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Social and Political Philosophy > Rights > Rights and Values
Rights and Values
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Conflicts Among Rights (11)
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Risky Killing: How Risks Worsen Violations of Objective Rights.Seth Lazar - forthcoming - Journal of Moral Philosophy.details
I argue that riskier killings of innocent people are, other things equal, objectively worse than less risky killings. I ground these views in considerations of disrespect and security. Killing someone more riskily shows greater disrespect for him by more grievously undervaluing his standing and interests, and more seriously undermines his security by exposing a disposition to harm him across all counterfactual scenarios in which the probability of killing an innocent person is that high or less. I argue that the salient (...) probabilities are the agent's sincere, sane, subjective probabilities, and that this thesis is relevant whether your risk-taking pertains to the probability of killing a person or to the probability that the person you kill is not liable to be killed. I then defend the view's relevance to intentional killing; show how it differs from an account of blameworthiness; and explain its significance for all-things-considered justification and justification under uncertainty. (shrink)
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Artificial Intelligence: Opportunities and Implications for the Future of Decision Making.U. K. Government & Office for Science - 2016details
Artificial intelligence has arrived. In the online world it is already a part of everyday life, sitting invisibly behind a wide range of search engines and online commerce sites. It offers huge potential to enable more efficient and effective business and government but the use of artificial intelligence brings with it important questions about governance, accountability and ethics. Realising the full potential of artificial intelligence and avoiding possible adverse consequences requires societies to find satisfactory answers to these questions. This report (...) sets out some possible approaches, and describes some of the ways government is already engaging with these issues. (shrink)
Do Rights Exist by Convention or by Nature?Katharina Nieswandt - 2016 - Topoi 35 (1):313-325.details
I argue that all rights exist by convention. According to my definition, a right exists by convention just in case its justification appeals to the rules of a socially shared pattern of acting. I show that our usual justifications for rights are circular, that a right fulfills my criterion if all possible justifications for it are circular, and that all existing philosophical justifications for rights are circular or fail. We find three non-circular alternatives in the literature, viz. justifications of rights (...) by consequences, by autonomy or by divine commands. I show that all three alternatives fail, and I conclude that all rights exist by convention. This ontological result has a surprising and beneficial consequence. A common argument against conventionalism is that it implies cultural relativism. I finish by showing that the suggested conventionalism is incompatible with cultural relativism. (shrink)
Towards a Concept of Human Rights: Inside and Outside Genealogy.Veronica Rodriguez-Blanco - 2012 - Archiv für Rechts- Und Sozialphilosophie 98 (3):346-359.details
Raymond Geuss asserts that there are fragmented views on what human rights are and that there is no unifying principle underlying such notion. I think that this view has its merits. It conveys the particularity of our perspectives, attitudes, desires and self-understandings. It rejects abstractness and is committed to a thick, perspectivist, historical understanding of personhood. To understand who we are, is to understand how we arrive at being who we are. By contrast, the notion of human rights deploys abstractness, (...) unification of agency, necessity and a thin view of personhood. In this paper, I attempt to bring into focus these two aspects of the notion of human rights. I will first analyse the genealogical method advocated by Geuss and argue that it has the merit of elucidating our historical contingencies; however, it is argued that any view in favour of the genealogical method relies on the idea that evaluative or normative concepts cannot be defined in terms of a common denominator. We reconstruct the Aristotelian idea of 'focal meaning' as core-resemblance and show that there is a unifying concept of human rights. We conclude that the perspectivist spirit of genealogy is not far from the Aristotelian tradition. Aristotle's inquiry into a concept that could grasp different perspectives and contingencies as opposed to a Platonic understanding of abstract and universal forms shows that genealogical worries are germane to the tradition. (shrink)
Union Citizenship Revisited: Multilateral Democracy as Normative Standard for European Citizenship.Antoinette Scherz & Rebecca Welge - 2014 - Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 41 (8):1254- 1275.details
Union Citizenship as currently implemented in the European Union introduces a distinct concept of citizenship that necessitates an adequate normative approach. The objective of this paper is to assess EU Citizenship against the theoretical background of multilateral democracy. This approach is specifically suited for this task, as it does not rely on a nation-state paradigm or the presumption of a further transformation into a federation or union. We propose three criteria by which to assess multilevel citizenship: equal individual rights, equal (...) sovereignty of peoples and the balancing of individuals' and peoples' interests. We argue that the current practice of Union Citizenship does not fully meet the proposed standards, regarding equal rights within and equal access to, the political system. Based on our assessment, we propose reform options of access to national and supranational citizenship and argue for supranational participation rights and equal transnational rights to gradually re-establish full membership for individuals. (shrink)
Companion Cats as Co-Citizens? Comments on Sue Donaldson ' s and Will Kymlicka ' s Zoopolis.Clare Palmer - 2013 - Dialogue 52 (4):1-9.details
Equal Negative Liberty and Welfare Rights.Peter Vallentyne - 2011 - International Journal of Applied Philosophy 25 (2):237-41.details
In Are Equal Liberty and Equality Compatible?, Jan Narveson and James Sterba insightfully debate whether a right to maximum equal negative liberty requires, or at least is compatible with, a right to welfare. Narveson argues that the two rights are incompatible, whereas Sterba argues that the rights are compatible and indeed that the right to maximum equal negative liberty requires a right to welfare. I argue that Sterba is correct that the two rights are conceptually compatible and that Narveson is (...) right that right to negative liberty does not conceptually require a right to welfare. (shrink)
Group Rights and Shared Interests.Adina Preda - 2013 - Political Studies 61.details
The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups.Kristian Skagen Ekeli - 2012 - Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.details
The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...) democracies to exclude anti-liberal-democrats from parliamentary elections. There are at least two reasons for this. The first is related to the inherent stability of just institutions. The second is that exclusion can lead to group polarization and enclave deliberation that can engender political extremism and impair processes of interpersonal and intrapersonal deliberation in liberal democracies. (shrink)
Parental Rights and Due Process.Donald C. Hubin - 1999 - The Journal of Law and Family Studies 1 (2):123-150.details
The U.S. Supreme Court regards parental rights as fundamental. Such a status should subject any legal procedure that directly and substantively interferes with the exercise of parental rights to strict scrutiny. On the contrary, though, despite their status as fundamental constitutional rights, parental rights are routinely suspended or revoked as a result of procedures that fail to meet even minimal standards of procedural and substantive due process. This routine and cavalier deprivation of parental rights takes place in the context of (...) divorce where, during the pendency of litigation, one parent is routinely deprived of significant parental rights without any demonstration that a state interest exists—much less that there is a compelling state interest that cannot be achieved in any less restrictive way. In marked contrast to our current practice, treating parental rights as fundamental rights requires a presumption of joint legal and physical custody upon divorce and during the pendency of divorce litigation. The presumption may be overcome, but only by clear and convincing evidence that such an arrangement is harmful to the children. (shrink)
Inter-Country Adoption in Ireland: Law, Children's Rights and Contemporary Social Work Practice.Simone McCaughren & Catherine Sherlock - 2008 - Ethics and Social Welfare 2 (2):133-149.details
This paper explores the current practice dilemmas and common ideologies that characterize inter-country adoption in Ireland and explores these issues through a child rights lens. The social and historical development and construction of adoption are examined in order to outline the broad parameters within which inter-country adoption occurs in Ireland. The role of social workers in this complex and specialized area of work is examined and some of the questions posed by adoption professionals are highlighted. A real consideration for the (...) best interests of children is put into perspective and the role of the social worker as a child rights advocate is given recognition. (shrink)
Rand, Rothbard, and Rights Reconsidered.Kathleen Touchstone - 2010 - Libertarian Papers 2:18.details
This paper examines rights and the protection of rights from both the minarchist and the anarchist perspectives. The former relies on Objectivist perspectives and the latter relies primarily on Murray Rothbard's views. My view is that government protection as put forth by Objectivists is coercive, as are all methods of financing. However, under anarcho-capitalism, children who have been killed or abused by their caregivers do not have equal protection under the law. The principle of equal protection is one with which (...) both Objectivists and Rothbard agree. A case is made for government protection of rights under those circumstances. In addition, a case is made for positive rights to parental care for children, and also for government protection of those rights if they have been violated by their caregivers. I also argue for government oversight in instances when the rights of children have been violated and as a consequence the children have no alternative means of care. (shrink)
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The Nature and Disvalue of Injury.Seth Lazar - 2009 - Res Publica 15 (3):289-304.details
This paper explicates a conception of injury as right-violation, which allows us to distinguish between setbacks to interests that should, and should not, be the concern of theories of justice. It begins by introducing a hybrid theory of rights, grounded in (a) the mobilisation of our moral equality to (b) protect our most important interests, and shows how violations of rights are the concern of justice, while setbacks where one of the twin grounds of rights is defeated are not. It (...) then looks more closely at the substantive moral components of injury, namely harm—damage to one's interests—and wrong—disrespect for one's moral equality. It argues that, on the hybrid conception of rights, harm and wrong are individually necessary and jointly sufficient components of injury, and the disvalue of neither is reducible to the other—in particular, it is a mistake to construe the disrespect identified by wrong as another damaged interest. Finally, it distinguishes between the public and private dimensions of harm and wrong, and makes some preliminary suggestions as to whether the remedy for these different dimensions should lie in criminal, distributive, or corrective justice. (shrink)
The Rights and Duties of Childrearing.Peter Vallentyne - 2003 - William and Mary Bill of Rights Journal 11:991-1010.details
What rights and duties do adults have with respect to raising children? Who, for example, has the right to decide how and where a particular child will live, be educated, receive health care, and spend recreational time? I argue that neither biological (gene-provider) nor..
Conflicts Among Rights
Effects of Organizational Conflict Stress on Public Sector Employees in India.Ms Vaishali - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (1):184-209.details
This study aims to explore the effects of organizational conflict, on role stressors namely role conflict and role ambiguity, among the employees of J&K public corporations. Based on the survey of 242 corporate employees of J&K State Forest Corporation, J&K State Road Transport Corporation, J&K Cement Limited and J&K State Industrial Development Corporation, the effective response received was 72.31%. The data was analyzed using exploratory factor analysis and confirmatory factor analysis using the structural equation model to measure the relationship among (...) the constructs. The empirical results revalidate that role conflict and role ambiguity has positive association with employees stress. The mediating effects of organizational conflict positively impact employees stress. Implications, limitations, and future lines of research are also discussed in this paper. Keywords:. (shrink)
How Destructive Are the Rich, or is J.K. Rowling More Evil Than Me?Michael Starks - 2018 - In Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century : Philosophy, Human Nature and the Collapse of Civilization- Articles and Reviews 2006-2019 3rd revised Edition. Las Vegas, Nevada, USA: Reality Press. pp. 202-207.details
How about a different take on the rich and famous? First the obvious—the Harry Potter novels are primitive superstition that encourages children to believe in fantasy rather than take responsibility for the world-- the norm of course. JKR is just as clueless about herself and the world as all the other monkeys, but about 200 times as destructive as the average American and about 800 times more than the average Chinese. She has been responsible for the destruction of maybe 30,000 (...) hectares of forest to produce these trash novels and all the erosion ensuing (not trivial as its ca. 12 tons/year soil into the ocean for everyone on earth or maybe 100 tons per American, and so about 5000 tons/year for Rowling's books and movies and her destructive brood of 3 children). Then there is the huge amount of fuel burned and waste made to make and distribute the books and films, plastic dolls etc. She shows her lack of social responsibility by producing children rather than using her millions to encourage family planning or buy up the rain forest, and by promoting the conventional liberal stupidity of 3rd world supremacy that is destroying Britain, America, the world and her descendant's future. Of course, she's not that different from the other 7.7 billion clueless-just noisier and more destructive. -/- It is the no free lunch problem writ large. The mob just can't see that there is no such thing as helping one person without harming others. Rights or privileges given to new entrants into an overcrowded world can only diminish those of others. In spite of the massive ecological disasters happening in front of them everywhere everyday, they can't pin them to the unrestrained motherhood of "the diverse", which accounts for most of the population increase of the last century and all of that in this one. They lack some combination of intelligence, education, experience and sanity required to extrapolate the daily assaults on the resources and functioning of society to the eventual collapse of industrial civilization. Each meal, each trip by car or bus, each pair of shoes is another nail in the earth's coffin. -/- Not only the rich and famous, but nearly any public figure at all, including virtually all teachers, are pressured to be politically correct, which in the Western Democracies, now means social democratic (diluted communist) third world supremacists working for the destruction of their own societies and their own descendants. So, those whose lack of free speech (and basic common sense), which should prohibit them from making any public statements at all, totally dominate all the media, creating the impression that the intelligent and civilized must favor democracy, diversity and equality, while the truth is that these are the problems and not the solutions, and that they themselves are the prime enemies of civilization. -/- Those who want a broader framework may see my essay 'Suicide by Democracy' or my book 'Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st Century- Philosophy, Human Nature and the Collapse of Civilization-Articles and Reviews 2006-2017'. -/- All of my papers and books have now been published in revised versions both in ebooks and in printed books. -/- Talking Monkeys: Philosophy, Psychology, Science, Religion and Politics on a Doomed Planet - Articles and Reviews 2006-2017 (2017) https://www.amazon.com/dp/B071HVC7YP. -/- The Logical Structure of Philosophy, Psychology, Mind and Language in Ludwig Wittgenstein and John Searle--Articles and Reviews 2006-2016 (2017) https://www.amazon.com/dp/B071P1RP1B. -/- Suicidal Utopian Delusions in the 21st century: Philosophy, Human Nature and the Collapse of Civilization - Articles and Reviews 2006-2017 (2017) https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0711R5LGX . (shrink)
On H. M. Oliver's "Established Expectations and American Economic Policies".Govind Persad - 2015 - Ethics 125 (3):829-832,.details
In this retrospective for Ethics, I discuss H.M. Oliver's "Established Expectations and American Economic Policies." This article, by a then-modestly-famous economist, has been ignored (no citations) since its 1940 publication. Yet it bears directly on a normative problem at the intersection of ethics and economics that challenges today's policymakers but has received comparatively little philosophical attention: how should we balance potentially desirable institutional change against the disruption of established expectations? -/- Oliver details how the principle of fulfilling established expectations cuts (...) across political lines. Conservatives, he observes, criticized inflation for disrupting expectations, and demanded the protection of established corporations. New Deal progressives achieved "the safeguarding of the economic positions of certain important sections of the American people" (104) via statutes designed to protect income and homeownership status. And labor leaders lobbied for the preservation of occupational status. Oliver criticizes these demands on two grounds. First, they are noncompossible: they can't simultaneously be fulfilled. Second, they are economically inefficient. He concludes that "in a modern dynamic economy, the preservation of status is not and cannot be a feasible criterion of economic justice" (107). -/- I argue that Oliver accurately recognizes both the wide endorsement and the moral ill-foundedness of fulfilling expectations. However, I criticize Oliver's belief in the noncompossibility of expectations. The established expectations of the wealthy, middle-class homeowners and retirees, and current workers can all be maintained, but at the price of constricting the opportunities of new graduates, immigrants, and the poor—all groups yet to develop settled expectations. This insight renders the protection of expectations not merely inefficient but also unjust. (shrink)
'Democracy and Voting: A Response to Lisa Hill'.Annabelle Lever - 2010 - British Journal of Political Science 40:925-929.details
Lisa Hill's response to my critique of compulsory voting, like similar responses in print or in discussion, remind me how much a child of the '70s I am, and how far my beliefs and intuitions about politics have been shaped by the electoral conflicts, social movements and violence of that period. -/- But my perceptions of politics have also been profoundly shaped by my teachers, and fellow graduate students, at MIT. Theda Skocpol famously urged political scientists to 'bring the state (...) back in' to their analyses, and to recognise that political identities, interests and coalitions cannot be read off straightforwardly from people's socio-economic position. In their different ways, this was the lesson that Suzanne Berger, Charles Sabel and Joshua Cohen tried to teach us, emphasising the ways that political participation and conflict, themselves, can change people's identities, their sense of what it is desirable and possible, and their ability to recognise, or oppose, the freedom and equality of others. -/- I do not therefore take it as self-evident that the poor and seemingly powerless should be politically apathetic, unwilling to vote, or incapable of imagining a political solution to at least some of the problems confronting them. Nor do I suppose that non-voters are all-of-a-piece, and that their shared interests are, inevitably, more significant, morally or politically, than those which divide them. Such assumptions seem mistaken in the case of voters, and I see no reason why they should be true of non-voters. The people we find in these categories are not predestined to be in one rather than the other; they do not always stay where they start off; and at an individual level, the reasons why people fall into one group, rather than another, are likely to be complex and sometimes unpredictable. -/- Above all I see nothing in a commitment to democratic government, understood realistically or in more idealistic terms, that requires us to treat raising turnout at national elections (once every four years or so) as of such moral or political importance that we should make it legally mandatory. Realistically, it is an open question how far the ballot box is, for most people, the path to empowerment – important though it is that people should have an equal right to vote and to stand as candidates at national elections. On a more idealistic view of democratic politics it is hard to avoid the thought that the importance of national elections to self-government, posited by proponents of compulsory voting, reflects an alienated and alienating view of democracy, in which the choice of our leaders becomes more important than the development and exercise of our own capacities to lead; and in which our awe at the power our leaders might wield is matched only by our inability to imagine less intimidating, distant and centralised forms of politics. -/- But before saying a little more about these points, and their significance for compulsory voting, I would like to dispel some misunderstandings or misrepresentations of my views in Hill's essay. I do not believe socio-economic disparities in turnout are not worrying for democratic politics, nor do I believe that abstention is generally synonymous with consent. I do not assume that people have a right not to vote, but try to explain why moral and legal rights to abstain are an important part of democratic politics, including electoral politics. (shrink)
Hate Speech, the Priority of Liberty, and the Temptations of Nonideal Theory.Robert S. Taylor - 2012 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 15 (3):353-68.details
Are government restrictions on hate speech consistent with the priority of liberty? This relatively narrow policy question will serve as the starting point for a wider discussion of the use and abuse of nonideal theory in contemporary political philosophy, especially as practiced on the academic left. I begin by showing that hate speech (understood as group libel) can undermine fair equality of opportunity for historically-oppressed groups but that the priority of liberty seems to forbid its restriction. This tension between free (...) speech and equal opportunity creates a dilemma for liberal egalitarians. Nonideal theory apparently offers an escape from this dilemma, but after examining three versions of such an escape strategy, I conclude that none is possible: liberal egalitarians are indeed forced to choose between liberty and equality in this case and others. I finish the paper by examining its implications for other policy arenas, including markets in transplantable human organs and women's reproductive services. (shrink)
What's Wrong with Racial Profiling? Another Look at the Problem.Annabelle Lever - 2007 - Criminal Justice Ethics 26 (1):20-28.details
According to Mathias Risse and Richard Zeckhauser, racial profiling can be justified in a society, such as the contemporary United States, where the legacy of slavery and segregation is found in lesser but, nonetheless, troubling forms of racial inequality. Racial profiling, Risse and Zeckhauser recognize, is often marked by police abuse and the harassment of racial minorities and by the disproportionate use of race in profiling. These, on their view, are unjustified. But, they contend, this does not mean that all (...) forms of racial profiling are unjustified; nor, they claim, need one be indifferent to the harms of racism in order to justify racial profiling. In fact, one of the aims of their paper is to show that racial profiling, suitably understood, "is consistent with support for far-reaching measures to decrease racial inequities and inequality." Hence, one of their most striking claims, in an original and provocative paper, is that one can endorse racial profiling without being in any way indifferent to the disadvantaged status of racial minorities. In an initial response to these claims, I argued that Risse and Zeckhauser tend to underestimate the harms of racial profiling. I suggested two main reasons why they did so. The first is that they tend to identify the more serious harms associated with profiling with background racism, and therefore to believe that these are not properly attributable to profiling itself. The second reason is that they ignore the ways in which background racism makes even relatively minor harms harder to bear and to justify than would otherwise be the case. Hence, I concluded, racial profiling cannot be a normal part of police practice in a society still struggling with racism, although under very special conditions and with special regulation and compensation in place, it might be justified as an extraordinary police measure. I want to stand by those claims. However, Risse's response to my arguments persuades me that I misinterpreted his earlier position in one significant respect. So I will start by explaining what interpretive mistake I believe that I made. I will then argue that despite Risse's patient and careful response to my arguments, my initial concerns with his justification of profiling remain valid. -/- . (shrink)
Democracy and Security.Annabelle Lever - 2013 - The Philosophers' Magazine 63 (4):99-110.details
It is especially hard, at present, to read the newspapers without emitting a howl of anguish and outrage. Philosophy can heal some wounds but, in this case, political action may prove a better remedy than philosophy. It can therefore feel odd trying to think philosophically about surveillance at a time like this, rather than joining with like-minded people to protest the erosion of our civil liberties, the duplicity of our governments, and the failings in our political institutions - including our (...) political parties – revealed by the succession of leaks which have dripped away this the summer. Still, philosophy can help us to think about what we should do, not merely what we should believe. Thus, in what follows I draw on my previous work on privacy, democracy and security, in order to highlight aspects of recent events which – or so I hope – may prove useful both for political thought and action. (shrink)
Is Judicial Review Undemocratic?Annabelle Lever - 2009 - Perspectives on Politics 7 (4):897-915.details
This paper examines Jeremy Waldron's 'core case' against judicial review. Waldron's arguments, it shows, exaggerate the importance of voting to our judgements about the legitimacy and democratic credentials of a society and its government. Moreover, Waldron is insufficiently sensitive to the ways that judicial review can provide a legitimate avenue of political activity for those seeking to rectify historic injustice. While judicial review is not necessary for democratic government, the paper concludes that Waldron is wrong to believe that it is (...) a threat to democracy. (shrink)
Must Privacy and Sexual Equality Conflict? A Philosophical Examination of Some Legal Evidence.Annabelle Lever - 2001 - Social Research 67 (4):1137-1171.details
Are rights to privacy consistent with sexual equality? In a brief, but influential, article Catherine MacKinnon trenchantly laid out feminist criticisms of the right to privacy. In "Privacy v. Equality: Beyond Roe v. Wade" she linked familiar objections to the right to privacy and connected them to the fate of abortion rights in the U.S.A. (MacKinnon, 1983, 93-102). For many feminists, the Supreme Court's decision in Roe v. Wade (1973) had suggested that, notwithstanding a dubious past, legal rights to privacy (...) might serve feminist objectives, and prove consistent with sexual equality. By arguing that Roe's privacy justification of abortion rights was directly responsible for the weakness and vulnerability of abortion rights in America, MacKinnon took aim at feminist hopes for the right to privacy at their strongest point. Maintaining that Roe's privacy justification of abortion is intimately, and not contingently, related to the Supreme Court's subsequent decision in Harris v. McRae, (1980) MacKinnon concluded that privacy rights cannot be reconciled with the freedom and equality of women, and so can have no place in a democracy.1 In Harris, the Supreme Court held that the State need not provide Medicaid coverage for abortions that are necessary to preserve the health, but not the life, of a pregnant woman, effectively depriving poor women of almost all state aid for abortions.2 Moreover, the Court's subsequent decision in Bowers v . Hardwick (1986) appeared to confirm the truth of MacKinnon's observation – though this case concerned gay rights, rather than abortion rights, and occurred several years after MacKinnon's condemnation of Harris. -/- This paper examines MacKinnon's claims about the relationship of rights to privacy and equality in light of the reasoning in Harris and Bowers. When we contrast the Majority and Minority decisions in these cases, it shows, we can distinguish interpretations of the right to privacy that are consistent with sexual equality from those that are not. This is not simply because the two differ in their consequences – though they do - but because the former, unlike the latter, rely on empirical and normative assumptions that would justify sexual inequality whatever right they were used to interpret. So while I agree with MacKinnon that the Majority's interpretation of the right to privacy in Harris is inconsistent with the equality of men and women, I show that there is no inherent inconsistency in valuing both privacy and equality, and no reason why we must chose to protect the one, rather than the other. Indeed, an examination of MacKinnon's article, I suggest, can help us to see why rights to privacy can be part of a scheme of democratic rights, and how we might go about democratising the right to privacy in future. To avoid confusion I should emphasise that my arguments are of a philosophical, not a legal, nature. Thus, I will be ignoring the specifically legal and constitutional aspects of MacKinnon's article, and of the Supreme Court decisions, in order to bring their philosophical significance into focus. -/- . (shrink)
Mrs. Aremac and the Camera: A Response to Ryberg.Annabelle Lever - 2008 - Res Publica 14 (1):35-42.details
In a recent article in Respublica, Jesper Ryberg argues that CCTV can be compared to a little old lady gazing out onto the street below. This article takes issue with the claim that government surveillance can be justified in this manner. Governments have powers and responsibilities that little old ladies lack. Even if CCTV is effective at preventing crime, there may be less intrusive ways of doing so. People have a variety of legitimate interests in privacy, and protection for these (...) is important to their status as free and equal citizens. Consequently, though necessary, effectiveness is insufficient to justify CCTV in a democracy. (shrink)
Criticisms of Rights
Human Rights: A Marxist Critique.Nouha Rouabah - manuscriptdetails
Confucian Rights as a "Fallback Apparatus" 作为"备用机制"的儒家权利.Justin Tiwald - 2013 - Academic Monthly 学术月刊 45 (11):41-49.details
Liang Tao and Kuang Zhao, trans. Confucian rights can be characterized as a kind of "fallback apparatus," necessary only when preferred mechanisms—for example, familial and neighborly care or traditional courtesies—would otherwise fail to protect basic human interests. In this paper, I argue that the very existence of such rights is contingent on their ability to function as remedies for dysfunctional social relationships or failures to develop the virtues that sustain harmonious Confucian relationships. Moreover, these remedies are not, strictly speaking, rights-based, (...) for having a right consists in having the power to claim one's rights for oneself, which the classical Confucians would curtail. I conclude by noting how we might revise standard assumptions about the practice of "claiming one's rights" to make it more compatible with core Confucian principles. 梁涛 匡钊译 儒家权利可称为是一种"备用机制"(fallback apparatus),诉诸权利仅当其他首选机制,如家族与邻里的关怀或对传统礼俗的依赖等,不能有效维护人们的基本利益时才是必要的。儒家权利的存在取决于其补救功能,其需要补救的是儒家谐社会关系及相应美德中 出现的危机、过失。但儒家的补救并不完全是基于权利之上的,古典儒家不认为人民可以代表自己提出主张,也不认为民众可以直接推翻昏庸的暴君,有抵抗权的主要是汤、武等第一级的贵族。对于儒家国家来讲,从制度上认可 人民的权利主张可能是获得社会和谐最有效的手段。. (shrink)
Human Rights, Claimability and the Uses of Abstraction.Adam Etinson - 2013 - Utilitas 25 (4):463-486.details
This article addresses the so-called to human rights. Focusing specifically on the work of Onora O'Neill, the article challenges two important aspects of her version of this objection. First: its narrowness. O'Neill understands the claimability of a right to depend on the identification of its duty-bearers. But there is good reason to think that the claimability of a right depends on more than just that, which makes abstract (and not welfare) rights the most natural target of her objection (section II). (...) After examining whether we might address this reformulated version of O'Neill's objection by appealing to the specificity afforded to human rights in international, regional and domestic law (in section III), the article challenges a second important feature of that objection by raising doubts about whether claimability is a necessary feature of rights at all (section IV). Finally, the article reflects more generally on the role of abstraction in the theory and practice of human rights (section V). In sum, by allaying claimability-based concerns about abstract rights, and by illustrating some of the positive functions of abstraction in rights discourse, the article hopes to show that abstract rights are not only theoretically coherent but also useful and important. (shrink)
Rights and Equality
'Privacy, Private Property and Collective Property'.Annabelle Lever - 2012 - The Good Society 21 (1):47-60.details
This article is part of a symposium on property-owning democracy. In A Theory of Justice John Rawls argued that people in a just society would have rights to some forms of personal property, whatever the best way to organise the economy. Without being explicit about it, he also seems to have believed that protection for at least some forms of privacy are included in the Basic Liberties, to which all are entitled. Thus, Rawls assumes that people are entitled to form (...) families, as well as personal associations which reflect their tastes as well as their beliefs and interests. He seems also to have assumed that people are entitled to seclude themselves, as well as to associate with others, and to keep some of their beliefs, knowledge, feelings and ideas to themselves, rather than having to share them with others. So, thinking of privacy as an amalgam of claims to seclusion, solitude, anonymity and intimate association, we can say that Rawls appears to include at least some forms of privacy in his account of the liberties protected by the first principle of justice. -/- However, Rawls did not say very much about how he understands people's claims to privacy, or how those claims relate to his ideas about property-ownership. This is unfortunate, because two familiar objections to privacy seem particularly pertinent to his conception of the basic liberties. The first was articulated with customary panache by Judith Thomson, in a famous article on the moral right to privacy, in which she argued that talk of a moral right to privacy is confused and confusing, because privacy rights are really just property rights in disguise. The second objection has long been a staple of leftist politics, and is that the association of privacy with private property means that privacy rights are just a mask for coercive and exploitative relationships, and therefore at odds with democratic freedom, equality and solidarity. If the first objection implies that Rawls is wrong to think that protection for privacy can be distinguished from protection of personal property, the second objection implies that Rawls cannot hope to protect privacy without thereby committing himself to the grossest forms of capitalist inequality. -/- In this paper I will not discuss Rawls' views of property-owning democracy. However, by clarifying the relationship between claims to privacy and claims to property-ownership, I hope to illuminate some of the conceptual, moral and political issues raised by Rawls' ideas, and by work on the concept of a property-owning democracy, which he inspired. As we will see, privacy-based justifications of private ownership are not always unappealing, and privacy is sometimes promoted, rather than threatened, by collective ownership. The conclusion draws out the significance of these claims for the idea of a property-owning democracy. (shrink)
Legal Subversion of the Criminal Justice Process? Judicial, Prosecutorial and Police Discretion in Edmondson, Kindrat and Brown.Lucinda Vandervort - 2012 - In Elizabeth Sheehy (ed.), SEXUAL ASSAULT IN CANADA: LAW, LEGAL PRACTICE & WOMEN'S ACTIVISM,. Ottawa, ON, Canada: Ottawa: University of Ottawa Press. pp. 111-150.details
In 2001, three non-Aboriginal men in their twenties were charged with the sexual assault of a twelve year old Aboriginal girl in rural Saskatchewan. Legal proceedings lasted almost seven years and included two preliminary hearings, two jury trials, two retrials with juries, and appeals to the provincial appeal court and the Supreme Court of Canada. One accused was convicted. The case raises questions about the administration of justice in sexual assault cases in Saskatchewan. Based on observation and analysis of the (...) record, this paper: (1) examines relationships between legal errors dealing with availability of the defence of "belief in consent" and interpretation of the "all reasonable steps" provision, the need for retrials, and apprehended race-gender-age bias and discrimination; and 2) proposes incremental and systemic remedies to address the weaknesses in police, prosecutorial and judicial policy and practice highlighted by this case. (shrink)
Compulsory Voting: A Critical Perspective.Annabelle Lever - 2010 - British Journal of Political Science 40:897-915.details
Should voting be compulsory? This question has recently gained the attention of political scientists, politicians and philosophers, many of whom believe that countries, like Britain, which have never had compulsion, ought to adopt it. The arguments are a mixture of principle and political calculation, reflecting the idea that compulsory voting is morally right and that it is will prove beneficial. This article casts a sceptical eye on the claims, by emphasizing how complex political morality and strategy can be. Hence, I (...) show, while there are good reasons to worry about voter turnout in established democracies, and to worry about inequalities of turnout as well, the case for compulsory voting is unpersuasive. (shrink)
Rights and Freedom
Political Liberalism and the False Neutrality Objection.Étienne Brown - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-20.details
One central objection to philosophical defences of liberal neutrality is that many neutrally justified laws and policies are nonetheless discriminatory as they unilaterally impose costs or confer unearned privileges on the bearers of a particular conception of the good. Call this the false neutrality objection. While liberal neutralists seldom consider this objection to be a serious allegation, and often claim that it rests on a misunderstanding, I argue that it is a serious challenge for proponents of justificatory neutrality. Indeed, a (...) careful examination of recent French and Canadian laws which impede the members of cultural minorities from freely practising their religion reveals that the state can hide its discriminatory aims by cloaking the policies it enacts in neutral language. In order to avoid the problem of false neutrality, I contend, liberal neutralists should defend a combination of neutrality of justification and neutrality of aim, and operationalize neutrality of aim through a practical test that has been a defining feature of American jurisprudence on religious freedom in the last thirty years: the general applicability requirement. (shrink)
Gruesome Freedom: The Moral Limits of Non-Constraint.John Lawless - 2018 - Philosophers' Imprint 18.details
Many philosophers conceive of freedom as non-interference. Such conceptions unify two core commitments. First, they associate freedom with non-constraint. And second, they take seriously a distinction between the interpersonal and the non-personal. As a result, they focus our attention exclusively on constraints attributable to other people's choices – that is, on interference. I argue that these commitments manifest two distinct concerns: first, for a wide range of options; and second, for other people's respect. However, construing freedom as non-interference unifies these (...) concerns in a way that does justice to neither. In particular, it focuses our attention on phenomena that are at best tangential, and at worst hostile, to our interest in respect. If we wish to preserve the distinctive significance of the interpersonal, we would be better served by a conception of freedom that focuses immediately on what I call "the social conditions of respect.". (shrink)
Rights and Utility
The Evil of Refraining to Save: Liu on the Doctrine of Doing and Allowing.Jacob Blair - 2017 - Diametros 52:127-137.details
In a recent article, Xiaofei Liu seeks to defend, from the standpoint of consequentialism, the Doctrine of Doing and Allowing: DDA. While there are various conceptions of DDA, Liu understands it as the view that it is more difficult to justify doing harm than allowing harm. Liu argues that a typical harm doing involves the production of one more evil and one less good than a typical harm allowing. Thus, prima facie, it takes a greater amount of good to justify (...) doing a certain harm than it does to justify allowing that same harm. In this reply, I argue that Liu fails to show, from within a consequentialist framework, that there is an asymmetry between the evils produced by doing and allowing harm. I conclude with some brief remarks on what may establish such an asymmetry. (shrink)
Authority and Interest in the Theory of Right.Nieswandt Katharina - forthcoming - In David Plunkett, Scott Shapiro & Kevin Toh (eds.), Legal Norms, Moral Norms: New Essays on Metaethics and Jurisprudence. Oxford: Oxford University Press.details
I suggest a new role for authority and interest in the theory of right: Rights can be explicated as sets of prohibitions, permissions and commands, and they must be justified by interests. I argue as follows: (1) The two dominant theories of right—"Will Theory" and "Interest Theory"—have certain standard problems. (2) These problems are systematic: Will Theory's criterion of the ability to enforce a duty is either false or empty outside of its original legal context, whereas Interest Theory includes in (...) the definition of a right what actually belongs to the justification of the practice within which that right is assigned. (3) I recast the connection between authority, interests and rights in a way that avoids each theory's standard problem. (4) The resulting theory also has three further advantages: It analyzes rights in terms of very basic and familiar concepts; it mirrors the understanding of rights in actual public discourse, and it is compatible with a wide selection of moral theories. Since its core is about a specific use of modal auxiliary verbs, I call this new theory the "Modal Theory of Right.". (shrink)
Rights and Justice
Informants, Police, and Unconscionability.Luke William Hunt - 2018 - Institute of Art and Ideas (IAI Online Magazine).details
Essay exploring the extent to which certain agreements between the police and informants are an affront (both procedurally and substantively) to basic tenets of the liberal tradition in legal and political philosophy.
What We Talk About When We Talk About Dignity in Policing.Luke William Hunt - 2018 - Virginia Criminal Justice Bulletin 3 (2).details
This essay sketches various conceptions of dignity and how those conceptions might be relevant to police brutality and legal rights.
Compensation and Proportionality in War.Saba Bazargan-Forward - 2017 - In Claire Finkelstein, Larry Larry & Jens David Ohlin (eds.), Weighing Lives in War. Oxford University Press).details
Even in just wars we infringe the rights of countless civilians whose ruination enables us to protect our own rights. These civilians are owed compensation, even in cases where the collateral harms they suffer satisfy the proportionality constraint. I argue that those who authorize or commit the infringements and who also benefit from those harms will bear that compensatory duty, even if the unjust aggressor cannot or will not discharge that duty. I argue further that if we suspect antecedently that (...) we will culpably refrain from compensating those victims post bellum, then this makes satisfying the war's proportionality constraint substantially more difficult at the outset of the war. The lesson here is that failing to take duties of compensation in war seriously constrains our moral permission to protect ourselves. (shrink)
Standards of Risk in War and Civil Life.Saba Bazargan-Forward - 2017 - In Florian Demont-Biaggi (ed.), The Nature of Peace and the Morality of Armed Conflict. Palgrave.details
Though the duties of care owed toward innocents in war and in civil life are at the bottom univocally determined by the same ethical principles, Bazargan-Forward argues that those very principles will yield in these two contexts different "in-practice" duties. Furthermore, the duty of care we owe toward our own innocents is less stringent than the duty of care we owe toward foreign innocents in war. This is because risks associated with civil life but not war (a) often increase the (...) expected welfare of the individuals upon whom the risk is imposed, (b) are often imposed with consent, and (c) are often imposed reciprocally. The conclusion—that we have a pro tanto reason for adopting a more stringent standard of risk imposition toward foreign innocents in war—has implications for not only what standards of risk we should adopt in war, but also how we should weigh domestic versus foreign civilian lives. (shrink)
Privacy.Edmund Byrne - 1998 - In Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics. San Diego: Academic Press. pp. 649-659.details
Privacy involves a zone of inaccessibility in a particular context. In social discourse it pertains to activities that are not public, the latter being by definition knowable by outsiders. The public domain so called is the opposite of secrecy and somewhat less so of confidentiality. The private sphere is respected in law and morality, now in terms of a right to privacy. In law some violations of privacy are torts. Philosophers tend to associate privacy with personhood. Professional relationships are prima (...) facie private but may be investigated for cause. Privacy may entail both intimacy and caring but neither necessarily so. Finally, various technology-based means of intrusion are rendering privacy ever more difficult to sustain. (shrink)
Are Rawlsians Entitled to Monopoly Rights?Speranta Dumitru - 2008 - In A. Gosseries, A. Marciano & A. Strowel (eds.), Intelectual Property and Theories of Justice. Palgrave-MacMilan.details
Are intellectual property rights for talented people justified by Rawls' criteria of justice? In this paper, I argue that Rawls' theory of justice is ill-equipped to answer this question. Tailored for rival goods and, as a result, centred on the distribution of benefits, it tends to restate questions of justice about unequal rights as questions about economic inequalities. Therefore, it lacks the tools necessary to distinguish among different forms of incentives for talented people. Once social and economic inequalities observe equality (...) of opportunity and improve the least advantaged, the theory is indifferent as to whether talented people are allowed to compete for monopoly rights or for direct financial reward. (shrink)
Rights and Democracy
Suicidio por la Democracia - un Obituario para América y el Mundo 4ª edición.Michael Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.details
Estados Unidos y el mundo están en el proceso de colapso de un crecimiento excesivo de la población, la mayoría de ella para el siglo pasado, y ahora todo ello, debido a la 3ª gente del mundo. El consumo de recursos y la adición de 4 mil millones más CA. 2100 colapsarán la civilización industrial y traerán hambre, enfermedad, violencia y guerra a una escala asombrosa. La tierra pierde al menos el 1% de su suelo vegetal cada año, por lo (...) que se acerca a 2100, la mayor parte de su capacidad de cultivo de alimentos se habrá ido. Miles de millones morirán y la guerra nuclear es segura. En Estados Unidos, esto está siendo enormemente acelerado por la inmigración masiva y la reproducción de inmigrantes, combinada con los abusos hechos posible por la democracia. La naturaleza humana depravada convierte inexorablemente el sueño de la democracia y la diversidad en una pesadilla de delincuencia y pobreza. China seguirá abrumar a América y al mundo, siempre y cuando mantenga la dictadura que limita el egoísmo. La causa raíz del colapso es la incapacidad de nuestra psicología innata para adaptarse al mundo moderno, lo que lleva a las personas a tratar a las personas no relacionadas como si tuvieran intereses comunes. La idea de los derechos humanos es una fantasía malvada promovida por los izquierdistas para atraer la atención de la destrucción despiadada de la tierra por una maternidad sin restricciones del tercer mundo. Esto, además de la ignorancia de la biología básica y la psicología, conduce a los delirios de ingeniería social de los parcialmente educados que controlan las sociedades democráticas. Pocos entienden que si usted ayuda a una persona a lastimar a alguien más, no hay almuerzo gratis y cada artículo que alguien consume destruye la tierra más allá de la reparación. En consecuencia, las políticas sociales en todas partes son insostenibles y, una por una, todas las sociedades sin estrictos controles sobre el egoísmo se derrumbarán en la anarquía o la dictadura. Los hechos más básicos, casi nunca mencionados, son que no hay suficientes recursos en Estados Unidos o en el mundo para levantar un porcentaje significativo de los pobres de la pobreza y mantenerlos allí. El intento de hacer esto es la quiebra de Estados Unidos y la destrucción del mundo. La capacidad de la tierra para producir alimentos disminuye diariamente, al igual que nuestra calidad genética. Y ahora, como siempre, de lejos el mayor enemigo de los pobres es el de otros pobres y no los ricos. Sin cambios dramáticos e inmediatos, no hay esperanzas de evitar el colapso de América, o cualquier país que siga un sistema democrático. (shrink)
Felon Disenfranchisement and Democratic Legitimacy.Matt S. Whitt - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (2):283-311.details
Political theorists have long criticized policies that deny voting rights to convicted felons. However, some have recently turned to democratic theory to defend this practice, arguing that democratic self-determination justifies, or even requires, disenfranchising felons. I review these new arguments, acknowledge their force against existing criticism, and then offer a new critique of disenfranchisement that engages them on their own terms. Using democratic theory's "all-subjected principle," I argue that liberal democracies undermine their own legitimacy when they deny the vote to (...) felons and prisoners. I then show how this argument overcomes obstacles that cause problems for other critiques of disenfranchisement. (shrink)
La démocratie sans limites : corruption et publicités dans les campagnes électorales américaines.Juliette Roussin - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):146-166.details
Cet article analyse le risque de corruption que les arrêts Citizens United de 2010 et l'apparition des Super-PACs font peser sur le système électoral états-unien. Lors de la dernière campagne présidentielle, plus de 730 millions de dollars ont été investis dans des publicités électorales par de riches contributeurs et des entreprises privées regroupés en Super-PACs. Nous montrons que cet afflux d'argent consacré à des publicités politiques expose la démocratie américaine à trois formes de « corruption grise », en favorisant la (...) banalisation de pratiques contestables et en troublant la frontière entre ce qui est licite et ce qui ne l'est pas. (1) Déplafonné, le soutien financier aux candidats risque de s'apparenter à de la subornation; (2) certaines des techniques publicitaires employées semblent réduire l'exercice de conviction démocratique à une tentative de corruption de l'électeur; (3) enfin les immenses inégalités d'influence politique que ce système de financement induit participent de la corruption des affaires démocratiques en favorisant leur captation par un petit nombre d'individus fortunés. Nous mettons en évidence que le refus systématique de la Cour Suprême d'envisager ces phénomènes comme des vecteurs de corruption se fonde sur une conception discutable de la démocratie comme système de libre concurrence pour le pouvoir politique. Comprendre la démocratie à partir de son impératif d'égalité permet à l'inverse de rendre visible la corruption à laquelle son système de financement électoral expose la démocratie américaine. (shrink)


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Publication - Consultation paper
Improving transparency in land ownership in Scotland: a consultation on controlling interests in land
Directorate:
Agriculture and Rural Economy Directorate
Consultation on proposals for the disclosure and publication of information about controlling interests in land owners and tenants.
Ministerial foreword
Choose section
WORKSTREAM I: DEFINING CONTROLLING INTEREST
Chapter 2: Defining "controlling interest" and who is a person with a controlling interest in a land owner or tenant
WORKSTREAM II: PRACTICAL ASPECTS
Chapter 4: Where the information should be held and what information should be disclosed
WORKSTREAM III: THE DUTY TO PROVIDE INFORMATION AND SANCTIONS FOR NON-COMPLIANCE
Chapter 6: Assessing impact
Chapter 7: How to respond
Annex A: An example Land Certificate from the Land Register
Annex B: An example search sheet from the Register of Sasines
Annex C
Improving transparency of land ownership in Scotland is an issue that is at the very heart of progressing land reform in Scotland. The regulations that we will take forward under section 39 of the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2016 following this public consultation will help communities, tenants and land owners to know and understand more about the people who control land owners and tenants of land in Scotland, and, ultimately, this will help ensure that all of the people of Scotland can benefit from our land, one of our most vital assets.
This consultation is the next step in our policy development in this complex and technical area. There are policy, practical, and legal issues relating to the transparency of land ownership which will need to be resolved. We want these regulations to result in greater transparency in relation to the individuals who control owners or tenants of land, but we also want to ensure that the requirements that will emerge from these regulations are proportionate and not unduly onerous on those who transact with land in Scotland.
We also want to ensure that our proposals complement recent changes made to company law at Westminster in respect of people with significant control of UK companies. We want our regulations under the Land Reform (Scotland) Act 2016 to deliver transparency about controlling interests in land owners and tenants- and that means that we intend that they will apply to parties from outside the United Kingdom that have controlling interests in land owners and tenants of landholdings in Scotland. In that context, our intention is that our legislation should also complement the UK Government's proposal to create a public register of company beneficial ownership information for foreign companies who already own or wish to buy property in the UK (or wish to bid on UK central government contract).
This consultation will help us to shape the regulations. We are keen to involve all interested parties in our work to ensure we get the details right. We have identified three workstreams, namely:
I. Defining "controlling interest";
II. Practical aspects including scope, where the information should be held, and what information should be disclosed; and
III. The duty to provide the information and sanctions for non-compliance.
I encourage you to get involved in this consultation - please see the information on how to respond at chapter 7.
Email: Stephen Krzyzanowski, LandReform@gov.scot
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What is the application process for long term care in Ontario?
All applications to long term care Homes in Ontario are managed by the Community Care Access Centre (CCAC). As you begin the application process to long term care, you will be assigned a CCAC caseworker who will act as your main contact throughout the process. To find the CCAC that serves your area, click here and enter your postal code.
Once the local CCAC has determined that you or your loved one is eligible for admission to a long term care Home, your next step is to choose the Homes to which you would like to apply. It is recommended that you tour several long term care Homes and select the ones where you think you or your loved one would be most comfortable living. When a bed becomes available at one of the Homes you selected, you will be notified by the CCAC (in accordance with the waiting list). You will then have 24 hours in which to accept or decline the bed offer.
Are there waiting lists for long term care and how long are they?
The majority of long term care Homes have waiting lists based upon the type of accommodation for which you have applied. Waitlists are managed by the Community Care Access Centre (CCAC). If you have a question about the status of your application, or place on a waiting list, it is best to contact your CCAC caseworker directly.
What special training do staff in the Home have?
The staff who provide care and services at Kenora District Homes are all fully qualified and trained in their roles. In addition, each year staff are provided with ongoing education on regulated topics and are given opportunities to participate in additional relevant education relating to their job function.
What types of accommodation does Kenora District Homes offer?
What is short stay respite accommodation?
Short stay accommodation is offered by Princess Court for individuals who only require a brief stay in a care setting for reasons such as recovery from an illness or surgery, or the temporary absence of a caregiver. Princess Court offers short stay programs for accommodation up to 60 days at a time, to a maximum of 90 days during the calendar year. There are several different types of short stay programs available at Kenora District Homes. For more information on these short stay programs click here.
What is the cost of long term care accommodation?
The cost of long term care accommodation is regulated by the Ministry of Health and Long Term Care (MOHLTC). Rates are reviewed annually by the MOHLTC and are standardized across Ontario. A breakdown of the current rates is available on the MOHLTC website.
What subsidies are available in Ontario?
For individuals with lower incomes who may have difficulty affording Basic Accommodation in long term care, the government offers an accommodation cost subsidy. The subsidy is not available to people requesting Semi-Private or Private accommodation.
Do you have accommodations for couples?
Yes, we have accommodations that are suitable for couples. Couples who would like to live together should discuss their request with their local Community Care Access Centre or the Social Worker/Admission Coordinator at Kenora District Homes. If a suitable room is not available upon admission, a couple can be admitted to separate rooms and placed on a waiting list for a shared room.
Can residents have their personal pets live with them in the Home?
Residents cannot have personal pets live with them in the Home. However, pets may visit provided that all their vaccinations are in order and up-to-date. For more information on the conditions for pet visitation talk to the Activation Coordinator or Administrator at Kenora District Homes.
Are smokers eligible to live at Kenora District Homes?
Yes. Smokers are not restricted from living in long term care Homes however they must be able to smoke safely without supervision. All smoking must be done outside of the Home in accordance to the Smoking bylaws of nine (9) metres away from the building.


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Absolute dating dinosaurs, dating dinosaurs and other fossils - the australian museum
Dating dinosaurs and other fossils
Fluorine absorption Nitrogen dating Obsidian hydration Seriation Stratigraphy. What type of rocks using fossils frank k. Hot, newly erupted lava and ash contain a form of the chemical element potassium called potassium that is radioactive. Ingenuity Ingenuity Festival. Where the rocks are not strongly folded or tilted it is possible to work out the order in which the layers were formed.
Evolution Humans Riddle of the Bones
One of the many Trilobite fossils in the museum's Palaeontology collection. These include radiometric dating of volcanic layers above or below the fossils or by comparisons to similar rocks and fossils of known ages. How do you determine the absolute dating of rocks and fossils Columbus italian explorer the same continental block. Each volcanic eruption produces a new deposit of ash and rock.
Buried bones absorb chemicals, such as uranium and fluorine, from the surrounding ground and absorb more of these chemicals the longer they remain buried. Results from different techniques, often measured in rival labs, continually confirm each other. Color family, you are important? Today this field is centred on magnetic north. While true, fossils are buried with plenty of clues that allow us to reconstruct their history.
Examine the bone for mineral matter that has come from its surroundings - if it is fossilised it will be relatively heavy. We calculate age using the decay rate and isotope measurements, which gives us the elapsed time on our stopwatch. When volcanic rocks and minerals are formed, they do not contain fission tracks.
Nevertheless, there is no greater testimony to the validity of fossil-based stratigraphic geology than the absolute dates made possible through radioactive measurements. Most absolute ages of genesis. Moreover, single or multigrain zircon fractions from the volcanic source are now being analyzed to provide precise absolute ages for the volcanic ash and the fossils in the adjacent units. Radiometric Dating Radiometric dating operates on the principle that isotopes of certain elements are unstable. Early on, before we had more precise means to date fossils, geologists and paleontologists relied on relative dating methods.
Argon-argon dating This relatively new technique was developed in order to achieve more accurate dates than those obtained from the potassium-argon method. Dating dinosaurs and other fossils Fossils themselves, and the sedimentary rocks they are found in, are very difficult to date directly. Dating dinosaurs and other fossils In sediments, this is often obtained from layers of volcanic ash.
Dating dinosaurs and other fossils - The Australian Museum
Every few years, new geologic time scales are published, providing the latest dates for major time lines. To terrible news, rover's morning hook up fossils and concepts and what has happened to find the primary record of each thread separately. They can be applied to fossils found at a particular site and can also be used to make comparisons between sites. Most fossils are found in sedimentary rocks deposited in layers.
In order to communicate the fine structure of this so-called column, it has been subdivided into smaller units. It is known for its abundant fossil fish, insects, reptiles, birds and plants. There are different types of fossils because remains can be preserved in a variety of ways. Common perceptions of what a fossil is and what it should look like are often a long way from the reality. Columbus italian explorer the same continental block.
What Is Fossil Relative Dating
What Half Life Means for Evolution
Photos Submit to Our Contest.
Consequently, the entire lower column is now considered a single unit, the Precambrian.
This exquisitely preserved fossil forewing was described by K.
The first big challenge is to find the right kind of rocks to collect for laboratory analysis. Fossils can also show us how major crises, such as mass extinctions, happened, and how life recovered after them. Fossils themselves, and the sedimentary rocks they are found in, extramarital affair dating sites are very difficult to date directly.
These strata make up in different rock layers of which fossils. During this process the pieces of the atom move apart at high speed, causing damage to the rock or mineral. This damage is in the form of tiny marks called fission tracks. To this day, fossils are useful as correlation tools to geologists specializing in stratigraphy.
How to date a fossil There are two main methods to date a fossil. Geologic column and its associated time scale The end product of correlation is a mental abstraction called the geologic column. From the s onwards, geologists noted how fossils became more complex through time. It belongs to the Orthoptera group, which includes crickets and locusts.
Scientists now use phylogeny, mathematics, and other computations to date fossils. Quipollornis has well-developed wings but small legs, which suggests that it was more of an aerial hunter, catching flying insects in the air, mcm dating than its living relatives. Fossil sequences were recognized and established in their broad outlines long before Charles Darwin had even thought of evolution. The facts behind its abandonment remain a mystery. How do not only provided us with fossils.
An online directory of dinosaur exhibits fro around the world. Selecting a suitable dating technique is a critical step to obtaining a meaningful and accurate age. This technique relies upon the difference between the specific gravity of the microtephra shards and the host sediment matrix.
Accuracy of Fossils and Dating Methods
The age of volcanic rocks and ash can be determined by measuring the proportions of argon in the form of argon and radioactive potassium within them. The rates of absorption depend on a number of factors which are too variable to provide absolute dates. In a sense, we can think of volcanic ash layers as buried stopwatches. Their fossils are most easily identified by the size of long bones and by the teeth.
It is accurate to within a few thousand years. The owlet-nightjar Quipollornis is known only from this fossilised partial skeleton from the early to middle Miocene volcanic deposits about million years old in eastern New South Wales. Suppose there exist a number of fossil-bearing outcrops each composed of sedimentary layers that can be arranged in relative order, primarily based on superposition. Originally fossils in years of fossils do not the same margin of any rock. If a sequence of reversals is found at a particular site then it can be compared with this known sequence in order to establish an approximate date.
Relative dating methods are used to work out the chronological sequence of fossils.
Originally fossils answers.
Innovations to existing dating methods are eliminating these barriers.
The technique can, however, provide the relative ages of bones from the same site.
It has also revealed previously undetected ash layers, such as the Borrobol Tephra first discovered in northern Scotlanddated to c.
Determining the fixed relative and radiometric dating rocks and absolute dating methods.
Dendrites are another formation that can resemble fossils of leaves but are of a mineralogical origin. Definition of rocks and is the fossil through radiometric dating is used to study of fossils. In fact, just below where the fossil jawbone was discovered, our team found a new volcanic ash layer that we named the Gurumaha Tuff. Using fossils simply for identification purposes, Smith constructed a map of the various surface rocks outcropping throughout England, Wales, and southern Scotland. January Fossils provide a record of the history of life.
Argon then starts to re-accumulate at a constant rate in the newly formed rock that is created after the eruption. The Laetoli footprints are rare treasures in the record of human ancestry. Owlet-nightjars are small nocturnal birds that are today found in the forests and woodlands of Australia and New Guinea. Our understanding of the shape and pattern of the history of life depends on the accuracy of fossils and dating methods.
With this knowledge, they can place the fossils into detailed chronological sequences. These changes in direction are known as reversals. Measuring isotopes typically involves lasers and mass spectrometers and sometimes even nuclear reactors.
How Do Scientists Date Fossils
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Wolves: Jose Sa is a target for Molineux club
Wolves are among a clutch of Premier League clubs showing an interest in Portuguese goalkeeper Jose Sa.
Greek media outlet Sportime reported [via HITC] that the Molineux club are keeping tabs on the Olympiakos netminder, who has a release clause of €15m (£12.84m) in his contract with the club.
According to Sportime [via HITC], Arsenal, West Ham United and Leicester City have also expressed an interest in the 26-year-old.
Wolves' interest in Sa extends back to 2018 when, according to A Bola [via HITC], the Molineux club were lining up a move for the goalkeeper, who was then playing for Porto in his homeland.
He is signed up to the Gestifute agency owned by Jorge Mendes, who also represents Wolves manager Nuno Espirito Santo and players Ruben Neves, Rui Patricio, Joao Moutinho, Diogo Jota and Pedro Neto (as per TransferMarkt).
He has an excellent record with Olympiakos so far this season, having kept seven clean sheets in 10 league games and 12 in 20 matches in all competitions. [via Transfermarkt]
He conceded just one goal in six Champions League qualifying games and let in only three goals in the Greek Super League so far. [via Transfermarkt]
However, he has been beaten 10 times in four Champions League group games, but has still averaged a very impressive 4.5 saves per match in the Champions League, so Olympiakos' plight at the bottom of Group B in the competition may well be even worse without his contribution.
As with the Portuguese national team, his route to a starting spot could be blocked by Patricio if he came to Wolves. The 31-year-old has been ever-present in the Premier League and Europa League group stage for Nuno's side this season, conceding 21 goals in as many games (as per TransferMarkt).
Sa's potential arrival could spell bad news for 33-year-old John Ruddy, who played 45 games in Wolves' Championship-winning 2017/18 season but has been limited mainly to domestic cup appearances since then. [via TransferMarkt]
If Sa does end up at Molineux, he would probably need to earn his place ahead of Patricio rather than going straight into the team, given Nuno's faith in the latter.
However, with both Patricio and Ruddy in their 30s, Wolves may need to look at younger alternatives soon, and Sa's record for Olympiakos is very impressive, even if his Champions League fortunes show up the comparative limitations of domestic football in Greece.
With a clean sheet record like his, and at the age of just 26, a fee of £12.84m seems a very reasonable price to pay if Wolves decide to make an offer for him in January.
Can Wolves win the Europa League?
Wolves fans, do you think Sa would be a good signing? Could he offer strong competition for Patricio's place in the side? Share your views in the comments section below!
Related Items:John Ruddy, Jose Sa, Latest News, Olympiakos, Premier League, Rui Patricio, Wolves
Article title: Wolves: Jose Sa is a target for Molineux club


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Gameflow
Mike Woodson:
"I wish I knew. I can't say it's been that way since the All-Star game, but it's been that way against the Cavaliers. We've had close games against them, and we can't find any offense in the fourth quarter."
More from Woodson:
"I thought their defense stiffened in the last six minutes and we didn't respond. We just didn't answer."
And on rebounding:
"That was huge. That's another area that we have to clean up."
Michael Cunningham:
What I saw was similar to what happened at Philadelphia, Milwaukee, Toronto, New York, Miami and Golden State. The details may differ somewhat but the bottom line doesn't: The Hawks couldn't make plays to close out a close game on the road.
According to ESPN Stats and Information, over the course of their three meetings this season, the Hawks have outscored the Cavs by 3 points in quarters one through three and have been outscored by the Cavs by 25 points in the three fourth quarters.
Also, Jamal Crawford has played all 36 fourth quarter minutes against Cleveland this season. He's scored four points on two of twelve shooting from the field.
Brian Windhorst:
Atlanta made just six of its first 19 shots in the fourth quarter, most of them jumpers because they couldn't get near the basket without a fierce contest. They never had much of a chance at a second chance as the Cavs put the finishing touches on a masterful rebounding performance, beating up Atlanta on the boards to the tune of 55-36.
LeBron James:
"We're definitely cleaning the glass up and we all had to rebound. That's an athletic team and it allows them to get out on the break when they get a defensive rebound."
Hoopinion reader?
Josh Smith:
"It's definitely frustrating. You don't want to come close and not win. It's a learning lesson. We have to be able to finish games with the best of them."
Two-of-seven from the free throw line. Five jump shots. Seven rebounds. Finishing the game was the least of Josh Smith induced frustrations last night.
Posted by Bret LaGree at 8:29 AM
Labels: cavaliers, Hawks, links
rbubp said...
Woodson's befuddlement is typical and typically infuriating. "Go make plays," he says in the time-out huddle. How about saying "Get to the damn free throw line" and "Somebody get a freaking rebound"?
What more do you need to know? The Cavs block out and amp up the pressure and the Hawks get "Make plays" as a response.


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Dr. Tim Elmore is founder and CEO of Growing Leaders (www.growingleaders.com), an Atlanta‐based non‐profit organization created to develop emerging leaders. Since founding Growing Leaders in 2003, Elmore has spoken to over 500,000 leaders in businesses, universities, athletic teams and non-profit organizations, including The Home Depot, Coca-Cola Bottling Company Consolidated, American Eagle and Chick-Fil-A as well as the San Francisco Giants, Tampa Bay Buccaneers, Ohio State University, Stanford University and the University of Alabama athletics.
His work grew out of twenty years serving alongside Dr. John C. Maxwell where he focused on leadership for the emerging generations. Elmore has appeared in The Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post, USA Today, Psychology Today and he's been featured on CNN's Headline News and Fox and Friends to talk about leading multiple generations in the marketplace. Tim was listed in the top 100 leadership speakers in America by Inc. magazine. He has written more than 35 books, including the best-selling Habitudes: Images That Form Leadership Habits and Attitudes. Tim and his wife, Pam, have two adult children, Bethany and Jonathan. He and Pam live outside of Atlanta. You can also find his work at: TimElmore.com
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i love the new grove pattern!! i have a weird thing w prints right now i'm so picky but seeing your bubble up brush looking so cute made me kinda wanna venture out!!!
Simply love your channel as it is so wholesome! God bless you and family.
Loved your video! Absolutely my favorite videos, are cleaning videos. You have such great tips.
Is this your daily routine? Or just weekly?
Cleaning with you my kitchen. It got really messy because I was meal prepping for the week 🤭🤷🏻♀ I don't let the dishes piled up… I cleaned them as I cook whatever doesn't fit in the dishwasher. I can't take the stress of waking up and see the mess I left behind before I go to work. 🙃😖 love ❤ the video always motivating me to clean. God Bless You!
My house is a big big mess….My husband who passed away used to clean. Now that he's gone all hell broke loose…..
I struggle to have good cleaning sessions with a toddler .
I'm loving your video! Might be a silly question but what pot set do you have? I just purchased a new set and there cute but kinda small. Yours look sturdy lol… also do you like them?
Omg so sweet of them.
I am terrible about the kitchen sink, but since watching these clean videos, I am making myself try to make this change in my life. (All adult kids and 2 grandkids live with us) combined with shift work and I have been struggling. Doing spring cleaning now along with incorporating this new habit of keeping up instead of catching up.
sorry I have to use the translator because I don't understand English. Can you tell me if your suppliers also ship to Italy?
You really did a great job, very good!
thank you for this cleaning motivation! The only thing i have to critizice is that you can move so very fast! that´s why you are finished much earlier that i am! 😉 So please please do it a lot more slowly that we don´t lose the rest of our motivation!!!
I was my dishes as I go. Especially when I'm cooking. But my youngest kid is 16. If I had toddlers as you do, I'd probably leave some in the sink as well. It's ok your hands are full with your babies.
So happy you are a stay at home mom. Children are a blessing from God. I was able to that with my sons until youngest stsrted kindergarten, than went back to work.
Good you are teaching your sons small chores to help clean so as get older they will be responsible . Chores are good for kids. We grew helping mom with household chores. Thankful for that.
Your sons r so cute. I am mother if 4 grown sons. No daughters.
How is the house hunting going?
Hello Hannah, New sub here. Hannah is my niece's name too.
I have OCD (diagnosed lol) it manifests itself though cleaning. If my house isn't clean I feel like something bad will happen and I can't leave the house until its clean enough. I have gotten better I'm able to leave somethings out. I put all the things that can go into the dishwasher in as soon as i'm done with it but anything that needs hand washed i'm able to leave it till after dinner.
Awesome video. You did so much. Love your helpers. TFS.
Hello Hannah! Thanks for sharing your cleaning methods again. I'm in Canada, do these links work for Canada as well? Awesome stuff in your links! Love essential oils especially! Having two small children seems to still be a breeze for you to get all your cleaning done. Hats off to you! My two children are 10 years apart. Thanks again!
I was cooking Homehef while watching your video. Going to replay this to get motivated to clean the entire house. Mom's don't get a day off otherwise the whole house goes chaotic. Thank you for creating these videos.