I do live in the house and have one other tenant. A little about me: I'm a 30-year-old young professional working in the Nashville area and have had the home for over 4 years. I'm very clean, quiet, and respectful and would greatly appreciate those attributes in a potential tenant. I do have two medium sized dogs, both of which are well behaved (only bark if someone knocks on the front door). I will consider a well-behaved dog with a non-refundable deposit.
The room is on the smaller side measuring about 8X10. I will only accept a single tenant so no couples please. It's important to note that the listed rent price includes everything (water, utilities, etc) and would be due the first of the month. There would be a lease agreement as protection for both of us. A three plus month arrangement would be preferred if we think it would be a good fit.
If interested, please shoot me a quick email and tell me a little bit about yourself. Please also feel free to send any questions you may have, and I'll get back to you as soon as possible. I'm happy to send pictures upon request Make sure to include your number so I can call/text you to set up a time to look at the house and room.


He's back, and you might notice one big improvement — from this video onwards, the sound should be a lot better. In this video, Madsen talks about banking. Banking isn't about money stored in vaults, he says, but people acting as middlemen between savers and borrowers. In lubricating the lines of savings and credit, bankers are indispensible to a well-functioning economy. But there's a dark side, too: politically-driven bailouts for banks that go wrong.
You can watch the rest of this series here, and buy Madsen's book, which these videos are based on, here.
Older PostIs Britain good for business?


Clinton has had several stumbles in the past.
Hillary Clinton is in India and she seems to have escaped from what could have been a bad fall during her visit to the historic Jahaj Maha palace in Mandu, Madhya Pradesh, India.
A video footage that has become viral on social media shows the former First Lady losing her balance while disembarking a rocky staircase of the 13th-century monument that was built during the Lodi dynasty period as a pleasure resort. The Democratic Party's nominee for the 2016 presidential election was saved by two white males who can be seen clasping to her arms tightly as walked down the stairs as she struggled to get balance.
After she slipped the second time within a few seconds, Clinton removed her footwear and started walking barefoot. Looking at the nature of the fall it seems like the seventy-year-old Democratic candidate who fielded a tough election against President Donald Trump has an ankle issue or may just have had slippery shoes.
The incident comes just a few months after Clinton broke her toe during her London visit. There too her shoe played the villain as she later told the press that she was walking downstairs with a cup of coffee in her hands when her "heel caught," pulling her down.
The good me feels sort of bad when Hillary Clinton falls down steps.
As of now, there is no update on the health of the septuagenarian politician but she has once again stirred a controversy by saying during a press meet in Mumbai that one of the reasons for her loss in the presidential election was that she did not do well with some white men who pressurized their female family members not to vote for her.


Owens Cross Roads is located in Alabama. Owens Cross Roads, Alabama has a population of 1,785. Owens Cross Roads is less family-centric than the surrounding county with 30.27% of the households containing married families with children. The county average for households married with children is 31.87%.
The median household income in Owens Cross Roads, Alabama is $52,260. The median household income for the surrounding county is $58,203 compared to the national median of $53,482. The median age of people living in Owens Cross Roads is 33.4 years.
Owens Cross Roads is home to two of Metro Huntsville's great communities, Big Cove and Hampton Cove. Each of these rapidly growing areas boast top rated schools and a lifestyle that is desired by many.
Learn more about the Big Cove Community here.
Just minutes away from Huntsville, Hampton Cove is a beautiful planned community consisting of twenty different neighborhoods. Hampton Cove has experienced tremendous growth in the past few years and doesn't show any signs of slowing down. New restaurants, shops, medical plazas, and retail stores are popping up constantly to meet the desires and demands of this growing area's residents.
Hampton Cove is the proud home of three Robert Trent Jones Golf Courses (Highlands, River, and the Short course) as well as several other desirable amenities for residents. The Hampton House is a resident favorite! This members only exlusive clubhouse houses a near olympic size swimming pool, a baby pool, lit tennis courts, rooms available for birthday parties and gatherings, a sand volleyball court, and a playground. Hampton Cove's amenities also include twenty eight lakes, over twenty miles of community sidewalks and paths, a Nature Preserve, a little league ball park, and much more.
Whether you are looking for the perfect family home, a place to settle down, or a luxurious palace fit for a king, you will find what you are looking for in one of Hampton Cove's twenty neighborhoods. There are options available ranging from 1,500 - 12,000 square feet, so you are sure to find something that fits your style and budget.
The average high temperature in July is 90 degrees, with an average low temperature in January of 30.1 degrees. The average rainfall is approximately 55.2 inches per year, with 2 inches of snow per year. No weather information available.
To learn more about the Robert Trent Jones Golf Trail Courses in Hampton Cove, click here.


text:
The iRig Keys I/O All In One Music Production Station
Musicians are going to love this All In One. It lets you do your thing while on the go, but packs in some serious power and features.
iRig Has Power and Versatility
The iRig Keys I/O is an all-in-one music production station that goes anywhere. It is a total music production system in a controller. Moreover, this is the only one available that integrates 25 or 49 full-sized keys with a fully-fledged professional audio interface that has 24-bit audio up to 96kHz sampling rate, balanced stereo and headphone outputs, a combo input jack for line, instrument or mic input (with Phantom power.)
Are you impressed yet? It has an audio interface and also has all the controls you would expect from a premium controller including velocity sensitive multicolored pads and programmable touch-sensitive sliders, along with buttons and knobs.
Read: Maker Hart Versatile Loop Mixer
Both the 25 and 49 key versions have the smallest controllers with full-sized keys on the market. You are going to love these for working in small spaces and also when you go on the road. Adding to their versatility, they can even work on AA batteries. So you are pretty much covered, whatever the situation is.
iRig Keys I/O will work out of the box with all iOS devices including the latest generation of iPhone 7, that does not have an audio output. The included Lightning cable allows for straight plug-and-play with Apple iOS devices, while the USB cable connects Mac and PCs.
These production stations feature a fast synth-action key bed that improves on all preceding IK keyboards that came before. Both the models have one volume/ data push knob, 4 touch sensitive knobs on 2 banks and 8 multicolored, velocity sensitive pads. There are also 2 fully programmable touch control strips acting by default as Pitch and Mod controls allowing for dramatic performances in any genre and double as fully programmable sliders.
Everything You Need In One Unit
These bad boys will allow you to get a lot more creative no matter what your lifestyle is like. Musicians and audio enthusiasts will love it.
The iRig Keys I/O All In One Music Production Station was first published to http://www.gadgetreview.com/
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


TAFE NSW students celebrated Australia's multiculturalism during a Harmony Day party on their March Street campus. The Certificate IV Community Services class organised the day's activities which included dance, trivia and traditional foods from various cultures. Members of the Galumaay dance group in Orange joined with dancers from the River Spirit dance group in Forbes and Michael Newman said a Welcome to Country. VIDEO: TAFE NSW students celebrate Harmony Day: Held during Harmony Week, the national event celebrates the country's cultural diversity and coincides with the United Nations' International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. This year marks twenty years of Harmony celebrations in Australia. Since 1999, more than 77,000 Harmony events have been hosted across Australia in childcare centres, schools, community groups, churches, businesses and federal, state and local government agencies.
TAFE NSW students celebrated Australia's multiculturalism during a Harmony Day party on their March Street campus.
The Certificate IV Community Services class organised the day's activities which included dance, trivia and traditional foods from various cultures.
Members of the Galumaay dance group in Orange joined with dancers from the River Spirit dance group in Forbes and Michael Newman said a Welcome to Country.
Held during Harmony Week, the national event celebrates the country's cultural diversity and coincides with the United Nations' International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination.
This year marks twenty years of Harmony celebrations in Australia.
Since 1999, more than 77,000 Harmony events have been hosted across Australia in childcare centres, schools, community groups, churches, businesses and federal, state and local government agencies.
Discuss "Watch as dancers, dignitaries and delicacies are celebrated in a day to honour diversity | Photos"


text:
package net.cloudkit.enterprises.xml.message;

import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Vector;

import javax.xml.parsers.SAXParser;
import javax.xml.parsers.SAXParserFactory;

import org.xml.sax.Attributes;
import org.xml.sax.SAXException;
import org.xml.sax.helpers.DefaultHandler;

public class DefaultSaxHandler extends DefaultHandler {

	private List<String> elementName;

	private List<String> elementValue;

	private int step;

	public static void main(String[] args) {

		SAXParserFactory spf = SAXParserFactory.newInstance();
		try {
			SAXParser saxParser = spf.newSAXParser();
			saxParser.parse(DefaultSaxHandler.class.getResourceAsStream("test.xml"), new DefaultSaxHandler());
		} catch (Exception e) {
			e.printStackTrace();
		}
	}

	// 开始解析XML文件
	@Override
	public void startDocument() throws SAXException {
		elementName = new ArrayList<String>();
		elementValue = new ArrayList<String>();
		step = 0;
	}

	/**
	 * 结束解析XML文件
	 */
	@Override
	public void endDocument() throws SAXException {
		for (int i = 0; i < elementName.size(); i++) {
			if (!elementName.get(i).equals("") || elementName.get(i) != null) {
				System.out.println("节点名称:" + elementName.get(i));
				System.out.println("节点值:" + elementValue.get(i));
			}
		}
	}

	/**
	 * 在解释到一个开始元素时会调用此方法.但是当元素有重复时可以自己写算法来区分
	 * 这些重复的元素.qName是什么? <name:page ll=""></name:page>这样写就会抛出SAXException错误
	 * 通常情况下qName等于localName
	 */
	public void startElement(String uri, String localName, String qName, Attributes attributes) throws SAXException {
		// 节点名称
		elementName.add(qName);
		// 循环输出属性
		for (int i = 0; i < attributes.getLength(); i++) {
			// 获取属性名称
			System.out.println("属性名称:" + attributes.getQName(i));
			// 获取属性值
			System.out.println("属性值:" + attributes.getValue(attributes.getQName(i)));
		}

	}

	/**
	 * 在遇到结束标签时调用此方法
	 */
	@Override
	public void endElement(String uri, String localName, String qName) throws SAXException {

		step = step + 1;
	}

	/**
	 * 读取标签里的值,ch用来存放某行的xml的字符数据,包括标签,初始大小是2048,
	 * 每解释到新的字符会把它添加到char[]里。 * 注意,这个char字符会自己管理存储的字符,
	 * 并不是每一行就会刷新一次char,start,length是由xml的元素数据确定的,
	 * 暂时找不到规律,以后看源代码.
	 *
	 * 这里一个正标签,反标签都会被执行一次characters,所以在反标签时不用获得其中的值
	 */
	public void characters(char ch[], int start, int length) throws SAXException {

		// 只要当前的标签组的长度一至,值就不赋,则反标签不被计划在内
		if (elementName.size() - 1 == elementValue.size()) {
			elementValue.add(new String(ch, start, length));
		}
	}

	public List<String> getTagName() {
		return elementName;
	}

	public void setTagName(Vector<String> tagName) {
		this.elementName = tagName;
	}

	public List<String> getTagValue() {
		return elementValue;
	}

	public void setTagValue(Vector<String> tagValue) {
		this.elementValue = tagValue;
	}

}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub


These medium oil lamps with early Christian symbolizm brings that time in history closer to us everyday.
All items are handmade original signed creations from Epalladio Art Workshop.
These olive oil lamps are replicas of ancient lamps.
For use with olive oil or any vegetable oil. Includes presentation box, wick and instructions.
All our oil lamps are handmade from high fired clay " Stoneware".
The name of the clay testifies to the durability and quality of this lamp. These oil lamps are made to be used. They are easy to clean and will not seep olive oil as porous terracotta clay lamps might.
Here you can read the history of the Christian oil lamps.


text:
Tag Archives: Tool
Great albums, Music Calendar, Nick Cave
Today: Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds released – The Good Son – in 1990
April 17, 2013 Egil 3 Comments
"The Good Son" is a haunting collection of vintage Nick Cave songs that tell of loss, sorrow, death and despair. Those subjects may be standard Cave fare, but the amazing string arrangements featured on almost every tune add an epic sweep to the album, imbuing it with a grandeur found in the work of Jacques Brel and his protoge, Scott Walker. ..
~amazon.com reviewer
…the Seeds followed up Tender Prey with the equally brilliant but generally calmer Good Son.
~Ned Raggett (allmusic.com)
Come sail your ships around me
And burn your bridges down
We make a little history, baby
Every time you come around
~Nick Cave (The Ship Song)
The Ship Song (original)
by Victor Van Vugt at Sao Paulo, October 1989, mixed by Flood,Gareth Jones at Berlin, November-December, 1989
Post-punk, alternative rock
The Bad Seeds
The Good Son is the sixth album by Nick Cave and the Bad Seeds, released in 1990. It was preceded by the release of "The Ship Song/The Train Song" single. "The Weeping Song/Cock's 'n' Asses" was later also released as a single. After an album as dark and intense as Tender Prey, some fans were disappointed to hear a relaxed and loving Nick Cave on this record. The change of mood was due in great deal to Nick Cave falling in love with Brazilian journalist Viviane Carneiro, and an apparently salutary spell in rehab which purged the despair and squalor of the previous two albums. However, today, most fans consider this album as a classic that was unfairly judged at the time. Indeed, "The Weeping Song" and "The Ship Song" are now Bad Seeds standards, and the relatively obscure closing track "Lucy" was resurrected in 1993 as a B-side of "What a Wonderful World", a collaboration of the Bad Seeds and the Pogues' Shane MacGowan.
The album was remastered and reissued on March 29, 2010 as a collector's edition CD/DVD set.
Father, why are all the women weeping?
They are weeping for their men
Then why are all the men there weeping?
They are weeping back at them
~Nick Cave (The Weeping Song)
The Weeping Song:
"Foi Na Cruz" – 5:39 (Singers – Clovis Trindade, Rubinho)
"The Good Son" – 6:01
"Sorrow's Child" – 4:36
"The Weeping Song" – 4:21 ("Father" Vocal by Blixa Bargeld)
"The Ship Song" – 5:14
"The Hammer Song" – 4:16 (Guitars by Mick Harvey)
"Lament" – 4:51
"The Witness Song" – 5:57
"Lucy" – 4:17 (words: Cave. Music: Cave, Bargeld, Roland Wolf) Piano on reprise section by Roland Wolf
Comments on the Songs:
"Foi Na Cruz" is based partly upon the traditional Brazilian Protestant hymn of the same title. The title translates roughly as "It Happened on the cross".
"The Good Son" – the opening is based loosely upon the African-American traditional song "Another Man Done Gone". A recording of this traditional song, by Odetta, later appeared on Original Seeds Vol. 1. The lyrics appear, at least in part, to have been influenced by the Cormac McCarthy novel Child of God, with references to a "malign star" and laying down "queer plans" appearing in both, as well as common themes of dislocation and rejection.
The single mix of "The Weeping Song" is a different mix than the one found on the album.
"The Witness Song" is based loosely upon the traditional American gospel song "Who Will be a Witness?".
Four of the songs on the album were left with their working titles ("The Ship Song", "The Weeping Song", "The Hammer Song", "The Witness Song").
The instrumental b-side "Cocks 'n' Asses" was retitled "The B-side Song" for the USA release.
The Good Son:
Nick Cave – Vocals, Piano, Hammond, Harmonica
Mick Harvey – Bass, Acoustic Guitar, Vibraphone, Percussion, Backing Vocals
Blixa Bargeld – Guitar, Backing Vocals
Kid Congo Powers – Guitar
Thomas Wydler – Drums, Percussion
Playlist of the day:
Other APR-17
Continue reading Today: Nick Cave & The Bad Seeds released – The Good Son – in 1990 →
Blixa BargeldLiz PhairMaynard James KeenanMick HarveyNick CaveNick Cave & The Bad SeedsThe Good SonThe Ship SongThe Weeping SongTool


Please bring your journal, a pillow or small blanket, and plenty of tissue.
FIRST FIVE REGISTER WIN FREE GIFT.
Fee includes two-night stay accommodations, guest speakers, workshops, (5) meals and light refreshment. Bring money for Food restaurant off-site/near-by.
We as Women Of GOD, need to Draw closer to God. . . . A relationship that assists us in sorting through our life situations, while aiding is to broaden and flourish. Moving forward, without looking back. Indulge, reflect and journal in comforting silence among God Fearing Women. One by one, exalting His name! HE shall be lifted up, as He opens our eyes, ears, hearts and souls speaking directly to us.
Retreat Cost: $150.00 pp Double Occupancy or $175.00 Single Occupancy Private King size bedroom.
Deposit due by March 20,2016. The final payment of $100.00 is due on April 19, 2016 but no later than April 29, 2016.
Fee includes two night stay accommodations,guest speakers,workshop, (3) meals and light refreshment. Bring money for Food restaurant off-site/near by.
Purpose: To bring together like minded individuals in business, ministry, and organizations in need of information, support, and tools to grow your dream, manifest your vision, and take your efforts to the next level.
Guest Speakers: Daphne Pettis-Swinson and others that will give you information on carrying your vision, ministry, organization forward.
Other information: Each individual is responsible for purchase of their own food, drinks and refreshments. There is no other cost to attend this event. This is open to the public and space is limited. Please RSVP your attendance as soon as possible.
Bring your business cards, flyers and other informational resources to assist others in completing their vision. Come out enjoy great food, gain valuable information, network, and collaborate to help BUILD THE KINGDOM!
We are planning to hit the streets, spread love and the gospel on Saturday, July 18, 2015. The Mission: THE LILY OF THE VALLEY. We need your assistance and donations of items such as bottles of water, personal hygiene items, sanitized hand wipes, snacks, bibles, daily devotion books and other items that can be used to prepare care packages for ladies of the night, substance abusers, and the homeless. We will need volunteers to go with us to minister as this will be training ground to prepare us for the Haiti mission trip in December 2015.
Mark your calendar for July 18, 2015, at 5:30 p.m. and meet us at the Schnuck's Store on Lindell Blvd at Sarah Ave. To bring your items before the 18th of July to Healing & Mending Ministry.
Healing and Mending Ministry is a federally recognized 501(c) (3) nonprofit organization, incorporated under the statutes of the state of Missouri.
Thank you. I am looking forward to building the COMMUNITY together.
Healing & Mending Ministry cordially invites you to our 2nd Annual Men Conference "BUILDING BRIDGES" Men Uniting Their Families on August 29, 2015 at 12:00 p.m.
The event focus is to bring awareness on Christian family values. This year conference will be held at Grace Apostolic Family Worship Center located at 11770 Seven Hills in Florissant, MO 63033.
Special Guest:Terrence Williams, Nathaniel Johnson, Pastor Antoine Hobson, Elder Greginald Summers, Minister Tyrone Ellis and many more. Come join us for a day of spirit filled wisdom.
THE EVENT WILL SUPPORT HM2 WOMEN AND TEEN COMMUNITY PROGRAMS.
Healing & Mending Ministry cordially invites you to our 2nd Annual Men Conference "BUILDING BRIDGES" God Uniting Families on August 29, 2015 at 7 p.m. The event focus is to bring awareness on Christian family values. This year conference will be held at Grace Apostolic Family Worship Center located at 11770 Seven Hills in Florissant, MO 63033.
Special Guest: Dr. Sandra Price and many more. Come join us for a day of spirit filled wisdom.
Attend Grace Apostolic Family Worship Center on September 26-27, 2014 at 7:00 pm each night for a spirit filled worship.
There will be Q&A sessions for anyone who have questions about hurting situations that have caused one to be prohibited in their walk with Jesus Christ.
RETREAT CANCEL INSTEAD WE ARE HAVING A ONE-DAY WORKSHOP.
RETREAT HAS BEEN CANCEL DUE TO NOT ENOUGH ATTENDEES. DEPOSIT WAS PENDING.
We are opening the Single Ladies event to women who are dating or in a current active relationship.
This conference is design especially for you! THIS IS A FREE EVENT!
Bring your girlfriend(s) with you to enjoy refreshments & women empowerment messages that will be exciting so come with expectancy.
Please RSVP for headcount lunch will be the catered by Chick-Fil-A.
Donation will be accepted to continue the Women's community programs associated with Healing & Mending Ministry. Thank you and looking forward to seeing you soon.
For more information contact Francello McCoy at (314) 255-6181 or visit our organization website.
"Purifying the Single Ladies Only Conference"
5th Annual Women's Retreat "Fresh Anointing" Do Not Touch! My Anointed Ones!
Cost: $95.00 Includes: weekend lodging; light refreshment & materials.
"Building Bridges" Men Standing Against Domestic Violence.
Cost: $35.00 Includes: Lunch, workshops, vendors, resources, live music and raffle.
"THE HEAVEN SENT HAT MOTHER'S DAY BRUNCH AND FASHION SHOW"?


text:
BARBER WILLIAM B
CPT William "Burt" B Barber was a potential VHPA member who died after his tour in Vietnam on 06/24/2010 at the age of 66.9
Flight Class 66-2
Served in the U.S. Army
This information was provided by Barry Geller, SSN search Sep 2010
More detail on this person: WEST COLUMBIA - A memorial service for William Burton "Burt" Barber Jr., 66, will be held 10 a.m. Wednesday, June 30, 2010, at Dunbar Funeral Home, Devine Street Chapel, with interment of ashes with military honors following in Ft. Jackson National Cemetery. Visitation will begin at 9:30 a.m. prior to the service at the funeral home.
Mr. Barber went to be with the Lord June 24, 2010. Born July 17, 1943, in Winston-Salem, N.C., he was a son of the late W.B. and Olive Dennis Barber. He was a U.S. Army veteran, former pilot with Piedmont Airlines, a member of West Columbia Seventh Day Adventist and was affiliated with Mid-Town Seventh Day Adventist.
He is survived by his loving wife, Gloria; sisters, Barbara Bullock of West Columbia, Margaret Stevens of Reston, Va. He was preceded in death by a sister, Elizabeth Barber of Arlington, Va.
In lieu of flowers, memorials may be made to W.B.A.J. Radio, 243-A Riverchase Way, Lexington, SC 29072 or West Columbia Seventh Day Adventist Church, 3408 Delree St., West Columbia, SC 29170.
This information was last updated 05/18/2016
Please send additions or corrections to: HQ@vhpa.org VHPA Headquarters
Return to the Helicopter Pilot DAT name list
Return to VHPA web site
Date posted on this site: 08/05/2019
Copyright © 1998 - 2019 Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association


This light & extra spacious 6 bedroom steel frame home is perfectly positioned on approx. 2.5 park-like acres only 2 minutes to the Nabiac Village. Presenting an envious country lifestyle of unparalleled space, comfort, and convenience. Approx. 18 minutes to Forster/Tuncurry beaches & shops.


text:
AP source: Biden taps ex-Fed chair Yellen to lead treasury
by: AP
FILE – In this Aug. 14, 2019, file photo former Fed Chair Janet Yellen speaks with FOX Business Network guest anchor Jon Hilsenrath in the Fox Washington bureau in Washington. (AP Photo/Andrew Harnik, File)
WASHINGTON (AP) — President-elect Joe Biden has chosen former Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen to serve as treasury secretary, a pivotal role in which she would help shape and direct his economic policies, according to a person familiar with the transition plans.
Yellen, who is widely admired in the financial world, would be the first woman to lead the Treasury Department in a line stretching back to Alexander Hamilton in 1789.
Her nomination was confirmed to The Associated Press by a person who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss Biden's plans.
A path-breaking figure in the male-dominated economics field, Yellen, 74, was also the first woman to serve as Fed chair, from 2014 to 2018. She later became an adviser to Biden's presidential campaign in an unusual departure for a former Fed leader that thrust her into the political arena.
The treasury post would add another new chapter to Yellen's broad and varied career in financial policymaking. As secretary, she would represent the administration in global financial affairs and lead a sprawling department whose responsibilities range from the government's finances and tax collections to global currency markets, bank regulation and the printing of money. She would also be a key adviser to Biden and a public spokesperson for his economic agenda.
As treasury secretary, Yellen would face a shaky U.S. economy, weakened by the pandemic recession and now in the grip of a surging viral epidemic that is intensifying pressure on businesses and individuals. Concern is rising that the economy could slide into a "double-dip" recession this winter as states and cities reimpose restrictions on businesses and consumers stay at home to avoid contracting the disease.
Yellen would also have to take on the formidable task of helping negotiate economic policy with Sen. Mitch McConnell, the Kentucky Republican who will remain Senate majority leader if his party wins at least one of two Senate runoff elections in Georgia in early January.
At the same time, she would enjoy the advantage of having already built long-standing ties to many of the Fed's policymakers, notably Jerome Powell, who worked closely with her on the Fed's board and later succeeded her as chair. The health of the economy hinges in part on a close coordination between the Fed, an independent agency, and the Treasury, a presidential Cabinet department, especially during major crises like the pandemic recession that struck in early spring. Soon after that crisis erupted, the government established a suite of lending programs that were designed to shore up businesses and municipalities and that involve a partnership between the Treasury Department and the Fed.
Before leading the Fed, Yellen was its vice chair for four years and previously was president of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco for six years. Earlier, under President Bill Clinton, she led the president's Council of Economic Advisers, after serving a stint on the Fed's board.
Yellen is well-known on Capitol Hill after years of testifying as Fed chair to Senate committees about the economy and interest rate policy. During those years, she frequently clashed with Republican lawmakers who accused her of keeping rates too low for too long after the 2008 financial crisis. Some of them charged that Yellen and her predecessor Ben Bernanke had elevated the risk of runaway inflation and asset bubbles that could destabilize financial markets.
None of those fears came to pass. On the contrary, under Bernanke and Yellen — and later, under Powell — the Fed's more difficult challenge was raising inflation merely to the Fed's annual 2% target level. It has yet to do so consistently.
Yellen, a Democrat, had served only one four-year term as Fed chair when President Donald Trump decided to replace her with Powell, a Republican. That move broke a four-decade tradition of presidents allowing Fed chairs to serve at least two terms even if they had first been nominated by a president of the opposing party.
Biden had said last week that his choice for treasury secretary would be "someone who I think will be accepted by all elements of the Democratic Party, progressives through the moderate coalition."
Yellen has the support of many progressive groups, said Jeff Hauser, executive director of the Revolving Door Project, a left-leaning organization. Yellen is a labor economist and an expert on unemployment, an issue that could pose a challenge for the Biden administration, with unemployment at a still-high 6.9% as the economy struggles to recover from the pandemic recession.
During her tenure as Fed chair, the central bank began shifting much of its policy focus from fighting inflation, which has been quiescent for decades, to trying to maximize employment, the second of its two congressional mandates. Yellen won praise for her attention to disadvantaged groups including the long-term unemployed. She made numerous visits to employment training centers to spotlight the need for training programs to equip people for good jobs.
Having engaged this year on the issue of climate change, Yellen has endorsed a carbon tax as a way to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases.
When she stepped down from the Fed in early 2018, Shawn Sebastian, co-director of the Fed-Up coalition, a collection of progressive groups, called Yellen's departure "a loss for working people across the country." He hailed her efforts to take on "economic inequality, racial disparities in the economy, the role of women in the workplace and the need for more diversity at the Fed."
Yet some progressives have also criticized Yellen for the Fed's December 2015 decision to raise its benchmark rate from near zero, where it had been pegged since late 2008 in the midst of the financial crisis. That rate hike, which caused a sharp increase in the value of the dollar, contributed to a slowdown in U.S. economic growth in 2016 and is now seen by many economists as having been premature.
After leaving the Fed, Yellen became a distinguished fellow in residence at the liberal Brookings Institution in Washington. She did not initially comment about Trump's decision not to offer her a second term. But in a 2019 interview, Yellen said she didn't think Trump had a firm grasp of economic policy "or even knows the Federal Reserve's mandates" to stabilize prices and maximize employment.
Yellen is married to George Akerlof, a Nobel Prize-winning economist whom she met in a Fed cafeteria in 1977. They have one son, Robert, who is an economics professor.
Trademark and Copyright 2021 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.


Top plumbing schools in South Dakota Park, SD are available to anybody interested in having a career in a construction and maintenance environment, and courses are taking brand new pupils every month.
Training classes could take only 1 year to complete, and at the end of your training you can start an apprenticeship and you will become qualified to go ahead and take the certification exam for your state..
In the below area, you are able to learn about attaining your plumber's license, learn how much plumbers in South Dakota Park, SD get paid, and check out listings for accredited plumbing training courses near you.
You can learn more about professions in plumbing by checking out the rest of this free site!
Classes to become a plumbing have a number of requirements.
The subsequent plumbing schools close to you are admitting students. To help you pick the best training program, you're encouraged to get details from a few schools before deciding on one.
Should you Have a Certification in South Dakota Park, SD?
Any plumbing contractor who does work in South Dakota is demanded by state regulations to carry a current license. There happens to be grounds for this to be the case. The list below reflects examples of the most-significant ones.
There are currently 7 kinds of certificates available to plumbers. If you're planning on operating in a special field, be sure that you have the right one.
The demand for new licensed plumbers is anticipated to expand considerably according to official information available from O*Net Online. The domestic rate of growth for this job is far ahead of the median for all jobs and is also one of the highest in the construction industry. As a result, if you're looking to become a plumbing professional in South Dakota Park, SD, you'll have a number of possibilities to look into.
Using the tips and advice we have supplied, you will be prepared to pick out your plumber school!


In Thamel, I sat down on some steps for a few moments to watch the world go by. The ladies sitting around the square selling vegetables looked very Peruvian - in fact the whole place had the feel of a Peruvian tourist town.
A chap on a motorbike sparked up a conversion by stating that I looked like the French footballer Zidane. We played 'guess my nationality'. After photographing his son's fantastic hat, I continued on as his father requested my email address, presumably so that he could let me know that his mother had been very sick and needed an operation. I may be dim, but I'm not stupid.


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Q: Does the set of all sets containing one set exist? I was reading a pdf on set theory that explains that because of the axiom of regularity, there is no set that contains all sets, $\{x: x =x\}$, because it would have to contain itself.
I was wondering if instead a set containing all sets containing one set, $\{x:\exists y\ x=\{y\}\}$, could exist. How could you prove/disprove it's existence?

A: No. For any set of sets $\mathcal A, \bigcup \mathcal A = \{x : \exists A \in \mathcal A \text{ with } x \in A\}$ exists (assuming the normal axioms of set theory). But for your supposed set, its union would be the universal set, so your condition does not define a set.

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Home/Celebrities/Biography of Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe, Early Life, Education, Personal Life, Career and Net worth
Biography of Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe, Early Life, Education, Personal Life, Career and Net worth
Senator Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe (born on December 9th, 1970) is an indigene of ibil, in Ogoja Local Government Area of Cross River State. He is a an astute politician and a newly inaugurated member of the Senate in Nigeria's 9th National Assembly representing Cross-river North senatorial District.
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe was a former member of the House of representatives 8th and 9th National Assembly representing Ogoja/Yala federal constituency before his election into the senate
He was elected into the Green Chamber in 2015 and has served for his second term in office, he contested and won as successor of Senator Rose Oko, he is now serving as a Senator representing Cross-river north.
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In 2020 he contested and won the Cross River North Senatorial bye election after the death of Senator Rose Oko of blessed memory. However it was given to another candidate. In 2021, the Supreme Court have judgement in his favour and upheld him as the Senator elect for Cross River North.
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe attended the School of Basic studies in PortHarcourt, Rivers state, where he acquired the West African Senior Secondary Certificate Examination (WASSCE) in 1990. He obtained his bachelors degree in Chemistry from the University of Calabar, Cross River State in 2004. He is presently studying Law.
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe Career
Hon. Agom worked as the Managing Director of Laja Enterprises Limited. As a politician, he served as a member of the executive committee of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) in Cross River State. He was also appointed the Chairman, Sure-P in Cross River State.
In 2015, Hon. Agom was elected under the platform of the PDP to represent Ogoji/Yala Constituency in the Federal House of Representatives. His legislative interest include the oil & gas sector, and public accounts. He is a member of the tertiary education and services committee.
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe Personal Life
Jarigbe Agom got married to Fifi Jarigbe on September 9th, 2006. They have four children – two boys and two girls.
Hon. Agom Jarigbe Awards
Man of Substance Award from Safari Group
Humanitarian Award from Resident Doctors in Cross River State
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe Net Worth
As a public office holder it's difficult to estimate the current net worth of Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe but we can assure you he's not worth anything less than $1 million dollar.
Jarigbe Agom Jarigbe Social Media handles
You can reach out to the Red Chamber Senate member on the following social media handles:
Facebook: @Jarigbe Agom
Twitter: @AgomHon
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One of the best parts of the college hoops season is the annual slate of conference tournaments. We've got the college basketball 2019 conference tournament schedule for every conference in one convenience place.
32 conferences will send automatic qualifiers to the 2019 NCAA Tournament, and you can see where they land in our 2019 college hoops bracketology. Over 300 Division I teams will compete in March tournaments to determine who will play in the Big Dance. For many of them, this institution of college basketball is their only realistic path to the Madness. Others from conferences like the ACC and Big Ten, for example, it's nice, but winning is not everything (depending on who you are; your team might need a few good wins, but not necessarily a championship).
It's part of the magic and wonder of March. See below when all 32 conferences get in on the action.


Recently I have been reading through the books of James Rollins, since I was introduced to the Matt Reilly as a author first it was quite normal that I would compare the writing style between two people who write fast-paced adventure thrillers.
But that is where the comparison starts and ends, with Matt Reilly the readers have come to expect larger than life armageddon type stories which always have the minnows scoring over the larger opponents, be it Shane Schofield perfomoring impossible feats that defy physics or Jack West Jr. taking on every known force in the world single-handedly and coming on top.
On the contrary the characters in James Rollins series the Sigma Force come across as people who have fought and lived to tell tale of it. Exploring the field of varied sciences without hitching occult or mystery civilizations with it, James Rollins weaves a tale of believeable stories that have just the right mix of science, adventure, suspense and action to hold the story together.
The stories move at the frenetic pace, with the bad guys outnumbering the good guys, but the good guys still managing to pull through by the skin of their teeth.
The Sigma Force series calls a reader to it's pages with the concept of Scientists who can kill.
The other standalone books in the series are also very well written with the characters going through every gamut of emotions, be it the archeologist in Excavation or the botanist in Amazonia, the exploration, concept and action is very believeable.
A riveting story tell who is at the pinnacle of his game putting the reader through every emotion possible while taking them on a roaller coaster ride through time.


With the announcement that Richmond's famous and fantastically located Punt Road Oval is set to undergo a significant redevelopment, I thought it appropriate to share with you some old pics that my dad took. He often bemoans his lack of forsight in taking a camera to the footy in the 50's, 60's and 70's, but there were three significant occasions he thankfully documented.
One occasion was his photos post siren of the 1967 grand final, another from Kevin Barlett's 400th match, both times taken from the middle deck of the old Northern Stand. The other is slightly more obscure, but none-the less significant. Dad, a teen at the time, had heard rave reports of the Tigers new signing from Tassie, Royce Hart. So he headed to Punt Road for the Richmond intra-club match, and was so excited that he brought his camera. Dad took several snaps from the recently demolished cricketers stand, and luckily he took enough that I was able to piece them together some years ago to form the below panoramic view of Punt Road circa 1966.
Apologies for my unfinished photoshop work…I haven't had the time to do a better job of it! On my list of things to do! Pretty long list that!
Here are Tony Greenberg's recollections of the following years intra-club, on richmondfc.com.au.


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A political debate on Pak-India Relations in Post Pulwama Scenario was held in the main conference Room of the Political Science Department, University of Chitral
Political debate was held in the main conference Room of the Political Science Department, the University of Chitral on 12th March 2019. The students of all semesters and faculty members participated in it. Three students presented their views on the current Pakistan-India situation in the post-Pulwama scenario. The first speaker Mr. Shamun Pasha of BS 3rd semester narrated the nature of Pak-India relations from a historical perspective highlighting the Kashmir issue at the core of Pakistan-India conflict. He stressed on friendly relations between the two nuclear neighbors. He labeled the Indian media as a warmonger. He concluded that the youth of Pakistan wants peace in the region.
The second speaker Mr. Arif of M.A 1st Semester talked about Indian response and termed it most belligerent. He compared the role of media and leadership in both countries during the crisis and termed the Indian media and leadership role as irresponsible like playing with the fire without thinking over its catastrophic consequences. He argued Pakistan's Prime Minister policy of releasing the captured pilot as a timely step in defusing the tension.
The third speaker Mr. Maikal of M.A 1st semester focused on post-Pulwama escalation and wished to continue with peace efforts rather beating war drums. He opined that the poor people of this region want peace and harmony, not war.
After the presentation, question and answer session was held and students asked a question regarding the government crackdown on band religious organization, the Indian hawkish policy and the role of the international community.
At the end lecturer of Political Science department, Mr. Suhrab Ahmad appreciated the students' efforts and full participation in academic discussion. He guided them for future programs. He also announced to setup a Political Debating Society in the department.
In the end, the HoD Political Science Assistant Professor Mr. Basharat Hussain in his concluding remarks explained Indian current political situation where Modi's popularity is declining and his BJP party has lost some of the crucial assembly elections. The Modi policy of Sab ka sath sab ka wikas (development for all) has miserably failed as the Indian minorities especially the Muslim are the most targeted and marginalized group in India. Modi wants to divert the attention from his domestic failures and want to create a crisis situation for his vested political interest to avoid defeat in the next election. This type of politics is dangerous for south Asia region where the two neighbours possess nuclear weapons.
In the end, the HoD highly appreciated the students' active participation and deliberating the hot topic openly. He advised them to continue such scholarly discussion in the future.
← Mr. Fathul Bari, Lecturer Department…
Visiting faculty is required to… →


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Podselje – wieś w Chorwacji, w żupanii splicko-dalmatyńskiej, w mieście Vis. W 2011 roku liczyła 19 mieszkańców.

Przypisy

Miejscowości w żupanii splicko-dalmatyńskiej

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1. Food Critic - You get to eat amazing food! Imagine being able to visit the most amazing restaurants and not having to pay. This is a pretty sweet gig.
2. Book Editor - You get paid to read. And then you just give people your opinion on how you think their story should have ended. That's how it works , right?
4. Travel Blogger - The tourism departments of countries will pay you to visit their attractions and blog about them. Seriously? I'm thinking Lark & Bloom International is on the horizon.
5. Fake Executive - In Asian countries they hire Americans to wear suits and attend company or community events. They want to give the image that their company or organization has close ties to the west and is an international player. I wish I was making it up, but I'm not. I could totally do this job, so pass the egg rolls please.
6. Tropical Island Caretaker - The Australian Island, Paradise Island, hires a caretaker to live on the property. You hang out on beaches, act as ambassador to people who visit, and share about it via blogging & social media...what's not to love?
7. Ferrari Driving Instructor- This job pays about $120,000 a year. Once people purchase the car, you help them learn how to drive it to its full capacity. These are usually former NASCAR drivers who do this job, but I'm sure I could handle it.
8. Professor- I can't even decide what I would teach. Maybe something that revolves around studying major works of literature and their global effects. Primarily literature that has prompted major political or social changes. I would take that class.
9. Tour Guide - My very first job ever was a tour guide. It was at the Dr. Pepper Museum. This go around, I am thinking a bit more glamorous. Europe maybe. Talk to people and travel. Two things I do well.
10. Advice Columnist- You spend your day telling people your opinion. I was reading Real Simple magazine the other day & looked at the advice section. People asking how to tell their friends that they don't like their cooking. Or how to let their spouse know that they are gaining weight... How do people get qualified to be advice columnists anyway? Is there any follow up to see if their advice works? Either way, I would take the job.


From the moment you enter 'Lakesfield' you feel a sense of respite from the busy world. A place where you're irresistibly drawn to the promise and opportunity for creating a lifestyle beyond the everyday.
Offering 44 acres of expansive grazing land and prime, undulating countryside 'Lakesfield' is a place where you can cultivate the quality of life you've imagined. Developed and well retained paddocks, established post and rail fencing and infrastructure for running livestock offer a unique canvas for buyers with imagination and a dream.
The home itself retains a genuine warm feel with thoughtful family friendly features throughout. Renovated and modernised, there are spacious living areas flanked by a combustion fire place, a generous contemporary kitchen to inspire your inner chef, a peaceful parents retreat with walk in robe and ensuite, a utility room perfect as a home gym/mud room, good size bedrooms and a well appointed bathroom with heated flooring.
Skirting the home, there's a north facing deck close to established trees and fencing, garaging/sheds to accommodate machines and vehicles, pony paddocks as well as four much larger grazing paddocks which currently accommodate cows and horses.
While 'Lakesfield' offers privacy and seclusion from the busy world, the townships of Bowral and Moss Vale are literally minutes away which means the lifestyle of your dreams is no longer a compromise.


CBD has been taken on the banned substance list!
Earlier this year WADA (World Anti-Doping Agency) decided to remove CBD from its list of banned substance. This comes after years of research have shown evidence that CBD has tremendous therapeutic benefits as well as can help the body recover due to is anti-inflammatory properties.
Many athletes have not been able to use CBD and experience the benefits due to it being considered a banned substance. Its removal from the banned list now allows many more individuals to benefit from taking CBD.
CrossFit has followed WADA and has now made CBD exempt from their banned substances for competitive athletes.
A review from 2018 of the neurological benefits of phytocannabinoids and in particular CBD which showed evidence that CBD might be able to help with traumatic brain injury was authored by doctors with ties to the NFL, which leads me to believe it's only a matter of time before the NFL allows players to take CBD.


It's official. Brian Topp, the current NDP president and a backroom architect of Jack Layton's leadership and electoral victories, will run for the party's top job.
Topp made the announcement alongside two high-profile supporters – former leader Ed Broadbent and Gatineau MP Françoise Boivin.
Topp also highlighted his current work with the federal NDP, including a key role in the party's election campaigns under Layton.
Broadbent was clear on why he has thrown his weight behind Topp's bid.
While Layton had plenty of electoral experience with Toronto City Council, including an unsuccessful bid to become mayor, Topp has never run for public office.
Yet Topp's bilingualism and experience both inside and outside Quebec convinced Boivin to add her endorsement.
Boivin's endorsement puts an end to speculation she was contemplating a bid of her own. It also signals that Quebec MPs will not all necessarily back the expected leadership bid of Thomas Mulcair, the party's deputy leader and its Quebec lieutenant.
Topp committed to running as an MP even if he doesn't win the leadership. However, he is not sure if he will run in Toronto-Danforth, the seat previously held by Layton. By law, the prime minister must call a by-election within six months of a riding becoming vacant, which falls within the timeframe of the NDP leadership campaign.


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Dr. Robert Schultze is a regional pioneer in the field of ophthalmology and has been appointed Professor of Ophthalmology and Director of Cornea, Cataract, and Refractive Surgery at the Albany Medical Center Department of Ophthalmology. He has been perennially recognized as a "Top Doctor" by the Consumer Research Council of America as well as by Castle Connolly and Hudson Valley Magazine.
Dr. Schultze also serves as Ophthalmology Residency Program Director, Director of Medical Student Education in Ophthalmology, and Director of the Cornea Fellowship Program at Albany Medical College. He is Medical Director and a founding partner of his medical practice, Cornea Consultants of Albany, and also serves as Medical Director of TLC Laser Eye Center as well as the Lions Eye Bank at Albany. Dr. Schultze is recognized as a leading authority on cornea and refractive surgery and has been selected as one of only 50 U.S. surgeons to serve as a VISX and an Intralase Trainer (proctoring other surgeons on the use of the lasers).
As a result of his dedication to ophthalmology, Dr. Schultze has been recognized with a "Best of Show" award from the American Academy of Ophthalmology as well as a "First Place" from the American Society of Cataract and Refractive Surgery for his video productions demonstrating his techniques in advanced corneal surgery. He has also been awarded a "Best Paper of Session" award for his research and is a recipient of the American Academy of Ophthalmology's Honor Award and Senior Honor Award for service to the organization. The ophthalmology residents selected Dr. Schultze as the 2013 recipient of the Golden Apple Teaching Award and he has been awarded "Professional of the Year" by the Northeastern Association of the Blind at Albany.
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A Phi Beta Kappa graduate of Union College in 1999, Dr. Eden received his medical degree from Albany Medical College in 2002. He completed an internship at St. Elizabeth's Medical Center (Boston, MA) and residency at the Nassau University Medical Center (East Meadow, NY) before returning to the Capital District for fellowship training in corneal and refractive surgery at Cornea Consultants of Albany in 2007.
During the subsequent two years, Dr. Eden maintained a busy practice in Queens, NY, where he served on staff at Flushing Hospital Medical Center, Caritas Medical Centers and The New Parkway Hospital. He also operated at Laser One (New York, NY) and at the MacKool Eye Institute (Astoria, NY) where he performed cornea, cataract and laser vision correction surgery.
Dr. Eden returns to Albany as a board-certified, fellowship-trained cornea, cataract and refractive surgery specialist. His practice focuses on state-of-the-art medical and surgical treatment of eye diseases, from dry eye to artificial cornea. He has experience in routine, as well as complex, cataract surgery including placement of the latest intraocular lenses to reduce spectacle dependence, traditional and partial thickness corneal transplantation (DSAEK), and refractive surgery from LASIK to phakic IOL.
Dr. Judy Revai
Dr. Revai received her Bachelor of Science degree in biology at Ursinus College in Pennsylvania. She began her optometry training at the New England College of Optometry in Boston. She completed her Doctor of Optometry degree at the Pennsylvania College of Optometry where she graduated with high honors as a member of the Beta Sigma Kappa Optometric Honor Society. She received citations for clinical excellence in Pediatrics/Binocular Vision and Low Vision. At the University of California, Berkeley, School of Optometry, she was residency trained in Pediatrics and Primary Care. In addition to clinical instruction and direct patient contact, she also volunteered her time for humanitarian missions to Brazil through Volunteer Optometric Services to Humanity (VOSH) and to Mexico through the Flying Doctors (Los Medicos Voladores).
Dr. Revai practiced in ophthalmologic and optometric settings before moving to Albany. She provides comprehensive examinations, contact lens fittings, and diagnosis and treatment of ocular disease to patients of all ages. Her experience also includes pre- and post-operative surgical care of laser vision correction and cataracts, and specialty contact lens fittings.
When she is not practicing optometry, Dr. Revai enjoys family time with her husband and two children. She likes going for walks, playing volleyball, practicing yoga, reading and traveling.
Dr. Jennifer Grill
A 2009 graduate of Siena College, Dr. Grill received her optometry degree from The New England College of Optometry in 2013 where she received the Class of 1969 Scholarship Award for Outstanding Clinic Performance. She completed her residency training in ocular disease through SUNY Optometry with the Hudson Valley VA Healthcare System following graduation. Dr. Grill has multiple accomplishments including becoming a board-certified practitioner and a fellow with the American Academy of Optometry in 2014. In 2015 she became a diplomate of the American Board of Optometry. Her specialties include diagnosis and management of diabetes, glaucoma and macular degeneration, as well as corneal diseases and dry eye syndrome. Dr. Grill has published multiple papers on the topics of computer vision syndrome, Lyme disease, and ocular side effects of common medications.
Dr. Grill is part of the Comprehensive Care division of Cornea Consultants of Albany performing complete eye examinations as well as post-operative and follow up care. She is also a staff optometrist and optometry externship director at the Albany-Stratton VA Medical Center, as well as the optometrist at Sheehy Opticians.
Dr. Nicolette Casale
Dr. Nicolette Casale graduated from Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute with a Bachelor of Science degree in Biology in 2014. She completed her Doctor of Optometry degree at the Pennsylvania College of Optometry at Salus University, where she was a part of the Inaugural Scholars Accelerated Optometry Program. Dr. Casale graduated with honors and was the recipient of the Clinical Excellence Award. She completed externship training at the Liva Eye Center, Albany Stratton VA Medical Center and the Berkshire Eye Center.
Dr. Casale practices full scope optometry including diagnosing and treating various ocular diseases, post-operative care, and routine eye care. She has experience with diagnosis and management of diabetic eye disease, macular degeneration, and glaucoma as well as various anterior segment disorders, including dry eye syndrome. Dr. Casale is a member of the American Academy of Optometry, New York State Optometric Association, and the AmericanOptometric Association.
Lisa Nunez, RN
Cosmetic Practitioner
Cornea care of Albany would like to welcome Lisa Nunez, Registered Nurse, to the Eye for Beauty team, located inside of the Center for Eye Care Excellence building.
Lisa comes to us with over two decades of experience and as a specialist in medical aesthetics. She is honored to offer her expertise in injectable treatments, such as Botox and dermal fillers, Kybella for double chin, PRP treatment for thinning hair, body contouring and medical skincare treatment, as well as complimentary skin complexion analysis to both new and current patients.


Struggling with a low milk supply? Worry no more - we have natural products to help boost your supply to fill baby's belly! Shop organic Milk Maid tea and delicious MilkMakers fresh baked cookies from the comfort of your home at SugarBabies Boutique!


During the period of neutrality, Italian public opinion was divided into two camps: one interventionist, and the other, in the majority, opposed to Italy's entry into the war. Neutralism brought together the two most important political groupings in the country, namely, the Catholics and the Socialists. Nonetheless, the interventionist camp was able to win the public debate outside parliament, while this latter de facto abdicated its role, delegating foreign policy decisions to the government. This tendency persisted during the war years, when the management of the conflict was left to the government and to the military, thereby reinforcing the authoritarian tendencies present in Italian political life.
Italy entered the war on 24 May 1915, about ten months after the outbreak of the conflict. During the initial period of neutrality, public opinion divided into two camps, one in favour of, and the other, the majority, against entering the war. Among the neutralists, the most fervent were the militants of the Italian Socialist Party (Partito Socialista Italiano, or PSI), one of the few parties in the II International to remain loyal to its original internationalism and pacifism. After all, the social groups to whom the socialists lent a voice – the landless agricultural workers (braccianti) and the industrial working class – were in their heart of hearts opposed to the idea of war. Further support for neutrality was to be found, albeit with some exceptions, in the catholic world, by virtue of the pacifist leanings of the new head of the Catholic Church, Pope Benedict XV (1854-1922). Another factor was the idea of the transnational unity of all catholics, which rendered the prospect of a war against Austria very problematic.
The two most important political cultures available to the Italian masses, Marxism and Catholicism, were thus against the war. The liberal camp, representing the various souls of the bourgeoisie, seemed for its part to be divided between a tendentially neutralist element and a so-called interventionist tendency, which remained however in a minority in parliament up until the eve of the conflict.
The parliamentary majority was in fact Giolittian in orientation - even though Giovanni Giolitti (1842-1928) had ceased to be president of the council from March 1914 - and agreed with its leader that Italy was not in a fit state either economically or militarily to wage a war on such a scale. This stance was lent still further credence, they argued, by virtue of the fact that Italy would be able to obtain "quite a lot" from the central empires in return for its neutrality.
Liberals favouring intervention included the new president of the council, Antonio Salandra (1853-1931), a wealthy landowner from Apulia who represented the interests and outlook of the conservative right. In his view a victorious war (lasting, it was anticipated, a few months or a year at most) would offer a good opportunity to sideline Giolittian reformism once and for all. The Giolittian policy of appeasing trades unions and socialists in fact struck the liberal right as a disturbing symptom of democratic contamination. Salandra thus aspired to shift the liberal forces rightwards.
This was also the hope of Sidney Sonnino (1847-1922), a friend of Salandra and an old adversary of Giolitti. The latter, however, replaced Antonino di San Giuliano (1852-1914) as foreign minister in October 1914 and remained uninterruptedly in government for five years. Indeed, Giolitti shaped much of Italian politics in the war years and during the subsequent peace negotiations. Sonnino pitted against Giolitti's elastic pragmatic approach and his readiness to placate democrats and socialists, the idea of a strong state, firmly directed by the liberal party. In the pre-war years his projected alternative had failed, since his two all too brief spells in office (1906 and 1909-1910) had done nothing to undermine the Giolittian hegemony. To Sonnino, by now in fact a defeated politician, the war offered a precious opportunity to at long last overturn a consolidated political structure.
However, Salandra and his foreign minister only arrived gradually at a definitive decision in favour of intervention. Indeed, for several months – and even as late as the beginning of 1915 – they were still weighing up the possibility of coming to terms with Austria-Hungary. In short, even in those of its elements most predisposed to favour war, the liberal camp remained cautious, and was not in fact swayed by the interventionist mood that swept like wildfire through the governments of the other European states. Even those deputies who saw eye to eye with Salandra and Sonnino continued to bide their time, in fact delegating every choice to the government.
This latter also had to contend with a fundamental feature of the political culture of the Italian liberals, namely, their abiding conviction that foreign affairs were properly the preserve of a select few: the king (according to the provisions of article 5 of the Albertine statute), the president of the council, the foreign minister. Their traditional outlook as men of law and order did not predispose them to place questions of such importance for the interests of the country before the court of public opinion, since to do so would simply lend credence to naive or harmful tendencies. In other words, only government could safely be entrusted with decisions of peace and war.
In reality, however, events took a different turn, and the interventionist camp won outside Parliament. In the longer term the project dear to Salandra and Sonnino for relaunching the liberal ruling class was consequently if not stillborn at any rate gravely compromised from the outset. This was not only because as a ruling class its divisions were all too evident when it kept its appointment with war, but also and above all because, in the spring of 1915, other protagonists were on the stage.
The different voices within the interventionist camp clamouring for recognition made of it a distinctly motley affair. It thus contained Enrico Corradini's (1865-1931) nationalists, who had for some years past been fighting for an Italy that was truly "great", militarily powerful, enjoying enhanced prestige abroad while being recast at home in an authoritarian and illiberal guise. It also featured the bulk of the republican party, inspired instead by the values of the Risorgimento (to complete the process of national unification by wresting the italophone cities of Trento and Trieste from Austria-Hungary) and by democratic principles (to fight alongside republican France against the authoritarian central empires). Here too were Leonida Bissolati's (1857-1920) reformist socialists, whose decision to opt for patriotism at the time of the Italo-Turkish war (1911-1912) had led to their expulsion from the party. We ought also to mention a handful of residual elements from the revolutionary left, notably the revolutionary syndicalists led by Alceste De Ambris (1874-1934) and Filippo Corridoni (1887-1915), who were convinced that war would fling open the gates to revolution. Their cries were echoed by Benito Mussolini (1883-1945), the editor of the socialist newspaper Avanti! and hitherto one of the most prominent figures within the Italian Socialist Party (PSI). After a vigorous campaign in support of neutrality Mussolini had, however, switched sides, sensing the destructive impact that war might have upon domestic political balances and the liberal status quo. This decision led to Mussolini's expulsion from the PSI, whereupon he founded a new newspaper, Il popolo d'Italia, in whose columns he vehemently championed the interventionist cause, remaining for the duration of the conflict one of the most aggressive purveyors of "anti-defeatist" propaganda.
Though in the minority in parliament and in the country, as the months passed the interventionist camp acquired both visibility and vigour. Broad sectors of the industrial world were attracted by the prospect of war (and the relevant orders and contracts). Victor Emanuel III, King of Italy (1869-1947) began to cultivate dreams of glory; the educated bourgeoisie, the guardians of the memory of the Risorgimento, saw in the looming conflict an opportunity to relaunch the lofty ideals that had accompanied the battles for national unification, while the student youth of the Kingdom thrilled at the thought of the "moral regeneration" of the nation passing through the heroic trial of war. The fact remains that, in the spring of 1915, the interventionist minority had managed to hold the stage and to proclaim itself henceforth the true voice of the nation, emboldened by the conviction that, as the Risorgimento had taught, it was not the masses but rather virtuous elites that made history. Processions and committees, national hymns and tricolour banners began to fill the squares of the principal cities.
Meanwhile in London, on 26 April 1915, the Italian government signed a secret pact, committing itself to going to war alongside France and Great Britain. Parliament, however, had as yet not voted for any such thing. Taking into consideration the fact that the majority of deputies remained loyal to Giolitti, Salandra decided to tender his resignation (13 May 1915). This was a way of calling the king to account, but the latter in fact rejected the resignation, thereby adding pressure from the Crown to that exerted by the interventionists in the streets. Tension was at breaking point. Anti-parliamentary opinion, the conviction, in other words, that there existed a "real country" and one that not only was not represented by parliament but had indeed been stifled and betrayed by it (a point of view that had crystallised and become widespread before the war), fuelled an incendiary rhetoric that in those days gave rise to violent forms of sometimes even physical intimidation of Giolitti and the neutralist deputies. On 20 May the Chamber gave in and voted full powers to Salandra, with 407 votes in favour, one abstention and seventy-four against (of these latter, forty-one were the votes cast by the socialist parliamentary group, the only one openly to reaffirm its opposition to the war). This did nothing to alter the wholly extra-parliamentary dynamic of Italian intervention, ratified on 23 May 1915 by the declaration of war upon Austria. It is nonetheless true, however, that from that moment on a huge patriotic majority was formed in the Chamber, so that from the 508 deputies only the socialists and a handful of republicans remained outside of it. Yet within the ruling class that had wished for intervention there was a lingering sense of being on hostile ground, caught between the merely "simulated" faith of the Chamber, as the Minister for the Colonies, Ferdinando Martini (1841-1928), defined it, and the revulsion of the majority in the country.
A particular concern was the stance of the Socialists, whose line, "neither support nor sabotage", had been imposed upon party members in May 1915 by the national secretary, Costantino Lazzari (1857-1927). This deliberately ambiguous formula lent itself to a range of different interpretations. The reformist tendency, which prevailed in the parliamentary group, in the Confederation of Labour (Confederazione del lavoro) and in the local administrations of the major cities, thus placed the emphasis upon "not sabotaging". The revolutionaries, however, who had a firm grip upon the party leadership and upon the editorial office of Avanti!, chose to stress the notion of "not supporting". Even they, however, chose at first to bide their time, postponing their revolutionary plans until the post-war period. Prior to 1917, demonstrations protesting against the war, when they did occur, were short-lived. By contrast, the readiness of the socialist administrations in certain big cities, first and foremost Milan and Bologna, to collaborate with, and even to make up for the shortcomings of the government, was all too evident, notably in the assistance they gave to the recruits and their families.
The government itself, nursing the sense referred to above of being in a minority, and assailed by a fear of "defeatist" propaganda, was led from the outset to exaggerate the intentions and, indeed, the efficacy of the socialists. Concerned above all with the stifling of dissent, up until the last year of the war it neglected welfare and propaganda, placing instead the greatest emphasis upon the instruments of control and coercion that the delegation of full powers had placed in the executive's hands. The government was in fact authorised to issue regulations with the status of laws in all contexts having to do with "the defence of the state, the safeguarding of public order and the pressing needs of the national economy" (such was the wording of the single act on this topic), without there even being the curbs provided by the state having to be accountable. This meant the promulgation of measures restricting freedom of information, assembly, association and movement, and, from September 1917, as we shall see, of opinion also. The power wielded by the prefects became almost unlimited, through their being exempted from any checks by the judiciary.
More generally, there was a gradual and oppressive undermining of the legislature, in favour of the executive. This may of course be discerned in all of the states involved in the conflict, which, given the emergency conditions imposed by the war, bolstered in the dialectic between "decision" and "representation", the first pole to the detriment of the second. Yet the phenomenon was more glaringly evident in the Italian case than in those countries, such as France and Great Britain, in which representative institutions were more central. This contrast merely serves to confirm the fact that, more than fifty years after unification, the process of parliamentarisation was still partial and incomplete. Consider the simple fact that between 1915 and 1917 the Italian Chamber met 158 times, by contrast with the 433 sessions of the British House of Commons and the 371 of the French chamber. But the sheer extent of the marginalisation suffered by the Italian parliament is reflected above all in the generalised recourse to the issuing of decrees. These latter actually went beyond what was permitted by virtue of the attribution of full powers to the government, that is to say, the discretional, unlimited use that the government made of the legislative power, even on matters not directly involving the conduct of the war. As a contemporary - the publication of whose essays was barred by the censor - wrote, "during the war, and particularly during the first three years, our parliament did not function and hardly acted at all".
If the Italian parliament had ceded many of its prerogatives to the government, this latter found itself involved in its turn in a fierce competition with the military over the right to have the last word in the conduct of the war. This competition gave rise on various occasions to an outright disagreement, since the army's commander in chief, General Luigi Cadorna (1850-1928) - who was backed moreover by a good number of politicians and opinion makers inclined to ascribe an almost divine power to him - judged any political supervision of his actions to be a form of undue meddling. In March 1916, Cadorna threatened to tender his resignation, thereby eliciting the replacement of the current minister of war - who had a delicate role to play, being the only trait d'union between the Supreme Command (Comando supremo) and the government. The new minister was of his own choosing and easily swayed by him (apart from anything else, the minister ousted and the one entering on his duties were both military men, by contrast once again with the state of affairs in France and in Britain). In the same year, by way of confirming Cadorna's propensity to manage the war entirely on his own terms and independently of others, a decree was promulgated debarring all ministers from entering the war zone unless with the prior assent of the Supreme Command (Comando supremo). The conflict between the military and the government over their respective responsibilities was therefore open and undisguised, at a time when the power of the former was being extended to ever wider sectors of society. The competences of the civil courts were gradually encroached upon by the military tribunals, which began to judge an ever larger number of cases. Crucially, the whole organisation of the war economy was entrusted to a general, Alfredo Dallolio (1853-1953), who was put at the head of the sub-secretariat – later the Ministry – for Arms and Munitions, with truly vast responsibilities.
The first attempts to settle the sensitive question of relations between the civil and the military power ended in failure. Thus the request tabled in 1916 by a group of deputies to set up parliamentary commissions empowered to oversee military matters came to nothing, provoking in fact howls of outrage and fresh waves of anti-parliamentary resentment not only, as might have been expected, from the more radical interventionist press, but also from the more moderate and conservative wing, represented by the Corriere della Sera, the most widely distributed and authoritative Italian daily. Shortly afterwards, the appointment of a figure prominent in interventionist milieux, Leonida Bissolati, as minister without portfolio, who was entrusted with the task of establishing direct links between the government and the Supreme Command, did not meet with any greater success. At first bristling and hostile, then a crony and lackey to Cadorna, Bissolati proved in fact a bitter disappointment. Cadorna, for his part, continued to regard the representatives of the Italian government as political hacks who were hostage to the neutralist tendencies still operative in the country at large.
This happened to a still greater degree after the crisis of the Salandra ministry, which flared up in the dramatic context of a victorious Austrian offensive in Tyrol (May-June 1916). The eighty-year old Paolo Boselli (1838-1932) then took charge, with a politically broader version of the Salandra government. It was not a union sacrée in the French manner, given that the socialists remained in opposition. Yet it was no longer a deliberately "partisan" government either, such as that of Salandra had been, since it embraced all the patriotic forces of the nation, including those that were positioned on the left (radicals, republicans, reformist socialists).
Faced with the now self-evident prospect of a long and exhausting war, the anti-democratic premise of the Salandra government lost its force. Yet the inclusion of the democratic parties was not wholly to the liking of Cadorna nor to that of the more radical representatives of the interventionist camp. They were still less delighted by the appointment as Minister of the Interior of Vittorio Emanuele Orlando (1860-1952), a jurist who avowed his respect for the statutory freedoms and prerogatives of parliament and who was reckoned to be close to Giolitti. Sidney Sonnino, however, remained at the Foreign Ministry, in league with the Cadornian and nationalist wing.
The radicalism spurring on the party advocating war "jusqu'au bout" sowed confusion among those interventionists who had been inspired by a democratic faith. This mood exacerbated an anti-systemic reaction to the pacifist ferment, itself prompted by the ever deeper weariness of the popular masses. Fears of a possible re-emergence of the original neutralist spirit of the country were further heightened by two developments in particular. There was, first of all, Benedict XV's papal note on 1 August 1917, which called upon the rulers of the countries at war to put an end to the "pointless slaughter" that was drenching Europe in blood. Second, there was the activism of the intransigent tendency within the Socialist Party, which culminated on 12 August 1917 in a circular in which the party secretary, Costantino Lazzari, suggested to the socialist mayors that they resign en masse in order to force the government to sue for peace. When a few days later in Turin a working-class protest at flour and coal shortages turned into a popular revolt for peace that was suppressed leaving dozens dead, many held the socialists to be directly or indirectly responsible, even though the facts pointed to the spontaneous nature of the mobilisation.
It was in this context that on 4 October 1917 the so-called decree against "defeatism", also known as the Sacchi decree after the Keeper of the Seals in the Boselli government, was issued. This decree sanctioned punishments - as actual crimes - of acts that had up until then been regarded as lawful, such as demonstrations deploring the lack of basic foodstuffs, pessimistic utterances regarding the outcome of military operations, or the declaring of hopes for the coming of peace. After the Turin events, fears of further unrest had then led the minister of the interior to tighten the existing repressive measures. This did not mean, however, that Orlando was prepared to align himself fully with those who called for the sacrifice of statutory freedoms and of the liberal tradition itself, in the name of an unrelenting struggle against the "enemy within".
In the days immediately before the defeat of Caporetto, tensions on the home front rose to such a pitch that the government led by Paolo Boselli went into crisis. To his interventionist critics Boselli was irresolute, too old and lacking in the moral authority needed to lead a country shattered by the long drawn-out conflict, and there was a general consensus that Orlando should succeed him. The tragic news of the break-through of the Austrian army on the eastern front served merely to confirm the public mood. At a time of emergency it was necessary once again to play the card of national concord, on condition that it be played by a more energetic personality than Boselli had proved to be. The Orlando government therefore welcomed outstanding representatives of every political tendency that was not actually opposed to the prosecution of the war.
The Austrians had made significant inroads into the national territory, Italy having lost Friuli and half of the Veneto in the aftermath of the defeat of Caporetto. The war now therefore being eminently defensive in character, circumstances seemed to favour, even in Italy, the emergence of the spirit of national solidarity abroad in August 1914 in the various countries involved in the conflict. The fervent patriotic ralliement discernible within the reformist wing of the Socialist party bore witness to this shift in mood. "The fatherland is on mount Grappa", proclaimed Filippo Turati (1857-1932) in a speech in Parliament, thus laying down the line that the socialist parliamentary group would maintain up until the end of hostilities. The spread of Wilsonian ideals, greeted rapturously in Italy, prompted many to accept the justifications for a war that was not only necessary for the salvation of the fatherland but was also ennobled by the ideals of peace, liberty and democracy. Furthermore, the abandonment of the begrudging attitude implicit in the formula "neither support, nor sabotage" occurred just when the application of the exceptional measures laid down by the Sacchi decree had reduced the revolutionary fraction to silence. Several of its leaders and the party secretary himself were arrested, a circumstance enabling the parliamentary group to stand in for the whole party.
Yet the silence of the revolutionaries and the concord seemingly prevailing in the country at large in fact concealed deep wounds. Within the ranks of the PSI, during the same weeks in which the defeat of Caporetto led the reformists to endorse the justifications offered for a patriotic war, the deafening echo of red October inflamed the maximalists, boosting their revolutionary and internationalist prospects and guaranteeing their visibility and prestige. Fears of a reorganisation of the PSI led by the intransigents unleashed in the last year of the war a veritable anti-defeatist paranoia, against which the patriotic turn of the reformists could do little. Indeed, to the extremist fringe of the "war party" the socialists were still the "enemy within". When Cadorna himself quit the stage, having been dismissed from office immediately after Caporetto, he laid the moral responsibility for the defeat at the socialists' door, thereby recklessly relaunching the polemic between neutralists and interventionists. The new commander in chief, Armando Diaz (1861-1928), did not persist with this contentious line of argument, and, in agreement with the Orlando government, tried rather to match coercion with persuasion while endorsing the patriotic justification for the war. Aid to veterans and to recruits' families was boosted and the troops' pay was increased. In addition, a propaganda service (known as "P service") was organised, with dozens of intellectuals flooding the trenches with illustrated newspapers, pamphlets, postcards and lectures. But if the morale and overall grip of the army derived indubitable benefit from the new course, the push to radicalisation nevertheless prevailed in the country at large. On the one hand, the extra-parliamentary organisation of patriotism characteristic of the last year of the war led to the proliferation of committees, circles and leagues, whose operations in some cases took on the appearance of a veritable witch-hunt, targeting the "enemy within" and enabling the voices of patriotic extremism to drown out all the others. On the other hand, the maximalists, although forced to act in the shadows, continued on their long march towards gaining complete control of the party. Thus, at the congress held in Rome in early September 1918, their motion, which called for an intensification of the propaganda against the war, received 14,015 votes, as against the reformists' tally of 2,505 votes.
In parliament, too the consolidation of a government of national unity did not preclude the re-emergence of the divisions which already in 1915 had transected the liberal camp. With the aim of combatting so-called "parliamentary defeatism" and sustaining the home front, in December 1917 the "war party" set up a grouping called "Parliamentary alliance for national defence" (Fascio parlamentare di difesa nazionale), which mustered 158 deputies and ninety-two senators. A parliamentary projection of the processes of mobilisation and intimidation under way in the country at large, the Fascio was also a response to the feared return of Giolittism. After years of silence, and with Giolitti himself in voluntary exile in Dronero, several dozen deputies still loyal to their leader had emerged from the shadows, their common purpose being to defend the prerogatives of Parliament and to impede any further torsion of the Italian political system in an authoritarian direction.
The Italian victory over Austria-Hungary in October 1918 did not lead to any of the above fractures being mended. The disorientation afflicting the liberal world when it came face to face with the difficult trial of the post-war period also derived from the persistence of the old division between neutralists and interventionists. The clash between the revolutionary perspective of the socialists and the patriotic extremism of the "war party" was for its part reiterated, after years of terrible sacrifice and hundreds of thousands of deaths, in a form that would prove to be more violent and explosive than ever.
↑ Rossini, Giuseppe (ed.): Benedetto XV, i cattolici e la Prima guerra mondiale. Atti del convegno di studio tenuto a Spoleto nei giorni 7-8-9 settembre 1962, Rome 1963; Valiani, Leo: Il partito socialista italiano nel periodo della neutralità 1914-1915, Milan 1962, pp. 736-743.
↑ Giolitti, Giovanni: Memorie della mia vita, Milan, Fratelli Treves 1922; Malagodi, Olindo, Conversazioni sulla guerra, edited by Brunello Vigezzi, Naples 1960; Pavone, Claudio, (ed.): Dalle carte di Giovanni Giolitti: quarant'anni di politica italiana, vol. III, Milan 1962.
↑ Ballini, Pier Luigi (ed.): Sidney Sonnino e il suo tempo, Florence 2000.
↑ Vigezzi, Brunello: L'Italia di fronte alla Prima guerra mondiale, I, L'Italia neutrale, Milan-Naples 1966; Vigezzi, Brunello: Da Giolitti a Salandra, Florence 1969.
↑ It is a telling fact that Salandra, when reflecting years later upon the phase of neutrality, devoted only a few glancing remarks to the "street" mobilisation of the interventionists. See Salandra, Antonio: La neutralità italiana, 1914. Ricordi e pensieri, Milan-Verona 1935.
↑ Rocucci Adriano: Roma capitale del nazionalismo (1908-1923), Rome 2001; Papadia, Elena: L'associazione nazionalista italiana, Rome 2006.
↑ Baldoli Claudia: La classe e la nazione. La "Guerra democratica" di Leonida Bissolati, in Isnenghi, Mario and Ceschin, Daniele (eds.): Gli italiani in guerra. Conflitti, identità, memorie, dal Risorgimento ai nostri giorni, Vol. III, La Grande Guerra, dall'intervento alla "vittoria mutilata, Turin 2008, pp. 393-399; Sereni, Ugo: L'Italianismo rivoluzionario e gli interventisti dell'estrema, in Isnenghi and Ceschin (eds.), La Grande Guerra 2008, pp. 93-105.
↑ De Felice, Renzo: Mussolini il fascista, Vol. I, La conquista del potere. 1921-1925, Turin 1965.
↑ Papadia, Elena: Di padre in figlio, la generazione del 1915, Bologna 2013.
↑ Vigezzi, Brunello: "Le radiose giornate" del maggio 1915 nei rapporti dei Prefetti, in Nuova rivista storica 4 (1959), 1 (1960), pp. 313-344, 54-111.
↑ De Rosa Gabriele: Storia del movimento cattolico in Italia, vol. II, Il partito popolare italiano, Bari 1966.
↑ Ambrosoli, Luigi: Né aderire, né sabotare, Milan 1961; Caretti, Stefano: I socialisti e la Grande Guerra, (1914-1918), in Sabatucci, Giovanni, (ed.): Storia del socialismo italiano, Vol. III, Guerra e dopoguerra, 1914-1926, Rome 1980, pp. 3-131.
↑ De Feo, Luciano: Il parlamento e la guerra, Rome 1920, p. xl; Procacci, Giovanna: L'Italia nella Grande Guerra, in Sabatucci, Giovanni and Vidotto, Vittorio (eds.): Storia d'Italia, Vol. 4, Guerre e fascismo, 1914-1943, Rome-Bari 1998, pp. 3-99; Guiso, Andrea (ed.): Il direttore e il generale. Carteggio Albertini Cadorna (1915-1928), Milan 2014.
↑ Melograni, Piero: Storia politica della Grande Guerra, Bari 1969.
↑ Peli, Santo: La fabbrica militarizzata, in Isnenghi and Ceschin (eds.), La Grande Guerra 2008, pp. 662-669.
↑ Albertini, Luigi: Vent'anni di vita politica, Bologna 1952-1953; Albertini, Luigi: La Grande Guerra, in Epistolario 1911-1926, Vol. II, Milan 1968; Guiso (eds.), Il direttore e il generale 2014.
↑ Veneruso, Danilo: La grande guerra e l'unità nazionale. Il ministero Boselli giugno 1916-ottobre 1917, Turin 1962.
↑ Gatti, Gianluigi: Jusqu'au bout! Il fronte interno, in Isnenghi and Ceschin (eds.), La Grande Guerra 2008, pp. 280-288; Baravelli, Andrea: La classe politica di governo e d'opposizione, in Isnenghi and Ceschin (eds.), La Grande Guerra 2008, pp. 83-92.
↑ Rossini, Daniela: Il mito americano nella Grande Guerra, Rome-Bari 2000.
↑ Guiso (ed.), Il direttore e il generale 2014.
↑ Gatti, Gianluigi: Dopo Caporetto, gli ufficiali P nella Grande Guerra: propaganda, assistenza. vigilanza, Gorizia 2000; Isnenghi, Mario: Giornali di trincea (1915-1918), Turin 1977.
↑ Celesia di Vegliasco, Giovanni and Pullè, Francesco L.: Memorie del Fascio parlamentare di difesa nazionale: Senato e Camera, Bologna 1932; Melograni, Storia politica della Grande Guerra 1969.
↑ Sabatucci Giovanni, La Grande Guerra come fattore di divisione: dalla frattura dell'intervento al dibattito storiografico recente, in Di Nucci, Loreto and Galli Della Loggia, Ernesto (eds.): Due nazioni. Legittimazione e delegittimazione nella storia dell'Italia contemporanea, Bologna 2003, pp. 107-126.
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