Los Angeles. The tour is scheduled to wrap with a Canadian date on Oct. 2 in Vancouver.
Tickets go on pre-sale March 14 via the Beyhive and Tidal, and will then be available March 19 through LiveNation.