text:
Irresponsibility & Japan's Internal Colony
Diskriminierung von Nordost-Japan
The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 52, No. 2, December 30, 2013.
Systems of Irresponsibility and Japan's Internal Colony
Nathan Hopson
In the wake of the March 11, 2011 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster, much has been said about the character of Japan, and especially about Tōhoku and its people. In the early weeks and months, the exceptionally good behavior of an overwhelming majority of Japanese in the face of a disaster of almost unthinkable magnitude was the object of much admiration. Especially in the foreign press, mixed in with cringe-inducing references to the "Fukushima 50" as "nuclear samurai"—if anything, "kamikaze" would have been the more appropriate image—the tropes of "orderly" and "law-abiding" Japanese and "stoic" residents of Tōhoku were repeated frequently even by scholars whose careers are mostly built around combatting sloppy generalizations. Diverse voices from around the world, including those of Chinese netizens—more often cited as a bastion of virulent anti-Japanese sentiment—were joined in approbation. Sympathy and aid poured in from around the world, and the domestic media proudly relayed this news to their Japanese audiences.
Fig. 1: The "Fukushima 50" as "nuclear samurai"
It was clear immediately after the earthquake and tsunami, however, that very few specific, actionable ideas about how to rebuild were forthcoming, a problem exacerbated by confirmation of reactor meltdowns and radiation leaks. Faced with the enormity of the 3/11 catastrophe, many pundits and observers simply reheated pet theories and repeated old ideas. The immediate aftermath of disaster is often an opportunity to repeat long-held beliefs or vague platitudes in the hope that they remain applicable and will find new ears, and the days after of March 11 were no exception. Old attitudes are comforting and hard to abandon; when our beliefs are shown to be ineffective or obsolete it is quite common to respond by urging that their failure is the result of insufficient application of these beliefs rather than any defect therein: "If it didn't work, do it more until it does." A smattering of new ideas may quickly appear, but these are usually either shouted down or ignored. And in many cases, these apparently new ideas are actually old ideas that had simply remained unvoiced or unheard prior to the crisis. New ideas—at least the acceptance of new ideas—tend to come later if at all; neither philosophical nor discursive change occur as fast as the pace of events.
Some saw in March 11 a chance for Japan to make another new beginning, though these declarations were almost entirely devoid of specifics. The trope of "overcoming" (modernity, the West, etc.) was resurrected by talking heads proclaiming that Japan had entered a new era. Amongst those who saw the chance for a new beginning, some offered historical precedent and analogy to prove their point. Comparisons were made with past disasters, most often the 1923 earthquake that devastated the Tokyo-Yokohama metropolitan area or the physical and mental deprivation and desolation after Japan's surrender in August 1945. If the latter comparison was intended to express hope that out of tragedy could come a new and positive beginning, the former was more ambiguous. 1923 is remembered less as a moment of renewal than as one of disaster followed by missed opportunities for rebuilding. Analogies to 1923 and 1945 came from across the political spectrum, and therefore gave expression to diverse political agendas predating March 2011. Take, for example, then-governor of Tokyo, Ishihara Shintarō. Ishihara, known for his hardline nationalism and inflammatory comments, was, in this sense at least, always an odd fit for Tokyo.2 He made this exceptionally clear when he attributed the March 11 earthquake to "divine retribution" against a country and a people that had lost their way, drowning in egoism and hedonism—a comment made only stranger by the fact that the governor of Tokyo seemed to be implying that Fukushima was a den of self-absorbed debauchery. This was not, Ishihara emphasized, Japan's true identity. Rather, it was imperative that Japan "use the tsunami to wash away egoism, to wash away the many years of crud built up on the hearts of the Japanese." Ishihara later (uncharacteristically) retracted this comment in the face of massive public outrage, but only long enough to turn it into an entire book published later the same year.3 As governor of Japan's social, political, and economic capital, after 3/11 Ishihara continued to bemoan the social and moral disintegration wrought by postwar economic growth, arguing that this catastrophe was the long-awaited opportunity to escape from the postwar régime.
Fig. 2: Ishihara Shintarō retracting his remark that the 3/11 tsunami was "divine retribution"
Much of the discourse in the months immediately following March 11 included an appeal to super-individual sources of value. For Ishihara it was the negative invocation of evil "egoism" to urge a return to collectivist values. His stance was unusual mostly in its poor wording—more than a touch ironic for such a decorated wordsmith. Concepts like "communality" were evoked both to mourn the general loss thereof in Japanese society and to admire the retention thereof in Tōhoku, backward seat of traditional culture and values. The common thread in these arguments was that both social ties and mores, and also government leadership, needed to be strengthened. Disaster was "nationalized" by many observers, and its victims made exemplars of core Japanese values—whether as bearers of the national torch of Japanese cultural excellence or as the keepers of a sacred flame burned low to embers amidst the gusting winds of modernization, globalization, and change.
In 1970, the US-Japan security treaty (Anpo) was renewed for a second time, signaling the failure of progressive, antistate protest and organization and bringing student demonstrations to a close. This was also the year of the Osaka Expo, which echoed the 1964 Tokyo Olympics' message that Japan had not only recovered politically and economically from defeat, but was once again a privileged star amongst the developed nations of the world. By the end of the 1960s, Japan was home to a "well-off majority" increasingly willing to pursue economic growth and to stay out of politics. In exchange for depoliticizing society, middle-class Japanese were promised economic wealth and fast, stable growth. By the end of the millennium, the disintegration of the "bubble economy" and Japan's persistent failure to rekindle economic growth had eroded confidence in this model. In the previous three decades, the strength of the post-1970 social contract that historian Oguma Eiji calls the "1970 paradigm," was based on the existence of a stable, well-off middle-class.4 The oft-cited polls indicating that nine of ten Japanese considered themselves "middle-class" during subsequent decades are evidence of, and a key condition for, the paradigm's success.5 The paradigm was fraught and questioned from the outset. After all, it was in the 1970s that problems of environmental pollution and degradation, gender, minorities—ethnic Koreans and Chinese, mostly—living in Japan and essentially indistinct from "Japanese," and other issues of majority-minority power imbalances and discrimination were also brought to the forefront, not infrequently by the victims themselves. Nevertheless, overall, nonpolitical stances (nonpori) dominated—not least because they were amply rewarded economically.
The obverse of the 1970 paradigm was often expressed in anti-modern, anti-science, and/or anti-industrial terms. In the 1970s and 1980s, critical attitudes toward contemporary mainstream socioeconomic culture often fed an interest in ecology, and with it a revaluation of premodern or non-modern cultures, including Japan's own.6 In any case, after 3/11, this marginal thread was revived in anti-nuclear proclamations and demonstrations. Nuclear power was emblematic of scientific, rational economic progress, and the postwar economic order. Conveniently, there were already established critiques of both that could be quickly and effectively mobilized when matters at Fukushima Daiichi went sideways. From there, it was but a step toward the anti-modern, anti-(Western) civilization and anti-monotheistic stance expressed by commentators including religion scholar Nakazawa Shin'ichi and philosopher Umehara Takeshi .7 It bears repeating that these are not new ideas, but the adaptation of existing dogmas and creeds to new evidence.
System of Irresponsibility
Among the many ideas about Japan and about Tōhoku that resurfaced after 3/11, two deserve special attention. One is philosopher and critic Maruyama Masao's "system of irresponsibility." In the first years after Japan's surrender, Maruyama diagnosed the wartime system as a complex "system of irresponsibility," in which "proximity to the ultimate value," i.e. the imperial institution and person, was the measure of political legitimacy and moral authority. The emperor, state, and society were coterminous, meaning that affairs of state were ascribed ultimate value and infallibility, and society was the undifferentiated vehicle through which affairs of state were to be carried out. Morality emanated out concentrically from the emperor. This was a system without personal accountability, nor even the awareness of personal accountability, Maruyama argued.8 Whether Maruyama's sweeping generalizations are accurate or not is beside the point. His argument—that a formalized, regularized social system devoid of personal accountability was a root cause of Japan's long and destructive war and the multitude of atrocities committed during its course—has been applied both to Tepco's abject failure to prevent or stave off nuclear meltdown and to the inability of the behemoth utility and Japanese government and regulators to handle the outcome of this failure.
The denials, cover ups, and generally gross mishandling of the nuclear disaster at Fukushima Daiichi by both Tepco and successive Japanese regimes have been called symptomatic of "everything that is wrong with… Japan: cronyism, collusion…, corruption, weak regulation." Equally accurate, and even more damningly, the wartime specter of Maruyama's "system of irresponsibility" has been raised by more than one observer.9 Despite full awareness of the possibility of precisely the sort of catastrophe that occurred in March 2011, Tepco failed outright to take any preventative steps. Following the meltdown, the company attempted to cover up the scale of the disaster. More than two years later, the fiasco lumbers on, with tens of thousands still displaced, clean up proceeding at a snail's pace, radioactive pollution worsening daily, and no end in sight. Despite the worst nuclear accident since Chernobyl, one that released terabecquerels of radiation into the environment, not a single indictment has been made at any level, and not a single politician has been (directly) forced to resign. With hundreds of metric tons of radiated water seeping daily into the ocean and groundwater from leaky tanks, and total radioactive pollution measured in units so large as to defy comprehension, Tepco limps along and the government continues to promote Japanese nuclear power abroad as "safe," not to mention eco-friendly, and cost-efficient despite the ongoing cavalcade of catastrophic failures at Fukushima Daiichi. "Each step Tepco takes seems only to produce new problems," and nowhere has the question of responsibility been sufficiently addressed.10 The fury of survivors that was seen in the first months after 3/11 yielded almost nothing.11 Beyond the ritual removal of Tepco's CEO and some populist media outrage, there has been little attempt to address the issue of human responsibility. And as for the company itself, Tepco has made a mockery of the concept of responsibility through constant repetition of the word "sōteigai" to describe its every failure. The word is an interesting one, denoting something "unpredictable," even when the company's own internal documents made precisely the predictions whose possibility is being denied.12 It is a well-chosen mantra for a well-oiled system of irresponsibility.
Fig. 3: One of many books to criticize Tepco's repeated use of "sōteigai" Tōhoku: Japan's Internal Colony
The second concept of note describes Tōhoku in its relationship to the Japanese nation-state. Historians have argued for decades that Tōhoku is Japan's "internal" or "domestic colony," and that the ostensible "backwardness" of the Northeast resulted from policy decisions by the government during Japan's rush to modernize after the 1868 Meiji coup d'état. The exploitative character of regional development in the Northeast was already recognized in the late nineteenth century. Though the 1881-1890 rush to lay rail in Tōhoku was welcomed as the path, literally and figuratively, to civilization and progress, a few years after the 1891 completion of the Tōhoku Main Line, Nitobe Inazō bitterly described the railroad as a giant "straw," bleeding rural Japan dry to feed the hungry cities.13 Hara Katsurō's 1920 English-language survey of Japanese history, the first penned by a Japanese author, offered this analysis:
The principal cause of the retardation of progress in [Tōhoku] lies… in the fact that it is a comparatively recently exploited part of the Empire. Since the beginning of historic times, the Japanese have pushed their settlements more and more toward the north, so that the population in those regions has grown denser and denser. If this process had continued with the same vigour until today, the northern provinces might have become far more populous, civilised, and prosperous, than we see them now. Unfortunately for the North[east], however, just at the most critical time in its development, the attention of the nation was compelled to turn from inner colonisation to foreign relations.14
In the early postwar years, influential historian Ishimoda Shō described Tōhoku as a bleak, "backward periphery ruled by the oldest form of feudalism" and nothing more than "a colony… of the center."15 Nitobe, Hara, and Ishimoda were all born in Tōhoku, so it is perhaps not difficult to understand their anger and humiliation when confronted with the maltreatment of their native region by the state and business conglomerates (zaibatsu).
Since the 1980s, economist Okada Tomohiro has been one of the most vocal proponents of the view that Tōhoku was a colony manufactured by and for Tokyo in the Meiji period (1868-1912). In 1983, Okada eloquently described the economic peripheralization of Tōhoku in world-system terms, writing that "Tōhoku served as a 'domestic colony,' on the one hand providing rice and other primary industry products and labor for both the capitalist market and the colonization of Hokkaidō, and on the other importing foreign rice and light industrial goods."16 The following year, historian Iwamoto Yoshiteru explained the situation as a result of the distinctly imperialist economic modernization process that Japan had learned from Europe and the United States. Iwamoto argued that fin-de-siècle "Tōhoku seemed less a dark, backward area than an exciting frontier. But as the Tokyo-Yokohama and Osaka-Kobe areas became industrial centers, Tōhoku was transformed into a food supply base... As England and other advanced nations had their colonies to produce food, Japan made Tōhoku its rice producer—in other words an internal colony."17
After 1913, a bad famine year in the Northeast, the government embarked on a number of failed "Tōhoku development" efforts. In the 1910s, the major development project was ostensibly modeled on the Tennessee Valley Authority, but the real intent and actual effects are amply summed up by the choice of Matsui Haruo as head of the government's oversight agency. Matsui served simultaneously as the secretary of the national Resources Department. Under the all-encompassing aegis of "national defense," major zaibatsu appropriated the "human and material resources" of Tōhoku for military development and buildup. The development of electrical power in Tōhoku followed a similar trajectory, with the majority of electricity produced by Tōhoku's eleven power plants consumed in Tokyo—a precursor to the power distribution of the Fukushima Daiichi plant operated by Tepco.18
Some of the most important postwar intellectuals working on Tōhoku have taken up the mantle of this critique since March 2011. Intellectual historian Kawanishi Hidemichi has borrowed the sociological concept of the "national sacrifice zone" to explain the placement of nuclear power plants and other dangerous or otherwise unpleasant "NIMBY" facilities in Tōhoku. This term has described regions carved out domestically in the American West and abroad in areas like the Marshall Islands to fulfill the United States' military and industrial interests with little regard for the safety and livelihoods of local communities.19 "When in the past the myth of nuclear power as 'safe, secure, and clean'" was unassailably robust in public consciousness, why were these facilities not constructed in the metropolises they served? The answer is simple: the Northeast is Japan's "nuclear power colony," replied Kawanishi.20 Kawanishi is not the first scholar to notice that Tōhoku was being sacrificed for Tokyo, nor the only one to describe this sacrifice in comparison with that of Okinawa.21 On the eve of America's 1972 return of Okinawa to Japan, historian Tōyama Hideki had already identified the former Ryūkyū kingdom as the sacrifice for Japan's "national polity," and after 3/11, critic Takahashi Tetsuya drew out the parallel between the Northeast and Okinawa explicitly in a book on the "system of sacrifice" that victimized both.22 Okinawa was, and is, made to bear the brunt of the American military presence; Tōhoku was, and is, made to bear the brunt of the Japanese hunger for rice, electricity, and cheap labor.23
Fig. 4: The inaugural issue of Tōhokugaku (1999)
Another important voice to join in this criticism is that of Akasaka Norio, a folklorist, critic, and highly visible public intellectual often credited as the father of "Tōhoku-ology" (Tōhokugaku). Akasaka had been the first director of the Tōhoku Culture Research Center (TCRC) at Yamagata's Tōhoku University of Art and Design (TUAD) from its opening in 1999, but he was in Tokyo when the March 11 quake hit, having left Yamagata to take a position at Gakushūin University beginning in April. After the disaster, Akasaka was named to the government's newly established advisory panel on post-3/11 recovery, the Reconstruction Design Council. A month after 3/11, Akasaka visited the stricken areas for the first time. His first impression, he recollects, was that to his surprise, "Tōhoku was still a colony." The veneer of prosperity had been washed away by the tsunami, revealing structural prejudice alive and well amidst the wreckage and carnage.24 The Northeast not only remained an economic periphery, but as Okinawa had been made to take on the consequences of Japan's "subordinate independence" vis-à-vis the United States, Tōhoku had been fashioned into a dumping ground for the externalities of postwar economic growth. The justification for this was always that American bases and Japanese reactors were "job creators" in an otherwise moribund local economy. Recalling an encounter with a Japanese anti-nuclear protester from Okinawa who remarked that "Towns with nuclear plants and towns with [American] military bases are identical," journalist Kang Sung noted, "The same 'benefaction theory'," i.e. that whether by an expansionist central regime or by a power utility, colonization is for the good of the locals, "has been used to legitimize both nuclear plant location and colonialism."25
More than a millennium ago, the Shirakawa area of southern Fukushima marked the boundary between the Japanese state and the northern territories it both feared and desired. Even after southern Tōhoku fell under the state's sway, the toll road barrier at Shirakawa was for centuries a powerful symbolic point of demarcation, indicating civilization to the south and savagery to the north. "North of Shirakawa" was "Michinoku," an old name for Tōhoku indicating a barbarian outland that had never completely assented to the court's mission civilisatrice. Even in the twentieth century, southerners still sometimes scoffed, "The mountains north of Shirakawa are a dime a dozen," and in the 1980s beverage giant Suntory's president, Saji Keizō, invited frenzy and boycotts in Tōhoku with very public and vitriolic comments about the allegedly dodgy racial makeup of Tōhoku's people and the consequently low level of culture in the region.26 The power of these abiding prejudices and structural disparities was only too clear after 3/11. Before March 2011, Akasaka had developed a strong sense of the Northeast's internal diversity, coming even to see contemporary Fukushima as culturally and economically more a part of the Kantō region—including Tokyo and Yokohama—than of Tōhoku. However, he remarked, the tragedies of 3/11 inscribed once again an impenetrable boundary at Shirakawa, and "Tōhoku" was once again transformed into "Michinoku."27
Akasaka is probably only partially correct. After Ishihara Shintarō's "divine retribution" remark, scholar-critic Tanaka Yūko fired off an angry riposte. Tanaka wrote, "Watching panicked children search for lost parents or husbands for their wives, there cannot be many people in the world who would use the meaningless adjective 'Japanese' to describe them. Their name is not 'Japanese'… Never has the word 'Japan' been more meaningless."28 She was wrong, of course: domestically, at least, the Japaneseness of victims has been emphasized more than their universal humanity, repeated ad infinitum and made a fundamental rationale for aiding them—as fellow Japanese and as fellow members of an economy shaken by disaster and threatened by failure to get quickly back on track. Calls of "Ganbare Nippon!" ("Go Japan!") were paired with "Ganbare Tōhoku!" as the "Japaneseness" of the tragedy was forefronted.
Fig. 5: This emblem, pairing "Ganbare Nippon!" ("Go Japan!") with "Ganbare Tōhoku!" is emblematic of the tendency to see 3/11 and its aftermath in national terms.
But as Oguma points out, the rhetoric of "national" disaster emanating from Tokyo media outlets was at least as much the consequence of a perceived threat to Tokyo's environment and economy as of a sense of national solidarity. If a disaster of similar magnitude struck distant Okinawa, he writes, it is hard to imagine the same furor or framework. Oguma also suggests that plans formulated in Tokyo to "restore" Tōhoku have more to do with preserving a comfortable urban-rural power balance and the sense of Tōhoku as Japan's materially poor, spiritually rich homeland than with any real concern for the affected areas. If plans were animated by genuine concern for the livelihood of Tōhoku people, they would seize this opportunity to update the physical and economic infrastructure rather than simply return it to its previous state. That previous state was—as Kang Sung noted—little more than a self-serving colonial lie.29 This same distrust of Tokyo can be seen in an email sent to Akasaka from one of the evacuees soon after March 11, 2011: "We [need] a 'renaissance,' not to commit the same mistakes. It would be completely meaningless to 'restore' the idiotic way things were."30 If Oguma is correct, the message is clear: Michinoku is only Tōhoku, only part of Japan, so long as it remains in its proper place. It was only possible for Akasaka to see Fukushima as part of Kantō when it was a docile colony reliably supplying essentials to the capital. At the first hint of trouble, the old Shirakawa barrier slammed shut again.
What is revealed by these references to the wartime system of irresponsibility and the renewed consciousness of Tōhoku as Tokyo's sole remaining colony? Maruyama intended his analysis to be limited to "ultranationalist" Japanese state and society, but in fact his exegesis can also be read as a biting critique of banal, systemic, impersonal evil in toto. Thus interpreted, Maruyama's schematic is a cautionary call to vigilance and action, relevant not only to Tōhoku, and not only to Japan. It is also a reminder that rule of law alone is not enough to guarantee justice or prevent a slow slide into discrimination and disparity. As for the growing understanding of Tōhoku as an abused and exploited colony, Kawanishi seems to have put his finger on the significance of this most astutely. By referencing the notion of "national sacrifice zones," he makes the problem of Tōhoku both universal and contemporary. Tōhoku (and Okinawa) are not Japanese colonies, they are colonies in a global system in which the great urban metropoles and centers of power and wealth shed dangerous and dirty facilities and waste products to outlying regions. Though scholars and critics have advocated for social justice models transcending the Westphalian state and unconstrained by the state-driven framework of international law, there is more than enough reason to doubt that the dawning recognition of such affinities with other "sacrifice zones" will form the basis for transnational solidarity or global social movements.31
However, if this were to come to pass it would lend an odd credence to Inoue Hisashi's 1981 novel, Kirikirijin.
Fig. 6: "Passport" to the fictional country of Kirikiri, setting of Inoue Hisashi's Kirikirijin
Counted among the greatest works of modern Japanese satire, Inoue's dense narrative chronicles the (fictional) secession of the (fictionalized) area of southeast Iwate and northwest Miyagi prefectures hit hardest by the 2011 tsunami. The newly independent "Kirikiri" is the result of an irredentist nationalism harkening back to Tōhoku's autonomy in the twelfth century. Upon declaring its secession from Japan, the newly formed nation remodels its economy around self-sufficiency and cutting edge medical research and care, including cloning, hybridization, and transplants. Instead of the colonial structure of primary industries producing goods for Tokyo, Kirikiri aims for a relatively autonomous resource bloc, producing its own food, geothermal energy, etc., and acquiring cash income mainly from its medical industry and gold. The latter is a nod to the Northeast's history as Japan's major gold producer in antiquity, and to the fact that Kirikiri has regained with that gold the autonomy it had bought the region before. Simultaneously, the state of Kirikiri explicitly positions itself as part of a global substate subaltern—most memorably by inviting athletes from Quebec, Botswana, and Scotland for an international table tennis tournament.32
Comparisons of the March 11 disaster to the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923 are actually quite useful, if only to prove the point that for all the rhetoric about new beginnings, old ideas ruled the day in both cases. After the great Kantō temblor, plans to remodel Tokyo as a grand new international capital were rejected and much of the city returned to its pre-quake state, touched only by the top-down logic that remade parts of central Tokyo into a capital fit for the modern Empire. "A 'post-disaster utopia,' if one ever existed in early September 1923, evaporated once attention focused on reconstruction."33 After 3/11, a few scattered voices suggested that this was an opportunity to completely rethink the uncontaminated coastal areas, but the overwhelming majority of proposals and policies have been directed toward restoring the pre-3/11 status quo. Regardless of the path taken, what is needed is neither reconstruction (fukkō) nor restoration (fukko). In the words of the anonymous emailer who railed against "meaningless [attempts] to 'restore' the idiotic way things were," what is needed is a lofty but realistic plan for "renaissance" that escapes both the system of irresponsibility and the colonial logic of Tōhoku development. Perhaps Japan's choice of the Kitakami Mountain Range in southern Iwate as a candidate site for the International Linear Collider (ILC) is an indication of a real socioeconomic renaissance to come.34 But in the meantime the rhetoric of "reconstruction" drags irresponsibly on, as does the shameful reality that even reconstruction is barely proceeding and the national government remains uncommitted.35
Nathan Hopson is a historian of modern Japan. He is currently a postdoctoral associate at Yale University's Council on East Asian Studies, where he is completing a book manuscript on Japanese postwar regionalism and nationalism in global context. Forthcoming works include "Takahashi Tomio's Phoenix: Recuperating Hiraizumi, Part 1 (1950-1971)" (Journal of Japanese Studies, 40, no. 2), and "Takahashi Tomio's Henkyō: Eastern Easts and Western Wests" (Nichibunken Japan Review, summer 2014).
Recommended citation: Nathan Hopson, "Systems of Irresponsibility and Japan's Internal Colony," The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 11, Issue 52, No. 2, December 30, 2013.
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1 "Banyan: Japan and the Uses of Adversity," The Economist, March 2011; "Japan's Catastrophes: Nature Strikes Back," The Economist, March 2011; Mari Galloway, "McGill Professors Fight Sensationalizing of Japan Disaster," McGill Daily, April 2, 2011; Suzanne Goldenberg, "The Truth about the Fukushima 'Nuclear Samurai,'" The Guardian, March 21, 2011; Marnie Hunter, "Orderly Disaster Reaction in Line with Deep Cultural Roots," CNN, March 2011; Hugh Patrick, "After the Tohoku Earthquake, Japan's New Beginning," East Asia Forum, April 2011; Kumiko Makihara, "A Battered Nation on the Mend," The New York Times, June 10, 2011, sec. Opinion; William Pesek, "The Japan Earthquake: The Cataclysm This Time," Businessweek.com, March 17, 2011; Abi Sekimitsu, "Even Japanese Amazed by Stoicism of Disaster-Struck North," Reuters, March 21, 2011; Fukushima Kaori, "Nihonjin no nintaizuyosa ni sunao ni odoroku," Nikkei Business Online, March 21, 2012; Richard J Samuels, "3.11: Comparative and Historical Lessons," Japan Focus, May 20, 2013.
2 Ishihara's popularity has been ascribed by some to his bombastic nationalism, straight talk, and willingness to "Say No," a reputation he earned first as coauthor of The Japan That Can Say No, and which he parlayed into a campaign slogan in 1999: "The Tokyo That Can Say No" (to American military bases and other perceived infringements of Japan's sovereignty). "Tōkyō saisei e Ishihara-shi ni jūseki." Sankei Shinbun. April 12, 1999, sec. Shuchō.
3 Ishihara Shintarō, Shin darakuron: Gayoku to tenbatsu (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 2011); Yomiuri Shimbun, "Kokumin zentai no tsumi da, Ishihara chiji 'tenbatsu' hatsugen," Yomiuri Online, March 26, 2011, sec. Tokushū: Fukushima Genpatsu; "Ishihara chiji 'Tsunami wa tenbatsu, gayoku o araiotosu hitsuyō,'" Yomiuri Online, March 15, 2011.
4 Oguma Eiji, 1968, vol. 1, 2 vols. (Tokyo: Shin'yōsha, 2009).
5 D. Chiavacci, "From Class Struggle to General Middle-Class Society to Divided Society: Societal Models of Inequality in Postwar Japan," Social Science Japan Journal 11, no. 1 (2008): 5.
6 Kōmei Sasaki, "Keynote Address: From Affluent Foraging to Agriculture in Japan," Senri Ethnological Studies 9 (1981): 13–15; David Hurst Thomas and Shūzō Koyama, eds., Affluent Foragers: Pacific Coasts East and West, Senri Ethnological Studies 9 (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1981). See also Masato Kataoka, "Hunting and Gathering the Past," Look Japan 43, no. 496 (1997): 39.
7 Nakazawa Shin'ichi, Nihon no daitenkan (Tokyo: Shūeisha, 2011); Umehara Takeshi and Azuma Hiroki, "Kusaki no seiki suru kuni—Kyōto," Shisō Chizu β 3 (July 17, 2012): 302–324.
8 Masao Maruyama, Thought and Behavior in Modern Japanese Politics (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), esp. 1–24, 128.
9 Sakai Naoki, "'Musekinin no taikei' mitabi," Gendai shisō 39, no. 7 (May 2011): 26–33; "Ima mata musekinin no taikei," Nagasaki Shimbun, August 4, 2012, sec. Mizu ya sora.
10 Martin Fackler, "Doubt Clouds Fukushima Effort," September 5, 2013, sec. Finance.
11 Keikakuteki hinan kuiki no jūmin ni Tōden fukushachō ga shazai, 2011; Tōden shachō ga jūmin ni shazai hizamazuki atama sage, 2011.
12 Justin McCurry, "Fukushima Fuel Rods May Have Completely Melted," The Guardian, December 2, 2011; "Tōden, 'Sōteigai no tsunami' o kyōchō, genpatsu jiko de saishū hōkoku," Asahi Shimbun Digital, June 21, 2012; The Official Report of The Fukushima Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission (Executive Summary) (Tokyo: Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission, 2012), 26–28.
13 Iwamoto Yoshiteru, "Tōhoku kaihatsu o kangaeru: Uchi kara no kaihatsu / soto kara no kaihatsu," in Rekishi no naka no Tōhoku: Nihon no Tōhoku, Ajia no Tōhoku, ed. Tōhoku Gakuin Daigaku Shigakka (Tokyo: Kawade Shobō Shinsha, 1998), 244–246, Tōhoku kaihatsu o kangaeru.
14 Katsurō Hara, An Introduction to the History of Japan (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1920), 26–27.
15 Quoted in Kawanishi Hidemichi, "Kindai Nihon keiseiki ni okeru 'Tōhokuron' no kisoteki kenkyū," 2001. See also Kawanishi Hidemichi, "'Tōhoku'-shi no imi to shatei," Rekishigaku kenkyū no. 742 (October 2000): 97.
16 Okada Tomohiro, "Nihon teikokushugi keiseiki ni okeru Tōhoku kaihatsu kōsō (jō): (Dai ichiji) Tōhoku Shinkōkai no katsudō o chūshin ni," Keizai ronsō 131, no. 1–2 (1983): 40.
17 Kabayama Kōichi, Iwamoto Yoshiteru, and Yoneyama Toshinao, Taiwa: "Tōhoku" ron (Tokyo: Fukutake Shoten, 1984), 17.
18 Okada Tomohiro, "Tōhoku no chiiki kaihatsu no rekishi to aratana chiiki-zukuri," Shakai shisutemu kenkyū no. 24 (March 2012): 23. See also, Iwamoto Yoshiteru, Tōhoku kaihatsu hyakunijūnen, Zōhoban (Tokyo: Tōsui Shobō, 2009), 58; Akasaka Norio, Oguma Eiji, and Yamauchi Akemi, "Tōhoku" saisei (Tokyo: Īsuto Puresu, 2011), 49.
19 Mike Davis, "The Dead West: Ecocide in Marlboro Country," New Left Review no. 200 (1993): 49–49; Valerie Kuletz, The Tainted Desert: Environmental Ruin in the American West (New York: Routledge, 1998); Jessica Barkas Threet, "Testing the Bomb: Disparate Impacts on Indigenous Peoples in the American West, the Marshall Islands, and in Kazakhstan," University of Baltimore Journal of Environmental Law 13 (2006 2005): 29; Patty Limerick, "Fencing in the Past," Diplomatic History 36, no. 3 (June 2012): 505–509, doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.2012.01040.x.
20 Kawanishi Hidemichi, Tōhoku o yomu (Akita: Mumyōsha Shuppan, 2011), 20. Kawanishi draws from the work of Ishiyama Noriko, including "Genshiryoku hatsuden to sabetsu no saiseisan: Minesota-shū Pureirī Airando Genshiryoku Hatsudensho to senjūmin," Rekishigaku kenkyū no. 884 (October 2011): 48–53.
21 Kawanishi, Tōhoku o yomu, 221–222.
22 Tōyama Hideki, "Nihon kindaishi ni okeru Okinawa no ichi," Rekishigaku kenkyū (March 1972): 49–55; Takahashi Tetsuya, Gisei no shisutemu: Fukushima, Okinawa (Tokyo: Shūeisha, 2012).
23 Oguma Eiji, in Akasaka, Oguma, and Yamauchi, "Tōhoku" saisei, 63, 91, 126–128.
24 In Ibid., 15.
25 Kang Sung, "Mainoriti to hangenpatsu 3: Shokuminchishugi to no 'sekkinsei,'" Subaru 33, no. 12 (December 2011): 312–313.
26 Sam Jameson, "Closed Circles: Japan Revels in Regional Differences," Los Angeles Times, May 16, 1988; Niino Naoyoshi, "Tōhoku bunka no rekishiteki fūdosei," Doboku keikakugaku kenkyū, ronbunshū no. 8 (November 1990): 1.
27 Akasaka, Oguma, and Yamauchi, "Tōhoku" saisei, 68.
28 Tanaka Yūko, "Ko to shite, tomo ni ikiru tame," Shūkan Kinyōbi, March 25, 2011.
29 In Akasaka, Oguma, and Yamauchi, "Tōhoku" saisei, 78, 90.
30 Quoted in Sakurai Katsunobu and Akasaka Norio, "Datsu 'shokuminchi Tōhoku' taidan," Sunday Mainichi 90, no. 40 (September 2011): 28.
31 Nancy Fraser, "Rethinking Recognition," New Left Review 3, no. 3 (2000); "Reframing Justice in a Global World," New Left Review 36 (2005): 69.
32 Inoue Hisashi, Kirikirijin (Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1981).
33 J. Charles Schencking, "Catastrophe, Opportunism, Contestation: The Fractured Politics of Reconstructing Tokyo Following the Great Kantô Earthquake of 1923," Modern Asian Studies 40, no. 4 (2006): 870.
34 Dennis Normile, "Japan Picks Tohoku Site for International Linear Collider," ScienceInsider, August 23, 2013.
35 Mainichi Newspapers Co., Ltd., "Shimomura Monkashō: Kokusai linia koraidā no yūchi sakiokuri," mainichi.jp, September 20, 2013.
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text:
Justitia mauritiana is a species of spiny lobster, sometimes called the gibbon furrow lobster. It lives in the western Indian Ocean around the Mascarene Islands (Réunion and the type locality, Mauritius), and also around the Hawaiian Islands. Larvae supposed to belong to this species have been reported around the Philippines, the Gilbert Islands and Tahiti. It grows to a total body length of , and this small size, together with its scarcity and the difficulties of fishing for lobsters on rocky substrates, means that the species is not commercially exploited. J. mauritiana is also treated as a subspecies of Justitia longimanus.

References

Achelata
Crustaceans described in 1882
Taxa named by Edward J. Miers

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Omega Speedmaster 2017 Limited Edition
Carden, a Chicago based director, regularly spends summers in Pittsburgh teaching at Carnegie Mellon University, where he received his MFA in directing. For PICT, he directed the popular "Stones in His Pockets" in 2004 (remounted last summer) and last season's "The False Servant." Upon returning to Chicago, Carden will direct for the Buffalo Theatre Ensemble and the Silk Road Theatre Project, where he serves as artistic associate.
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Besides Moggridge, "The Pillowman" also features veteran Pittsburgh actor Tom Atkins; PICT's 2006 Actor in Residence, Shaw Festival veteran Simon Bradbury (seen last season at PICT in his one man show, "Chaplin"); and University of Pittsburgh graduate Matt Gaydos.
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They have that "I've Been Told" factor (as John Barth calls one of his latest novellas) once told, they exist on some level that hovers between fiction and reality. And we can't imagine them as anything other than the way they are. It's central to McDonagh's play, which raises numerous questions about the nature of art, most especially storytelling, and the responsibilities of the artist. Carden calls it "a modern gothic thriller" with twists and turns that would do justice to Agatha Christie. But it's darker than Christie. "It's like Tarantino Christie," explains Carden: "It's scary but it's also celebratory."
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Hyrum Candy Cabin making memories for children
Written by Rod Boam
Hyrum youth council members Kaelee Ward and Abi Heinider work with the Shelly family, Sawyer and Landon with their mother Kaitlyn. The cabin is a busy place this summer.
Walking into the Candy Cabin in Hyrum is like a trip back to the mid 1800's. At least that was the vision Hyrum mayor Stephanie Miller had when she brought two early cabins from residents' yards to a spot adjacent to the Hyrum Library.
Hyrum Mayor Stephanie Miller checks the candy inventory. She has been ordering candy for the store when she was a city council woman.
"I brought the cabins in when I was a member of the city council," she said. "It was 2010; we were working on the Hyrum Sesquicentennial. I wanted something that would last. I was also on a committee to do the 50 years in history."
Miller said while she was working on the Hyrum history, people she talked to remembered finishing up their chores and riding their bikes to Hyrum Drug to buy candy.
"I wanted to create the same kind of memories for our children," she said. "We brought the cabins in 2010 and began to restore them."
It took a couple of years to restore the log buildings. Past city administrator Brent Jensen and his wife Geri were a big help with the project.
She said her idea was to have it look like you were stepping back in time. After they were restored with period antiques, the candy store opened. The old cash register was used in the original Saltair, which opened in 1893. There is a big banner in the Candy Cabin, painted by Maurice Wiberg, with Hyrum General Store panted on it. He used the same lettering that would have been used during the 1860's.
When the Candy Cabin is open, family after family crowds into the store to buy sweets.
The one cabin was an original log home from the Old Hyrum Fort. The people that owned it were generous enough to give the city the building and some of the materials that were in it.
Miller said she ordered the candy the first year it opened. She has continued to order it, even after becoming mayor.
"We advertised it a little and business started to pick up," she said. "Moms started bringing their kids and it grew."
The city buys they candy and the Candy Cabin is staffed by the members of the Hyrum Youth Council. The youth council members work for free, but their hours are recorded. At the end of the year, they take the money they would have earned and use it for service.
The Candy Cabin in Hyrum is set up not only as a place to buy sweets but it is also a place that shows early Hyrum history.
"We let the Youth Council know how much was earned and they buy a park bench, Christmas for a family, and one year they helped someone with a heart transplant.
"It all goes back to the city in some way," the mayor said.
This year, the mayor thought she bought enough for the whole season based on what they sold last year.
"This year, since we opened June 3, I'm on my fourth order," the mayor said. "And we are only open three days a week form 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. Mondays, Tuesdays and Thursdays."
Miller has opened the Candy Cabin up for special things like family reunions.
"The Hyrum Youth Council usually makes $1,000-$2,000 a year," the mayor said. "The prices are low; we are not trying to make money."
Allyson Crowshaw, of Hyrum, said she tries to take her children a couple of times a month to the candy cabin.
Hyrum Mayor Stephanie Miller brought in a lot of period items to give the cabin a historical feeling.
"We usually have to wait in line, it is so crowded," she said "but it's cheap candy."
Some of the children could hardly see over the counter, but were slapping their money down with their order.
Kaitlyn Shelly said she walks over to the Candy Cabin with her children, because she lives close and it's just a short walk.
Miller said the idea was meant to be fun, let them see Hyrum as it once was and create lasting memories.
Posted in Local, NewsTagged Candy Cabin, Hyrum, Hyrum Youth Council, Maurice Wiberg, Stephanie Miller
Dorrie Barnes June 19, 2019 at 9:35 pm Reply
What a wonderful idea, and how generous all the people involved were to donate so much time, energy, cabins, etc. to make something so fun for people to come visit! I can hardly wait to bring my grandchildren from River Heights and Millville.
Linda schoss June 20, 2019 at 8:08 am Reply
Could you tell me days and times candy cabin is open? Some of the articles state different times
Could you tell me days and times candy cabin is open?


text:
How to apply for a prestigious degree course successfully? ESCP Business School's advice to distinguish yourself by focusing on authenticity
After high school, many students move towards an international study path by choosing schools renowned for their teaching quality and a deep understanding of the global context in which they operate. It is undoubtedly important to present yourself with a solid school curriculum to get noticed among thousands of candidates and be admitted to the most sought-after degree courses. Still, above all, it is essential to focus on what makes you unique and different. The watchword for standing out is, therefore, authenticity.
But how does authenticity fit into an application for admission? Combining the experience of an admissions manager and some alumni of the Bachelor in Management (BSc) of ESCP Business School, we take stock of the personal traits to highlight in a successful candidacy.
Students of the Bachelor in Management (BSc)
The ideal candidate for a prestigious international degree
ESCP's Bachelor in Management (BSc) has the particularity of offering a unique academic experience that leads students to live in a different European capital during each of the three years of study. This exclusive course, which makes avant-garde teaching and interculturality its hallmark, is designed especially for highly motivated candidates willing to constantly measure themselves against different cultures, new ways of working, and diverse points of view.
As Charlotte Hillig, Director Programmes & Student Experience at ESCP Berlin Campus, explains, "to adapt perfectly to the programme, the candidate must demonstrate maturity, openness, flexibility, and ability to adapt quickly to new situations. School excellence and a fluent level of English are necessary to stand out among thousands of students who apply every year. However, we are looking for a combination of academic excellence with the uniqueness of the person."
For a complete evaluation of the candidates, the applications for admission to the Bachelor must include, in addition to the CV, the references and school results, and also a particular cover letter in English called the 'personal statement'.
Emerge by showing your authenticity
"The personal statement is an essential part of the application. In this motivational letter, the candidates tell us about their personalities and the life experiences that encouraged them to apply for a unique and certainly demanding international degree like ours. The letter must present to us the character, passions, and aspirations of the young candidates in a genuine way.
Often, students tend to shape their letters according to what they believe to be recruiters' expectations. This paradoxically leads to conform to many other candidates, thus losing the opportunity to make themselves emerge," adds Charlotte.
READ ALSO: How to Write a Good Personal Statement When Applying to Our Bachelor Degree Programme
A world-oriented programme that enhances international profiles
To enable students to gain an in-depth understanding of today's business world and prepare them for a career in a global context, university education of excellence today places interculturality and the international dimension at the center of its interests.
Therefore, candidates who show a natural inclination towards these topics are particularly appreciated, as highlighted by Alice, a Franco-Italian alumna of the Bachelor in Management (BSc).
"When I applied for the Bachelor, my greatest asset was my dual nationality and the fact that I was already speaking three languages fluently. ESCP is looking for international profiles, that is, people who have already had contact with more than one culture, more than one country, and are open to an international career. Of course, the high school results also helped me a lot, as well as my linguistic, professional, and humanitarian experiences."
READ ALSO: Alice Dary: "The BSc allowed me to explore the business world and also to discover new horizons."
International study experience at ESCP Business School
Stand out with your application by focusing on authenticity
To prepare an application capable of attracting attention, Jad, a Franco-Lebanese alumnus of the Bachelor, chose to bet on his creativity.
"To distinguish myself, I concentrated on making my cover letter as original and unconventional as possible. I also added a document containing all my projects: texts, videos, and short films, poems, essays, speeches, and drawings. Even a musical comedy. I wanted to highlight my personality in my application, and honestly, I think it made a difference."
According to Jad, a former student of the Franco-Lebanese Grand Lycée in Beirut, showing his strengths through his authenticity was, beyond his academic achievements, the key to conquering the selectors: "If I had to advise students who are preparing their application, it would be to distinguish themselves by relying on what makes them unique, especially outside the classrooms. It is important to be excellent students, but the recruiters want to meet determined people, open to discovery, and ready to make a difference in their lives and the lives of others. So put yourself in your candidacy."
READ ALSO: How ESCP Business School's Four Values of Excellence, Singularity, Creativity, and Plurality Make It Stand Out
Find out about the programme to get to know your interlocutor
Before applying for a degree course coveted by many brilliant young people, it is good to do thorough research on the school and the programme that interests us. The opportunities are many and must be exploited to the fullest. For the Bachelor in Management (BSc), for example, it is possible to participate in one of the numerous Open Days or Webinars and discover the ESCP campuses in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, or Turin. It is an essential first step in understanding the expectations of the school, establishing a direct relationship with the recruiters, and understanding whether the programme fits our profile and plans for the future.
ESCP Business School London Campus
"I highly recommend candidates to contact current students, attend our events, and get to know the campuses more closely if possible. It is much easier to understand what kind of candidate the admission team is looking for by talking directly to someone who has already successfully applied for the programme," concludes Charlotte Hillig.
"To be able to give and receive the maximum from a stimulating context such as an international degree in one of the best universities in the world, it is essential to know each other and have a complete self-awareness. In this way, even a weakness can become a strength, once identified."
READ ALSO: Where can the ESCP Bachelor in Management (BSc) take you?
Do you want to find out more about our Bachelor Programme in Management?
Contact ESCP Business School today and show us your authenticity!
How to Write a Good Personal Statement When Applying to Our Bachelor Degree Programme
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27 Sep 2022 Careers | Student Life
How ESCP Business School's Four Values of Excellence, Singularity, Creativity, and Plurality Make It Stand Out
28 Nov 2022 Campus
Posted in Careers, Student Life | Tagged application procedure, candidates, careers, how to apply, successful application, successful candidates


text:
3 Biotech Takeover Targets That Could Get Bought Soon
By Todd Campbell Published April 13, 2016 TechnologyFool.com
SOURCE: FLICKR USER ELLIOTT BROWN
Biotech stocks have been especially hard hit over the past six months because of concerns over drug prices, and the sell-off within the industry has resulted in bargains that big pharma might find compelling. Among the list of biotech stocks that could eventually get targeted for an acquisition are Kite Pharma , Medivation, Inc. , and Portola Pharmaceuticals . Read on to find out why.
No. 1: Clinical milestones comingKite Pharma is a leader in the development of next-generation cancer drugs that harness the power of the immune system. The company is developing a class of drugs known as chimeric antigen receptor T-cell therapies (CAR-T) that make cancer cells easier to identify and destroy.
The company expects interim data from a pivotal mid stage study of its lead product, KTE-C19, in diffuse large B cell lymphoma before year end and if that data is solid, it thinks it can serve as the basis for a FDA filing for accelerated approval. Additional trial data is expected on KTE-C19 over the coming year in various hematological indications too.
Given the potential for an accelerated timeline to market in a multibillion dollar indication, Kite Pharma could be attractive to a number of larger companies. Amgen, is already collaborating with Kite Pharma and Chief Medical Officer David Chang is the former head of Amgen's oncology program.
Obviously, no one knows if a suitor like Amgen will come knocking, but given that Kite Pharma's C-suite is packed with executives that have formerly worked for companies that have been acquired, including Cougar Biotechnology, Next Wave Pharmaceuticals, and Pharmacyclics, it wouldn't shock me if a deal eventually gets done.
SOURCE: FLICKR USER STOCKMONKEYS.COM
No. 2 Expanding its footprintMedivation is best known as the maker of Xtandi, a widely used prostate cancer drug that's selling at an annualized $2 billion clip, but Medivation has some new drugs in the works that could be top sellers too.
Last October, it acquired a PARP inhibitor from BioMarin that its studying in BRCA mutation positive breast cancer patients. A phase 3 trial is expected to offer up data next year.
Medivation also owns pidilizumab, an intriguing (if not confounding) cancer therapy that's in phase 2 trials for blood cancers, including diffuse large B cell lymphoma. Previously, pidilizumab was thought to be a PD-L1 inhibitor, but its precise mechanism of action is now unknown. If pidilizumab performs in clinical trials, it could offer a novel approach that differentiates itself in this soon-to-be-crowded market.
And, Medivation is evaluating the use of Xtandi in non-prostate cancer indications too. Specifically, late stage trials are evaluating it as a treatment for advanced breast cancer. A phase 2 trial in that indication could offer up data either late this year or early next year.
Recently, Medivation shares toppled over scrutiny of Xtandi's price, but assuming that price scrutiny fades over time, Xtandi and its mid and late stage cancer pipeline could make this a very compelling company for a larger player to target.
SOURCE: MEDIVATION, INC.
No. 3 Regulatory decision approachingPortola Pharmaceuticals shares got crushed after management reported mixed results for its factor Xa anticoagulant drug, betrixaban, in acute medically ill patients.
The phase 3 trial evaluated betrixaban head to head against former $3 billion per year Lovenox in an over 7,500 patient trial that included two cohorts. The first cohort included 62% of evaluatable patients that tested high for the likelihood of blood clots and the second cohort included everyone else. In order to evaluate the second cohort and the overall trial population, betrixaban had to show that it significantly outperformed Lovenox with a p-value of 0.05. Unfortunately, the p-value was 0.054. Management still ran the numbers on the second cohort and total patient population and in both of those groups the p-value was much lower and therefore, more significant.
SOURCE: BRISTOL-MYERS SQUIBB
However, because of the result in the first cohort there's no telling how the FDA will view this data and that puts in jeopardy the company's timeline to file the drug for approval this year and launch it next year.
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Since betrixaban caused Portola shares to sell-off sharply, an acquirer like Bristol-Myers Squibb could step in and make a bid. Bristol-Myers Squibb already co-markets a $2 billion factor Xa anticoagulant, Eliquis, and they may like the idea of eliminating a competitor and capturing any potential FDA green light on betrixaban.
Bristol Myers Squibb could also be interested in buying Portola Pharmaceuticals to get its hands on its other drug, andexanet alfa, a factor Xa reversal agent.
Bristol-Myers Squibb was part of a slate of factor Xa drugmakers that helped Portola with andexanet alfa's development and if approved, andexanet alfa would be the only factor Xa antidote on the market. Given the market for anticoagulants is worth $10 billion and an antidote could expand factor Xa market share to include more patients at risk of bleeding events, owning it could make for a nice fit. Adding conviction to that idea is the fact that Bristol-Myers Squibb already co-licensed andexanet alfa in Japan, agreeing earlier this year to a deal that could be worth $90 million plus royalties to Portola. Since Portola estimates that as many as 100,000 people could benefit from andexanet alfa every year, a patient population of this size suggests this drug could be worth hundreds of millions of dollars in sales per year, globally.
The article 3 Biotech Takeover Targets That Could Get Bought Soon originally appeared on Fool.com.
Todd Campbell owns shares of PORTOLA PHARMACEUTICALS INC COM USD0.001. Todd owns E.B. Capital Markets, LLC. E.B. Capital's clients may have positions in the companies mentioned. The Motley Fool recommends BioMarin Pharmaceutical. Try any of our Foolish newsletter services free for 30 days. We Fools may not all hold the same opinions, but we all believe that considering a diverse range of insights makes us better investors. The Motley Fool has a disclosure policy.


text:
Live at the Deer Head Inn ist der Titel von

 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Bob Dorough-Album), Jazzalbum des Bob Dorough Trio (2016)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Jim-Ridl-Album), Jazzalbum von Jim Ridl, Tony Marino, Joe Locke und Bill Goodwin (2014)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Jim-Snidero-Album), Jazzalbum von Jim Snidero (2021)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Mike-Melillo-Album), Jazzalbum von Jazzalbum des Mike Melillo Trio (2002)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Nancy-Reed-Album), Jazzalbum von Nancy Reed und John Coates Jr. (2014)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Phil-Woods-Album), Jazzalbum des Phil Woods Quintet (2015)
 Live at the Deer Head Inn (Sue-Terry-Album), Jazzalbum von Sue Terry (2014)


November to late February is the best season for gannets. From Scotmans Point at Clifton allow at least five hours for a comfortable return walk along the beach. This can only be done at low tide; the best times of departure being no sooner than 3 hours after high tide and departing the Cape no later than 1½ hours after low tide (see tide times). If you don't wish to do the full hike, a commercial tour is locally available.


We are retailer and distributor of all Korea cosmetic brands.
Please message me, I'd like to send our supply rate list of some Korea cosmetic brands.
Also, if you send me the product list, I am going to make price list for that.
You may refer to our online stores.


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Texas vs West Virginia Prediction, College Basketball Game Preview
Scott Wachter-USA TODAY Sports
By Pete Fiutak February 26, 2022 1:11 am
By Pete Fiutak | February 26, 2022 1:11 am CT
Texas vs West Virginia prediction, college basketball game preview, how to watch: Saturday, February 26
Texas vs West Virginia How To Watch
Date: Saturday, February 26
Venue: WVU Coliseum, Morgantown, WV
Record: Texas (20-8), West Virginia (14-14)
Texas vs West Virginia Game Preview
Why Texas Will Win
Texas has to make its shots. It's just that simple.
Yes, put the ball through the round hole more than the other team does is a positive in this game, but Texas struggles to overcome days when it's not shooting well.
No, it didn't do anything from three in the win over TCU, but it was great inside and fantastic on the offensive glass.
When it got shut down by Texas Tech and shot 28% overall, that was it – it couldn't win.
Texas is 12-1 when it makes 44% of its shots or more.
West Virginia is 2-13 when it allows teams to hit 41% from the field.
Why West Virginia Will Win
The Mountaineers have to be ultra-aggressive defensively from the outside – like they always are – and they have to do what they do to come up with lots of steals, lots of blocks, and lots of defensive stops.
The offense might not be anything special, but it's great at attacking the rim and getting to the line.
Again, Texas needs to make its shots to win and can't get this done if it goes cold and this turns into a free throw shooting contest. But …
What's Going To Happen
West Virginia has lost its last five games and 12 of the last 13 because the defense has been hit or miss – and it's missed a whole lot over the last few games.
Yeah, Texas has lost two of its last four games, but West Virginia isn't Baylor or Texas Tech.
The Longhorns won't wilt on the road under West Virginia's defensive pressure.
Texas vs West Virginia Prediction, Lines
Texas 76, West Virginia 68
Line: Texas -2.5, o/u: 131
ATS Confidence out of 5: 3.5
Must See Rating: 2.5
5: Troy Aikman on Monday Night Football
1: His inability to not say "make a play"
college basketball predictions, Texas basketball, Texas vs West Virginia game preview, Texas vs West Virginia prediction, Texas vs West Virginia preview, Texas vs. West Virginia, Video, West Virginia basketball, Big 12, CFN, College Basketball, college football picks, College Football Predictions, How to watch, Lines, News, Teams Conferences, Texas, Week 16, West Virginia
College Football Transfer Portal 2023 Rankings: 15 Best Tight Ends


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Sick Duck
Did Tigger and Donald Duck grope women at Disney World?
By William Saletan
Aug 12, 20107:58 AM
Donald Duck and Tigger
Is Donald Duck a pervert?
Gawker seems to think so. Yesterday evening, it posted an item asking: "Who are the strange people in the furry costumes at Disney World, and are they pervs? After Donald Duck grabbed her boob, a 27-year-old is suing Disney." The woman's complaint, according to Gawker, "includes a helpful list of other Disney character transgressions, like the time Tigger molested a 13-year-old girl. … Moral of the story: Men who wear masks are not to be trusted."
Readers of the item soon began posting their own allegations. One recalled: "When I was in High School the Shamu at the Sea World in Ohio freaked me out. He kept giving me these big bear hugs that were really hard and rough. He also kept my face covered with his fins while he was doing this. Very creepy. I can understand why this lady was totally offended." Another agreed: "Similar experience in high school with a crash test dummy at Disney (near the test track). Creepy." A third added: "When my family visited Magic Mountain in the 70s, a horny person dressed up as a grape pinched my dad's ass and then scampered away." A fourth wrote: "UGH! I remember going to Disney with my brother and sister. I was like 16 and they were like 12 and 10—so I was confused that all the characters seemed to want to kiss ME on the cheek and hug ME more than my siblings."
We've seen this pattern before: an allegation of groping, followed by a bunch of other people recalling similar abuse. The initial charge makes the rest of the claims credible. But sometimes the allegations, and even the triggered memories, are false. That's what happened to Tigger. Don't let it happen to Donald.
Gawker bases its description of the Tigger case—"the time Tigger molested a 13-year-old girl"—on the complaint against Donald, which was posted yesterday by the Smoking Gun. The complaint alleges:
9. This incident is one of a long line of continuing, long standing, similar prior incidents that have occurred on Defendant's various resort premises. …
10. Authorities in Florida received 24 more complaints in the week since a Walt Disney World employee was charged with molesting a 13-year-old girl and her mother while dressed as the character 'Tigger' in 2004.
11. Numerous of those cases were deemed credible enough to be investigated by the Orange County Sherriff's office.
12. One of Defendant's employees, Michael Chartrand, was arrested and charged with one count of lewd and lascivious molestation of a child and one count of simple battery.
13. In that case the sheriff's office received a complaint that the costumed character had touched the girl and her mother inappropriately while their pictures were being taken.
14. According to an incident report, Chartrand fondled the breasts of the girl and her mother while posing for pictures at the Magic Kingdom's Toon Town.
15. Despite knowledge of these continuing, long standing, similar prior incidents, the Defendant failed to act to ensure the incidents would cease. …
Hmmm. Incident reports, charges, investigations—so how did the case turn out? Since the complaint against Donald curiously omits this part, and since Gawker didn't bother to look it up, let's check it out ourselves. Answer: Chartrand was acquitted. The case seems to have been a total scam. The girl's mother planned to sue Disney for money and lied to prosecutors about her plans. The cops conned Chartrand into writing an apology to the girl even though he had no memory of her, much less groping her. The girl's stepfather testified that nothing untoward had happened. At trial, the defense attorney put on the Tigger outfit to show jurors how severely it limited its occupant's vision and range of motion, making the alleged groping impossible.
As for the 20-something copycat complaints prompted by the original charge, there's no record of any of them going anywhere. In fact, Disney reinstated Chartrand with back pay. A month later, he was suspended for allegedly shoving two other Disney workers. (Disney routinely suspends employees while investigating such cases.) His attorney said that he was just "goofing around because he was Goofy" and that the other workers shoved back. After that, there's no record of Chartrand in Nexis.
The reason I know about the Tigger episode is that I learned about it from Elizabeth Loftus, a scientist who plants and studies false memories. I was writing a series about her (you can read it here) and came across a discussion of the Tigger story in a paper she and her colleagues published two years ago. In their first experiment, they persuaded 16 percent of their subjects that these subjects had met Bugs Bunny at Disneyland. This was certainly a false memory, since Bugs wasn't a Disney character. In their second experiment, Loftus and her collaborators convinced 30 percent of another group of subjects that Pluto had licked their ears at Disneyland. The researchers planted this memory by showing subjects a fake newspaper article about a Pluto character who had "developed a habit of inappropriately licking the ears of many young visitors with his large fabric tongue."
Based on the Pluto experiment, Loftus and her colleagues speculated that the initial coverage of Tigger's arrest might have led people "to become more confident that they too had an inappropriate experience with the Tigger character. … Thus unsurprisingly, after the allegation surfaced, 24 additional Disney visitors came forward to say that they too were abused by Tigger."
So: Bugs, innocent. Pluto, innocent. Tigger, acquitted. What about Donald? And Shamu? And the horny grape?
The complaint against Donald was filed last month, based on an incident that supposedly took place more than two years ago. The document alleges that the 27-year-old complainant, while holding one of her kids, approached Donald and requested an autograph. Donald "proceeded to grab [her] breast and molest her." She claims "severe physical injury, emotional anguish and distress including, but not limited to post-traumatic stress disorder." According to the Smoking Gun, she's "suing Disney for negligence, battery, and infliction of emotional distress, and is seeking in excess of $50,000 in damages."
Gawker reports her allegations as truth. "Donald Duck grabbed her boob," it says. And now, as in the Tigger case, the copycat claims are pouring in. But already the story has problems. A Gawker reader has stepped in with a word of caution:
Worked at Disney in various levels of management, so I can tell you:
It was definitely a woman in that costume, as the height range to play Donald is very short. Mickey, Minnie, Chip and Dale are also almost exclusively portrayed by little tiny girls/ladies/Asian women.
Also, the visibility in those costumes is so incredibly poor, you can only see straight ahead basically (not up or down), so it's very possible that the character brushed her breast by accident and then apologized. Since they get in trouble if they speak out loud, an apologetic motion was all that could have been done.
Followed by this report from another reader:
I worked there a few years ago, and was "friends" with a lot of the shorter characters … and I had my fair share of complaints of wandering hands. The best were always when guests would complain about the "wandering hands" in character[s] that had broom handles for hands (i.e. Monsters)
Sounds a lot like the bum rap on Tigger, doesn't it?
Moral of the story: Uncorroborated allegations are not to be trusted.
Become a fan of Slate on Facebook. Follow us on Twitter. Human Nature's latest short takes on the news, via Twitter:


October 25, 2007 (PLANSPONSOR.com) - Child care assistance is the most prevalent nontraditional benefit that employers offer, followed closely by long-term insurance benefits, according to a recent analysis by the U.S. Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS).
Employer-provided home personal computer, 2%.
Workers in the management, professional and related occupations were most likely to have access to all six of the benefits examined by the survey, while employees in the natural resources, construction, and maintenance occupations were the least likely to be offered these benefits.
Workers employed at companies with 100 or more workers had much greater access to almost every type of quality-of-life benefit than workers employed in smaller firms, with those at large firms being four to five times as likely as workers in smaller firms to have access to child care, adoption, and long-term care insurance benefits.
About 15% of full-time workers had access to child care and long-term care benefits, while fewer than 10% of part-time workers had such access. Part-time workers were less than half as likely as full-time workers to have access to adoption assistance, according to the survey.
Union workers had greater access to child care assistance, adoption assistance and long-term care insurance than did nonunion workers.
Flexible workplace arrangements were more prevalent among nonunion workers than among union workers, most likely due to union workers' greater representation in manufacturing and construction occupations than in professional, managerial, and office and administrative occupations, which had a lower percentage of unionized workers, according to the survey.
For the BLS survey report go here .


Recently I attended a PeerSpirit writer's retreat at Alder Marsh on Whidbey Island off of the Seattle Coast where I spent a week in a cabin cushioned by soft air among Douglas firs and alders.
Communal gatherings were at the Marsh House, a low round building in a grassy clearing on the far side of the marshland.
Several times each day and evening we'd travel through the watery marsh, sometimes singly and other times in quietly conversing pairs. In the morning weak sunlight struggling through grey clouds and full conifers revealed the way. In the evening fairy lights defined the boardwalk at the turns over black water.
The Alder Marsh was an obstacle. If we tried to walk through it we would have been soaked through by icy water, pushing past floating leaves, tripping over submerged stumps, stirring up the decaying vegetation and sucking mud.
Instead, we walked above it. We were careful–the wooden path was wet with moss and mist. We were observant, seeing the floating leaves, sticks covered with lichen, majestic alders and logs furred by emerald moss.
Everyday in our work we encounter obstacles. Some obstacles are deliberately dropped in front of us; others, intrinsic to the landscape. It's much tougher if we force our way through. Rather, we can acknowledge what is in our way and walk above it, ending up where we need to be.
Bridget McDermott Flood is the executive director of the Incarnate Word Foundation, a ministry of the Sisters of Charity of the Incarnate Word, San Antonio. Bridget has worked with the Sisters for more than fifteen years carrying out their mission to empower women, nurture children and address the needs of low income communities. At the Foundation, Bridget has collaborated on work in urban neighborhoods, education, women's micro-lending, and human trafficking. Bridget has served on numerous boards and task forces, including the White House Task Force to Reform the Neighborhood- and Faith-Based Office. Bridget is a potter who operates Carondelet Pottery Studio and is also a beekeeper. Bridget is currently writing Blue Hole Wisdom, a compilation of the wisdom of the Incarnate Word Sisters. She lives in St. Louis with her husband, Michael. They have two daughters, Amelia and Carolyn.
See you at the Park.


Titre(s)The blues is alive and well [Document sonore] / Buddy Guy.
ContientA few good years. - Guilty as charged. - Cognac (feat. Jeff Beck & Keith Richards). - The blues is alive and well. - Bad day. - Blue no more (feat James Bay). - Whiskey for sale. - You did the crime (feat. Mick Jagger). - Old fashioned. - When my day comes. - Nine below zero. - Ooh daddy. - Somebody up there. - End of the line.


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Taunton  was a constituency represented in the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom and its predecessors from 1295 to 2010, taking its name from the town of Taunton in Somerset. Until 1918, it was a parliamentary borough, electing two Member of Parliaments (MPs) between 1295 and 1885 and one from 1885 to 1918; the name was then transferred to a county constituency, electing one MP.

In the boundary changes that came into effect at the general election of 2010, the Boundary Commission for England replaced Taunton with a modified constituency called Taunton Deane, to reflect the district name.  The new constituency's boundaries are coterminous with the local government district of the same name.

History
Famous MPs for the borough include Thomas Cromwell.

The 1754 by-election was so fiercely contested that rioting broke out in which two people died.

In the 2005 general election, the victorious Liberal Democrats candidate in Taunton required the smallest percentage swing from the Conservative MP for them to take the seat.

Boundaries
1918–1950: The Borough of Taunton, the Urban Districts of Wellington and Wiveliscombe, and the Rural Districts of Dulverton, Taunton, and Wellington.

1950–1974: As above less Wiveliscombe Urban District. This had been absorbed by Wellington Rural District in 1933. The constituency boundaries remained unchanged.

1974–1983: As 1950 but with redrawn boundaries.

1983–2010: The Borough of Taunton Deane, and the District of West Somerset wards of Dulverton and Brushford, Exmoor, Haddon, and Quarme.

Members of Parliament

MPs 1295–1640
 Constituency created (1295)

MPs 1640–1885

MPs since 1885

Elections

Elections in the 1830s

Labouchere was appointed as a Lord of the Admiralty, causing a by-election.

Labouchere was appointed as vice-president of the Board of Trade, and Master of the Mint, requiring a by-election.

Elections in the 1840s

Bainbridge resigned by accepting the office of Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, causing a by-election.

Labouchere was appointed Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, requiring a by-election.

Elections in the 1850s

Mills' election was declared void on petition.

Labouchere was appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies, requiring a by-election.

Labouchere was elevated to the peerage, becoming Lord 1st Baron Taunton and causing a by-election.

Elections in the 1860s

On petition, Cox's election was scrutinised, and some of his votes were found to have been acquired by bribery, and were then struck off. This caused him to be unseated on 8 March 1869 and James was declared elected. While a petition was then lodged against James, the court ruled a petitioner who had been seated on petition could not then be petitioned against.

Elections in the 1870s
James was appointed Solicitor-General for England and Wales, causing a by-election.

Elections in the 1880s

James was appointed Attorney General for England and Wales, requiring a by-election.

Palliser's death caused a by-election.

Allsopp succeeded to the peerage, becoming Lord Hindlip, causing a by-election.

Elections in the 1890s

Elections in the 1900s

Elections in the 1910s

General Election 1914–15:

Another General Election was required to take place before the end of 1915. The political parties had been making preparations for an election to take place and by the July 1914, the following candidates had been selected;
Unionist: Gilbert Wills
Liberal: James Bromley Eames

Elections in the 1920s

Elections in the 1930s

Elections in the 1940s
General Election 1939–40

Another General Election was required to take place before the end of 1940. The political parties had been making preparations for an election to take place and by the Autumn of 1939, the following candidates had been selected;
Conservative: Edward Wickham
Labour: Charles W. Gott

Elections in the 1950s

Elections in the 1960s

Elections in the 1970s

Elections in the 1980s

Elections in the 1990s

Elections in the 2000s

See also
 List of parliamentary constituencies in Somerset

Notes and references

Sources
Robert Beatson, A Chronological Register of Both Houses of Parliament (London: Longman, Hurst, Res & Orme, 1807)
D. Brunton & D. H. Pennington, Members of the Long Parliament (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1954)
Cobbett's Parliamentary history of England, from the Norman Conquest in 1066 to the year 1803 (London: Thomas Hansard, 1808)
Craig, F. W. S. (1983). British parliamentary election results 1918-1949 (3 ed.). Chichester: Parliamentary Research Services. .
F W S Craig, British Parliamentary Election Results 1832-1885 (2nd edition, Aldershot: Parliamentary Research Services, 1989)
 Maija Jansson (ed.), Proceedings in Parliament, 1614 (House of Commons) (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1988)
 J E Neale, The Elizabethan House of Commons (London: Jonathan Cape, 1949)

 Frederic A Youngs, jr, Guide to the Local Administrative Units of England, Vol I (London: Royal Historical Society, 1979)
 The BBC/ITN Guide to the New Parliamentary Constituencies (Chichester: Parliamentary Research Services, 1983)
 Concise Dictionary of National Biography
 List of speakers: Parliaments of 1656 and 1658-9, Diary of Thomas Burton esq, volume 4: March - April 1659 (1828) at British History Online

External links
UK Constituency Maps
BBC Vote 2001
BBC Election 2005

Parliamentary constituencies in Somerset (historic)
Constituencies of the Parliament of the United Kingdom established in 1295
Constituencies of the Parliament of the United Kingdom disestablished in 2010
History of Taunton


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Petty Fest West to Aid Sweet Relief
NOTHING PETTY ABOUT THIS CAUSE: After raising more than $15k for the Sweet Relief Musicians Fund at N.Y.'s Webster Hall last month, Petty Fest will come to L.A.'s El Rey Theater Nov. 14 and 15 for two shows celebrating the music of Tom Petty and the Hearbreakers, sponsored by Jamieson. Performers will include The Black Keys' Patrick Carney, The Strokes' Nick Valensi and Fabrizio Moretti, Sarah Silverman, members of Eagles of Death Metal, Butch Walker, Jesse Malin, Harper Simon, Nicole Atkins and Guster's Ryan Miller, among others. Special guests at the N.Y. show included Kings of Leon's Caleb Followill, The Strokes' Fabrizio Moretti and Albert Hammond, Jr., Karen Elson, Cyndi Lauper, Andrew W.K., Justin Townes Earle, SNL's Fred Armisen and former tennis great John McEnroe, who all joined The Cabin Down Below Band to perform their favorite Petty songs. All funds raised from Petty Fest West will go to the Eastern Musicians Fund @SweetRelief to assist those affected by Hurricane Sandy. A special limited edition poster of the event has been created and will be available at the shows for a $20 donation. Online donations to assist hurricane victims can be made here. (11/6p)


text:
The OSA Telegraph
Poetry Horoscopes
Food + Culture
Drama Qu33n
Internet Sparkles
"It's not that we don't want to talk about it, it's that every skinny f*** is too afraid to say anything." @deleteduser said, followed by another Tweet: "Plus size people aren't any better, we don't say anything, and just keep getting shot down about our size."
 - Molly Hickey
The media has a way of portraying people for how they look, not who they are. This could mean many things, most importantly as it speaks to issues around body image for larger people. Many people have developed a perspective on plus-size women that is referred to as the "male gaze" (the thought that all women should have a certain shape, or weight). Of course, not all men perceive women like this, but it's derived from the lust men had/have for women, and the idea of what the perfect woman should look like. This idea that men want a nice ass, big breasts, and a small waist is troubling, as most women do not fit into this description. The male gaze and its effect on plus-sized women's body image makes it hard to be larger than a size eight in our society.
In 2012 a study documented that 160 million people in america are either overweight or obese, but people have developed a new phrase for people who aren't skinny, and only a bit overweight, yet not fat or obese: "thic." This word is supposed to be a compliment, but has become far from it in the eyes of plus size people because if someone is not "thic" and not skinny, they automatically are classified as fat, ugly—someone no one would want, someone they don't want to be.
Sixty-percent of American women are overweight, including people classified as "thic." It's been psychologically proven that it is mentally less stressful to be an obese adult, than to be an obese teen. This is because the adult brain is fully developed, and the teen brain is intensely hormonal. One third of all teens are obese—including boys. Teens are more affected by the repercussions of obesity because of the effects that their everyday life has on them: social media, peer pressure, etc.
Many businesses today have begun to add more and more plus size models, or workers to their industries. Maybe this is because they are open to size diversity, but most likely the pressure society has put them under to be more open to branching out, size wise. This is why we see so many "plus size" models when shopping online; we see bigger women laughing and smiling in bikinis that are too small, or too revealing, just so businesses can be credited for having a "open mind." However, the women in these photos are not what most obese people would classify as "fat" or obese, it's what they would classify as "thic" Some would even say "not even plus size, they're just a tiny bit bigger than skinny."
These issues are not talked about, not written about because people are not prepared to talk about the real problem—people do not like plus size people, but they don't want to admit it. An anonymous account on Twitter recently posted, "It's not that we don't want to talk about it, it's that every skinny f*** is too afraid to say anything." @deleteduser said, followed by another Tweet: "Plus size people aren't any better, we don't say anything, and just keep getting shot down about our size." And it's true, not one person has been so devoted to this issue. Sure people write articles, and make speeches, but the only result is more "plus size" models.
What is anyone doing about the teens? The teens who have been destroying themselves because of how they look? The ones developing eating disorders because society has shamed them for looking different, looking bigger? Who is doing something?
Or maybe the bigger question is what can we do? No one can stop verbal harassment online, or in schools at lunch. No one can change every single teens point of view. This "perfect" image has been implanted into every community, and it's destroying lives of young people. Some teens come to accept this kind of thing, but most hide behind a smile, and pretending they don't care. Teens shouldn't have to pretend they don't care about how they look because society says they shouldn't. All teens care about how they look; consciously or subconsciously, it's the way their brains are programed. Just because a teen is obese, shouldn't mean they can't act like a normal teen. It's really not a question of why so many teens are obese, but why it's such a social problem
On August 10th a show came out on Netflix called "Insatiable." 'Insatiable' is about an obese girl who was constantly being bullied about her weight. She gets punched in the face one day, and her jaw gets wired shut. Over the summer she loses a ton of weight because of it, and comes back to school "skinny." Everyone who used to bully her, now thought she was one of the hottest people in their high school. This show sends a terrible message to teens. It's saying that you have to be skinny to be beautiful, and if you're fat, no one will ever think you're beautiful. There was a lot of backlash towards this show, but somehow it still was renewed for a second season. This whole conflict shows how distorted our morals are surrounding the plus size community. In the making of this show it seems that no one was thinking about how the people watching would feel. They were thinking
that obesity was funny. Is obesity funny? Many people would say no, but those could be they same people who laughed at the show.
Shows like "Insatiable" also promote eating disorders, not because the characters in the show have eating disorders, but because it's suggesting that by not eating, or being on a specific diet will make you beautiful. TV has a huge influence on the way teens direct their lives. By universally sharing this message teens who suffer from obesity, and even teens that don't, probably feel terrible about their bodies for the solid reason that they don't look like the main character. Producers of shows like this don't have the thought of body image in their minds when they make these types of shows, the only thought they have is "content," they only want content. No matter how entertaining TV has become, we can't escape the fact that the more entertaining it is, the worse the message becomes.
Obesity in teens is seen as a bad thing, by parents, friends, and other teens. However, perhaps if people were more supportive and less disgusted, those teens would be more motivated to change in their own time. They don't have to change, and that's the message no one is receiving. Sure, when obesity become a crucial health hazard, something needs to change, but if a teen is just a bit overweight they don't deserve to be shamed. The world cannot get rid of our distorted morals overnight, but we can figure out what message really needs to be sent out about obese teens, and obese adults. It needs to be communicated that all people know when they need to change, it's up to them to choose when or how they do. Adult and teens are capable of realizing when something has become a problem. If a person doesn't think their weight is a problem, their community shouldn't either. The change is up to the person, not to the community around them.
Photos used under Creative Commons from torbakhopper, .Martin.