Burglars enter her home. Cops take an hour to get there.
Yesterday evening one of my neighbors found herself in a terrifying situation. Three would-be burglars had targeted her home and two of them had just quietly entered through her back door – while she was home! If her very large dogs hadn't alerted her and scared them off she could've found herself face to face with these young men.
She did what any panicked homeowner would do – she called 911 and waited for help to arrive.
And she waited. And waited. And waited.
Two strangers had just entered her home while she was inside and the first Raleigh police officer did not arrive until a full fifty minutes later. By that time the intruders trail had gone cold, too cold for the K9 unit to track them. Officers were apologetic, telling her the department is understaffed.
My neighbor said later that the dispatcher misclassified the break-in as a "Level 2" incident, meaning the officers didn't even get dispatched until 20 minutes after the incident. Even so, if it takes 30 minutes to round up enough officers to respond to a B&E that is far too long.
No one should have to wait this long for assistance in a life-threatening emergency. This is completely unacceptable. If the Raleigh Police Department is this understaffed then the City of Raleigh needs to get this fixed.
I know the Council recently approved raises for our first responders. Has that boosted recruitment? Why or why not? What else can the city do to ensure the safety of its citizens?
I can't imagine what I would've done had this happened to me. The City of Raleigh needs to do whatever it takes to get more officers in the Raleigh Police Department and to keep happy the ones who are there now. What we have now puts everyone's safety at risk.
Neighbors will be asking the Raleigh City Council next month to allocate more resources towards our police.
This is a prime example of why the police, as good and helpful as they are, cannot be relied upon in true emergencies.


Maggie was a vivacious and loveable person who lived life to the full. She sadly passed away in November 2011 finally defeated by the brain cancer that had afflicted her for 17 months following diagnosis. Thankfully she continued to live her life to the absolute full during this period, spending beautiful times with her family and friends...shopping, eating-out and drinking more than the odd glass of red wine as she enjoyed the companionship of her loved ones. Precious memories for us all especially her children, sister, close friends and family, and thankfully her grandson, Luca.
Her diagnosis with Glioblastoma Multiforme lin 2010 was an unexpected blow that turned her world upside down. Determined as ever, Maggie focused on fighting this devastating disease and helping others in a similar situation. This determination has been instrumental in the founding of the Maggie Harvey Trust, which has been created to provide much needed funding for research into this form of brain tumour. Maggie wanted you to be part of her vision and help towards researching causes, treatments and ultimately a cure.
Maggie's family would like to thank all those who have donated (link) to MHT. It was her personal commitment to make a difference and thanks to your generosity and kindness her wishes will be realised.
Donate to the Maggie Harvey Trust - funding the fight against brain cancer directly or by Just Giving.
Raising funds can be fun, impulsive or obsessive! Sponsored runs, diets, bike rides...anything that takes your fancy. And the more of you who participate, the more we can all fund Maggie's cause.
Please take some time to read about the amazing fundraising events that have taken place since Maggie's trust was launched. And thank you everyone!


The truth is out. Yeo-Ri finds out Jiwon's ulterior motives.
Unaware of the hurricane coming, the car ride home is gloomy. Maya stares outside the car even as Mooyeol asks her to be happy at home. He tells her to try to forget Yeo-Ri. Maya does not answer and Enok snaps that a child cannot forget even a pet, how is Maya supposed to forget her mother.
At the same time, Maryun holds Yeo-Ri at their house. Maryun reminds Yeo-Ri that she needs evidence. The Koo's won't confess to anything without evidence. And, confronting Jiwon would only lead to Jiwon trying to stash Maya away.
Mooyeol comes back to work and finds Haejoo in his office. She asks who Mihee Choi is. He, of course, lies because the Kims grew up on lies. Haejoo shows him the report and asks how he can lie that he does not know? Mooyeol tries to calm her down that Jiwon did not want Haejoo knowing as it would shock Haejoo.
Haejoo declares that she cannot trust his words. She rushes off with Mooyeol following since he loses the building if Jiwon finds out that Haejoo knows about Mihee.
Do-Chi visits Doyoung in the hospital. Doyoung asks if Do-Chi is still seeing Yeo-Ri. Doyoung explains that family becomes part of a CEO's image…this kind of complicated family will only become a weakness for others to gossip about. Do-Chi answers that he cannot give up on Yeo-Ri or Maya just for image.
That evening, Yeo-Ri calls Enok to ask if Enok knows why Jiwon adopted Maya. Enok answers that she doesn't know the reason other than the real Maya died.
Cue dramatic scene in the Koo residence. Haejoo charges in screaming for Jiwon at the top of her lungs. When Jiwon walks out asking what is wrong, Haejoo immediately asks who Mihee Choi is.
Jiwon pauses probably to figure out her lies. So, Haejoo continues to yell that Mihee Choi is her biological mother…Haejoo asks why Jiwon kept this from Haejoo and lied to her.
Jiwon lies that she only did it because she thinks of Haejoo as her real daughter. Haejoo does not want to hear it and runs upstairs to her room.
So, Haejoo is throwing a screaming fit because she found out that her biological mother might be alive. But, this calls for some major sob inducing background music as Jiwon screams through the door that Haejoo was Jiwon's daughter just like Haejoo fell in love with Maya. Jiwon promises to give Haejoo some space and goes downstairs.
In the living room, she snaps at Mooyeol for being a failure at life and not keeping Haejoo in the dark. She also declares that she is no loner going to give Mooyeol the building.
At the same time, Yeo-Ri meets with Do-Chi in the hospital. She explains that she wants to confront Doctor Kim…She had been adopted as a living donor for Haesung and she believes that Jiwon brought in Maya as a living donor for Gaya. Unfortunately, the doctor is not in and they agree that they can come back in the morning.
The next morning, Haejoo is still pissed off about being lied to. She leaves without talking to Jiwon.
Meanwhile, Do-Chi and Yeo-Ri meet up with Director Kim in his office. They begin by showing him a video of Doctor Kim adding the anesthesia to Doyoung's IV… Do-Chi offers to delete the video if Doctor Kim answers their questions honestly.
Yeo-Ri then asks if Doctor Kim knew that Maya is adopted and whether Maya was given a bone marrow test. Doctor Kim sighs that when the original Maya died, Jiwon brought a small child and asked for the bone marrow test against Gaya's bone marrow. Mays's barrow matched.
Yeo-Ri stumbles out with Do-Chi next to her. She sighs that Maya was just like her…adopted to be a living donor.
Then they see Jiwon walking to Doyoung's room.
Jiwon storms into Doyoung's room and yells at him for telling Haejoo about Haejoo's biological daughter. Doyoung sighs that Haejoo had a right to know.
Jiwon frowns and yells that Doyoung cannot do this to her. She did so much for the family. She even brought home Yeo-Ri's daughter so that Maya could be a donor if Gaya gets sick!
Yeo-Ri and Do-Chi walk into the room. Yeo-Ri asks how Jiwon could do this again. Jiwon denies it because lying is like breathing to her. But, Do-Chi tells Jiwon to stop lying as they have evidence from a witness. They play the recording of the doctor saying that shortly after Maya died, Jiwon came in with a child to test her bone marrow. The child was a match.
Yeo-Ri declares that she's going to bring Bom home.
Maya walks out after getting a call from Yeo-Ri telling Maya that Yeo-Ri will pick her up early from school. Except, Mooyeol arrives first. He lies to Maya that something came up and Yeo-Ri sent him to pick up Maya first.
Mooyeol begins to take Maya away when Yeo-Ri and Do-Chi arrives. Tired of this coward's ridiculous antics, Do-Chi grabs Mooyeol by his collar demanding to know if Mooyeol is there as Jiwon's dog to do her bidding.
Maya frowns seeing her father and grandfather fight. She cries for them to stop and Do-Chi pulls away growling that Mooyeol is lucky Maya is there.
Yeo-Ri asks Do-Chi to take Maya into the car. Then, she confronts Mooyeol asking if he was willing to sell off their daughter to Jiwon for money and a job. He, of course, denies it.
And, one of the final truths is out! Will the recording be enough for Yeo-Ri to keep physical custody over Maya? If family law is decided by a jury, I feel like Yeo-Ri would have a better chance at making her case than if her appeal were to be decided by a judge. Just the fact that that Jiwon had Maya's bone marrow tested after Jiwon brought Maya home is circumstantial evidence. There is still a possibility that she had already decided to adopt Maya and out of caution, had Maya tested.
On the side, what is Doyoung going to do now? The strong pillar of the family clearly did not pay enough attention to his family letting this all fall apart. He cannot pretend that he's a victim. His own actions and decisions over Haejoo's marriage and Mooyeol's employment allowed for all this to happen.
None of the Koo's or the Kim's are really innocent. At this point, they should stop digging in and start making things right.
Unknown Woman Episode 71 Recap by DRAMAFEED | Copy & Paste Guidelines – Always put a link back to the source.


Alabama is the location of several power events that shaped American history, as well as the birthplace of many notable figures including Hank Aaron, George Washington Carver, Nat King Cole, Hellen Keller, and Harper Lee. The region was initially explored by the Spanish in the 1500s and eventually passed through the hands of French and British rule until being ceded to the US after the American Revolution. In 1861, the Confederacy was official formed in Montgomery. Years later, it would be the location of Rosa Parks and the Montgomery bus boycott that was pivotal in the civil rights movement. The state's economy is run on manufacturing and agriculture, which among other things produce paper, metals, chemicals, rubber, poultry, soybeans, milk, and corn. Alabama is ideal for the small business owner looking for an inexpensive start due to its cheap land and low labor costs.
There are more tire builders than clergy and more loggers than optometrists in Alabama.
Out of the 1.92 million people in the workforce in Alabama, 6.5% of them—almost 125,000 people—work in restaurants and food service.
Engaged couples in Alabama spent an average of $124 on reception menus in 2015.
More people work in carpet and rug mills than liquor stores in this state.
Out of 38,121 weddings, only 31,259 of them bought wedding bands.
There is only one dentist for every 45 people living in Alabama.
Alabama is a great place for businesses that are just starting out for its low cost of living and low state taxes. Additionally, these incentives mean that Alabama has several large manufacturing plants that can reduce the cost of production depending on your business.


Many times, I hear managers complain that the reason their departments are not running like well-oiled machines is because of their team members. They tell me that today's workforce doesn't have a strong work ethic or that they don't seem to be dedicated enough to ensure the company's success. Etcetera, etcetera.


text:
biography Kylie Minogue biyografisi Kylie Minogue hakkında biyografi Kylie Minogue
Popüler Biyografiler
a b c ç d e f g h ı i j k l m n o ö p r s ş t u ü v y z
Heavenly Celebrities: Kylie Minogue Nude
Full Name: Kylie Ann Minogue
Birth Date: May 28, 1968
Birth Place: Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
Occupation: Singer/Actress
Measurements: 34C-23-34
Quote: "I don't have to try to be a sex bomb, I am
one!"
Kylie Minogue Biography
Kylie Minogue was born May 28, 1968, in Melbourne, Australia. The sister
of Dannii Minogue, a ten-year-old Kylie went with her sister to audition for
The Sullivans and landed the role of Carla.
The actress-turned-singer's big break came along when she was cast as car
mechanic Charlene on the popular Australian soap opera, Neighbours, which
also spawned the career of fellow Australian Natalie Imbruglia.
During her two and a half years on Neighbours, Kylie recorded her debut single,
a remake of the pop track, "The Locomotion," introducing her to the pop music
scene. While the soap was being aired in Britain, music producers Stock, Aitken
and Waterman were impressed by the Australian beauty, and decided to transform
her into her first of many career stages -- Pop Kylie -- just as her Neighbours
days drew to a close.
Her string of successful hit singles took off with the release of "I Should
Be So Lucky," and was followed by the chart-topping infectious tunes "Got
To Be Certain," "Je Ne Sais Pas Pour Qui," "Hand On Your Heart," "Wouldn't
Change A Thing," and "Never Too Late," off of her self-titled debut album
and sophomore effort, Enjoy Yourself.
Kylie's success grew even more after several duets with her Neighbours co-star,
Jason Donovan.
After her film role in The Delinquents and with the turn of the '90s, Kylie
morphed from wholesome pop princess to sexy superstar. This new flirtatious
image was underscored by her new steamy romance with the INXS lead singer,
the now late Michael Hutchence (whom she met while on tour in Hong Kong).
The newly transformed Minogue was now gaining more media coverage than ever,
and was signed to a new record deal, with DeConstruction Records. She even
jumped on the Madonna erotic literature bandwagon, by writing a similar sex
book, although it was never actually released.
Since the mid '90s, Kylie has entered a new phase in her life, Indie Kylie.
In 1994, she released a second album entitled Kylie Minogue, and appeared
in Van Damme's Street Fighter.
The newest phase for the former pop star is that of a grownup Kylie, as seen
in her musical style. In 1996, she worked with the Manic Street Preachers,
and released an album the following year entitled Impossible Princess (which
presented a conflict as its release fell on the same year as Princess Diana's
death).
Although her later albums did not see the same commercial success as her
more poppy tunes, Kylie is still one of Australia's greatest exports. She
was last seen performing "Dancing Queen" and "On A Night Like This" at the
closing ceremony of the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney.
Kylie recently released an album, Light
Years (which has already gone double platinum), and was last seen in Australian
director Baz Luhrmann's feature, Moulin Rouge, with Nicole
Kidman.
Kylie Minogue Filmography
Doogal (2006) (voice) .... Florence
The Magic Roundabout (2005) (voice) .... Florence
... aka Pollux - Le manège enchanté (France)
... aka Sprung! The Magic Roundabout (USA)
... aka The Magic Roundabout (UK)
"Kath & Kim"
- 99% Fat Free (2004) TV Episode .... Eponney Rae
"Saturday Night Live"
... aka SNL
... aka SNL 25 (USA: new title)
- Episode 27.15 (2002) TV Episode .... Musical Guest
Moulin Rouge! (2001) .... The Green Fairy
Sample People (2000) .... Jess
Cut (2000/I) .... Hilary Jacobs
... aka The Curse (Philippines: English title)
Bio-Dome (1996) .... Dr. Petra von Kant
Misfit (1996)
Hayride to Hell (1995) .... The Girl
Street Fighter: The Movie (1994) (VG) .... Cammy
Street Fighter (1994) .... Cammy
... aka Street Fighter: The Battle for Shadaloo
... aka Street Fighter: The Movie
... aka Street Fighter: The Ultimate Battle (UK: TV title)
The Delinquents (1989) .... Lola Lovell
"Neighbours" (1985) TV Series .... Charlene 'Lennie' Mitchell/Robinson (1986-1988)
"Fame and Misfortune" (1986) TV Series .... Samantha Collins
"The Henderson Kids" (1985) TV Series .... Charlotte "Char" Kernow
"The Zoo Family"
- Yvonne the Terrible (1985) TV Episode .... Yvonne
"The Sullivans" (1976) TV Series .... Carla (1) (1980)
"Skyways" (1979) TV Series .... Robin (1980)
Kylie Minogue Discography
Light Years Tour Edition 2001
Hits + 2000
Light Years 2000
Intimate and Live 1998
Mixes 1998
Greatest Remixes 4 1998
Impossible Princess 1997
Kylie Minogue 1994
Non Stop History 50+1 1993
Let's Get To It 1991
Rhythm Of Love 1990
Enjoy Yourself 1989
Kylie 1988
Meslek: biography
Gönderen: Editör
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Appreciated, but these seem like add-ons, downloads or apps. Many of us live in that oppressed world of working for employers who won't let you put anything not company approved/rolled out to the masses under threat of joblessness. It sounded from the headline as though there might be tools already existing in Windows, not simply compatible with it.
I'm curious: are you guys allowed to download new browsers or are you forced to use whatever they give you? And if so, which one(s)?
Is it possible to install add-ons/extensions under these environments?
I used to work for academia but I had special privileges as I worked for the IT department so I can't remember the nuances of these restrictions.
I'm asking as an app developer - I'm just wondering if there's anything I can do to help (not for you per se, but for my users in general). Thanks in advance!
At my company - world wide and tens of thousands of employees - we get one browser, and I'm sorry to say it's Bing. Add ons or any downloads can result in termination.
Add ons or any downloads can result in termination.
Jeez. You guys are adults -- sounds a bit harsh. Either way, thanks for the perspective.
You'd think so! But I guess if you leave enough adults to their own judgment, a Reddit could break out.
Hahah we all know that would turn out.


Improve mobility and tune up the muscles in your lower body to return your biggest fat-burning muscles to their height of power. Prepare to bust out a new PB.
As soon as you finish the first set of barbell box squats, go straight into your set of weighted chin ups. Rest for 60 secs then return to the squats. Repeat for three rounds total.
Stand in front of a box (or bench) with your feet shoulder-width apart holding a barbell across your upper back with an overhand grip. Taking care to not arch your back, push your hips back and bend your knees to lower your body until your glutes touch the bench. Drive you heels into the floor to push yourself explosively back up to the start position.


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Download document: installation, use and care of magnetic vehicle signs. A copy of this guide will be delivered with your new signs.
Signs become less flexible and may have difficulty adhering properly to your vehicle when temperatures fall near freezing and below. Please follow cold weather instructions contained in the care guide.


text:
Why Cyberattacks on America's Elections and Infrastructure Are Here to Stay
October 11, 2018 Topic: Security Region: America Tags: CyberattackComputerCyber WarfareRussiaElection
America's adversaries will never stop trying to attack it with cyber weapons. So why can't the country's lawmakers come up with a decent defense plan?
by Daniel Wagner
One of the things that makes successful detective work in cyberspace a real challenge is that any hacker can imitate an attack by using the same tools and methodology of a known hacker. That means malicious actors can easily position their breach to be attributed to whomever they wish. This makes establishing attribution in the case of election meddling extremely difficult to do with complete accuracy. Russia may well have interfered in the 2016 U.S. presidential election, and may be in the process of doing the same in the 2018 midterms, but the Kremlin can easily point the finger at any other state, many of which maintain a digital library of attacks and techniques from a variety of hacker groups. In theory, any other government, hacker group, or individual could be the guilty party.
Nations have been in the business of interfering in other nations' elections since the beginning of recorded history. Since cyber-meddling in other countries' electoral processes is also now well established, and there appear to be a variety of means and incentives to engage in cyber-meddling, what, if anything, can be done to discourage it? Imposing sanctions on Russia has not proven to be particularly effective, illustrating the relative powerlessness countries have to keep other countries from engaging in cyber-election meddling. Doing so could be rendered somewhat less effective by seeking to reduce or counter its influence on electoral debates by swiftly exposing and/or ignoring them. That is largely what occurred during the 2017 French election.
Enhancing cyber network defenses with an "active" defense would also certainly help and that is a goal that President Donald Trump verbally committed to shortly after he became president. Demonstrating both a capability and a willingness to strike back and punish those states and actors engaged in cyber-meddling might also act as a deterrent, but any nation wishing to discourage cyber-meddling must adopt a stronger declaratory posture by robustly emphasizing (publicly and privately) the importance placed on the integrity of each democratic process. Using existing military-grade cyber tools would no doubt be seen as escalatory and would perhaps better reserved for wartime, but it cannot hurt to let America's adversaries know that those tools exist and could be used if deemed necessary. President Trump did something similar this year in announcing to the world that a cyberattack on critical U.S. infrastructure would be deemed an act of war, and could be met by a nuclear response. Ultimately, however, effective cyber deterrence can only emerge out of a consistent set of actions, policies and declarations implemented consistently over time.
In the case of the alleged Russian hacking of the 2016 U.S. presidential electoral process, the Obama administration did not use anywhere close to all of the tools available in its tool kit. This example illustrates well how realpolitik and other considerations can impact—and ultimately severely weaken—the laws (or theories about how the laws should be applied in the real world) that exist to combat virtual terrorism. The Obama administration was well aware of what the Russians had already done and were continuing to do during the election campaign (based on apparently overwhelming intelligence-based evidence), but its concern that the Russians could have chosen to more directly interfere with the electoral process prompted Obama to opt to "send a message" to Vladimir Putin by repatriating thirty-five Russian diplomats and closing two Russian compounds. Obama also leveraged against Russia economic sanctions so narrowly targeted that even those who helped design them describe their impact as largely symbolic.
Less reported at the time, however, was that Obama also approved a covert measure that authorized planting cyber weapons in Russia's infrastructure—the digital equivalent of bombs that could be detonated if the United States found itself in an escalating exchange with Moscow. The project, which Obama approved in a covert-action finding, was still in its planning stages when Obama left office. It was left up to President Trump to decide whether to use that capability, and few expect him to do so, given all of the allegations and controversy swirling around the Trump campaign and presidency regarding possible collusion with Russia during the campaign and into the Trump presidency.
It is ironic that Obama chose such a tepid response to the alleged Russian hacking, especially since in 2015 he proposed sweeping new cybersecurity legislation designed to establish alignment of some existing state data-breach laws. The legislation also aimed to close legal loopholes to enable the government to pursue cybercriminals who steal and sell the identities of Americans. Obama's bill—the Personal Data Notification and Protection Act—was an honest attempt at making some real progress and holding organizations accountable for data breaches. However, as was the case with previous pieces of legislation whose purpose was to fortify U.S. cyber-response capabilities, the bill was introduced in 2015, sent to a congressional committee, and it never again saw the light of day.
So why is it that Congress has such a difficult time passing legislation that is sorely needed and should be such a priority for the security of the nation? A large part of the reason appears to be differences over how much liability protection to grant businesses in order to encourage them to share cyberthreat information. The argument against granting the private sector broad liability protection was that businesses could potentially exploit it to collude on other matters. Supporters of more targeted liability protection (mainly Democrats) contended it would provide sufficient protection to enable businesses to share cyberthreat information, but proponents of broad liability protection (mainly Republicans) have argued that businesses would not feel adequately protected if they were granted only limited liability because their lawyers would caution them that they could still be subject to legal action.
After four years of legal and legislative wrangling, in 2015, Congress finally passed the Cybersecurity Act of 2015 (formerly, the Cybersecurity Information Sharing Act) as part of the omnibus spending bill. The Act gave companies the ability to share cybersecurity information with federal agencies (including the National Security Agency), providing liability protection and antitrust exemption for those sharing the information.
Following its passage, security experts and civil-society groups wrote to Congress arguing that lawmakers strongly oppose it because of its weak privacy protections. They also opposed the way that Republican leadership had refused to hold a stand-alone vote, instead forcing the legislation into law as part of the must-pass omnibus spending bill. In the end, it was left up to the private sector to build an information infrastructure that promotes security while preserving trust.
Partisanship, special interests, liability concerns, and a failure of leadership are why the United States lacks consistent, effective, and all-encompassing policies for mounting a meaningful defense against cyberattacks on its election systems and infrastructure. America has only itself to blame for failing to tackle this serious issue in a manner consistent with its power and capabilities. America's adversaries will never stop trying to attack it with cyber weapons. If we fail to properly defend ourselves, then we will continue to have only ourselves to blame.
Daniel Wagner is CEO of Country Risk Solutions and author of the book Virtual Terror.


text:
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Direct and coordinate financial activities of workers in a branch, office, or department of an establishment, such as branch bank, brokerage firm, risk and insurance department, or credit department.
Average Salary: Not available
Most Common Education: Bachelor's degree
Also available in the Military
Manage operations at biomass power generation facilities. Direct work activities at plant, including supervision of operations and maintenance staff.
Plan, direct, or coordinate the activities of buyers, purchasing officers, and related workers involved in purchasing materials, products, and services. Includes wholesale or retail trade merchandising managers and procurement managers.
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Plan, direct, or coordinate the transportation operations within an organization or the activities of organizations that provide transportation services.
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Members of the infantry are ground troops that engage with the enemy in close-range combat. They operate weapons and equipment to engage and destroy enemy ground forces. This job is typically considered to be the job in the Military that is more...
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Military firefighters do much more than fight fires. They also perform inspections to minimize fire dangers, provide first aid to accident victims, and respond to hazardous materials spills. They assist civilian fire departments when needed.
Military bases operate their own water treatment plants, which provide drinking water and safely dispose of sewage when public facilities cannot be used. Water and sewage treatment plant operators control processes and equipment that remove...
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Community and recreation specialists provide support services to military personnel. These services include offerings such as community housing, food service, physical fitness facilities, laundry services, libraries, youth and outdoor recreation...
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Postal administrative specialists perform all duties necessary to the efficient running of military postal operations. They perform postal finance, mail handling, locator service, and mail distribution functions. Mail handling duties can include,...
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Document security specialists safeguard sensitive material and arrange for delivery by courier. They provide adequate protection for material from receipt through delivery or to storage, prepare classified correspondence, and manage administrative...
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In the Military, protective services specialists perform, plan, coordinate, and execute protective service missions for personnel in high-risk and high-profile positions who are potential targets of terrorism. They are responsible for protective...
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MP urges govt. to halt implementation of Additional Protocol
MNA – An Iranian lawmaker strongly rebuked a new resolution passed by the IAEA Board of Governors against Tehran, urging the government to stop implementing the Additional Protocol in response.
"Iran has voluntarily accepted the Additional Protocol, however, under the current circumstances, our national interests entail the halt of the Protocol's implementation," Lawmaker Alireza Zakani told Mehr News on Sunday.
"This step is necessary for the government to show a strong response [to the Europeans' misconduct] and reflect Iranians' unity against their lack of commitment," he added.
On June 19, the International Atomic Energy Agency's Board of Governors adopted a resolution drafted by the UK, France and Germany calling on Iran to grant the IAEA access to two locations amid allegations of undeclared nuclear activities.
In response, Iranian parliamentarians, along with the Foreign Ministry, condemned the new resolution, calling on the government to take appropriate and immediate response to the move.
They released a statement, signed by 240 lawmakers, on June 21, saying, "The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a country that has had the highest level of cooperation and transparency with the IAEA in 50 years of NPT, considers IAEA Board of Governor's resolution as an excessive demand."
Appreciating the stance of those countries who have not backed this scandal, lawmakers noted that this non-binding resolution is a sign of a dominating culture that rules over the IAEA.
European countries' pressure for the 'so-called preservation' of the JCPOA shows that they have had an unconstructive view towards the rights of the Iranian people and have assumed the JCPOA as a tool to pursue their own aims, adds the statement.
"The Iranian Parliament calls on the government to stop voluntary implementation of Additional Protocol and change inspections into offline," the lawmakers urged.
Iran has said the IAEA Board resolutions are not legally binding, stressing that the information obtained via espionage by the Israeli regime which is now the basis of the Agency's requests is invalid and unverifiable. Iran's ambassador to the Agency said the adoption of the resolution would neither encourage nor coerce Tehran to grant access.
Alireza Zakani, IAEA Additional Protocol, IAEA anti-Iran resolution July 6, 2020
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Small-cap stocks dip in Tehran market


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On Friday, the Macau SAR government extended the gaming concession and the sub-concession of Sociedade de Jogos de Macau, S.A. (SJM) and of MGM Grand Paradise, S.A. (MGM) until June 2022, citing a need to bring the two gaming operators' contracts in line with the other four and concerns about the employment situation of staff at the companies when the licenses expire. The government also said it wanted a more transparent process for the upcoming negotiations, tenders and the awarding of licenses.
The government announced the extension in a statement, with detailed information provided by public officials, including the Secretary for Economy and Finance, during a press conference that was held on Friday.
On Friday morning, the local government signed an extension agreement with SJM, and SJM signed a sub- concession contract with MGM.
As a requirement of the extension of the concessions, SJM and MGM must pay MOP200 million each in single installments to the SAR government.
The MOP200 million payment does not imply any exemption from payment of the annual premium, the special tax on gaming, and the contributions or other duties stipulated by law. It means that the two companies will continue paying their dues, as well as fulfilling other obligations as before, similar to other gaming operators.
According to Lionel Leong, the MOP200 million payments were proposed by the two gaming operators, which were also the parties requesting the extension of their gaming concession.
As explained by the Director of the Gaming Inspection and Coordination Bureau (DICJ), Paulo Martins Chan, every year, each gaming operator pays a MOP30 million annual premium. The MOP200 million represents more than six times the single year's annual premium.
The gaming concessions of SJM and MGM were originally due to expire on March 31, 2020. The extension now means that all of Macau's gaming concessions are due to expire on June 26, 2022.
Secretary Leong explained that the extension decision took into consideration the opinions from all sectors, went through an internal government study, and involved thoughts surrounding Macau's financial development and national security matters.
The extension is also said to benefit the preparatory work and the development of the opening of the next public tender for the gaming concessions, as well as to provide guarantees for the employment of workers in the gaming sector.
"It will be beneficial for us to carry out a unified new round of the gaming concession public tender. [The extension] is helpful to maintain social stability, especially the stability of the employment [of gaming workers]," said Leong.
In addition to the aforementioned payment, the two companies also proposed to adhere to the non-compulsory central pension scheme to their employees, and provide a guarantee of labor creditors' rights.
"[The government] also considered that the conditions proposed by the two gaming operators comply with the benefits of Macau's overall and long-term development, especially if they provide better retirement and better protection [against] termination," said Leong.
For the labor creditors' rights, the two gaming operators must establish a guarantee for their employees through a bank. SJM's and MGM's guarantee will be MOP3.5 billion and MOP820 million, respectively.
"We hope that it can inspire more companies to join the non-compulsory central pension scheme," said Leong.
According to Macau's law, if a gaming concession is awarded a term of less than 20 years, the government may, at any time and up to six months before the expiration of the concession, authorize one or more extensions to the concession. The total concession period should not exceed the maximum period of 20 years.
The law also stipulates that once the maximum period of 20 years has expired, the duration of the concession may be extended by reasoned order by the Chief Executive for one or more extensions, and the extension may not exceed the period of five years in total.
The details of the extension will be published later and made available to the public as a matter of transparency, according to Leong.
The Secretary noted that Macau's "World Tourism and Leisure Center" development, the "economic diversification" and Macau's "regional and global competitiveness" will be part of the government's criteria when considering the awarding of the 2022 gaming concession, aside from financial and national security deliberations.
When questioned about the Chinese central government's stance and opinions on Macau's 2022 gaming concession, Leong only stated that the government will listen to the opinions of all sectors.
The Secretary stated that the SAR government will continue to hear society's opinions and promote improvements over the supervision and legal regime for the next public tender of the gaming concession.


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H-1B fee hike, US local hiring rules hurt Indian IT
IT companies will have no option but to cough up more for H-1B visas if the US increases the visa application fee as US labour secretary Alexander Acosta has said it would. To be sure, they would not mind the additional costs even if these impacts their margins because the US is, after all, their biggest market. What is worrying, however, is that Indian companies may not get the number of visas they are looking for. In April, the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) said it had received enough applications for fiscal 2019 which starts in October, reflecting the enormous demand for these permits. This was the seventh year in a row in which the visa cap was reached in the first five business days. However, while the number of visa applications has steadily declined over past three years last year, USCIS received 190,000 cap-subjected H-1B petitions, 199,000 in 2018 and 236,000 in 2017 that hasn t helped India. Industry experts point out the rejection rate for H1B visas for Indian IT companies has been rising in the last few years with some exceptions. Moreover, the scrutiny too has increased. Data released by USCIS shows that 'request for further evidence' (RFE) for H-1B applications from Indians increased to 72.4% in Q4CY17 from 18.2% in Q1CY17.
An analysis by Axis Securities shows the denial rate for H-1B applications increased to 23.6% in Q4CY17 from 18.3% in Q1CY17, possibly due to the US government s order issued in April 2017 that more Amercians be hired. The higher rate of denials and RFE for skilled visas continued in CY18. The H-1B approval rate was approximately 75% in Q1FY19 against the five-year average of around 90%, while the approval rate for L1 (A/B) dropped to about 74% in Q1FY9 against five-year average of ~82% a trend similar to that seen for H-1B visas. That is worrying because exports of software services in FY18 were $77.3 billion, not much higher than the $74.3 billion in FY17. While demand should pick up over the long term Nasscom predicts global technology services spends will go up to $4 trillion by 2025 from $2.8 trillion in 2014 and Indian IT companies are well-positioned to cater for the demand, they must have enough visas to be able to do so. This is the first season of H-1B petitions after USCIS announced the new rules. The new rules give preference to professionals with a post-graduate degree from US educational institutions; such professionals would get an opportunity in the 65,000 general category and, if they fail, in the 20,000 advanced degree pool. While IT companies will attempt to step up local hiring, it is not easy to find talent, especially for mid-level positions, and besides, local talent is expensive. The increase in costs is already visible and comes at a time when spends on key verticals such as banking could stay subdued in 2019, especially in important geographies such as the US. Where Indian firms can score is by focussing on the emerging areas such as AI, analytics, automation and cloud. Moreover, inorganic initiatives can help them grow faster. Given the fast-increasing competitive intensity in the industry, such opportunities may emerge. Given the headwinds overseas the governments back home state and central must make sure the IT industry faces no disruptions whatsoever. Else, the pace of growth could slow, hurting India s forex earnings.


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New Zealand to further strengthen bilateral trade relationship with India
22 September 2015: Hon Amy Adams, New Zealand Minister of Justice, Courts, Broadcasting and Communications is currently leading a trade mission to India from September 21-25 to strengthen trade ties between India and New Zealand.
Bilateral trade in goods and services between the two countries has increased by 20 percent in the last two years to US$1.2 billion.
New Zealand plans to raise its renewable energy generating capability from 80 to 90 percent by 2025 and could give India's fast growing renewable energy sector a definite boost by providing innovative assistance and advanced technologies. This could help the Indian Government improve the environment to support sustainable growth. New Zealand is at the forefront of developing technologies that not only harness renewable materials but also reduce emissions and waste, which can nurture the Indian Government's 'Clean India' initiative.
"New Zealand has a long history of engagement with India thanks to the shared Commonwealth heritage, democratic traditions, and a love of cricket. The New Zealand Government's vision is for India to become a core trade, economic and political partner," says Minister Adams.
Minister Adams will be accompanied by Dr Mike Allen, Special Envoy for Renewable Energy and Executive Director of Geothermal New Zealand.
Members of the New Zealand trade delegation include: Astrolab, CarbonScape, Solar Bright, Pacific Rubber Recycling, Environmental Management Services, ESG Asia Pacific, Windflow Technology Ltd, Gallagher Fuel Systems, Greenhouse Capital, Auckland Tourism, Events and Economic Development, and Callaghan Innovation.
About NZTE
NZTE is New Zealand's international business development agency. It's role is to help New Zealand businesses build strategic alliances and develop commercial relationships internationally. Through a global network of 46 offices, we connect New Zealand businesses with the world, sharing opportunities, knowledge, experience and networks.
Sporshita Goswami – 09920883234 – sporshitag@perfectrelations.com
Gaurav Agarwal – 09820614449 – gagarwal@perfectrelations.com


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Coal's Toxic Sludge
It's deadly, barely regulated, and everywhere. Can Obama crack down on America's second-biggest river of industrial waste?
By Jeff Goodell
Jeff Goodell
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Big Coal has spent millions of dollars over the past year touting the virtues of what the industry calls "clean coal," but it's no secret that coal is the dirtiest fossil fuel. When you burn it, coal releases monstrous quantities of deadly compounds and gases — and it all has to go somewhere. The worst of the waste — heavy metals like arsenic, cadmium and mercury, all of which are highly toxic — are concentrated in the ash that's left over after coal is burned or in the dirty sludge that's scrubbed from smokestacks. Each year, coal plants in the U.S. churn out nearly 140 million tons of coal ash — more than 900 pounds for every American — generating the country's second-largest stream of industrial waste, surpassed only by mining. If you piled all the coal ash on a single football field, it would create a toxic mountain more than 20 miles high.
As the World Burns
For decades, the industry has gotten away with dumping coal ash pretty much wherever it wants. It poured the stuff into vast lagoons, dumped it into mines, used it to pave roads, spread it on crops as fertilizer, even mixed it into everyday items like concrete, wallboard, vinyl flooring, bowling balls, potting soil and toothpaste. There are no federal regulations to speak of. Many states have minimal restrictions on where and how coal ash can be dumped, but the coal industry has a long history of buying off state regulators with a junket to Vegas and a few rounds of golf. In short, the industry had it made. Nearly 300 billion pounds of coal ash simply vanished from view each year, with less oversight than household garbage.
This article appeared in the April 1, 2010 issue of Rolling Stone. The issue is available in the online archive.
But all that changed just before 1 a.m. on December 22nd, 2008, when an earthen dam collapsed at a storage pond brimming with coal waste near Kingston, Tennessee. Within hours, a billion gallons of gray-black sludge had oozed into the once-lovely Emory River, destroying nearby homes and poisoning the water. It was the largest industrial disaster in American history, a flood of waste 100 times bigger than the Exxon Valdez oil spill in 1989. The cleanup of the river, which will take years to complete, is expected to cost as much as $1 billion.
The Dark Lord of Coal Country
"The spill pulled back the curtain on a huge untold story that had never gotten much attention," says Bruce Nilles, director of a Sierra Club campaign called Beyond Coal. "Everyone had been focused on the problems with mountaintop-removal mining and on the air pollution from burning coal. But after the dam at Kingston collapsed, it turned everyone's attention on the dangers of toxic coal ash."
The Spill, The Scandal and the President
There are currently 584 impoundments that store coal ash in 35 states, and the vast majority of the sites are not only unmonitored, they have no systems in place to keep the waste from leaking into groundwater. Studies by the Environmental Protection Agency found that toxic elements in coal ash can leach into drinking water at concentrations that far exceed federal safety standards. In 2007, the EPA estimated that some residents who live near unlined ash ponds run a risk of cancer from arsenic contamination as high as one in 50 — a level 2,000 times greater than the EPA's threshold for acceptable risk.
As it happened, the Senate confirmation hearing of EPA chief Lisa Jackson was held just a few weeks after the Kingston spill. When Obama's environmental watchdog was asked what she would do to protect the public from coal ash, Jackson indicated that it might be time to crack down on the industry's dirty secret. "The EPA currently has, and has in the past, assessed its regulatory options," she said. "I think it is time to re-ask those questions."
National Affairs: Political and national news coverage from RS contributing editor Tim Dickinson
A year later, Jackson now appears poised to make good on that pledge. In the coming weeks, the EPA is expected to propose new rules laying out federal standards for how coal ash is stored, monitored and recycled. But the exact shape and substance of those rules remain uncertain — and nailing down the details may prove to be the clearest indication yet of whether the Obama administration is prepared to get tough with an industry it has left largely untouched. The White House Office of Management and Budget is currently reviewing a cost-benefit analysis of the rules — and big electric utilities are waging a furious last-minute lobbying campaign to keep them from being enacted. Sen. Evan Bayh, who accepted $126,000 in campaign contributions from electric utilities last year alone, drafted a letter to the White House — signed by 26 of his fellow senators — urging the EPA to back off. The Western Governors' Association also weighed in, urging the administration to leave coal-ash regulation to the states.
"Environmental catastrophes like the Kingston spill can be opportunities for sweeping reform," says Eric Schaeffer, who served as the EPA's top enforcement official under Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. "For coal ash, this is the moment. We need to get this done."
Back before the spill in Kingston, I visited one of the nation's largest dumping grounds for coal waste — an impoundment site called Little Blue Run, near Shippingport, Pennsylvania. Little Blue Run is a huge, eerie lake filled with ash and sludge from FirstEnergy's Bruce Mansfield coal plant, a 2,490-megawatt giant that sits on the banks of the Ohio River. FirstEnergy recycles some of the scrubber sludge from the plant into wallboard, but the rest of it gets mixed with the coal ash and pumped through big steel pipes for seven miles and emptied into Little Blue Run. The sludge has a thick, pasty texture, but it's the color of the lake itself that's spooky: a luminous, metallic blue, with swirls of emerald green. Like the vast majority of waste ponds in America, Little Blue Run is unlined — meaning there is no barrier between this toxic metallic stew and the groundwater beneath it. According to a report by the National Research Council, coal ash typically contains 24 different pollutants — some of them deadly, even in minute quantities. In humans, the toxins in coal ash can cause cancer of the liver, kidney, lung and bladder, as well as neurological damage in children. In animals, especially fish and amphibians, they can cause developmental abnormalities. The sheer quantity of toxic metals produced by a big coal plant is mind-boggling. At Little Blue Run, for example, FirstEnergy pumps 81,000 pounds of arsenic compounds into the pond every year. In its undiluted form, a thimbleful will kill you.
Because coal ash has been unregulated for so long, nobody is sure how much coal ash is actually buried where, or what its impact really is. A decade ago, the EPA determined that there were 47 sites where rivers and groundwater had been polluted by heavy metals leaching out of coal-ash dumps. In January, the agency bumped it up to 71. The following month, environmental groups examined public data and found 31 more dumps that weren't on the EPA's list. At some, groundwater is contaminated with levels of arsenic 145 times higher than federal standards allow.
"This is just the tip of the iceberg," says Jeff Stant, who directs a coal-ash initiative for the Environmental Integrity Project. "We don't really know what the risks are, because nobody has bothered to look into it very deeply."
From the start, the coal industry has used its power to ensure that coal ash is not only unregulated by the EPA but not even classified as dangerous. The battle began in 1976, when Congress passed the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act, which for the first time called for federal standards on the handling of solid wastes. More important, the new law divided waste into two categories: hazardous waste, which is subject to federal regulation from cradle to grave, and nonhazardous waste, which is dealt with on a state-by-state basis. Thanks in part to the lobbying power of Big Coal, coal ash was placed in the "not worth regulating" category. Even more striking, Rep. Tom Bevill of Alabama — the son of a coal miner — pushed through an amendment requiring the EPA to conduct a study and publish a report to Congress prior to imposing any restrictions on coal ash as a hazardous waste.
An exemption from regulation may have protected the coal industry, but it didn't stop waste ponds and landfills from leaking. By the 1990s, people who lived near impoundment sites began to notice a suspicious number of diseases and illnesses in their neighborhoods. A turning point in public awareness came in 2000, when high levels of benzene, a known carcinogen, were found in the drinking water of Pines, Indiana, a community next to a coal-ash landfill. Housing values fell, and parents of children born with hearing impairments and a rare bowel disorder began to wonder if coal ash was responsible. By 2004, the town was designated a toxic Superfund site.
During the Clinton administration, the EPA took its first hard look at coal ash. In March 2000, the agency concluded that "these wastes can, and do, pose significant risks to human health and the environment when not properly managed." But rather than officially designate coal ash as hazardous, the EPA offered the industry a deal. If polluters agreed to dump or recycle coal ash according to "tailored" federal standards, their waste would remain labeled as nonhazardous. If not, the EPA would step in and brand a company's coal ash as hazardous, prompting stricter oversight.
But that wasn't good enough for Big Coal. The proposal set off a lobbying frenzy by coal-burning utilities and the Utility Solid Waste Activities Group, the industry's front group on coal-ash disposal. "The high costs of regulation," the group warned, "will ultimately be shared nationwide by employees, taxpayers, ratepayers, investors and customers." Citing an analysis it commissioned, USWAG claimed that the annual cost of regulating coal ash would be as high as $13.8 billion — even though EPA data showed that proper disposal would cost no more than $3.5 billion. The industry's numbers were "wildly excessive," says Andrew Wittner, who oversaw the EPA's assessment of coal ash during the Clinton years.
The scare tactics worked: Thanks to the lobbying campaign, even the Energy Department and the federal Office of Surface Mining came out in opposition to the EPA's proposal. In May 2000, coal ash was officially designated as "nonhazardous," allowing the states to deal with the toxic waste as they saw fit.
A year later, when Bush took office, the agency became even more industry-friendly. "He purged the EPA," says Wittner. "All interest in doing anything about coal ash stopped." The agency actively began suppressing information about the danger that coal waste posed to public health. It deleted references to coal ash's "high risk" potential from fact sheets and PowerPoint presentations, and blacked out key passages in documents released to environmentalists under the Freedom of Information Act. It sat on the damning results of a 2002 study, which found that residents near unlined waste ponds face a risk of cancer that is far higher than the level used to justify federal regulation. The EPA even formed an official "partnership" with industry trade groups like USWAG to promote the "beneficial use" of coal ash in everything from highways to carpets. The sweetheart deal allowed the industry to avoid the cost of disposing of coal ash as hazardous waste, while at the same time making a profit off its toxic mess. The working relationship between regulators and coal polluters was so close that — in an October 2008 e-mail to the EPA itself — one industry representative joked about being "in bed again" with the agency.
"EPA is supposed to be a regulatory agency," says Jeff Ruch, executive director of Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility, a watchdog group composed of federal and state workers. "And regulatory agencies are not supposed to be in a 'products partnership' with the very industries that they are supposed to regulate."
In their latest lobbying blitz, coal-burning utilities and their allies continue to argue that putting stringent federal regulation on coal ash will cost billions of dollars, jack up electricity prices, destroy the economy, force the shutdown of coal plants and perhaps even cause blackouts. But they downplay the danger that coal ash poses to human health. USWAG insists that the way to determine if coal ash should be regulated as a hazardous waste is to use a test called the Toxicity Characteristic Leaching Procedure. Essentially, you put some coal waste in water, shake it up for 18 hours, then measure what leaches out of it. If the toxicity of the remaining junk exceeds allowable levels, the material is listed as hazardous. "By this standard, coal ash is not a hazardous waste," says Jim Roewer, the head of USWAG.
But Conrad Volz, a professor of environmental and occupational health at the University of Pittsburgh who has studied the health impacts of coal ash, says the industry's view defies common sense and sound science: "Of course coal ash is a hazardous material. Anyone who says it is not is just playing legal games."
Even Roewer acknowledges that the leaching test doesn't do a very good job of mimicking the real world, where unlined ash ponds often result in sky-high levels of contamination. EPA scientists are developing another standard, called the Leaching Assessment Framework, which demonstrates that coal ash can be far more dangerous than the industry acknowledges. The real threat with coal ash occurs when the waste comes into contact with water, which mobilizes contaminants and carries them into streams, lakes and drinking water. "What is most important is not the amount of metal in the ash but its mobility," says Susan Thorneloe, a senior EPA scientist. According to recent tests conducted by Thorneloe, leaching levels of arsenic in some coal ash can run 1,800 times higher than the federal standard for drinking water. Even in scrubber sludge, which is supposedly safe to spread on crops and use in wallboard, Thorneloe found contaminant levels of selenium more than 3,000 times higher than the federal standard for surface water.
But the EPA doesn't even need to rely on such tests to designate coal ash as hazardous — under federal law, it can look at the havoc that coal waste has already wreaked on public health and the environment. "There are over 100 cases where we have strong evidence of coal ash's impact on drinking water and surface water," says Lisa Evans, a former EPA enforcement attorney who now serves as senior administrative counsel for the environmental group Earthjustice. "By this standard, the EPA has more than enough evidence to list coal ash as a hazardous waste."
Evans points out environmentalists aren't trying to shut down Big Coal — they're simply pushing the EPA to implement common-sense solutions that have been used for years in other industries, such as equipping waste ponds with a protective lining and then monitoring them for leakage. "We're not talking about men in hazmat suits every time a truck moves a load of ash," she says. "That's not what is required here." But that hasn't stopped the industry from engaging in the same scare tactics it has been employing for decades. USWAG claims that disposing of coal ash as hazardous waste will cost $20 billion a year — a figure unsupported by any independent study. And companies that specialize in recycling coal ash into household items insist that tougher regulations will destroy what has become a lucrative business. "If coal ash is regulated as a hazardous material, it will kill the beneficial-use industry," says Thomas Adams, executive director of the American Coal Ash Association. "If I'm trying to sell shingles with boiler slag in them, who is going to buy them? Nobody." Hilariously, the industry even argues that recycling coal waste in concrete and other building materials helps curb global warming by cutting down on carbon pollution.
The irony is, efforts to clear the air may actually increase the danger posed by coal waste. As coal plants clean up their smokestack emissions by installing scrubbers and other pollution-control devices, they are creating more and more sludge that contains all the nasty stuff that would have otherwise been spewed into the atmosphere. "Clean-coal technology is nothing but a code word for 'let's generate more waste than ever before,'" says Stant of the Environmental Integrity Project.
For the Obama administration, which has been so outspoken about using science to guide sound environmental policy, confronting coal ash should be a no-brainer. After all, the cost of safely disposing of coal waste is tiny compared to the long-term risk to public health: Left unregulated, the sludge will continue to leak toxic chemicals into America's drinking water for decades to come. But environmentalists aren't so sure that the EPA, which is already under fire for failing to stop Big Coal from blowing up mountaintops in Appalachia, is ready to do what it takes to protect the public from coal ash. "I don't want to say that this is a litmus test for the EPA," says Evans, the Earthjustice attorney. "But in some ways it is. Regulating solid waste is something the EPA is very good at. The question is, do they have the political will to do the right thing?"
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text:
Brian Sørensen (born 15 July 1980) is a Danish football coach who is the manager of English club Everton F.C. (women).

Coaching career
Sørensen moved to Fortuna Hjørring in July 2012, after being coach in IK Skovbakken. He was an important part of Fortuna's success in the Danish women's football and UEFA Women's Champions League, winning the Danish Championship in 2014 and 2016 and reaching the quarter-finals in the 2016–17 UEFA Women's Champions League.
In February 2018, he quit the club after six years to live in United States with his wife and footballer Camilla Kur Larsen. The team were in first place at the time and went on to finish 2017–18 Elitedivisionen winners.

Sørensen joined FC Nordsjælland in December 2018 as part of the staff and was elected as new head coach in July 2019.  The team were promoted to the Elitedivisionen for the 2019–20 season, where they finished in 3rd place and won the Danish Cup.

At the conclusion of his contract, Sørensen agreed a return to Fortuna Hjørring ahead of the 2021–22 season. He led the team to second place league finish and qualification for the 2022–23 UEFA Women's Champions League.

On 8 April 2022, Women's Super League team Everton announced the appointment of Sørensen on an initial two-year contract ahead of the 2022–23 WSL season. He replaced caretaker manager Chris Roberts who had been serving in that role since the dismissal of Jean-Luc Vasseur.

Honours

Manager

IK Skovbakken
Danish Women's Cup: 2009

Fortuna Hjørring
Elitedivisionen: 2014, 2016
Danish Women's Cup: 2016; runners-up: 2013, 2015

FC Nordsjælland
Danish Women's Cup: 2020

References

External links

Brian Sørensen coach profile at fcn.dk

Living people
Danish football managers
Elitedivisionen managers
1980 births
People from Mariagerfjord Municipality
Sportspeople from the North Jutland Region

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Why was Berlin the key to the Cold War?
How could one city mean so much?
The Berlin Wall came down 20 years ago, but few of the news stories marking the anniversary have explained the event's full significance. The Cold War had been raging for 14 years before the wall went up on Aug. 13, 1961. How could its collapse, on Nov. 9, 1989, have heralded the Cold War's demise?
Berlin was always the centerpiece of the Cold War and, more often than many remember, very nearly the front line of real combat.
At the end of World War II, the city was divided into four sectors, each occupied by one of the four allied armies—U.S., Soviet, British, and French. As the East-West divide hardened into a Cold War, so, too, did the division of the city, into East and West Berlin.
Clearly West Berlin was an anomaly: an island of freedom locked 100 miles inside Soviet-controlled East Germany. In 1948, Josef Stalin mounted a blockade, cutting off the city from its Western suppliers. The United States responded with an airlift that went on for 300 days, until Stalin finally backed off and signed an agreement with the other three powers, guaranteeing Western access to the enclave.
Ten years later, Nikita Khrushchev resumed the pressure, announcing that within six months, he would declare the '48 agreement "null and void" and placing all of Berlin under East German sovereignty—which is to say, under Soviet control. If the West resisted, he said, there would be war.
Western intelligence agencies didn't know it at the time, but Khrushchev's threat stemmed from desperation. Over the previous decade, West Berlin had grown free and prosperous while East Berlin had stagnated under the Soviet boot. Easterners were emigrating to the West in droves, using West Berlin as their transit point. By the fall of 1958, East Germany had lost 2 million people, with continued losses of 10,000 per month, including some of its best-educated youth. Khrushchev needed to stop the hemorrhage.
When the Western leaders ignored his threat, Khrushchev knew that he would have to backpedal. The threat was a bluff; the Soviet military and economy were in dire shape; its vaunted missile program was in tatters.
So, at the start of 1959, Khrushchev sent his deputy prime minister, Anastas Mikoyan, on a goodwill trip to America, and in September, he made the voyage himself, the first time any Soviet premier had visited the United States. It was a trip of high drama and comedy from coast to coast. But the trip's purpose was fulfilled at the end, on Sept. 26 and 27, when Khrushchev and President Dwight Eisenhower met at Camp David.
Khrushchev admitted that he'd acted brashly in declaring an ultimatum on Berlin, but he said he'd been exasperated by the incessant pressure. Eisenhower acknowledged that West Berlin was an "abnormal" entity, but he emphasized that the American people would never allow anyone to grab the city unilaterally. It wasn't just a symbol of freedom. Two million people lived there; Washington was obliged to protect their security. Khrushchev asked whether he could have some assurance that the United States did not intend to occupy Berlin permanently. Eisenhower responded that he'd be very surprised if Western troops remained there for another 25 years.
At the end of the meeting, Eisenhower agreed to a summit in Paris the following year involving the four powers that had occupied Berlin since the end of the war. On the agenda would be Berlin and disarmament.
Khrushchev returned to Moscow elated. He told a Communist Party plenary session that, judging from his conversations not just with the president but with industrial leaders, most Americans did not want war and that the U.S. economy could grow without huge military spending—heresy to Leninist doctrine.
In January 1960, he gave a public speech to the Supreme Soviet, laying out an extravagant disarmament plan as a prelude to the upcoming Paris summit. The Soviets would unilaterally withdraw 1 million troops—one-third of the Soviet army—from Eastern Europe and invite NATO to respond in kind. He would also destroy all Soviet missiles and discuss on-site inspection to verify that the United States did the same.
Even Allen Dulles, the hawkish director of the CIA, thought Khrushchev's speech represented a "sea change" in Soviet policy.
Stateside, Air Force generals and congressional Democrats were spreading reports that the Soviets were way ahead of the United States in ICBMs. Eisenhower knew that the most highly classified intelligence—based on secret flights of U-2 spy planes over Soviet territory—contradicted that claim. Still, the evidence wasn't clear. Dulles said that one more U-2 flight would settle the matter. Eisenhower, who'd halted the flights after Soviet complaints, authorized one more, to take place on May Day 1960.
The rest is sad history. A Soviet air-defense battery shot down the plane. The pilot, Francis Gary Powers, did not swallow the cyanide pill as he was supposed to. The Soviets displayed the downed plane. Eisenhower, assuming Powers was dead, lied and said the plane must have veered off course. Meanwhile, Soviet intelligence officers interrogated Powers, learned the truth—then produced Powers himself, much to Eisenhower's embarrassment.
Khrushchev, who had taken great political risks in cuddling up to the West, stormed out of the Paris summit and withdrew his disarmament plan. The prospects for Soviet reform and East-West peace vanished, not to be revived for another 27 years.
The main point, though, is this: Even if there hadn't been a U-2 crisis, the Paris summit was doomed to failure. Khrushchev's disarmament offer was contingent on the West's giving up Berlin. And, as Eisenhower told him (and as the Western European leaders affirmed), that wasn't going to happen.
Meanwhile, young Eastern Europeans were still leaving the Soviet empire through West Berlin. When John F. Kennedy became president in January 1961, Khrushchev renewed his threats.
Finally, on Aug. 13, Khrushchev ordered East German troops to occupy the border separating the two halves of the city and to lay the first layers of brick and barbed wire of what would become the Berlin Wall.
In a sense, the wall marked the end of Khrushchev's crisis. But Kennedy took the move as the possible beginning of a wider threat. He poured money into the defense budget for conventional forces; he even seriously, though briefly, considered a plan to launch a disarming first strike against the Soviet Union should Khrushchev try to occupy West Berlin.
By October, the Soviets had closed off all but one border crossing. On Oct. 27, in a now-forgotten confrontation (one year before the Cuban missile crisis), Soviet and American tanks faced each other along that checkpoint, at short range, for 16 hours until negotiations were held and the Soviet tanks backed off. The crisis faded.
There would never be another crisis over Berlin (which may be why all the previous ones have largely been forgotten). The Soviet rulers had no need to threaten West Berlin as long as the wall kept their own people locked in.
The wall was built to bottle up an incipient revolt—a mass emigration that threatened to expose the Soviet system as inferior to the West, as an oppressive dungeon that its most educated young people yearned to escape. The wall not only blocked those yearnings; it also made clear to the brighter young Soviet and Eastern European leaders that the system itself—the ideological basis of their rule—was suspect, that it could not be sustained, much less compete with the West, without the internal imposition of force.
Khrushchev was ousted by hardliners in 1964. For the next quarter-century, the Kremlin's leaders devolved into increasingly sluggish bureaucrats; the system itself bogged down more and more obviously. In 1988, when Mikhail Gorbachev set a course of serious reform and reopened the Soviet Union to the world, the possibilities that had been unleashed in the late 1950s, but suppressed ever since, once more bubbled up in the popular imagination. And when the wall came down, it was like a cork exploding.
The end of the Soviet Union—and, with it, the end of the Cold War—was, at that point, nearly inevitable.


text:
Carlyle closes Realty Partners VII fund at $4.2 billion
Rob Kozlowski
The Carlyle Group closed the $4.2 billion Carlyle Realty Partners VII at its hard cap, it announced in a news release Wednesday.
The opportunistic real estate fund invests across U.S. major metropolitan areas in all real estate sectors.
"We appreciate the strong support of our investors. We believe the robust interest in CRP VII is acknowledgement of our successful focus on opportunistic investments in U.S. real estate, and we look forward to continuing to create value in our portfolio," said Robert G. Stuckey, managing director and head of Carlyle's U.S. real estate team, in the news release.
Carlyle Realty Partners VI closed at $2.34 billion in January 2012.
Investors in the latest fund include the $132.4 billion Texas Teacher Retirement System, Austin; $52.4 billion Pennsylvania Public School Employees' Retirement System, Harrisburg; $45.8 billion Illinois Teachers' Retirement System, Springfield; $30.1 billion Texas Permanent School Fund, Austin; and $17 billion Louisiana Teachers' Retirement System, Baton Rouge.
Separately, Carlyle also announced the closing of the ¥119.5 billion ($1 billion) Carlyle Japan Partners III. Investors in the fund, focused on Japanese midcap companies, include the Illinois Teachers' Retirement System.
Elizabeth Gill, Carlyle spokeswoman, did not return a phone call by press time.
Kentucky Teachers chalks up $180 million in commitments
Carlyle AUM flat in quarter, down 4.9% for year
Alaska Permanent Fund gains 4.9% for fiscal year
Michigan Retirement Systems makes $1.5 billion in commitments
Carlyle appoints head of Southeast Asia for buyout advisory team
Carlyle's AUM falls 7.3% for year, reports $525 million loss for third quarter
Carlyle Group chooses new head of investment solutions unit
Carlyle's assets slump 6% in 2015; legacy energy funds depreciate 26%


text:
Timeless Yoga and Sinister Yogis: David Gordon White's Brief History of Yoga
new age |
The current proliferation of studies exploring the development of contemporary yoga can be seen as a direct challenge to popular perceptions of yoga as a timeless and unified practice which are reproduced (often as a marketing ploy) in non-academic contexts. Research on the history of yoga has steadily grown throughout the past two decades, focusing primarily on developments and transformations since the height of the colonial period in India.
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Sammy Bishop
Sammy Bishop is a PhD Candidate in Religious Studies at the University of Edinburgh, under the supervision of Dr. Arkotong Longkumer and Dr. Steve Sutcliffe, studying women's Tantra groups in the UK.
Historical, Popular, and Scholarly Constructions of Yoga
In its earliest uses, the word "yoga" meant "yoke," primarily yoking a warhorse to a chariot. In the classical period, yoga took on a variety of other meanings, including yoking the mind-body complex through meditative practices, such as breath control and mantras, to achieve liberation. In this interview, ...
https://media.blubrry.com/the_religious_studies_project/www.religiousstudiesproject.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/rsp-189.mp3
Research on the history of yoga has steadily grown throughout the past two decades, focusing primarily on developments and transformations since the height of the colonial period in India. Exemplified by scholars such as Elizabeth De Michelis, Joseph Alter and Mark Singleton, efforts have been made to trace threads of practice and philosophy from the eighteenth to the twenty-first century, illustrating how popular forms of yoga today gradually took shape. This research has been instrumental in highlighting the influence of orientalists such as Henry Thomas Colebrooke, Indian public figures such as Swami Vivekananda, and groups as diverse as the Theosophical Society, to European bodybuilding and gymnastic groups (De Michelis, 2005; Singleton, 2010). It is widely accepted within academic communities that contemporary yoga (if we can indeed speak of it in the singular) has been highly influenced, directly or indirectly, by orientalist scholarship. This is particularly evident in the ongoing popularity of Patanjali's Yoga Sutras, seen as authoritative guides to the theory and method of 'classical yoga' – despite being largely forgotten by the fifteenth century, only gaining prominence thanks to Colebrooke's work. Texts directly inspired by the Yoga Sutras such as Vivekananda's Raja Yoga were instrumental in encouraging romantic narratives of yoga as a timeless, pristine tradition – and part of an apparently monolithic Hindu religion. Furthermore, these romantic orientalist ideas have proliferated within contemporary yoga, and are used to sanction and legitimate practices (Singleton, 2008).
I find it useful to approach historical studies of yoga with this romantic narrative which we are persistently confronted kept in mind. The current proliferation of studies exploring the development of contemporary yoga can be seen as a direct challenge to popular perceptions of yoga as a timeless and unified practice which are reproduced (often as a marketing ploy) in non-academic contexts. Indeed, for the sake of historical accuracy it is important to attempt to expand this somewhat simple narrative and to encourage deeper understanding of yoga's more complex history. This becomes an equally important part of challenging romantic orientalist views of India (and other parts of the world), often used in the contemporary 'New Age' milieu without question. The question of whether many practitioners, whose involvement with yoga is primarily influenced by experiencing physical or emotional benefits, will be aware of this challenge, or indeed care, is to be seen.
It is from this background that I also approach David Gordon White's work on yoga. White takes on the mammoth task of giving a broad history of yoga – from the term's early appearances in the Rig Veda up to the present. Although he notes points of similarity between contemporary yoga and older forms, his focus is firmly on the points of difference. By taking this as his focus, he strengthens the ongoing drive to unpack the historical developments of yoga, and helps to complicate an otherwise simplistic, linear narrative.
Unlike other studies of the history of yoga, White looks much further back in time. By delving into yoga in India's early and medieval periods, White makes valuable additions to current scholarship and further highlights the great extent to which yoga has changed throughout the past two millennia. Perhaps the simplest way that White highlights this transformation is his exploration of the term's semantic range. His emphasis on the martial connotations of 'yoga' in the Bhagavad Gita implies a sharp contrast with yoga as we know it today, and he acknowledges how this historical use of the term surprises many yoga practitioners.
The most striking difference, however, is found in White's exploration of 'yogi practice'. Yogi practice, for White, includes practices aiming toward the attainment of supernatural powers – which primarily entails gaining control over the bodies of others by manipulating methods of perception. As White introduces the idea of 'sinister yogis' (the subject of one of his books), perceived as dangerous and powerful figures due to their magical prowess, the listener is once again inclined to compare this with the stereotypical image of a contemporary yogi. White's presentation of alchemy and certain Tantric practices can also serve a similar comparative function. In his construction of a two-sided picture of yoga (yoga practice vs. yogi practice), with an emphasis on little-known philosophies and practices, White's work can be used as an effective counterpoint against the romantic myth of yoga as a monolithic, timeless practice.
Leading on from this, White raises the issue of how yoga can be represented differently according to social and cultural context (although he doesn't probe these 'culture wars' in detail here). As such a popular global practice, representations of yoga take on a political dimension, and various parties have a vested interested in how yoga and its history are presented. As I write, International Yoga Day approaches – a day adopted by the UN on the suggestion of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who referred to yoga as 'an invaluable gift of our ancient tradition' (www.iyd.yoga). Even to those with minimal knowledge of Modi's controversial Hindu nationalism, the aim of this statement is somewhat transparent. However, his description also illustrates the extent to which yoga's history has been obscured.
Clearly, it is important that research such as White's continues to emphasise the diverse and complex history of yoga, including practices and philosophies which do not conform to current popular understandings. However, it is equally important that such research does not pass judgement on contemporary forms of yoga. It seems that some historians of South Asian traditions (and particularly those traditions undergoing a renewed explosion of popularity such as yoga and tantra) convey a preference for historical, textual presentations of yoga – before discourses of orientalism and forces of capitalism left their imprint. Fusions of South Asian practices with 'New Age' philosophies (which often become commercialised and commodified) can be seen as uninformed hybrids by those with more detailed historical knowledge. As such, the risk remains that a preference for the 'ancient' or 'traditional' can be reproduced, even in the work of accomplished academics. Thankfully, White largely avoids passing judgement and allows the listener to make their own comparisons between contemporary yoga and the variety of historical forms that he presents.
Alter, J. Yoga in Modern India: The Body Between Science and Philosophy. Princeton: Princeton University Press
De Michelis, E. 2005. A History of Modern Yoga: Patanjali and Western Esotericism. London, New York: Continuum
Singleton, M., 2008. 'The Classical Reveries of Modern Yoga'. In: Singleton, M., and Byrne, J., 2008. Yoga in the Modern World: Contemporary Perspectives. Abingdon: Routledge
Singleton, M. 2010. Yoga Body: The Origins of Modern Posture Practice. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press
International Yoga Day website: http://www.iyd.yoga/
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