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                                  THE

                                HISTORY

                                  OF

                                 JAVA.

                              BY THE LATE

                  SIR THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES, F.R.S.

          FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF THAT ISLAND AND ITS
             DEPENDENCIES, AND PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY OF
                     ARTS AND SCIENCES AT BATAVIA.

                            IN TWO VOLUMES.

                                VOL. I.

                            SECOND EDITION.

                                LONDON:
                    JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

                               MDCCCXXX.

                    GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,
                       ST. JOHN'S SQUARE, LONDON.

TO

HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS

THE PRINCE REGENT.

  SIR,

The gracious permission which I have received to dedicate these volumes
to your Royal Highness, affords me an opportunity of interesting your
Royal Highness in favour of the amiable and ingenuous people whose
country they describe. The high respect they entertain for British
valour and justice, and the lively gratitude they retain for the
generous system of British Legislation, will, I am sure, give them a
strong claim upon your Royal Highness's good opinion.

To uphold the weak, to put down lawless force, to lighten the chain of
the slave, to sustain the honour of the British arms and British good
faith; to promote the arts, sciences, and literature, to establish
humane institutions, are duties of government which have been most
conspicuously performed during your Royal Highness's regency. For a
period of nearly five years, in which I have had the honour, as a
servant of the East India Company, to preside over a mild and simple
people, it has been my pride and my ambition to make known to them the
justice and benevolence of my Prince, whose intentions towards them I
could only fulfil by acting up to the principles of the Authority which
I represented, and by doing every thing in my power to make them happy.

       *       *       *       *       *

To those who judge that the right to express their sentiments
requires no more than sincerity, or that their praise is of a value
to overbalance the disrespect of offering it, I shall leave the usual
language of dedications. Conscious that the assurances of respect and
of loyal attachment can never be offered to your Royal Highness by the
humblest British subject, without meeting a gracious reception,

                       I have the honour to be,

                 With profound veneration and respect,

                                 SIR,

                         YOUR ROYAL HIGHNESS'S

                Most faithful and most dutiful servant,

                       THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES.

  _London, June 1, 1817._

PREFACE

As it is possible that, in the many severe strictures passed, in the
course of this work, upon the Dutch Administration in Java, some of
the observations may, for want of a careful restriction in the words
employed, appear to extend to the Dutch nation and character generally,
I think it proper explicitly to declare, that such observations
are intended exclusively to apply to the Colonial Government and
its Officers. The orders of the Dutch Government in Holland to the
Authorities at Batavia, as far as my information extends, breathe a
spirit of liberality and benevolence; and I have reason to believe,
that the tyranny and rapacity of its colonial officers, created no less
indignation in Holland than in other countries of Europe.

For such, and all other inaccuracies, as well as for the defects of
style and arrangement which may appear in this work, an apology is
necessary; and in the circumstances under which it has been prepared,
it is hoped that an admissible one will be found. While in the active
discharge of the severe and responsible duties of an extensive
government, it was not in my power to devote much time to the subject:
the most that I could do, was to encourage the exertions of others,
and to collect in a crude state such new or interesting matter as fell
under my personal observation. I quitted Java in the month of March in
last year: in the twelve months that have since elapsed, illness during
the voyage to Europe and subsequently, added to the demands on my time
arising out of my late office, and the duties of private friendship
after an absence of many years, have made great encroachments; but
engaged as I am in public life, and about to proceed to a distant
quarter of the globe, I have been induced, by the interest which the
subject of these volumes has excited, and the precarious state of
my health, rather to rely on the indulgence of the public than on
the attainment of leisure, for which I must wait certainly long and,
possibly, in vain.

Most sincerely and deeply do I regret, that this task did not fall
into hands more able to do it justice. There was one[1], dear to
me in private friendship and esteem, who, had he lived, was of all
men best calculated to have supplied those deficiencies which will
be apparent in the very imperfect work now presented to the Public.
From his profound acquaintance with eastern languages and Indian
history, from the unceasing activity of his great talents, his other
prodigious acquirements, his extensive views, and his confident
hope of illustrating national migrations from the scenes which he
was approaching, much might have been expected; but just as he
reached those shores on which he hoped to slake his ardent thirst for
knowledge, he fell a victim to excessive exertion, deeply deplored by
all, and by none more truly than myself.

My acknowledgments are due to the Right Honourable Sir JOSEPH BANKS,
Bart., the venerable President of the Royal Society, for his kindness
and encouragement; and particularly so to Mr. CHARLES WILKINS,
Librarian to the East-India Company, as well as to Mr. WILLIAM
MARSDEN, for many suggestions, of which I regret that I have not been
enabled to avail myself so much as I could wish, in consequence of the
haste with which the work has been got up. I am also indebted to Mr.
THOMAS MURDOCH, not only for access to his valuable library, but for
illustrations from Portuguese authors, which the reader will find in
the Introduction and Appendix.

For all that relates to the Natural History of Java, I am indebted to
the communications of Dr. THOMAS HORSFIELD. Though sufficient for my
purpose, it forms but a scanty portion of the result of his long and
diligent researches on this subject. Of this, however, I am happy to
say, that the Public will shortly be able to judge for themselves.

In sketching the state of the Dutch East-India Company, and the
measures adopted by the Dutch government respecting Java, subsequently
to the year 1780, I have availed myself of much very valuable
information communicated to me by Mr. H. W. MUNTINGHE, President of
the Supreme Court of Justice at Batavia; and as, in the course of this
work, I have often been obliged to condemn the principles and conduct
of the Dutch colonists, I am anxious to acknowledge the distinguished
merit of this excellent magistrate, and that of Mr. J. C. CRANSSEN,
President of the Bench of Schepenen, both selected by the late EARL OF
MINTO to be members of the British Council in Java.

The English came to Java as friends. Holland had ceased to be an
independent nation, and for the time there could be but two parties,
the one English, the other French. The emissaries of the late ruler
of France had perverted the minds of the majority: many were doubtful
on which side they should rally. At this critical juncture these two
gentlemen declared for England and the ancient order of things; and
to the influence of their decision and conduct is to be ascribed,
not only the cordiality and good understanding which soon prevailed
between the English and Dutch, but in a great measure also that general
tranquillity of the country, without which the re-transfer of it to
the rule of its former masters might have been impracticable.

Of the wisdom and benevolence which determined the late EARL OF MINTO
to place two members of the Dutch nation at the Board of the British
Council in Java, it is unnecessary to speak. The measure was in the
same spirit which uniformly actuated that enlightened and virtuous
statesman, my revered patron and ever lamented friend. The selection
of the two gentlemen whom I have mentioned, was no less advantageous.
To their countrymen it was peculiarly so, and I am happy to have this
opportunity of publicly expressing my acknowledgments to them for the
good counsel, firm support, and unwearied exertions, by which they were
distinguished while members of the Board.

ORTHOGRAPHY.

The principles of Orthography, recommended by Sir WILLIAM JONES, and
adopted by the Asiatic Society at Calcutta, have been adopted in this
work, with some slight modifications. The consonants preserve the
same sounds generally as the same letters in the English alphabet:
the vowels are used as in Italian. To avoid confusion, the emphatic
syllables are alone accented, and the inherent vowel _a_ has invariably
been adopted.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Dr. J. C. LEYDEN, the bard of Tiviotdale, who accompanied the
expedition to Batavia in 1811, and expired in my arms a few days after
the landing of the troops.

ADVERTISEMENT BY THE EDITOR.

In reprinting the History of Java in its present form, the Editor feels
it necessary to say a few words. Though the first edition of this
work has been honored with extraordinary success, and has long been
exhausted, so that copies have become rare, yet Sir STAMFORD RAFFLES
always considered it as a hasty production, requiring great alteration
and improvement; and if it had pleased God to prolong his course
of usefulness in this world, he would have bestowed upon it those
corrections and additions which he thought it required.

The present Editor has only ventured to add a few short notes which
she found prepared by Sir STAMFORD, and to omit, according to his
intention, the larger part of the comparative vocabularies, retaining
only a hundred words in each language.

The additional plates were prepared some years ago, for a second
quarto edition: they are now published, with those belonging to the
first edition, in a separate quarto volume, detached entirely from the
present work.

For the drawings from which the engravings of the antiquities are
made, Sir STAMFORD was indebted to Lieut.-Colonel BAKER, of the East
India Company's service; and the present Editor is happy to have this
opportunity of acknowledging the obligation, as well as her thanks, for
many kind intentions to aid her in reprinting this history.

On the subject of the plates which originally accompanied the quarto
edition, Sir STAMFORD stated in the Preface to that edition, p. ix,
as follows: "The plates which accompany this work, not otherwise
distinguished, are from the graver, and many of the designs from the
pencil of Mr. WILLIAM DANIELL, who has devoted his undivided attention
in forming a proper conception of his subject, and spared neither time
nor exertion in the execution."

The Editor has only to add, that the size of the map of Java rendered
it impossible to unite it with the present edition of the History,
it is therefore added to the engravings; and it is also prepared for
separate circulation.

                                                         SOPHIA RAFFLES.

    _High Wood,
  Dec. 31, 1829_.

INTRODUCTION.

The first arrival of the Portuguese in the Eastern Islands was in the
year 1510, when Alphonzo de Albuquerque first visited Sumatra. In the
following year, Albuquerque conquered the city of Malacca, and sent to
announce that event to those countries and islands which had traded
thither, inviting them to continue their intercourse, and promising
them protection and encouragement[2]. To Java and the Moluccas he sent
Antonio de Abrew, having, however, previously prepared the way by a
Moor or Mahomedan, of the name of _Nakoda Ismael_, who was trading in
a merchant vessel. Antonio de Abrew sailed on his mission with three
vessels, and took with him several Javans and Malayus who had been
accustomed to trade with Malacca. The first port on Java at which
he arrived was the city of _Agacai_[3], and from thence he sailed
to Amboina, one of the Moluccas, where[4] he set up his padroes, or
pillars of discovery and possession, as he had done at every port at
which he had touched. One of the vessels was lost in a storm, but the
people were saved and carried by Abrew to a port in Banda to which
vessels then resorted for trade, and whither it was that the Javan
vessels used to go for cloves, nutmegs, and mace, which were carried to
that port by the natives of the Moluccas in their own vessels.

_Nakoda Ismael_ returning from the Moluccas with a cargo of nutmegs,
his vessel was wrecked on the coast of Java, near _Tuban_. The cargo of
the _Nakoda's_ vessel having been saved, Joam Lopez Alvrin was sent (A.
D. 1513) by the governor of Malacca with four vessels to receive it.
Alvrin was well received in all the ports of Java where he touched, but
particularly at _Sidayu_ belonging to _Páteh Unrug_, a prince who had
been defeated at Malacca by Fernan Peres.

The straits of _Sínga púra_[5] being infested by the cruisers of the
former king of Malacca, who had been expelled from his dominions by
the Portuguese in 1511, the straits of _Sában_ were the usual route of
the Portuguese vessels from Malacca to the Spice Islands, and in this
voyage they generally touched at the ports of Java.

About the year 1520 or 1521, Antonio de Britto, with six vessels
under his command, bound to the Moluccas, touched first at _Túban_
and proceeded afterwards to _Agacai_, where he remained seventeen
days, during which time he sent a boat to the island of _Madúra_,
for the purpose of exploring it; but the men landing incautiously
were surprised and made prisoners, and were not ransomed without much
difficulty, and the friendly intervention of the governor of _Agacai_.

Antonio de Britto had scarcely accomplished the ransom of his men, when
he was joined by Don Garcia Henriquez with four vessels bound to Banda
for spices, and at the same time a Javan vessel arrived from Banda.
This vessel had been furnished with a pass from the Spaniards, under
Fernan de Megalhaen, who having passed by the straits which bear his
name, had arrived at the Spice Islands. This was the first intelligence
which the Portuguese received of Megalhaen's discovery of the route
round the southern extremity of the American continent, and they were
the more mortified at it, as he had left his own country in disgust,
and was then in the service of Spain[6].

The first voyage made by the Dutch was in 1595, in which year their
first fleet, under the command of Houtman (who had been previously
employed by the Portuguese in the East India service), sailed direct
to Bantam. At this period the Portuguese were at war with the king
of Bantam, to whom Houtman offered assistance, in return for which he
obtained permission to build a factory at Bantam, which was the first
settlement formed by the Dutch in the East Indies.

Following the example of the Dutch, the English East India Company,
immediately after their incorporation by Queen Elizabeth in 1601,
fitted out a fleet of four ships, the command of which was entrusted to
Captain Lancaster, who sailed from London in 1602, first to _Acheen_
(_Aché_) on Sumatra, where he procured part of his cargo, and entered
into a treaty with the king, of which a copy is yet in existence.
From _Acheen_ he went to _Bantam_, and settled a factory there, which
was the first possession of the English in the East Indies. Captain
Lancaster brought home a letter from the king of Bantam to Queen
Elizabeth in 1602, which is still in the state paper office.

In 1610, the first Dutch governor general, Bolt, arrived at Bantam, and
finding the situation of his countrymen in that province not favourable
to the establishment of a permanent settlement, removed to _Jákatra_.
On the 4th of March, 1621, the name of _Batavia_ was conferred upon the
new establishment of the Dutch in _Jákatra_, which from that period
became the capital of their East Indian empire.

In 1683, the English, who had hitherto maintained a successful rivalry
with the Dutch, withdrew their establishment from _Bantam_.

In the year 1811, Holland having become a province of France, the
French flag was hoisted at Batavia; and on the 11th September, in the
same year, the British government was declared supreme on Java, by a
proclamation of that date signed by the Earl of Minto, Governor General
of Bengal. On the 17th of the same month, a capitulation was entered
into, by which all the dependencies fell into the hands of Great
Britain.

On the 13th August, 1814, a convention was entered into by viscount
Castlereagh, on the part of his Britannic Majesty, restoring to the
Dutch the whole of their former possessions in the Eastern Islands; and
on the 19th August, 1816, the flag of the Netherlands was again hoisted
at Batavia.

Without adverting to the political importance to Great Britain of the
conquest of Java, or to the great commercial advantages which both
countries might eventually have derived from its remaining in our
hands, I shall merely notice that the loss of it was no immediate
or positive evil to the Dutch. For many years prior to the British
expedition, Holland had derived little or no advantage from the nominal
sovereignty which she continued to exercise over its internal affairs.
All trade and intercourse between Java and Europe was interrupted and
nearly destroyed; it added nothing to the commercial wealth or the
naval means of the mother country: the controul of the latter over the
agents she employed had proportionally diminished; she continued to
send out governors, counsellors, and commissioners, but she gained from
their inquiries little information on the causes of her failure, and
no aid from their exertions in improving her resources, or retarding
the approach of ruin. The colony became a burden on the mother country
instead of assisting her, and the Company which had so long governed it
being ruined, threw the load of its debts and obligations on the rest
of the nation.

It might have been some consolation for the loss of immediate profit,
or the contraction of immediate debt, to know, that such unfavourable
circumstances were merely temporary; that they arose out of a state
of political relations which affected internal improvement, and that
the resources of the colony were progressively increasing, and would
become available when peace or political changes should allow trade to
flow in its former channels. Whether the Dutch could not indulge such
prospects, or whether the system on which the internal government of
their eastern dominion was conducted was in itself ruinous under any
circumstances, a view of the financial and commercial state of Java
before the conquest, and of the causes which led to the losses and
dissolution of the Dutch East India Company, will assist the reader in
determining.

In tracing these causes, it is hardly necessary to go further back
than the period of the Company's history immediately preceding the
war of 1780. The accidental calamities of that war brought it to the
brink of ruin, and its importance in the past transactions of the
country being borne in mind, a general concern existed in Holland
for its preservation, and for the restoration and maintenance of its
credit. With the view of affording it the most effective and beneficial
assistance, inquiries were set on foot, not only to discover some
temporary means of relief, but to provide a more permanent remedy for
threatened decline. It is impossible to ascertain what might have been
the result of the measures which were then in contemplation, as the
convulsed state of Europe, and especially of Holland, subsequently to
this period, left no room for their operation, and did not even admit
of making the experiment of their efficiency. The free intercourse
of the mother country with her colonies was interrupted; the trade
was thrown into the hands of neutrals; several possessions were lost
for the want of due protection, and those which remained were left to
support or defend themselves in the best way they could, without any
assistance or reinforcement from home.

For ten years preceding the year 1780, the average annual sales of
the Company amounted to upwards of twenty millions of guilders,
which was considerably more than in former years, and the prices of
the different articles were nearly the same as they had been from the
years 1648 to 1657, when the sales only amounted on an average to about
eight millions a year; it was therefore clear, that the decline of the
Company was not to be attributed to the decrease of trade.

On an examination of the Indian books, it was found, that from the year
1613 to 1696, the profits in India, though moderate, had always kept
equal pace with the profits in Europe.

  ------------------------+------------+------------+------------
           From           |     To     |     To     |    To
           1613           |   1653.    |    1663.   |   1673.
  ------------------------+------------+------------+------------
                          |  Guilders. |  Guilders. |  Guilders.
   The total profits were | 101,704,417| 142,663,776| 206,072,335
   Expences               |  76,177,755| 117,616,961| 161,271,745
  ------------------------+------------+------------+------------
   Nett Profits           |  25,526,662|  25,046,315|  44,330,590
  ------------------------+------------+------------+------------

  ------------------------+------------+------------
           From           |    To      |    To
           1613           |   1683.    |   1693.
  ------------------------+------------+------------
                          |  Guilders. |  Guilders.
   The total profits were | 259,250,969| 322,735,312
   Expences               | 212,282,020| 274,416,306
  ------------------------+------------+------------
   Nett Profits           |  46,968,949|  48,319,506
  ------------------------+------------+------------

  Thus, on an average of forty years till 1653, the annual profits
  were about                      640,000  guilders a year;

  Of fifty years  to 1663  about  500,000   do.
  Of sixty do.    to 1673         750,000   do.
  Of seventy do   to 1683         670,000   do.
  Of eighty do    to 1693         600,000   do.

In the year 1696, the nett profit from the same year (1613) amounted
to only 40,206,789 guilders, being full eight millions less than it
had been in 1693, only three years preceding; and the average nett
annual profit from 1613 was reduced to 484,371 guilders. But from
1697 to 1779, comprehending a like period of eighty-three years, the
losses were so exorbitant as to overbalance and absorb, not only the
contemporary, but all the preceding profits in Europe, and even a large
amount of fictitious profit stimulated to screen the government in
India.

The nett amount of profits calculated from 1613, amounted

                     Guilders.
  In 1697  to only  38,696,527
  In 1703           31,674,645
  In 1713           16,805,598
  In 1723            4,838,925
  In 1724            1,037,777

In 1730 there was already a total loss of 7,737,610, and in the year
1779 this loss amounted to 84,985,425.

The Company used to send yearly to India, before the commencement of
the war of 1780, twenty ships of about nine hundred tons each, and
eight or ten of about eight hundred tons each, which, to the number of
twenty-two or twenty-three, returned with cargoes: four from China,
three from Ceylon, three from Bengal, one from Coromandel, and twelve
or thirteen from Batavia. They annually exported to India provisions
and other articles of trade to the amount of two millions six or
eight thousand florins, and in cash from four to six millions, and
sold yearly to an amount generally of twenty or twenty-one millions;
and it was estimated that the Indian trade maintained, directly and
indirectly, all the external commerce of Holland, employing a capital
of about two hundred and sixty millions of florins.

From the inquiries of a commission appointed by the government of
Holland, in the year 1780, to ascertain the real state of the Company's
finances, and to report how far the nation would be warranted in giving
its further support to the credit of an institution which had so
rapidly declined, it appeared that in 1789, the arrears of the Company
amounted to seventy-four millions of florins, and that this amount had
since increased to eighty-four or eighty-five millions, of which sum no
less than 67,707,583 florins had been advanced by the nation.

The Commissioners, however, being of opinion, that the affairs of the
Company were not irretrievable, recommended a further loan of seven
millions of florins.

A meritorious servant of the Company, Mr. C. Tetsingh, had offered
to the Commissioners a memorial, in which he proposed that the
Company should abandon the trade to private merchants under certain
restrictions; but on this proposal the Commissioners stated that they
were not then prepared to offer an opinion.

This Commission, in reporting upon the manner in which the Company's
affairs had been managed in India, declared that "they could not
conceal the deep impression which the same had made upon their minds,
and that they could not fix their thoughts upon it, without being
affected with sentiments of horror and detestation...." "When," said
they, "we take a view of our chief possession and establishment, and
when we attend to the real situation of the internal trade of India,
the still increasing and exorbitant rate of the expenses, the incessant
want of cash, the mass of paper money in circulation, the unrestrained
peculations and faithlessness of many of the Company's servants, the
consequent clandestine trade of foreign nations, the perfidy of the
native princes, the weakness and connivance of the Indian government,
the excessive expenses in the military department and for the public
defence; in a word, when we take a view of all this collectively, we
should almost despair of being able to fulfil our task, if some persons
of great talents and ability among the directors had not stepped
forward to devise means by which, if not to eradicate, at least to stop
the further progress of corruption, and to prevent the total ruin of
the Company."

The improvements proposed by the directors extended to every branch of
the administration abroad. They proposed, first, with regard to the
Cape of Good Hope, the yearly arrears of which settlement had latterly
amounted to a million and a half of florins, that the same should be
reduced to one half of that sum. With regard to the further eastern
possessions, the measures proposed for consideration were chiefly the
following.

To confine the Company's future trade to opium, spices, pepper, Japan
copper, tin, and sugar, as far as the European and Japan markets
would require. To abandon the trade to Western India to the Company's
servants and free merchants, under payment of a certain recognition.
To abandon several factories in that quarter, and to reduce the
rest to mere residencies. To make considerable reductions in the
establishment on the coast of Malabar and in Bengal. To reduce the
establishments on the coast of Coromandel to three factories. To
abandon the establishments on the West coast of Sumatra, and to leave
it open to a free trade. To diminish the expenses at Ceylon by a
reduction of the military force, and by every other possible means to
animate the cultivation and importation of rice into that settlement.
To open a free trade and navigation to Bengal and Coromandel, under
the superintendence of the Company, on paying a certain recognition.
To encourage, by every means, the cultivation of rice in the
easternmost possessions, and especially at Amboina and Banda, for the
sake of preventing the inducements of a clandestine trade, which the
importation of rice to those places might afford. To abandon several
small factories to the eastward. To adopt a plan for the trade of
Malacca proposed by Governor De Bruem. To introduce a general reduction
of establishment at Batavia and elsewhere. To introduce new regulations
with regard to the sale of opium at Batavia. To improve the Company's
revenue, by a tax upon salaries and a duty upon collateral successions.
And finally, to send out commissioners to India, with full powers to
introduce a general reform in the administration.

In a memorial subsequently submitted by the Commissioners, which formed
the basis of all the measures recommended and adopted at this time, for
the better administration of affairs in India, after shewing that, from
the year 1770 to 1780, the Company had on the whole of its trade and
establishments on the coast of Coromandel, Bengal, Malabar, Surat, and
the western coast of Sumatra, averaged a profit of only 119,554 florins
a year, they recommended the introduction at Batavia of a public sale
of the spices, Japan copper, and sugar, wanted for the consumption of
Western India, and the establishment of a recognition of ten per cent.
on the piece goods from Bengal, and of fifteen per cent. on the piece
goods from Coromandel. Under such a plan of free trade, they calculated
that, after the diminution of the Company's establishments in Western
India, and the abolition of several small forts and factories to the
eastward, it was highly probable that the administration in India
would, in future, cover its own expenses, and thereby save the Company
from utter ruin.

It was on these calculations that the Commissioners appointed by the
States of Holland founded their hopes of the future relief of the
Company, and with these prospects they closed their report, the care
and future fate of the Company devolving from that time chiefly on the
Commissioners appointed at their recommendation to proceed to India, in
order to carry into effect, on the spot, the reforms proposed. Of these
new Commissioners, Mr. Nederburg, then first advocate to the Company,
was appointed the chief.

The Indian Commissioners sailed from Europe in the year 1791. At the
Cape of Good Hope they made such changes and reforms as may be said to
have fully effected the object of their commission. The importance,
however, of the Cape being comparatively small, it is not necessary to
enter into any detail of the measures adopted there. The more momentous
part of their trust was undoubtedly to be discharged in India, where
they arrived in 1793.

If the talents of these Commissioners were to be estimated by the
benefits which resulted from their labours, we may safely pronounce
them to have been incompetent to the task they had undertaken; but
such a criterion cannot with any justice be applied. A continuance
of peace with Great Britain was of course reckoned upon in all their
calculations, and war with that power broke out almost immediately
afterwards.

With regard to the abandonment of several forts and factories to the
eastward, to which their attention had been particularly directed, the
result of their deliberation and inquiry was, that the continuance
of the Company's establishment on Celebes was indispensable for the
protection of the Moluccas; that at Timor reductions had been made,
in consequence of which the revenues covered the expenses; that after
mature investigation the Japan trade was shewn to yield a nett profit
of 200,000 florins; that with regard to the West Coast of Sumatra the
revenues had been made to exceed the expenses, and the pepper collected
in that neighbourhood left still some profit to the Company.

With respect to the institution of public sales at Batavia for Japan
copper, spices, and sugar, on the introduction of which it was supposed
the establishments in Western India might be for the most part reduced,
they were of opinion, after deliberating with the Council of India, and
after a personal inquiry into the actual state of the private trade
at Batavia, that chiefly for the want of an adequate means among the
purchasers such sales were entirely impracticable, and that it would
therefore be preferable, after making some partial reductions in the
expense, to continue the establishment in Bengal and the coast of
Coromandel, but that Cochin on the Malabar coast might, perhaps, be
advantageously abandoned[7].

To determine the mode in which the trade with India should in future
be conducted, these Commissioners assumed a general calculation of the
receipts and disbursements which would occur at home and abroad, on the
supposition that the Company should, in future, navigate with hired
vessels only, and that all marine establishments should be abolished.
The result of this calculation was in abstract as follows. The estimate
may be considered as affording an interesting view of the hopes and
prospects which were at that time entertained of the resources of the
Eastern Islands.

The whole estimate was framed on the principles of monopoly, and with
a view to an increase of the trade on the one hand, and a reduction
of expenses on the other. The quantity of coffee stated at eighteen
million pounds, was calculated upon the produce which might be expected
after two years. In the calculation of the quantity of pepper, an
augmentation of 1,500,000 pounds beyond the produce of the preceding
year was anticipated, from the encouragement given to the growth of
that article in Bantam and other parts of Java. With regard to the
sugar, calculated at 8,000,000 of pounds for the home cargoes, it is
stated, that the actual deliveries

  From Batavia at that time amounted to    6,000,000  lbs.
  From Chéribon                              500,000
  From other ports in Java                 1,000,000
                                           ---------
                                           7,500,000  lbs.
                                           ---------
  Supposing therefore the home cargoes     8,000,000  lbs.
  The demand for Surat                     3,500,000
  For Japan                                  900,000
  For the consumption of the Company's own
  establishments                             200,000
                                           ---------
  The quantity required would be          12,600,000  lbs.
                                           ---------

Or 5,100,000 pounds more than the actual produce. The whole of that
quantity, however, the Commissioners felt confident might be produced
in three years, by encouraging the manufacture in the Eastern Districts
of Java. Among the retrenchments was a tax upon the salaries of all
civil servants, which reduced the average salary of each to the sum of
fifteen Spanish dollars per month.

              ESTIMATED ACCOUNT OF THE COMPANY'S RECEIPTS AND
                    DISBURSEMENTS AT HOME AND IN INDIA,

      _Exclusively of the direct Trade to China, upon the Plan of the
                  Commissioners of Inquiry_, A. D. 1795.

                                 RECEIPTS.

                                                                  Florins.
  Public Duties                                                  2,350,000
  Freight on Company's vessels                                      50,000
  Additional public revenues                                       400,000
    Profits on Trade in India:--
  Profit on opium                                    1,250,000
  Ditto on 12,880 pikuls tin, at 26 rix-dollars per
    pikul                                              228,000
  Ditto on   5,000 lbs. Mace                 43,000
  Ditto on  15,000 lbs. Nutmegs              90,000
  Ditto on 120,000 lbs. Cloves              420,000
  Ditto on 730,000 lbs. Japan Copper        292,000
      Total on Spices and Copper            -------    845,000
    At Surat:--
  On Sugar                                  190,000
  On Camphor                                 10,000
  On Tin                                     18,000
                                            -------    218,000
  In Japan, on divers Europe and Indian articles        76,000
                                                     ---------
                                                     2,617,000
  And for Sundries at the coast of Coromandel           33,000
                                                     ---------   2,650,000
    For the produce of the Indian Returns in Europe:--
  Coffee, 18,000,000 lbs., deduct Wastage, &c. is
    16,000,000 lbs. at 8½ stivers per lb.            6,813,281
  Pepper, 3,765,000 lbs., deducting Wastage,
    &c. is 3,263,789 lbs. at 12 stivers
    per lb.                                          1,958,273
  Tin, 530,000 lbs. deducting Wastage, &c.
    is 490,913 lbs. at 40 florins per cwt.             196,365
  Cotton Yarn, 60,000 lbs., or nett
    57,000 lbs., at 35 stivers per lb.                  99,750
  Indigo, 30,750 lbs. deducting Wastage,
    &c. is 27,645 lbs. at 80 stivers per lb.           110,580
  Sugar, 8,000,000 lbs. deducting Wastage,
    &c. is 7,068,000 lbs. at 10 stivers
    per lb.                                          1,767,000
  Saltpetre, 1,650,000 lbs. deducting Wastage,
    &c. is 1,285,350 lbs. at 30 florins
    per cwt. is                                        385,605
  Sappan Wood, 600,000 lbs. or nett
    513,000 lbs. at 12 florins per cwt.                 61,560
  Cowries, 160,000 lbs. or nett 101,460 lbs.
    at 8 stivers per lb.                                40,584
  Camphor, 64,000 lbs. or nett 56,344 lbs.
    at 23 stivers per lb.                               65,025
  Cardamons, Java, 22,000 lbs. or nett
    18,810 lbs. at 20 stivers per lb.                   18,810
  Tamarinds, 115,000 lbs.                               43,700
  Arrack, 140 leagers                                   46,000
  Cinnamon, 400,000 lbs. at 5 florins per lb.        2,000,000
  Cloves, 250,000 lbs. at 65 stivers per lb.           812,500
  Mace, 110,000 lbs.                                   937,500
  Nutmegs, 320,000 lbs.                                561,000
  Bengal Piece Goods                                   970,000
  Surat do. do.                                        550,000
                                                     ---------  17,437,533
  For Freight and Recognition on Private Trade                     200,000
                                                                ----------
  TOTAL                                               _Florins_ 23,087,533
                                                                ----------

                              DISBURSEMENTS.

                                                                  Florins.
  For the Surplus Expenses at the Cape of Good Hope                150,000
  For the same in Bengal                                            33,120
  For the same at Surat                                             40,000
  For the Military Expenses in India                             2,571,314
  For Salaries to Civil Servants                                 1,000,000
  For Ammunition, &c,                                              100,000
  For Fortifications and Repairs                                   400,000
  For Sloops and minor Vessel                                      200,000
  For Hospital Expenses                                            100,000
  On Account of Confiscations                                       18,000
  For Presents to Native Princes                                    32,000
  Interest on Sums lent in India                                   100,000
  For Stores and Goods shipped in India                            200,000
  For eventual Losses                                              100,000
  For the Purchase of the Produce in India                       4,519,400
  For Insurance at five per cent. on the Money sent to India       212,700
  For Freight on Returns of Homeward-bound Cargoes               3,300,000
  Insurance and Risk of the Sea in India                           200,000
  For Freight of Tonnage in India                                  699,030
  For Freight for 2,320 Men, to complete the Military and Civil
    Establishment in India                                         219,240
  For the Passage home of 450 men                                   28,350
  Bounty Money to 2,020 military men                               303,000
  Premiums to 300 civil servants                                    60,000
  Recognition to the Admiralty                                     360,000
  Contribution to the same                                         500,000
  Total Expenses of the Company's Establishments at home         1,000,000
  Yearly Interest to be paid                                     4,758,000
  Dividends at 12½ per cent. to the Holders of Stock               831,000
                                                                ----------
                                                                22,035,154
  Balance                                                        1,052,379
                                                                ----------
  TOTAL                                               _Florins_ 23,087,533
                                                                ----------

These Commissioners seemed to entertain no very favourable ideas of the
benefits which would arise to private trade from the license it already
enjoyed. As a measure much more beneficial to the general trade of
Europe and to the Company, they proposed, in lieu of it, to throw open
to individuals, under certain restrictions, the trade and navigation
from Europe to Bengal and Coromandel.

Thus we see these Commissioners sent out with the view of introducing
something like free trade on Java, coming to a resolution to take away
from it even the little private trade which it had previously been
allowed to enjoy.

The Company's trade with continental India had already been so much
encroached upon by foreigners, that it was judged expedient no longer
to exclude the Dutch free trader from his share in the spoil; but it
was hoped, by increased strictness, to preserve entire to the Company
the exclusive trade in spices, Javan coffee, pepper as far as it was
the produce of her own possessions, Japan copper, the opium which was
consumed in Java and in the Moluccas, and Javan sugar.

The trade of the Dutch Company has thus been brought to the period,
when its monopoly was proposed to be almost exclusively confined
to Java and the Eastern Islands, including Japan. The causes which
operated to destroy the Dutch influence on the continent of India, are
too well known to require any particular description.

The Dutch had long maintained a decisive superiority, as well on the
continent of Asia, as among the Indian islands, until the active
exertions of their competitors in trade succeeded in undermining
and overturning their monopoly; and as it was natural their weak
side should suffer first, it was on the continent, where their
establishments were far removed from the chief seat of government, and
where they had not been able to insure to themselves those exclusive
privileges from the princes of the country which they had exacted from
the weaker princes of the Eastern Islands, that other nations, chiefly
the French and English, first endeavoured to introduce themselves.

After reciprocal jealousies had for some time prevented both nations
from making any considerable progress, a successful war at last turned
the scale entirely in favour of the English, whose influence, from that
period, has been paramount in continental India, and the Dutch East
India Company was no longer able to enforce its system of exclusive
trade there.

Without inquiring into the practicability of realizing the flattering
estimate made out by the Indian Commissioners, or the policy which
dictated a still more rigorous monopoly of the produce of the Eastern
Islands, it ought to be remarked, although it seems never to have
been adverted to by the Commissioners, whose calculations and plans
were exclusively of a commercial nature, that the original situation
of the Company as a mere mercantile body, looking out for trade and
not dominion, had undergone a material alteration, by the acquisition
it had made from the middle of the last century of considerable
territorial possessions, especially on the island of Java.

To use the words of one of the most enlightened men who now adorns his
country, and is prepared to give energy to a better state of things[8],
"these territorial acquisitions became to the Company a source of
new relations. In consequence of them, new rights were acquired and
obligations of a novel kind were contracted, as well with regard to
the territories themselves as the population upon them. The nature
of these rights and duties might have been deemed worth inquiry;
and as all these territorial acquisitions were made by a delegated
authority derived from the government at home, it was further worthy
of investigation how far the government itself was entitled to a
direct share in the acquisitions made, and how far it was bound to
controul and superintend the exercise of those duties which were newly
contracted. A consideration of these points would have led to the
important question, how far, on a renewal of the Company's charter,
it would be requisite to alter and modify its conditions according
to existing circumstances, and especially how far it would have been
expedient, in future, to leave the Company the exclusive trade, and at
the same time the uncontrolled sovereignty over the same country."

But however natural it may be, at the present moment, to consider
questions of this kind, it was perhaps at that time beyond the common
course of human thought to entertain doubts on the subject. From an
honourable regard for ancient institutions, the mercantile system of
the Company was still considered with reverence and respect; it had
been at all times the boast and pride of the nation; the services
which the Company had rendered to the state in its earlier days, and
the immense benefits which the government had been enabled, by its
means, to spread among the community at large, had rendered the East
India Company and all its privileges, objects of peculiar care and
tenderness. The rights of sovereignty which the Company afterwards
acquired, were obtained by degrees and almost imperceptibly. Every
acquisition of the kind had been considered, at the time, merely as the
means of increasing its mercantile profits, and all its territorial
rights were looked upon as subservient to its mercantile system.

In consequence of these ideas, after the whole of the northern and
eastern coast of Java had been added to the Company's territorial
dominions, by a cession in the year 1749, no step seems to have been
taken for improving these acquisitions, by any direct use of the
supremacy obtained. Some contracts were instituted with the native
chiefs, for delivering gratis, or at the lowest possible price, such
articles as would serve the Company's investments at home; but
taxation, the levy of produce, and the management of police and justice
in the inferior courts, were left to the care and conscience of the
natives themselves.

Arguments in favour of this system may perhaps be drawn from the
respect due to the native usages and institutions, and from a supposed
want of power, on the part of the Company, to assume any direct
controul over the native population. But whatever influence these ideas
may have had on the conduct of the Company, it may be affirmed that an
European government, aiming only to see right and justice administered
to every class of the population, might and ought to have maintained
all the native usages and institutions, not inconsistent with those
principles; and that the power, for want of which it withheld its
interference, would have been supplied and confirmed by the act of
exercising the power which it possessed, and by the resources it might
have been the means of drawing from the country.

Considering, therefore, the propensity inherent in every native
authority to abuse its influence, and to render it oppressive to the
population at large; the ascendancy of Europeans in general, even
over the class of native chieftains; the scantiness of many of the
establishments proposed in the plan of the Indian Commissioners;
the manifest inadequacy of the remuneration of the civil servants
which it recommended, and the narrow scale on which all expenses
were calculated; no very durable benefits could have been reasonably
expected from it. The discretionary power being left in the hands
of the native chieftains, the whole of the lower class of the
population would have remained at their disposal; the ascendancy of
the European servants would have subjected both to peculations, which
the insufficiency of their salaries would constantly have tempted
them to practice; the administration of justice not meeting with a
proper remuneration would have been ineffectual, perhaps corrupt;
the reduction of the military establishment would have left the
possessions an easy prey to the first invader; and the original sources
of the Company's revenues in India remaining the same, it seems
probable, that in a short time, the same scenes which had hitherto met
with so much reprobation, would have been acted over again, and to a
still more disgraceful extent.

But of whatever merit might have been the plans suggested by the
Commissioners in India on the 4th July, 1795, the calamities which had
already befallen the mother country were followed by an event, which
it seems the Commissioners had hardly dared to suspect, and which,
in every case, would have frustrated all their designs. This was the
dissolution of the Company, in consequence of a resolution taken to
that effect on the 24th December, by the body then representing the
government of the United States of Holland.

New views of policy were of course suggested by this important change.
In the year 1800 there appeared a small volume, entitled "A Description
of Java and of its principal Productions, shewing the Advantages to
be derived therefrom under a better Administration, by Mr. Dirk Van
Hogendorp," in which the writer, after observing that the true state of
Java and its importance to the mother country had hitherto been little
known, or at least that no correct ideas had yet been formed in Holland
with regard to its value, fertility, population, and advantageous
situation for trade, establishes,

"1. That the system on which the trade in India had hitherto been
conducted and the possessions administered, was no longer good under
present circumstances, but contained in itself the seeds of decline and
ruin.

"2. That the exclusive trade was in its nature injurious, and naturally
caused the ruin of the colonies.

"3. That under a different system, those colonies would flourish, and
yield much greater advantages than ever.

"4. That a revenue, founded on the principles of freedom of trade,
property in the soil, and equality of imposts, could be easily
introduced.

"5. And finally, that all the benefits which would thereby accrue
to the mother country, from the territorial revenue, the duties on
trade, the industry and wealth for which that trade would furnish
employment, and the treasures which the distribution of produce
throughout Europe must bring into the mother country, would greatly
exceed the highest advantages that could be calculated upon, even under
the most favourable prospects, by the means of the fallen Company or a
continuation of its former system."

Many parts of this pamphlet abound in violence and invective, and
others are too highly ; but with these exceptions, it may be
safely asserted that it contains a more correct view of the state of
society, and of the resources of the country, than any paper which
had preceded it, and the author is most justly entitled to all the
credit of having chalked out to his countrymen the road to honour and
prosperity, in the future administration of the Dutch East-Indian
colonies.

Having, in the course of the foregoing sketch of the decline and
fall of the Dutch East-India Company, exhibited a statement of these
resources, under the mercantile system of the Company, it may be
interesting also to state what, in the opinion of Mr. Hogendorp, the
island of Java alone was capable of affording eventually, under a
system founded on the principles of property in the soil, freedom of
cultivation and trade, and the impartial administration of justice
according to equal rights. "When the exclusive and oppressive trade
of the Company, the forced deliveries, the feudal services, in short,
the whole system of feudal government, is done away with, and when the
effects of this important revolution are felt in the certain increase
of cultivation and trade, then," observes Mr. Hogendorp, "the limits of
probability will by no means be exceeded, in estimating the aggregate
of the revenues of Java, in progress of time, at twelve millions of
rix-dollars, or twenty-four millions of guilders, annually."

This statement, calculated with reference to the comparative produce of
the West India Islands, has been generally considered by the colonists
as exhibiting a very exaggerated view, of what the island could, under
any circumstances, afford, and by many as too wild a speculation to
deserve attention; but to this it should be added, that the plan on
which it was founded, viz. an entire change in the internal management
of the country, was considered as equally wild and romantic by those
who declaimed the loudest against the possibility of these advantages
accruing, and that notwithstanding the doubts then entertained of its
practicability, that measure has been actually carried into effect,
without producing any one of the consequences depicted by the advocates
of the old system, and as far as a judgment can yet be formed, with all
the advantages anticipated by Mr. Hogendorp.

It is not surprising to find, that the enlightened views of this writer
were never acted upon, when we find it asserted by a commission,
who sat at the Hague in 1803, composed of the highest, and perhaps
best qualified persons in the state of Holland, and of which he was
himself a member (of course a dissenting one), that "it appeared to
them to have been admitted generally, and without contradiction, that
according to ancient regulations, of which the first institution
was lost even among the Javans themselves, the manner in which that
people are used to live rests on principles, with which a free and
unlimited disposition of the ground and its productions is absolutely
inconsistent; that they were, for their parts, convinced that such a
change could not be effected, without causing a general fermentation
among all classes of people; that though, in this case, violent
measures might suppress an insurrection, they would rather advise to
bid an eternal farewell to Java, than to resort to such means; that
if they adverted to the question in a commercial point of view, the
same uncertainty, the same dangers presented themselves. These arose
from the natural disinclination of the Javan to work, which has been
observed by many eminent persons; the danger of new monopolies, which
would fall heavier upon the common people than the present forced
deliveries; the exorbitant charges to support a great number of native
chiefs and priests, who are at present provided for and ought to be
supported; an undoubted deficiency in the revenues, and a considerable
expenditure during the first years, without the probability of a
remedy. All this," say they, "seems to forebode a neglect of the
cultivation; and after long and laborious researches, we are compelled
to lay it down as a general principle, that property, of the soil
among the common Javans, and the abolition of public services, cannot
be adopted as the basis of an improvement, of which the internal
management of Java would be susceptible. The contingents and forced
deliveries ought therefore to be continued and received on account
of the state, which has succeeded to the prerogatives of the former
Company[9]."

Marshal Daendels, who was recalled from the government of Java only a
few months before the British conquest, and who was by far the most
active and energetic governor who had for a long time been at the head
of the colony, has written an account of his own administration, of
the state in which he found the island, of the measures he proposed
and executed, of the improvements which he projected or carried into
effect, of the revenues that might be expected, and of the expenditure
that the public service required. Although he enters into some free
and bold strictures on the conduct of the Commissioners, the estimates
they formed, and the policy they recommended, he does not seem himself
to have avoided many of the faults which rendered their policy
objectionable, or to have entertained any hope of establishing a more
liberal system. Forced services and contingents, and all the tyranny
which they render necessary, still constituted the greatest part of
the ways and means of the colonial treasury, and the grand source of
profits for the Company.

The difficulties he had to struggle with, and the peculiar habits
and character formed by his profession, seem to have determined his
proceedings, more than any matured scheme of general administration,
or any deliberate principles of government. He thus describes the
situation of the colony on his arrival: "A powerful enemy threatened
us by sea, and the Javan princes, acquiring audacity in proportion as
they saw proofs of our weakness, thought the moment had arrived for
prescribing the law to their former superiors. The very existence of
our dominions on Java was thus in the greatest danger. Our internal
resources of finance were exhausted, while a stagnation of trade,
caused by the blockade of our shores, cut off all hopes of procuring
assistance from without. In the midst of such disastrous circumstances,
and the failure of so many attempts to introduce reform, and to
maintain the dignity of government, _I found it necessary to place
myself above the usual formalities, and to disregard every law, but
that which enjoined the preservation of the colony entrusted to my
management_. The verbal order which I received, at my departure from
Holland, had this for its object, and the approbation bestowed upon my
attempts to carry it into execution, encouraged me in the course of
proceeding which I had began."

The situation in which the Marshal found the colony is justly drawn;
but the result of his operations, and the condition in which he left
the government to his successor, are described in colours by far too
flattering. His partiality for his own work, and the consciousness of
having made great exertions to accomplish it, seems to have influenced
his mind too easily, in convincing him of the advantage and success of
the measures he had adopted. "In spite," says he, "of all the obstacles
I encountered, I obtained the following results. I made the general
government the centre of authority, from which every inferior authority
descended in a determined proportion, with a definite responsibility
and a salutary controul. Into all the local and subordinate
administrations, clearness and simplicity were introduced; agriculture
was encouraged, protected, and extended; general industry was promoted;
the administration of justice and of the police was put on a sure
footing; the means of defence were increased as much as possible;
many works were undertaken, both for the service of government and
other useful ends; new roads were made and old ones improved; the
condition of all the inhabitants, as well native as European, was
ameliorated, and every cause of misunderstanding removed; the relations
of the colonial government with the courts of the native princes were
regulated on principles, conformable to the dignity, and conducive to
the interests of the former; and, in fine, the revenues of the colony
were so augmented, that after every deduction for internal expenditure,
they will furnish a surplus of five millions, free of all charge, as a
nett return to Holland."

Marshal Daendels, in his memoir, sufficiently showed the fallacy
contained in the report of the Commissioners, concerning the estimated
revenue and profits of the Company. Instead of the receipt of
1,250,000 florins, accruing from the profit of the sale of opium (as
marked in the table which I have transcribed), he assures us that not
one farthing was actually obtained. Many of the conclusions of the
Commissioners, concerning the temper of the inhabitants, the nature
of the soil of particular districts, and the general resources of the
island, he satisfactorily proved to be founded on erroneous information
or mistake; and it is only to be regretted, that he did not carry the
same spirit of impartiality into the formation of his own reports,
which he requires in those of his predecessors, or anticipates from his
successors, an examination equally rigorous, and a measure of justice
equally strict as that to which they were subjected. Had this been
the case, we should not have been offered such financial results as
make the revenue of the island amount to 10,789,000 rix-dollars, and
its expenditure only 5,790,000, leaving a balance of five millions of
profit. It may be interesting to compare his estimate with the table
already exhibited.

  -----------------------------------+------------------------------------
          ESTIMATED RECEIPTS.        |      ESTIMATED EXPENDITURE.
  -----------------------------------+------------------------------------
                         Rix-dollars.|                        Rix-dollars.
                                     |
  Rent of land              2,000,000|Civil appointments         1,000,000
  Produce of land unfarmed    500,000|Land forces                1,227,000
  Sale of opium[10]         1,120,000|Manufactory of powder,
  Money                       360,000|  foundery of balls, and
  Coffee, 300,000 pikuls, at         |  arsenals                   180,000
    20 rix-dollars          4,500,000|Hospitals                     80,000
  Pepper, 30,000 pikuls       160,000|Marine                       250,000
  Tin, 35,000 pikuls          400,000|Fortifications, &c.          200,000
  Japan Copper, 25,000               |New works                    400,000
    pikuls                    250,000|Justice and police           150,000
  Spices                    1,000,000|Transports and freights      300,000
  Forests                     250,000|Transport of Company's
  Sale of rice                250,000|  servants, recruits, &c.
                                     |  from Europe                300,000
                                     |Purchase of native articles  300,000
                                     |Package                      100,000
                                     |Interest                     400,000
                                     |Unforeseen charges           903,000
                                     |                          ----------
                                     |                           5,790,000
                           ----------|Which being subtracted
                           10,790,000|  from                    10,790,000
                           ----------|                         -----------
                                     |Leaves a nett profit,
                                     |  Rix-dollars              5,000,000
                                     |                          ----------

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Barros, Decada 3, chap. 6, book 3.

[3] Probably _Grésik_.

[4] Barros, Decada 3, book 5, chapter 6.

[5] Barros, Decada 3, book 5, chap. 7.

[6] The following is the description of Java from Jono de Barros,
Decada 4, book 1, chap. 12.

"Before we treat of the expedition of Francisco de Sa, it is proper
to state the occasion of the expedition, and how that was connected
with the treaty of peace and friendship which, by order of Jorge de
Albuquerque, governor of Malacca, Henriquez Lerne concluded with the
King of Sunda, on account of the pepper produce in that kingdom.

"We must, therefore, first give an account of the voyage of Henriquez
Lerne. The kingdom of Sunda being one of those of the island of Java,
it will be best to begin with a general description of that island,
that what follows may be understood.

"The land of Java we consider as two islands, whose position is from
east to west, and nearly in the same parallel, in seven or eight
degrees of south latitude. The total length of the two islands,
according to the best authorities, is about one hundred and eighty
leagues, although perhaps this is rather exaggerated.

"The Javans themselves do not divide the land into two islands, but
consider the whole length as constituting only one; and on the west,
where it approaches Sumatra, there is a channel of ten or twelve
leagues wide, through which all the navigation of eastern and western
India used to pass, previous to the founding of Malacca.

"A chain of very high mountains runs along the whole length of Java.
Their distance from the northern coast is about twenty-five leagues.
How far they are from the southern shore is not certainly known, though
the natives say about as far as from the northern.

"Sunda, of which we are now to treat, is situated at about one-third
of the total length of Java from the west end. The natives of Sunda
consider themselves as separated from Java by a river, called _Chiamo_
or _Chenan_, little known to our navigators; so that the natives, in
dissecting Java, speak of it as separated by this river _Chiamo_ from
the island of Sunda on the west, and on the east by a strait from the
island of Báli; as having Madura on the north, and on the south an
undiscovered sea; and they think that whoever shall proceed beyond
those straits, will be hurried away by strong currents, so as never to
be able to return, and for this reason they never attempt to navigate
it, in the same manner as the Moors on the eastern coast of Africa do
not venture to pass the Cape of Currents."

The following is the substance of a note inserted in Jono de Barros,
Decadas, p. 76-77, vol. 4, part 1st, 8vo. Lisbon 1777.

"The island of Java is divided into many kingdoms along the northern
coast; and beginning to the eastward, those of which we have any
account are--_Paneruca_, _Ovalle_, _Agasai_, _Paniao_ (whose king
resides in the interior, and has a supremacy over those just
mentioned), _Beredam_, _Sodaio_, _Tubam_, _Cajoam_, _Japara_ (the
capital of this kingdom is called _Cheronhama_, three leagues from the
sea coast, near to which _Japara_ is situated), _Damo_, _Margam_, and
_Matarem_.

"In the mountainous interior live a numerous class of chiefs, called
Gunos: they are a savage race, and eat human flesh. The first
inhabitants were Siamese, who about the year 800 of the Christian era,
on their passage from Siam to Macassar were driven by a great storm
on the island of _Báli_. Their junk being wrecked they escaped in
their boat, and arrived at Java, until that period undiscovered; but
which, on account of its size and fertility was immediately peopled by
_Passara_, son of the king of Siam: and the city of _Passaraan_, called
after his own name, was founded at a very good seaport, and this was
the first settlement on the island.

"The Javans are proud, brave, and treacherous, and so vindictive, that
for any slight offence (and they consider as the most unpardonable the
touching their forehead with your hand) they declare _amok_ to revenge
it. They navigate much to every part of the Eastern Archipelago, and
say that formerly they used to navigate the ocean as far as the island
of Madagascar (St. Laurence).

"The city of _Bintam_, or _Banta_, which is in the middle of the
opening of the straits of Sunda, stands in the centre of a large
bay, which from point to point may be about three leagues wide, the
bottom good, and the depth of water from two to six fathoms. A river
of sufficient depth for junks and galleys, falls into this bay, and
divides the town into two parts. On one side of the town there is a
fort, built of sun-dried bricks: the walls are about seven palms thick,
the bulwarks of wood, well furnished with artillery.

"The island of Sunda is more mountainous than Java. It has six good
sea-ports: _Chiamo_, at the extremity of the island; _Chacatara_, or
_Caravam_; _Tangaram_, _Cheginde_, _Pandang_, and _Bintam_, which have
a great traffic, on account of the trade carried on, not only with
Java, but with Malacca and Sumatra.

"The principal city of this kingdom is called _Daro_, situated a little
towards the interior, and we are assured that when Henriquez Lerne
first visited it, this town had upwards of fifty thousand inhabitants,
and that the kingdom had upwards of one hundred thousand fighting men.

"The soil is very rich. An inferior gold, of six carats, is found.
There is abundance of butcher's meat, game and provisions, and
tamarinds which serve the natives for vinegar. The inhabitants are
not very warlike, much addicted to their idolatries, and hate the
Mahomedans, and particularly since they were conquered by the _Sangue
Páti Dama_.

"Here four or five thousand slaves may be purchased, on account of the
numerous population, and its being lawful for the father to sell the
children. The women are handsome, and those of the nobles chaste, which
is not the case with those of the lower classes. There are monasteries
or convents for the women, into which the nobles put their daughters,
when they cannot match them in marriage according to their wishes. The
married women, when their husbands die, must, as a point of honour, die
with them, and if they should be afraid of death they are put into the
convents.

"The kingdom descends from father to son, and not from uncle to nephew,
(son of the sister), as among the Malabars and other infidels in India.

"They are fond of rich arms, ornamented with gold and inlaid work.
Their _krises_ are gilt, and also the point of their lances. Many other
particulars might be added (but we reserve them for our geography[11]),
concerning the productions of this island, in which upwards of thirty
thousand quintals of pepper are collected annually."

                         Decad. iv. Chapter 13.

"In the year 1522, Jorge Albuquerque, governor of Malacca, equipped a
vessel to carry Henriquez Lerne, with a competent suite and certain
presents, to the king Samiam above mentioned, for the purpose of
establishing a commercial intercourse. Lerne was well received by the
king, who was fully sensible of the importance of such a connection,
in the war in which he was then engaged with the Moors (Mahomedans);
and, therefore, he requested that, for the protection of the trade,
the king of Portugal should erect a fortress, and that he would load
as many ships as he chose with pepper, in return for such merchandise
as the country required. And further, he (the king) obliged himself,
as a pledge of his friendship, to give him annually a thousand bags
of pepper, from the day on which the building of the fortress should
commence.

       *       *       *       *       *

"These things being concluded and presents exchanged, Lerne returned
to Malacca, where he was well received by Albuquerque, who immediately
communicated the result to the king of Portugal, who approved of all
that had been done.

       *       *       *       *       *

"Francisco de Sá was in consequence dispatched with six vessels (the
names of which and of their commanders are enumerated), with which he
called at Malacca, and accompanied the expedition against Bintam (then
in the possession of the expelled king of Malacca), on leaving which he
was overtaken by a dreadful storm, and one of his vessels, commanded by
Dironte Coelho, reached the port of Calapa (where the fort was to be
built), where she was driven on shore, and all the crew perished by the
hands of the Moors (Mahomedans), who were then masters of the country,
having a few days before taken the town from the native king, who had
concluded the treaty with the King of Portugal, and given him the site
on which to erect the fortress.

       *       *       *       *       *

"But although the intended establishment on Java was thus frustrated,
the Portuguese continued to have intercourse with that island, at which
they frequently touched on their voyage to and from the Moluccas."

                     Decad. iv. Book i. Chapter 14.

"In August, 1626, Antonio de Britto, on his return from Ternati
to Malacca, touched at the port of Paneruca, where he found his
countryman, Jono de Moreno, who had twenty Malay junks under his
command. From thence he proceeded to the town of _Tagasam_, whose
inhabitants were at war with the Portuguese, and had captured a junk
laden with cloves, which he had dispatched to Malacca, and they even
attempted to take the vessel in which he himself was, which occasioned
his quitting that place, having however first captured a junk laden
with provisions."

                     Decad. iv. Book i. Chapter 17.

"In July, 1528, Don Garcia Henriquez appears to have touched at the
port of Paneruca, (Panarukan) for the purpose of taking in provisions
on his way to Malacca; and it also appears, that the king or chief of
Paneruca sent ambassadors to the Portuguese governor of Malacca in the
same year 1528."

The following is the substance of a description of Java from the Decada
of Diego de Couto.--Decad. iv. Book iii. Chapter i.

Couto describes the wreck of a Portuguese vessel, and the destruction
of her crew by the Moors, who had just become masters of the kingdom of
Sunda, in nearly the same words as Barros. He then proceeds to state,
that Francis de Sá ran before the storm along the coast of Java, and
collected his scattered vessels in the port of _Paneruca_, and gives a
general description of Java in nearly the following words.

"But it will be proper to give a concise description of this country,
and to shew which were the Greater and the Lesser Java of Marco Polo,
and clear up the confusion which has prevailed among modern geographers
on this subject.

"The figure of the island of Java resembles a hog couched on its fore
legs, with its snout to the channel of _Balaberao_, and its hind legs
towards the mouth of the Straits of Sunda, which is much frequented by
our ships. This island lies directly east and west; its length about
one hundred and sixty, and its breadth about seventy leagues.

"The southern coast (hog's back) is not frequented by us, and its
bays and ports are not known; but the northern coast (hog's belly) is
much frequented, and has many good ports: and although there are many
shoals, yet the channels and the anchorages are so well known, that but
few disasters happen.

"There are many kingdoms along the maritime parts, some of them
subordinate to the others; and beginning at the east (head of the hog),
we will set down the names of such as are known: _Ovalle_, _Paneruca_,
_Agasai_, _Sodayo_, _Paniao_ (whose sovereign resides thirty leagues
inland, and is a kind of emperor over these and others hereafter
mentioned), _Tabao_, _Berdoao_, _Cajoao_, _Japara_ (whose principal
city or town is called Cerinhama, three leagues inland, while Japara
is situated on the sea shore), _Damo_, _Margao_, _Banta_, _Sunda_,
_Andreguir_ (where there is much pepper, which is exported by a river
called Jande). In the mountainous interior there are many kings, called
_Gunos_; they live among rugged mountains, are savage and brutal, and
many of them eat human flesh."

"These mountains are exceedingly high, and some of them emit flames
like the island of Ternati. Every one of these kingdoms which we have
named has a language of its own; yet they mutually understand each
other, as we do the Spaniards and Galicians.

"The kingdom of Sunda is thriving and abundant; it lies between Java
and Sumatra, having between it and the latter the Straits of _Sunda_.
Many islands lie along the coast of this kingdom within the Straits,
for nearly the space of forty leagues, which in the widest are about
twenty-five, and in others only twelve leagues broad. _Banta_ is about
the middle distance. All the islands are well timbered, but have little
water. A small one, called _Macar_, at the entrance of the Straits, is
said to have much gold.

"The principal ports of the kingdom of _Sunda_ are _Banta_, _Aché_,
_Chacatara_ (or, by another name, _Caravao_), to which every year
resort about twenty _Sommas_, which are a kind of vessel belonging to
_Chienhec_ (Cochin China), out of the maritime provinces of China, to
load pepper. For this kingdom produces eight thousand _bahars_, which
are equal to thirty thousand quintals of pepper annually.

"Bantam is situated in six degrees of south latitude, in the middle of
a fine bay, which is three leagues from point to point. The town in
length, stretching landward, is eight hundred and fifty fathoms, and
the seaport extends about four hundred. A river capable of admitting
junks and galleys, flows through the middle of the town: a small branch
of this river admits boats and small craft.

"There is a brick fort, the walls of which are seven palms thick, with
wooden bulwarks, armed with two tiers of artillery. The anchorage is
good; in some places a muddy, in others a sandy bottom, the depth from
two to six fathoms.

"The King, Don John, conceiving that if he had a fortress in this
situation he should be master of the Straits, and of all the pepper of
those kingdoms, recommended it strongly to the lord admiral to have
a fort built by Francisco de Sa; and even now it would be perhaps
still more important as well for the purpose of defending the entrance
against the English and the Turks, as for the general security of the
trade and commerce of those parts, which is the principal value of
India. And it was the opinion of our forefathers, that if the king
possessed three fortresses, one in this situation, one on _Acheen
head_, and one on the coast of _Pegu_, the navigation of the east would
in a manner be locked by these keys, and the king would be lord of all
its riches; and they gave many reasons in support of their opinions,
which we forbear to repeat, and return to Java.

"The island of Java is abundantly furnished with every thing necessary
to human life; so much so, that from it _Malacca_, _Acheen_, and other
neighbouring countries, derive their supplies.

"The natives, who are called _Jaos_ (Javans), are so proud that they
think all mankind their inferiors; so that, if a Javan were passing
along the street, and saw a native of any other country standing on any
hillock or place raised higher than the ground on which he was walking,
if such person did not immediately come down until he should have
passed, the Javan would kill him, for he will permit no person to stand
above him; nor would a Javan carry any weight or burthen on his head,
even if they should threaten him with death.

"They are a brave and determined race of men, and for any slight
offence will run _amok_ to be revenged; and even if they are run
through and through with a lance, they will advance until they close
with their adversary.

"The men are expert navigators, in which they claim priority of all
others; although many give the honour to the Chinese, insisting that
they preceded the Javans. But it is certain that the Javans have sailed
to the Cape of Good Hope, and have had intercourse with the island of
Madagascar on the off side, where there are many people of a brown
colour, and a mixed Javan race, who descend from them."

Then follows the refutation of a ridiculous story told by Nicolas
Couti, the Venetian, about a tree that produced a rod of gold in its
pith, at which some well informed Javans, of whom Couti inquired,
laughed very heartily.

"Marco Polo mentions the greater and the lesser Java. We are of
opinion, that the Java of which we are treating is the lesser, and
that the island of Sumatra is the greater Java; for he says that the
greater Java is two thousand miles in circumference, and that the
north star is not visible, and that it has eight kingdoms, _Taleh_,
_Basma_, _Camara_, _Dragojao_, _Lambri Farafur_, from which it is
very clear that he means Sumatra, for it has nearly the dimensions
which he assigns it. The north pole is not visible, as this island
lies under the equinoctial line, which is not the case with any of the
islands situated to the northward, on all of which the north star is
seen: and it is still more evident from the names of the kingdoms, for
there cannot be a doubt that _Camara_ is the same as _Camatra_ (the ç
being soft like s). _Dragojao_ (which is pronounced _Dragojang_) or
_Andreguir_, and _Lambri_, still retain their names on that island."

[7] This is the factory which by the recent convention has been
exchanged with England for the Island of Banka.

[8] Mr. Muntinghe.

[9] Report of a Committee appointed to investigate East India affairs
made to the Government of the Batavian Republic, dated 31st of August
1803, consisting of Messrs. Murman, Sic, Ponloe, Verbuell, D. Van
Hogendorp, Nederburgh, and Voute.

[10] In a note on this source of revenue, Marshal Daendels says that he
is sensible of the evils arising from the use of this drug, but that
the Javans are so addicted to it, that no prospect of success could be
entertained from any project for reducing its consumption. Yet even
while he is making this observation, he tells us that the Commissioners
fixed the sale at 1,200 chests, and that he in his estimate has only
taken it at 800. It was afterwards reduced to less than 300 chests,
without any fear of disturbance or any danger of illicit trade.

[11] Barros often alludes to his Treatise on Geography, in which he had
described particularly all the countries mentioned in his Decadas; but
it never was published, having been left in an imperfect state at his
death.

CONTENTS

OF

VOLUME I.

                                                                    PAGE

  DEDICATION                                                         iii

  PREFACE                                                            vii

  INTRODUCTION                                                      xiii

                              CHAPTER I.

  Geographical Situation of Java--Name--Extent and
  Form--Divisions--Harbours--Mountains and Volcanos--Rivers
  and Lakes--General appearance of the Country--Mineralogical
  Constitution--Seasons and Climate--Metals--Minerals--Soil--Vegetable
  and Animal Kingdoms                                                  1

                              CHAPTER II.

  Origin of the Natives--Javans compared with the Maláyus and
  Búgis--Comparative Progress of the three Races--Foreign
  Influence--Persons of the Natives--Manners--Population--Inequality of
  it accounted for--Population Tables--Increase of Population--Foreign
  Settlers--Chinese--Búgis--Maláyus--Moors--Arabs--Slaves--Gradations of
  rank among the Javans--Their Habitations, Dress, and Food           62

                             CHAPTER III.

  Importance of Agriculture to Java--Soil--State of
  the Peasantry--Price of Rice--Subsistence of the
  Peasantry--Dwellings--Agricultural Stock--Implements of
  Farming--Seasons--Different kinds of Land--Rice Cultivation--Maize,
  &c.--Sugar--Coffee--Pepper--Indigo--Cotton--Tobacco--Tenure of landed
  Property                                                           117

                              CHAPTER IV.

  Manufactures--Handicrafts--Bricks--Thatch--Mats--Cotton
  Cloths--Dyes--Tanning--Ropes--Metals--Boat and
  Ship-building--Paper--Salt--Saltpetre Works--Gunpowder, &c.--Felling
  and transporting of Teak Timber--Fisheries                         182

                              CHAPTER V.

  Commerce--Advantageous Situation of Java for Commercial
  Intercourse--Importance of Batavia in particular--Native
  Trade--Roads and Inland Carriage--Markets--Influence of the
  Chinese--Coasting Trade--Exports and Imports--Trade with the
  Archipelago--China--Kamtschatka--Western India--Europe, &c.--Dutch
  Commercial Regulations--State of the Eastern Islands--Advantages which
  they possess--Causes of the Depression of the Nations and Tribes which
  inhabit them--Japan Trade                                          210

                              CHAPTER VI.

  Character of the Inhabitants of Java--Difference between the Súndas
  and the Javans--The Lower Orders--The Chiefs--Nature of the Native
  Government--Different Officers of State--Judicial Establishments and
  Institutions--Laws, and how administered--Police Institutions and
  Regulations--Military Establishments--Revenue                      272

                             CHAPTER VII.

  Ceremonies of the Court--Deference paid to superior
  Rank--Regalia--Processions--Pomp--Rank and
  Titles--Ambassadors--Ceremonies attending Births, Marriages, and
  Funerals--Account of the People called Kálang, and of the Inhabitants
  of the Téng'ger Mountains--The Bedui--Festivals--Amusements--The
  Drama--Wáyangs--The Dance--Tournaments--The Chase--Tiger Fights--Combat
  of Criminals with Tigers--Bull Fights, &c.--Games of Skill and
  Chance--Other Customs and Usages                                   343

                             CHAPTER VIII.

  Language--Little known to Europeans--Different Languages or
  Dialects--Those of Súnda, Madúra, and Báli, compared with that
  of Java Proper--The polite Language, or Language of Honour--The
  Kawi, or Sacred and Classic Language--Numerals--Chandra
  Sangkala--Literature--Compositions in the Kawi Language, and in
  the modern Javan--Influence of Hindu Literature--Introduction
  of Arabic Literature--Poetry--The Brata Yudha, a
  Poem--Music--Painting--Sculpture--Architecture--Arithmetic--Astronomy
                                                                     396

                              AN ACCOUNT

                                OF THE

                            ISLAND OF JAVA.

CHAPTER I.

  _Geographical Situation of Java--Name--Extent
    and Form--Divisions--Harbours--Mountains and
    Volcanos--Rivers and Lakes--General Appearance of
    the Country--Mineralogical Constitution--Seasons and
    Climate--Metals--Minerals--Soil--Vegetable and Animal Kingdoms._

The country known to Europeans under the name of JAVA, or JAVA MAJOR,
and to the natives under those of _Tána_ (the land) _Jáwa_, or _Núsa_
(the island) _Jáwa_, is one of the largest of what modern geographers
call the Sunda Islands. It is sometimes considered one of the Malayan
Islands, and forms a part of that division of the Oriental Archipelago
which it has been lately proposed to designate as the Asiatic Isles.
It extends eastward, with a slight deviation to the south, from 105°
11´ to 114° 33´ of longitude east of Greenwich, and lies between the
latitudes 5° 52´ and 8° 46´ south. On the south and west it is washed
by the Indian Ocean; on the north-west by a channel called the Straits
of _Súnda_, which separates it from Sumatra, at a distance in one
point of only fourteen miles; and on the south-east by the Straits of
_Báli_, only two miles wide, which divide it from the island of that
name. These islands, and others stretching eastward, form with Java a
gentle curve of more than two thousand geographical miles, which with
less regularity is continued from Acheen to Pegu on one side, and from
_Tímor_ to _Papúa_, or New Guinea, on the other: they constitute on the
west and south, as do _Bánka_, _Bíliton_, the great islands of Borneo
and Celebes, and the Moluccas on the north, the barriers of the Javan
Seas and the Malayan Archipelago. From the eastern peninsula of India,
Java is distant about one hundred and forty leagues, from Borneo about
fifty-six, and from New Holland two hundred.

To what cause the island is indebted for its present name of Java[12]
(or _Jáwa_ as it is pronounced by the natives) is uncertain. Among
the traditions of the country (which are more particularly mentioned
in another place) there is one, which relates, that it was so termed
by the first colonists from the continent of India, in consequence
of the discovery of a certain grain, called _jáwa-wut_,[13] on which
the inhabitants are supposed to have subsisted at that early period,
and that it had been known previously only under the term of _Núsa
hára-hára_ or _Núsa kêndang_, meaning the island of wild uncultivated
waste, or in which the hills run in ridges.

In the tenth chapter of Genesis we are told, that "the isles of the
Gentiles were divided in their lands; every one after his tongue, after
their families, in the nations:" and in the twenty-seventh chapter of
Ezekiel we find among the rich merchants, those of _Javan_ "who traded
the persons of men, and vessels of brass, to the market of Tyre, and
who going to and fro, occupied in her fairs, brought bright iron,
cassia, and calamus." But we shall leave it to others to trace the
connection between the _Javan_ of Holy Writ and the Java of modern
times. It appears, that the Arabs, who had widely extended their
commercial intercourse, and established their religious faith over the
greatest portion of the Indian Archipelago, long before the Europeans
had navigated round the Cape of Good Hope, designate the whole of the
nations and tribes which inhabit those regions by the general term of
the people of _Jawi_, as in the following passage taken from one of
their religious tracts:--"The people of _Jawi_ do not observe with
strictness the rule laid down for keeping the fast, inasmuch as they
eat before the sun sets, while the Arabs continue the fast until that
luminary has sunk below the horizon." _Jawa_ or _Jawi_ is also the name
by which Borneo, Java, Sumatra, the Malayan Peninsula, and the islands
lying amongst them, are known among the nations of Celebes, who apply
the _Búgis_ diminutive _Jawa-Jawáka_, or Java minor, to the Moluccas,
_Ámbon_, _Bánda_, _Tímor_, and _Éndé_. Jabadios Insulæ, from _Jaba_,
and _dib_, _div_ or _dio_, has been employed in the largest sense by
Europeans, and it is probable this was once generally the case among
the Asiatics, with the terms _Java_, _Jawa_, _Jawi_, and _Jaba_,[14]
which, as the appellations of people inhabiting the countries beyond
the continent or distant, some have derived from the word _jaù_, of
very general acceptation in eastern languages, and meaning _beyond_,
_distant_.[15]

It is, perhaps, in consequence of these names having embraced the
whole, or at least several of the islands collectively, that the
accounts given by Marco Polo, and other early European voyagers, of
particular islands, as Java Major and Java Minor, are so inconsistent
with one another. The country described by Marco Polo as Java Minor,
seems, beyond doubt, to have been the eastern coast of Sumatra; but
that expression, "or Little Java," is now applied exclusively to
_Báli_, as "Great Java" is to the island we are now describing. It is
on the latter only, if we except what has been observed of the names
given to the Archipelago generally by the natives of Celebes, that the
islanders themselves apply the name of _Jawa_, in any of its forms, to
their own country. It has there even a still more confined application,
being generally limited to the eastern districts of the island, which
may be considered as Java proper, in contra-distinction to the western
districts, which are for the most part inhabited by a people called
_Súnda_, from whom the Straits and Isles of Sunda have been named by
Europeans.

Whether Sumatra, Java, or any other island of the Archipelago, or
the whole or several of them collectively, may not have formed the
_Taprobane_ of the ancients, is perhaps still an undecided question,
notwithstanding the claims to this distinction which have of late years
been rather admitted than proved in favour of Ceylon. The most striking
fact detailed in the accounts which have reached us of this ancient
country, and one which, from its nature, is least likely to have been
disfigured or perverted by the misrepresentations or prejudices of
travellers, is, that it was bisected in nearly equal portions by the
equinoctial line, and that to the southward of it the polar star was
not visible. How can this statement be evaded, or in any way applied to
Ceylon? Major Wilford seems inclined to consider _Taprobane_ as derived
from the Sanscrit words _tapa_ (penance) and _vana_ (forest or grove),
a derivation equally favorable to the claims of the Javans, _tapa_ and
_wana_, or _wono_, having the like signification in their language; and
if, as there is reason to believe, an extensive intercourse subsisted
in very remote times between Western India and these islands, where was
there a country that could more invite the retreat of holy men, than
the evergreen islands which rise in endless clusters on the smooth seas
of the Malayan Archipelago, where the elevation and tranquillity of
devotion are fostered by all that is majestic and lovely in nature?

Although in Sumatra no traces of their residence have yet been
discovered, except in the language and customs of the people; on
Java, which is almost contiguous to it, it is abundantly attested by
monuments still existing in stone and brass. In few countries, with
which we are yet acquainted, are more extensive ruins to be found of
temples dedicated to an ancient worship. If tradition may be trusted,
every mountain had its _tapa_, or recluse, and the whole energies and
resources of the country would appear to have been applied to the
construction of those noble edifices, the ruins of which still strike
the spectator with astonishment and veneration.

That these splendid and magnificent piles were erected under the
superintendance of a foreign people, more skilled in the arts than the
rude and simple natives of the islands, can scarcely be doubted; and
that they were sacred to the rites of the Hindu religion, according to
some persuasion or other, is equally clear, from the numerous images
of deities and attributes by which they are adorned, many of which
are still preserved in their original state. Further investigation
may perhaps establish Java and Sumatra, or rather the Malayan ports
(in which general term we may include all the islands containing
the Malayan Ports) as not only the _Taprobane_ or _Tapavana_ of the
ancients, but also the Sacred Isles of the Hindus.

The map of Java which accompanies this work has been drawn principally
from actual surveys, many of which were made by order of the British
Government on the island. The first map of Java which was presented to
the public, and from which nearly all those, which have subsequently
been engraved, are copies, was published by Valentyn,[16] and consists
of seven sheets. As, at that period, little more was known of the
island by the Dutch than some parts of the coast, the country in
the immediate vicinity of their capital, with perhaps the province
of Bantam, the author had no materials for making a map of the
whole island, which could pretend to much authority or value. Most
of the land in the immediate vicinity of Batavia having been sold
to Europeans, was of necessity surveyed, in order to ascertain the
different boundaries; but it was only a short time before the arrival
of Marshal Daendels, in 1808, that any steps appear to have been
taken by the local authorities, to procure correct statistical and
topographical information of the other more important districts of the
island. Something to this effect was done during the administration of
Mr. Engelhard, late Governor of the North-east Coast, but it was only
during the government of the Marshal that these objects were pursued
with much energy or success.

At the period of the arrival of the English, topographical surveys of
_Semárang_ and several of the eastern districts had been completed; and
although somewhat deficient in accuracy of measurement and neatness of
execution, yet as they appeared sufficiently correct for many valuable
purposes, and as the Government was anxious to obtain, without loss of
time, a better acquaintance with the geography of the country, it was
determined to make some sacrifice of accuracy to the considerations
of economy and expedition, and to survey the other districts upon
the same plan. While these surveys were in progress, the territorial
interest which the European government obtained in the central
provinces, induced them to turn their attention to the improvements
of which the Solo River might be susceptible. This river, the most
considerable in the island, passes through _Súra-kérta_, the capital
of the _Susuhúnan_, or (as he is termed by Europeans) Emperor of Java,
and discharges itself into the sea near _Grésik_. An actual survey
was accordingly made by a British officer of experience, particularly
instructed to ascertain how far it might be practicable to improve its
navigation by the aid of artificial cuts and dams.

A greater object soon called for more extensive measures. When it was
determined to introduce an entirely new system of internal management,
by the abolition of feudal service, and the establishment of a more
permanent property in the soil, it was deemed essential that a detailed
survey should be made of the different districts successively, in
which the new system was to be introduced. This was intended to form
the basis of a general agricultural survey of the country, then about
to be made. In several of these districts this detailed survey has
been completed; and, with the exception of the provinces still under
native jurisdiction, and called Native Provinces, nearly the whole
of the land on Java, not in a state of absolute forest, has been
measured with more or less accuracy. Of the native provinces but a
very small part has been actually surveyed; with regard to the rest,
the materials from which the present map is taken, were principally
obtained from observation made during occasional routes through them.
The southern division of Bantam being principally forest, has not been
actually surveyed; neither has the island of Madura been yet surveyed
by Europeans: the eastern part of it was measured by the natives, and
it was principally upon their authority that the map now presented of
that island was drawn. The best charts of both the north and south
coast have been consulted. The three harbours of Wyn Coops Bay,
_Cheláchap_, and _Pachítan_, on the latter, are laid down from actual
survey, as well as the entrance to the harbour of _Surabáya_. On the
whole, therefore, although the map now engraved is far from perfect,
and of course suffers from the reduction necessary to adapt it to the
rest of the work, it is presumed that it will aid the reader in most
of the geographical objects to which this volume will refer, and that
its superiority over those that have previously appeared is such as to
justify its publication.

The length of Java, in a straight line drawn between its extreme
points, (Java Head, and the south-east point of the island) is five
hundred and seventy-five geographical, equal to six hundred and
sixty-six statute miles: its breadth varies from one hundred and
seventeen geographical, or one hundred and thirty-five and a half
statute miles (between the south-west point of _Pachítan_ bay and the
north point of _Japára_) to forty-eight geographical or fifty-six
statute miles, (between the mouth of the _Seráyu_ river and the
_Marabáya_, five degrees east of _Tegál_);[17] and it is estimated to
contain an area of about fifty thousand statute miles.

Numerous small islands are scattered in its immediate vicinity,
particularly along the northern coast, and contribute, with the
projecting points and headlands inclosing the different bays, to form
harbours of various capacities. The most important of these islands
is that of _Madúra_, which is separated from the main land of Java by
a strait in one part not more than a mile broad, and serves to form
the important harbour of _Surabáya_. This island has the appearance
of being a continuation of the main land of Java, and having been
long subjected to the same political authority, has generally formed
one of the provinces of the Javan empire. In length _Madúra_ is about
seventy-nine geographical, or ninety-one and a half statute miles; and
its narrowest part is about twenty-seven geographical, or thirty-one
and a quarter statute miles. The small islands lying to the east of it
are considered as its dependencies.

The form of Java is chiefly remarkable for the rectangularity of its
outline, which is such that the island might be divided into five
or six parts, each a rectangular parallelogram drawn by an unsteady
hand. Its western and northern coasts abound with bays and inlets. The
outline of _Madúra_ is more regular, especially on the northern coast.

The coast from Bantam to the river _Chi-mánok_, about two degrees in
length on the north, is nearly parallel to that which extends from Wyn
Coops Bay to a point about twenty miles west of _Núsa kambúng'an_, the
breadth throughout being about seventy-eight geographical miles; and
from the same point to the river _Manchíngan_, a distance of about one
degree and three-quarters, the coast is nearly parallel to that which
lies between _Chéribon_ and _Semárang_, the breadth throughout being
about fifty-seven geographical miles. From the west point of _Japára_
to point _Pángka_ on the north, distant from it about two degrees, and
along the corresponding coast on the south, the average breadth is
seventy-three geographical miles; and from _Surabáya_ to the north-east
point of the island, distant about one degree and a half, and along
the south coast opposite to it, the average breadth is forty-five
geographical miles.

At the time when Europeans first visited Java, the whole of the island
acknowledged the supremacy of one sovereign: but there was a period in
its history when it was nearly equally divided under the independent
administration of two powers, one established in the eastern, and the
other in the western districts; and as there is a marked distinction
between the descendants of these two nations, the most general division
of the country is still into the western and eastern districts, to the
latter of which alone the term Java is applied by the natives. They
are separated by the river _Losári_, which forms the boundary between
_Chéribon_ and _Brébes_: and all the western, the northern, with a
few of the inland districts and the Island of _Madúra_, are under the
immediate authority and administration of the European government. The
rest of the island remains subject to the native princes, and on that
account is designated on the map and elsewhere, with more regard to
convenience than correctness of language, as the Native Provinces.

The provinces under European authority have latterly been divided into
fifteen residencies, or separate administrations, exclusive of the seat
of government, which, as they will be frequently referred to in the
course of this work, it may be convenient to notice in this place.

Commencing from the west, the province, or as it is usually termed, the
kingdom of Bantam (properly _Bántan_) occupies the first place. This
extensive province forms a large portion of the island. It is washed
on three sides by the sea. At the east it joins with the environs and
highlands of Batavia and the district of _Chi-ánjur_, and on the west
it is bounded by the Straits of Sunda; and in this quarter comprises
dependant islands scattered along its shore, and the two harbours of
_Mew_ and _Merák_, which, with other bays, deeply indent the coast.
Bantam, the native capital of this province, has been latterly deserted
by the European establishment for _Sírang_ (commonly called Ceram), an
elevated and healthy station about seven miles further inland.

Next in succession towards the east is the division of Batavia, which
comprises what formerly constituted the native province of _Jákatra_
or _Jokárta_. The northern part of this division, towards the coast,
includes the city of Batavia, populous and important on account of
its excellent roads for shipping, its advantageous position for
European commerce, and as being the long established seat of the
Dutch government, but less fertile and healthy than the more eastern
provinces of the island.

South and east of the division of Batavia and its environs lie what
are termed by Europeans the Preanger (_Priáng'en_) Regencies,[18]
the central and southern districts of which, stretching from Bantam
to Chéribon, are extremely mountainous. This extensive portion of
the island, which now includes a large part of Chéribon, consists of
the districts of _Kráwang_, _Chiásem_, _Pamanúkan_, _Kándang-aúr_,
and _Dramáyu_ or _Indramáyu_, along the northern coast, and of the
inland and southern districts of _Chi-ánjur_, _Bándung_, _Súmedang_,
_Lim-báng'an_, and _Súka-púra_; the southern coast, from the boundary
of Bantam to that of Chéribon, being included within the subdivisions
of _Chi-ánjur_, and _Súka-púra_.

To the eastward of these districts, and crossing the island from north
to south, is the province of _Chéribon_, divided into ten principal
districts. To the south is the island of _Núsa-kambáng'an_ which forms
the harbour of _Cheláchap_.

East of Chéribon, as before noticed, it is only the northern and
some of the inland districts, that are immediately subject to
the European authority. These, during the British government of
the island, were comprised under the administrations of _Tegúl_,
_Pakalúng'an_, _Semárang_, _Japára_, and _Rembáng_, which under the
Dutch East-India Company constituted what was termed the government
of the _North-east Coast_, the seat of which was at _Semárang_; and
of _Grésik_, _Surabáya_, _Pasúrúan_, _Bisúki_, and _Banyuwángi_,
which, with _Bankálang_ and _Súmenap_ on _Madúra_, constituted, under
the same authority, the division of the _Oost Hook_, or East Point
of the island, of which _Surabáya_ was the principal station. Inland
of _Semárang_ and _Pakalúngan_, and bounded by those divisions, and
by the provinces of the native princes, is situated the rich and
fertile district of _Kedú_, which, with the more eastern districts of
_Grobogan_, _Wirosári_, _Blóra_, _Jípang_, _Jápan_, and _Wírasaba_,
stretching inland from _Semárang_ to _Surabáya_, were ceded to the
British government in the year 1812.

The capitals of all the northern districts bear the same name with the
districts themselves, and are generally situated on small rivers at no
great distance from the sea.

The NATIVE PROVINCES are divided between two native sovereigns: the
_Susuhúnan_, or Emperor of Java, who resides at _Súra-kérta_,[19] on
the _Solo_ River; and the Sultan, who resides at _Yúg'ya-kérta_,[20]
near the south coast, in the province of _Matárem_. These provinces
comprise several of the richest districts of the island, among which
are _Bányumas_, _Rómo_, _Bágalen_, and _Matárem_, to the west; and
_Mádion_, _Jagarága_, _Sukawáti_, _Pranarága_, _Kértasána_, _Blítar_,
and _Kedíri_, to the east; and with the exception of the small
district of _Pachítan_, which has been recently ceded to the European
government, occupy the whole of the southern coast from _Chéribon_ to
_Málang_, a distance of not less than two hundred and fifty miles, and
form about a fourth part of the whole island.

The districts near the coasts are generally separated from each
other by rivers; those in the interior often by ranges of hills and
mountains. The districts are again divided, each subdivision including
numerous villages.

The principal harbour of the island is that of _Surabáya_ in the
eastern districts, formed by the approaching extremities of Java and
_Madúra_. It is broad and spacious, secure against the violence of the
sea and wind, and may be rendered impregnable to any hostile attack.

The next in importance is that of Batavia, more properly, perhaps,
called the roads of Batavia, which are sheltered by several islands
lying in the outer part of the bay. These roads, however, not admitting
of any means of permanent defence from the attack of a superior naval
force, the Dutch government, during the late war, were induced to
fortify the small harbour of _Merák_ Bay, on the north-west coast of
Bantam.

Along the northern coast, there are perhaps other positions which admit
of being improved into convenient harbours; but where the whole coast
affords excellent anchorage at nearly all seasons of the year, and
where vessels of any burthen can approach all the principal stations,
at a convenient distance for the barter of their merchandize, the
purposes of commerce are in that respect already sufficiently provided
for. The sea being usually smooth, and the weather moderate, the native
vessels and small craft always find sufficient shelter at the change of
the monsoon, by running under some of the numerous islands scattered
along this coast, or passing up the rivers, which, though in general
difficult of entrance on account of their bars, are for the most part
navigable to such vessels, as far up as the maritime capitals, through
which they run.

The south coast, on account of its exposure to the open ocean, the
consequent high swell or surf which breaks on it, and its general
want of good anchorage, is seldom visited by shipping. But even here
harbours may be found; and those of _Cheláchap_ and _Pachítan_ might,
no doubt, be frequented with safety, were it considered desirable to
attract commercial adventurers to this side of the island.

Passing from the coast to the interior of the country, the stranger
cannot fail to be struck with the bold outline and prominent features
of its scenery. An uninterrupted series or range of large mountains,
varying in their elevation above the sea from five to eleven, and
even twelve thousand feet,[21] and exhibiting, by their round base or
pointed tops, their volcanic origin, extend through the whole length of
the island.

The first of this series, commencing from the westward, is in Bantam.
This mountain (_Gûnung-kárang_), though of moderate elevation compared
with others on the island,[22] is seen at a considerable distance from
sea, and is a well known landmark to mariners. It lies due south of the
town of Bantam, at a considerable distance from the sea.

The next mountain of the series is the _Salák_, the eastern foot of
which is connected with the _Gedé_ or _Panarang'o_, situated about
fifty miles south of Batavia. These two mountains are seen from the
roads of Batavia, and, from the appearance they exhibit, are usually
termed by mariners the Blue Mountains.

From the eastern part of the _Gedé_, the volcanic series separates into
two independent branches, one of which inclines to the south; the other
proceeds almost due east, slightly verging to the north. The former
breaks into an irregular transverse range, which extends across the
island, till it approaches the northern branch, from whence the general
series is continued in an easterly direction as far as the mountain
_Sindóro_, the western of the two mountains known by mariners as the
Two Brothers. The mountain _Súmbing_, or _Sindári_ (the second of The
Brothers), is somewhat further to the south.

At a short distance from the eastern foot of the mountain _Súmbing_ are
three large volcanos, in a direction almost north and south, dividing
the large series transversely; these are the mountains _Ung'árang_,
_Merbábu_, and _Merápi_. The next volcano, in an eastern direction, is
that of _Japára_, which deviates more than any other from the regular
series, and forms a peculiar peninsular appendage to the island. The
series is then continued in an easterly course from the _Merápi_ as far
as the mountain _Telágawúrung_, which is in contact with the ocean at
the eastern end of the island.

The several large mountains comprised in this series, and which are
in number thirty-eight, though different from each other in external
figure, agree in the general attribute of volcanos, having a broad base
gradually verging towards the summit in the form of a cone.

They all rise from a plain but little elevated above the level of
the sea, and each must, with very few exceptions, be considered as a
separate mountain, raised by a cause independent of that which produced
the others. Most of them have been formed at a very remote period, and
are covered by the vegetation of many ages; but the indications and
remains of their former irruptions are numerous and unequivocal. The
craters of several are completely extinct; those of others contain
small apertures, which continually discharge sulphureous vapours or
smoke. Many of them have had irruptions during late years.[23]

Besides the mountains of the larger series above described, there are
extensive ranges of mountains of an inferior elevation, sometimes
connected with the larger series, and sometimes independent of them,
which are also for the most part volcanic. Numerous ridges of hills
traverse the country in various directions, and the surface of the
island in general, independently of these more striking features, is
in most parts undulating and uneven, except on the sea coast.

A country which abounds in mountains is seldom deficient in rivers;
accordingly, no region is perhaps better watered. Java is singularly
favoured in the number of its streams. The size of the island does
not admit of the formation of large rivers, but there are probably
fifty, that in the wet season, bear down rafts charged with timber and
other rough produce of the country, and not less than five or six at
all times navigable to the distance of some miles from the coast. It
would be vain to attempt numbering those which are precious to the
agriculturist; they are many hundreds, if not thousands.

The largest, and most important river on the island, is that of
_Sólo_, or as it is termed by the natives, _Beng'áwan_ (the great)
_Sólo_, which takes its rise in the district of _Kadáwang_, and after
collecting the waters of the surrounding hills, becomes a stream of
considerable depth and breadth at _Súra-kérta_, where it is further
increased by the waters collected from the adjacent districts. Its
general course from the capital is in an east-north-easterly direction,
till it discharges itself by two principal outlets into the sea, near
_Grésik_ and _Sidáyu_. After leaving _Matárem_, it traverses the
provinces of _Sukawáti_, _Jagarága_, _Mádion_, _Jípang_, _Blóra_,
_Túban_, _Sidáyu_, and _Grésik_.

At _Awi_, near the boundary of _Mádion_ and _Jagarága_, on the eastern
side of the river, a large branch from the south-eastern provinces,
commonly called the river of _Mádion_, unites itself with that of
_Sólo_, and from hence its course, which in various places has been
rapid, and in a few places impeded with rocks, is calm, regular, and
steady to its discharge. It has been estimated, that the extent of the
windings of this river is not less than three hundred and fifty-six
English miles, from _Súra-kérta_ to _Grésik_, which in the chart only
gives a straight line of one hundred and forty English miles, and
during its whole course no serious impediment appears to its navigation.

This river is of great importance to the inland trade of many of the
eastern provinces. During the rainy season, boats of considerable size
convey the produce of an extensive tract of country to the sea; and,
except during the months of August, September, and October, and in
seasons uncommonly dry, it bears down boats of middling or small size
during the whole year, from a considerable distance above _Súra-kérta_.
The boats employed in the navigation of the river are of very different
sizes, and of a peculiar construction: they are very long in proportion
to their breadth, have flat bottoms, and draw very little water. Those
generally used in conveying the produce from one village to another
in the vicinity of _Súra-kérta_, carry only a few tons, and have a
temporary covering of straw mats, or _kájang_; others, more carefully
constructed, have a regular roof of planks and a chamber or cabin
which can be closed, and convey from fifty to one hundred tons. These
are generally used by individuals in their adventures to _Grésik_ and
_Surabáya_. The largest, which are the property of the prince, load
nearly two hundred tons. They are employed in transporting the produce
of several of the interior provinces, consisting chiefly of pepper and
coffee, to _Grésik_, and return laden with salt and foreign merchandize
for the consumption of the interior. They require a considerable depth
of water, and can only pass when the river is swollen by continued
rains. They mostly depart from _Súra-kérta_ in the month of January.
Their course down the river is rapid: they generally arrive at _Grésik_
in eight days; but they can perform but one voyage in a season, as they
require nearly four months to work up the stream.

The river of _Surabáya_, the second in magnitude of the whole island,
rises near _Bátu_, in the vicinity of the southern hills of the
mountain _Arjúna_. It is near its source called _Káli-brántas_. Near
the capital of _Málang_ it receives two streams from the eastward.
There it first takes its course through the most southern provinces of
the island, when winding round the mountain _Káwi_ it returns again to
the north, receiving near its curvature numerous augmentations from
the southern ridge of mountains. The chief of these is the _Lésti_,
a considerable river coming from the east, which joins it near the
boundary of _Málang_ and _Seríng'at_. Continuing its course in a
northern direction, it traverses the provinces of _Rówo_ and _Kedíri_,
being joined on the way by the river _Rówo_: here it attains its utmost
magnitude, and is distinguished by the name of _Beng'áwan Kedíri_. From
the capital of this district to its mouths, it is navigable for boats
of very considerable size, and its course is steady and uninterrupted.
Having crossed the district of _Wirasába_ and _Jápan_, it enters that
of _Surabáya_. It discharges itself into the ocean by five outlets,
which form as many separate rivers. The first of them, taking an
easterly course, is called the river _Púnong_: then follow those of
_Tang'goláng'ing_, _Sído-kéri_, _Kedóng_, and lastly of _Wóno-króno_,
which again subdividing sends off the branch which passes _Surabáya_.

Several smaller rivers, which fall into the sea between _Semárang_ and
_Lásem_, are highly important for the conveyance of teak timber from
the central forests to the coast; and the waters from some of them
being directed into canals, particularly through the low district of
_Demák_, tend considerably to increase the inland navigation of the
country.

In the western districts, the principal rivers which discharge
themselves into the sea on the northern coast are the _Chikándi_,
which forms the present boundary between Bantam and the environs of
Batavia; the _Chi-dáni_, which discharges itself below _Táng'ran_;
the _Chi-tárom_, which falls into the sea below _Kráwang_; and the
_Chi-mánok_, which forms the present boundary between _Dramáyu_
and _Chéribon_. The principal rivers which discharge themselves by
the south coast are the _Chi-mandíri_, which falls into the sea at
_Palábuan-rátu_, or Wyn Coops Bay; the _Chi-tándui_, which disembogues
near _Núsa-kambáng'an_; and the _Seráyu_, which taking its rise in
the mountain _Díeng_ or _Práhu_, traverses the rich districts of
_Bányumas_, and falls into the sea a short distance to the east of
_Cheláchap_; but these rivers, though of considerable depth, are choked
up at their mouths by heavy banks or bars, and in consequence of the
heavy surf which constantly breaks on the southern coast, are dangerous
at their entrance.

Along the northern coast, almost every district has its principal
river, and most of them are navigable up to the maritime capitals
for native vessels of considerable burthen; but they all have the
disadvantage of being partially blocked up at their discharge by
extensive bars and mud banks, an evil which is extending with the
increase of agriculture, by reason of the quantify of soil necessarily
washed down in the process of irrigating the land for the rice
cultivation. Most of them require the application of jetties or piers
to deepen the passages at their entrance.

There are no lakes of any considerable size on Java, for that name
cannot be given to the _ráwas_, or swamps, which though swelled to
a considerable size in the wet season, are for the rest of the year
either dried up or choked by vegetation. Of this description are
two extensive tracts; one inland of _Japára_, usually termed by the
Dutch the _Binnen Zee_, or inland sea; and another in the district
of _Semárang_. In _Báglen_ also (one of the native provinces on the
southern side of the island) there is a lake which supplies the
neighbouring country with fish, and along the coast of which a traffic
is carried on in boats.

Extensive swamps are also found in some parts of the native provinces,
and in the mountainous districts of the _Súnda_ country. Several very
beautiful lakes, of small dimensions, are discovered among the hills,
and some of them can evidently be shown to have been formed of the
craters of extinct volcanos.

The general aspect of Java on the northern coast is low, in many places
swampy and overgrown with mangrove trees and bushes, particularly
towards the west. The southern coast, on the contrary, consists almost
entirely of a series of rocks and cliffs, which rise perpendicularly
to a considerable height. In the interior, stupendous mountains
stretch longitudinally throughout the island, while others of an
inferior elevation, and innumerable ranges of hills running in
various directions, serve to form and confine plains and valleys of
various elevations and extent. On the northern side, the ascent is in
general very gradual, from the sea-coast to the immediate base of the
mountains; particularly in the western parts of the island, where it
has the greatest breadth, and where the mountains are situated far
inland. In approaching the mountains, which lie at the back of Batavia,
there is a gradual but almost imperceptible acclivity for about forty
miles. In other parts, where the mountains and hills approach nearer to
the coast, the ascent is of course more abrupt, as may be observed in
the vicinity of _Semárang_.

Although the northern coast is in many parts flat and uninteresting,
the interior and southern provinces, from the mountainous character
of the country, may be reckoned amongst the most romantic and highly
diversified in the world; uniting all the rich and magnificent scenery,
which waving forests, never-failing streams, and constant verdure can
present, heightened by a pure atmosphere and the glowing tints of a
tropical sun.

The largest of the elevated plains are; in the west, that of _Bándung_,
formed between the two ranges of volcanos which branch off from the
foot of the mountain _Gedé_; and in the east, those usually termed
the plains of _Sólo_ and _Kedíri_, which extend along the central
districts from the _Merápi_ to _Kedíri_ and the site of the ancient
capital of _Mejapáhit_. These are of considerable magnitude, and with
the exception of the valley of _Kedú_ and the province of _Bányumas_,
through which the beautiful river of _Seráyu_ bends its winding and
romantic course, are perhaps the richest parts of the island. The
low-lands, however, are not without their claims to that distinction;
especially the flats of _Demák_, once an extensive swamp, and the Delta
of _Surabáya_. Large tracts, particularly in the mountainous ranges
of the western districts, still remain in a state of nature, or where
the ground has been once cleared of forest, are now overrun with long
and rank grass. In the central and eastern districts, the country is
comparatively well clothed with cultivation.

Quitting the low coast of the north, in many parts unhealthy, the
traveller can hardly advance five miles inland without feeling a
sensible improvement in the atmosphere and climate. As he proceeds,
at every step he breathes a purer air and surveys a brighter scene.
At length he reaches the highlands. Here the boldest forms of nature
are tempered by the rural arts of man: stupendous mountains clothed
with abundant harvest, impetuous cataracts tamed to the peasant's
will. Here is perpetual verdure; here are tints of the brightest hue.
In the hottest season, the air retains its freshness; in the driest,
the innumerable rills and rivulets preserve much of their water. This
the mountain farmer directs in endless conduits and canals to irrigate
the land, which he has laid out in terraces for its reception; it then
descends to the plains, and spreads fertility wherever it flows, till
at last, by numerous outlets, it discharges itself into the sea.

Almost all the mountains or volcanos, in the large series before
noticed, are found on examination to have the same general
constitution: they are striped vertically by sharp ridges, which, as
they approach the foot of the mountain, take a more winding course.
These ridges alternate with valleys, whose sides are of a very various
declivity. Large rocks of basaltes occasionally project, and in several
instances the valleys form the beds of rivers towards the tops of the
volcanos; in the rainy season they all convey large volumes of water.

Next in importance to this extensive series of primary mountains,
there are various ridges of smaller mountains, or hills, extending
in different directions, with nearly an equal degree of elevation;
sometimes originating from or connected with the primary volcanos,
sometimes forming independent ranges, and arising separately and at a
distance from the great series. These, which have been termed secondary
mountains, though evidently of a volcanic nature, differ in many
particulars of their constitution from those of the larger series. They
generally extend in long narrow ridges, with but a moderate elevation,
and their sides are less regularly composed of the vertical ridges
above mentioned. In most cases, a stratified structure and submarine
origin may be discovered. They are generally covered with large
rocks of basaltes; and in some instances they consist of wacken and
hornblende, which is found along their base in immense piles.

Hills of calcareous constitution, with only a moderate degree of
elevation, occur in smaller ridges, often with a flat or tabular top;
or in steep rocks and eminences. These are sometimes found in the
centre of the island, covering the volcanic districts, but much more
frequently near the northern and southern shores.

Hills of a mixed nature, partly calcareous and partly volcanic, are
also found. The southern coast of the island consists almost entirely
of them, rising in many places to the perpendicular height of eighty
or one hundred feet, and sometimes much higher. These, as they branch
inward and approach the central or higher districts, gradually
disappear, and give place to the volcanic series, or alternate with
huge masses of basaltic hornblende, that appears to assume a regular
stratification. At the base of these, or in the beds of the rivers
which proceed from them, are frequently found various silicious stones,
as common flints, prase, hornstone, jasper, porphyry, agate, cornelian,
&c.

Alluvial districts, evidently of recent origin, are noticed in several
parts of the island. These are formed from the sediment and near
the discharge of large rivers, and at the borders of the calcareous
ridges, which are in many instances partially covered by them: their
boundary can easily be traced, and most of them are still in a state
of constant progression. Among other phenomena are mineral wells of
various temperature and impregnation; wells of naphtha, or petroleum;
and rivers arising, in a few instances, from the craters of volcanos,
impregnated with sulphureous acid[24].

From these, and all other investigations yet made, the constitution
of Java appears to be exclusively volcanic. From the vast Asiatic
chain of mountains, one branch of which terminates in Ceylon, proceeds
another, which traversing Arakan, Pegu, and the Malayan peninsula,
extends to Sumatra, _Bánka_, and _Bíliton_, where it may be said to
disappear. On Java no granite has been discovered. In its constitution,
as in its direction, it may be considered as the first of a series of
volcanic islands, which extend nearly eastward from the Straits of
Sunda for about twenty-five degrees.

At what period the island assumed its present shape, or whether it
was once joined to Sumatra and _Báli_, is matter for conjecture. The
violent convulsions which these islands have so often suffered, justify
a conclusion that the face of the country has been frequently changed,
and tradition mentions the periods when Java was separated from those
islands;[25] but the essential difference which has been found in
the mineralogical constitution of Java and Sumatra, would seem to
indicate a different origin, and to support the opinion that those two
islands were never united. Whether, at a period more remote, the whole
Archipelago formed part of the continent of Asia, and was divided from
it and shattered into islands; whether they were originally distinct
from the main land, or whether they were formed at the same time, or
subsequently, are questions we cannot resolve. Yet, when we reflect on
the violence of those dreadful phenomena[26] which have occurred in
our own times in the smaller islands of the volcanic series, and view
this range, as it is now presented to us on the map of the world, a
conjecture might perhaps be hazarded, that the whole may have once
formed but the southern side of one large island or continent, within
which much of the main land has fallen in, and subsequently disappeared
on the influx of the sea.

The constitution of the island is unfavourable to metals. All the
examinations hitherto made confirm this assertion, and it may be laid
down as a general position, that no metals occur, in such a quantity,
or with such richness of ore, as to reward the operations of the
miner. The only notice we have of the existence of gold or silver is
contained in the first volume of the Transactions of the Batavian
Society; and the attempts on the mountain of _Párang_, in 1723, and on
the _Mégeméndung_, in 1744, were soon abandoned. Iron pyrites is found
in small quantity in several districts, as well as red-ochre; which,
however, often contains so little iron, as scarcely to serve for the
common purpose of paint. The existence of mercury in the low lands
of _Démak_, where it is distributed in minute particles through the
clay of the rice-grounds bounding one of the principal rivers of that
district, has not been considered as an indication of a mine, or of the
ores of that metal.

No diamonds are found, nor other precious stones, but many minerals
of the schorl, quartz, potstone, feldspar, and trap kind. They mostly
exist in mountains of secondary elevation, towards the southern shores
of the island, sometimes in extensive veins; but separate fragments
are carried down by the rivers, and found far from their original
deposition. Prase is found in very extensive veins; hornstone is also
abundant in particular situations, as well as flint, chalcedony,
hyalite, common jasper, jasper-agate, obsidian, and porphyry.

The soil in Java is for the most part rich, and remarkable for its
depth; probably owing to the exclusively volcanic constitution of the
country, and the constant accession of new mould, which is washed down
the side of its numerous mountains. It has the character of being in a
high degree richer than the ordinary soil of the Malayan countries in
general, particularly of Sumatra and the Malayan peninsula. The best
soil resembles the richest garden-mould of Europe; and whenever it can
be exposed to the inundation necessary for the rice crop, requires
no manure, and will bear without impoverishment, one heavy and one
light crop in the year: the poorest, with this advantage, will yield
a liberal return to the husbandman. In an island of such extent and
variety of surface, the soil is necessarily various, but its general
character is that of extraordinary fertility. The red and very light
soil of the western districts is generally considered inferior to the
dark brown and stiffer soil which prevails in the eastern. The best
soil is usually found near the beds of rivers, in the valleys, and on
the <DW72>s of the largest mountains: the worst on the ranges of low
calcareous hills, which run through different parts of the island.

The seasons, in all the countries situated within about ten degrees of
the equator, agree in this: that as one eternal summer prevails, they
are not distinguished as hot and cold, but as wet and dry. On Java the
seasons depend upon the periodical winds. The period of the setting
in of these winds is not determined within a few weeks; but generally
the westerly winds, which are always attended with rain, are felt in
October, become more steady in November and December, and gradually
subside, till in March or April they are succeeded by the easterly
winds and fair weather, which continue for the remaining half year.
The heaviest rains are in the months of December and January, and the
driest weather is in July and August; at which latter period, also, the
nights are coldest and the days hottest. The weather is most unsettled
when the season is changing, particularly at the first setting in of
the westerly winds: but those violent storms and hurricanes, which are
so often felt in the West Indies and in higher latitudes, are here
unknown. With the exception of a few days at these periods, or when
the westerly winds are at their height, vessels of any description may
ride in safety in most of the bays along the northern coast of the
island; and on shore, the wind is never so violent as to do damage.
Thunder-storms are, however, frequent, and the lightning is extremely
vivid. In the vicinity of the hills, and elsewhere during the dry
season, seldom a day passes without thunder and lightning; and although
these grand exhibitions of nature cause less consternation in general
within the tropics than beyond them, it cannot be denied that they are
destructive of many lives. Earthquakes are to be expected in a volcanic
country, and are frequent in the vicinity of the volcanos; but the
European towns have never sustained any serious injury from them.

During the rainy season there are many days free from showers. The
mornings are generally clear, and although the rains sometimes continue
without intermission for several days, and frequently fall in torrents,
they are not marked on Java by that decided character, either of
permanence or violence, which distinguishes the periodical rains of
the continent of India; neither is the dry season distinguished by
that excessive aridity which attends the hot seasons of that country.
Even in July and August, the atmosphere is refreshed by occasional
showers, and the landscape is at all times of the year covered with the
brightest verdure. The thermometer of Fahrenheit has been known to rise
along the northern coast as high as 90° about three in the afternoon,
and even higher, particularly in the large and low capitals of Batavia,
_Semárang_, and _Surabáya_; but from observations made during a course
of some years at Batavia, and published under the authority of the
Dutch government, it has been found usually to range between 70 and
74° in the evenings and mornings, and to stand about 83° at noon. By
similar observations at _Semárang_, the same thermometer, placed in a
spacious and open apartment, has averaged 87½° at noon.

At a distance inland of not more than thirty or forty miles, where the
ascent is gradual, and of fifteen or twenty or less where it is rapid,
the thermometer falls from five to ten degrees lower. At _Chi-serúa_,
situated about 40 miles inland of Batavia, and _Chi-pánas_, about
twelve miles further, on the opposite <DW72> of the mountain _Gedé_, the
thermometer ranges generally between 60 and 70°. In the morning, at six
o'clock, it is sometimes as low as 57°; and in the afternoon, at three,
its usual height is from 67 to 70°, but seldom rising to 72°. On some
of the hills inland of _Semárang_, on which Europeans frequently reside
during the dry season, at an elevation of about four thousand feet,
the thermometer is frequently seen as low as 45°, and generally, in the
clear season, ranges from 50 to 62°, and on the summit of one of the
mountains (_Sindóro_) it has been observed as low as 27°[27]. Ice, as
thick as a Spanish dollar, has been found; and hoar-frost, denominated
_bóhon úpas_, or the poisonous dew, has been observed on the trees and
vegetation of some of the higher regions.

By its insular situation, the climate of Java enjoys the benefit of
land and sea breezes, which in its least favoured parts subdue the
fierceness of the tropical rays, while the great elevation of its
interior affords the rare advantage, that from the sea-shore up to the
tops of the mountains, there is, almost from one end of the island to
the other, a regular diminution of the temperature, at the rate of two
or three degrees of Fahrenheit for every ten miles.

The general inference which has been drawn by professional men,
from the experience which the occupation of Java by the British has
afforded, is, that with the exception of the town of Batavia, and some
parts of the northern coast, the island of Java stands on a level, in
point of salubrity, with the healthiest parts of British India, or of
any tropical country in the world.

The principal stations of the British army, composed of Europeans and
Sepoys, were at Weltevreden, within three miles of the town of Batavia,
and at _Semárang_ and _Surabáya_, spots certainly less favourable to
health than the rest of the island taken generally; but detachments
from it have occasionally done duty in every district of the island.

The tables included in the Appendix[28], will shew, that
notwithstanding the troops laboured under many disadvantages and
privations, in point of accommodation, &c. to which they would not
have been subjected in a more permanent settlement, and that they were
otherwise exposed to diseases unconnected with those of the climate,
the average casualties were not excessive. From the 1st November, 1813,
to the same month in 1814, the average number of troops is stated to
have been 7,470, the deaths 504, making a proportion of 1 to 14-8: the
average number of sick in the same period was 862, making a proportion
of sick to well as 1 to 8. From the beginning of November 1814 to the
same month in 1815, out of an average number of troops stationed in
different parts of the island, in corps and detachments, amounting to
7,487, there were 252 deaths, 63 of which were caused by fever, 123 by
dysentery, and 65 by other diseases, making an average number of deaths
of 21 per month, or in the proportion of one death to thirty men in
the year, a proportion not exceeding that of some of the healthiest
possessions in temperate climates.

To this general result may be added the comparative casualties in his
Majesty's 78th regiment, during the period of its being stationed in
India and Java. This regiment has occasionally been cantoned at each of
the principal stations, and has remained on the island from the first
conquest of Java. By the table will be seen the number of rank and file
of which this regiment consisted at different periods, since 1797 to
1815, and the number of casualties in the same periods. It might not be
proper to select the years in which it landed on the continent of India
or on Java; but those in which it was stationed in either country may
be brought together, as fit subjects for comparison. By calculation,
upon the data of the table, it will appear, that from December 1800 to
December 1801, the deaths were to the number of troops as 1 to about
20½; in 1801-2, as 1 to 12; in 1803-4, as 1 to 5¼; in 1804-5, as 1 to
8½; in 1805, as 1 to about 20; in 1806-7, as 1 to 28 nearly; in 1807-8,
as 1 to 24½; in 1809-10, as 1 to about 23; in 1811-12, as 1 to 3¾;
in 1813-14, as 1 to 6; and in 1814-15, as 1 to about 20 nearly. The
places at which the regiment was stationed at these different periods
will be seen by the table; and the cause of the unusual mortality
that prevailed in 1811-12, and which exceeds any of the years on the
continent, will be found in an extract from the letter of Dr. Currie,
the surgeon, inclosing the return. The mortality in the last year was
as 1 to 20 in the regiment, and among the whole troops, according to
the data above, as 1 to about 30; a low estimate for climates, whose
characters stand higher for salubrity than that of Java.

That the climate of Java, in general, is congenial to the human frame,
at least to that of an Asiatic, is corroborated by the great extent of
its native population, compared with that of the surrounding islands,
notwithstanding the checks which it experienced both from the native
princes and the European government; and the convincing proof which
the records of the British army now afford, are perhaps sufficient to
remove the unfavourable impression which existed against the climate of
the island, as affecting Europeans.

At the same time, however, that Java has to boast this general
character of high salubrity, comparatively with other tropical
climates, it is not to be denied that there are some spots upon
it which are decidedly unhealthy. These are to be found along the
low swampy marshes of the northern coast, which are mostly recent
encroachments upon the sea: the principal of these is Batavia, the long
established capital of the Dutch eastern empire.

The climate of this city has ever been considered as one of the most
baneful in the world. It has even been designated the storehouse of
disease; with how much justice, is too woefully demonstrated by the
writings of those visitors who have survived its perils, and the
records of the Dutch East-India Company itself. If we may credit
Raynal,[29] there perished between the years 1714 and 1776, in the
hospitals of Batavia, above eighty-seven thousand sailors and soldiers.
From the table, No. 1, imperfect as it is, on account of the loss of
many of the registers at the period of the British conquest, it will be
seen what a large proportion the deaths bore to the whole population;
and from the table, No. 2, of the same Appendix, discovered among the
Dutch records, it appears further, that the total amount of deaths in
this city, from the year 1730 to the year 1752, was in twenty-two years
more than a million of souls.

To those who are acquainted with the manner in which the affairs of
the Dutch East-India Company were managed abroad, there will perhaps
be no difficulty in laying rather at the door of the colonists, than
of the nation, the crime of maintaining a commercial monopoly, at such
a dreadful expence of lives as resulted from confining the European
population within the narrow walls of this unhealthy city. That the
sacrifice was made for that object, or to speak more correctly, under
that pretext, for the private interests of the colonists who were
entrusted with its details, can scarcely be doubted. From the moment
the walls of the city were demolished, the draw-bridges let down, and
free egress and ingress to and from the country was permitted, the
population began to migrate to a more healthy spot, and they had not
to go above one or two miles beyond the precincts before they found
themselves in a different climate. But this indulgence, as it gave the
inhabitants a purer air, so it gave them a clearer insight into the
resources of the country, and notions of a freer commerce, which, of
all things, it was the object of the local government and its officers
to limit or suppress.

Necessity might have first determined the choice of the spot for the
European capital; but a perseverance in the policy of confining the
European population within its walls, after so many direful warnings
of its insalubrity, cannot but lead to the inference, that either the
monopoly of the trade was considered a greater object to the nation
than the lives of the inhabitants, or that the more liberal views of
the government were defeated by the weakness or corruption of its
agents.

Of the vegetable and animal kingdoms, as of the mineral, we shall
content ourselves with such an account as may be necessary to convey
to the reader a general notion of the nature of the country and its
resources, referring the man of science to the intended publication of
Dr. Thomas Horsfield, a gentleman whose sole attention has, for the
last seven years, been directed to the natural history of Java.

Java is distinguished not only by the abundance of its vegetation,
but by its extraordinary variety. Upwards of a thousand plants are
already contained in the herb-area of Dr. Horsfield, of which a large
proportion are new to the naturalist. Between the tops of the mountains
and the sea-shore, Java may be considered as possessing at least six
distinct climates, each furnishing a copious indigenous botany, while
the productions of every region in the world may find a congenial spot
somewhere in the island.

Vegetable productions, which contribute to the food and sustenance of
man, are found in great variety. Of these the most important is rice,
which forms the staple grain of the country, and of which there are
upwards of a hundred varieties. Maize, or Indian corn, ranks next, and
is principally cultivated in the higher regions, or in those tracts
where the soil is unfavourable to the rice cultivation. The bean, or
_káchang_, of which there are many varieties, is an important article
of food. Of the sugar-cane, which is used by the natives only in its
raw state, they distinguish eight varieties, an account of which, as
well as of the cultivation of coffee, pepper, indigo, tobacco, &c. will
be found in the chapter on agriculture. Aniseed, _múngsi_, cummin-seed,
_márícha_ (black pepper), _chábi jáwa_ (long pepper), _kumúkus_
(cubebs), socha dolichos, and _mendéking_, plants of considerable
importance, may be considered as indigenous to the island, and are
collected for various uses in diet and medicine.

Besides the cocoa-nut and other productions more generally known,
there are many trees growing spontaneously, of which the seeds and
kernels are used as food; the principal of these are the _peté_,
_jéngkol_, and _kómlandíngan_, several species of the mimosa, and the
_púchang_ and _kamíri_. The bread-fruit tree grows on Java, and is of
the same species (although inferior in quality) with that of the South
Sea Islands: but the fruit is comparatively very little esteemed or
employed as an article of food.

Of tuberous roots, besides those furnished from the principal genera,
convolvulus, dioscorea, and arum, are those from the _bangkwang_
(dolichos bulbosus), the roots of which are much esteemed by the
natives, and the _kéntang jáwa_ (ocymum tuberosum) or Java potatoe.
Most of the numerous varieties of the convolvulus and dioscorea, which
furnish food for the natives, have been enumerated in one of the first
volumes of the Batavian Transactions. The jatropha manihot, called _úwi
blanda_, or _wúdo_, has been propagated through all parts of Java, and
is found growing in the hedges.

The true sago of Amboina and the Eastern Islands, is found only
solitary in a few low and marshy situations, and the preparation
of it from the pith of the tree is not known to the inhabitants of
Java: the leaves only are employed for covering houses; but from the
_áren_, or sagurus rumphii, which grows abundantly in every part of
the island, and on account of its variously extensive uses, ranks next
in importance to the cocoa-nut, a substance is prepared, similar in
all respects to the true sago of the Eastern Islands. The tops of
various trees of the palm kind, which are sought after in other parts
of the East as food, are, on account of the abundance of rice and other
esculent vegetables, but little regarded in Java; but the young shoots
of many varieties of the _bambu_ are used in the diet of the natives.
Wheat and potatoes, with almost every species of European vegetables,
are cultivated with success. Of the oil-giving plants a particular
account will be given when describing the agriculture of the country.

Java, in common with the Malayan islands in general, abounds in
indigenous fruits. "No region of the earth," observes Mr. Marsden,
"can boast an equal abundance and variety of indigenous fruits." The
_mangústin_, which on account of its acknowledged pre-eminence amongst
Indian fruits, has been termed the pride of these countries; the
_durian_, or _dúren_, to which the natives of these islands are so
passionately attached; the _rámbutan_, the _lánseh_ or _lánseb_, with
an extensive variety of the jack, the mango, the plantain, the guava,
the pine-apple, the papaw, the custard-apple, the pomegranate, and
almost every species of fruit which grows within the tropics, are here
found in the greatest variety. The tamarind tree is general. The island
also produces many kinds of oranges, citrons, lemons, and in particular
the pumplemous (known in Bengal under the name of the Batavian lembu,
or lime, and in the West Indies as the shaddock), besides the _sáwu_,
_klédung_, _pachítan_, and a variety of others, not generally known
to Europeans, but well calculated for the table. Of the mango, at
least forty varieties are enumerated; the wild raspberry, which is
found in the higher regions, is not destitute of flavour; one kind, in
particular, with dark violet- fruit, approaches in taste to the
European species. In some of the mountainous tracts are to be found
peaches, Chinese pears, and some other fruits imported from Japan, the
Cape of Good Hope, and China.

Among innumerable flowers which bloom in perpetual succession
throughout the year, and impregnate the air of these countries with
their fragrance, those of the _champáka_, _tán-jong_, _meláti_,
_kanáng'a_ and _nágasári_, hold the first rank; they are used by the
natives in the ornament of their persons, and are remarkable for their
fragrance. The myrtle and rose are found in the gardens of Europeans.
A great variety of ornamental trees and shrubs, many of them overlooked
in the catalogues of Rhumphius and Van Rheede, have been noticed, as
deserving cultivation for their utility as well as beauty.

The medicinal plants of Java have been described in an account
published in the Batavian Transactions: among these are many which
are employed in the daily practice of the natives, of which a large
proportion have not been subjects of investigation or experiment
by Europeans, and others which had not previously been botanically
described or classed. In a country hitherto imperfectly explored,
and abounding in profuse vegetation, it was natural to calculate on
the discovery of many useful medicinal plants; and among upwards of
sixty, described, for the first time, by Dr. Horsfield, he particularly
notices several, as likely to become most valuable articles in general
medicinal practice.

Besides abundance of coir, termed _sepét_ by the natives, prepared from
the fibres which surround the cocoa-nut, and gamuti (called _duk_),
prepared from those of the _áren_ tree, both of which are well known,
another species of palm, the _gebáng_, also yields valuable ropes,
the fibre of which is obtained from the large petioles or stalks of
the leaves by pounding and beating. Intelligent natives assert, that
ropes prepared from these are particularly valuable, exceeding in
strength all other kinds of equal size. The fibres and ropes are called
_bas_. The cotton shrub (gossypium herbaceum) is universal; and hemp,
though its uses are unknown to the Javans, is found in the gardens
of foreign settlers. Besides these, the island affords various kinds
of vegetables, the fibrous bark of which is made into thread, rope,
cloth, &c.; but they are never cultivated, and when required for use
are collected in their wild state. The general denomination, in the
Javan language, of the internal bark of all vegetables which can be
manufactured into cords, thread, &c. is _lúlub_. This being freed, by
beating or maceration, from the adhering particles of the exterior
bark, yields the fibrous substance, which is twisted by the most simple
process, commonly by the hands alone. The trees which afford the
_lúlub_ are the _wáru_, which is very abundant, and is manufactured
into ropes for all common domestic purposes; the _melínju_, the bark
of which is called _bágu_; and the _béndo_, which affords ropes of
superior strength and durability.

Of the bambusa, the _pring-ápus_, the stem of which may be considered
arborescent, furnishes the cheapest ropes. These are made with great
expedition, being split into thin strips, which are twisted on the spot
into cords fit for all common purposes, although they are serviceable
only for a few days. They are uniformly used, in travelling, for
securing baggage, &c. Among shrubs principally employed for these
purposes are the _werúng_, _urís-urísan_, _dalúmpang_, _che-plákan_
and _glúgo_; among plants, the _widúri_ and _rámi_; the fibres of the
latter afford very strong and durable cords, which are chiefly employed
for nets or lines, and used in fishing: they greatly resemble the
sunn of western India, and would probably be found to answer the same
purpose, as well in furnishing the bags called in India gunny-bags,
for the transportation of goods, as for the manufacture of paper in
Europe. This remark applies also to the _lúlub_ of several of the other
shrubs mentioned. Several species of _písang_ or plantain yield the
materials for ropes and cords of various fineness, according to the
methods employed in preparing them. In the Manilla Islands, cables
are made from these fibres; and in the first volume of the Batavian
Transactions a mode is described of preparing from them a substance
resembling cotton. The leaves of the '_nanas_, or pine-apple, contain
also abundance of useful fibres, which are easily separated in a
bundle, after scraping off the coriaceous substance. It is very fine,
and the separate fibres are employed by the natives in sewing without
any preparation; but it may also be spun, and is made into a kind of
stuff resembling silk, gauze, &c.

Mats are made from several species of pandanus, from a kind of grass
called _méndong_, and from the leaves of various palms, particularly
the _gebáng_. The latter affords the most common kinds, coarser and
less durable than the others, as well as bags (straw sacks) resembling
very coarse mats.

The paper in common use with the Javans is manufactured from the
_glúgo_, (morus papyrifera.)

A variety of vegetable substances are used in dyeing: the principal
of which, however, are the _tom_, or indigo, which is extensively
cultivated throughout the island; and the _wong-kúdu_, which affords
a lasting scarlet. A black dye is obtained from the bark of several
exotic trees, united with the rind of the _mangústin_ fruit. A yellow
dye is also obtained from an exotic wood, heightened by the addition of
the bark of the _nángka_ tree, and a variety of the mango.

Extensive forests of the _játi_, or teak of India[30], are found in
almost all the eastern provinces; but the most valuable and important
are in the central districts, situated inland, between _Semárang_ and
_Sidáyu_, and particularly in the districts of _Blóra_, _Jípang_, and
_Padáng'an_.

Of the teak tree there is but one species known, the tectona grandis
of Linnæus, the tekka of Van Rheede, and the jatus of Rhumphius.
Its natural history has been already fully detailed, and all the
kinds generally enumerated are merely varieties. These are usually
distinguished among the natives of Java by names derived from the
quality and colour of the wood. The principal are the _játi kápur_,
the chalky teak, and a kind varying in colour, and on account of
its excellence termed _játi súng'gu_, or the true teak. The former
is the most common: its wood is of a whitish hue, and it sometimes
contains calcareous concretions in nodules or streaks. This sort is
chiefly employed for common domestic purposes, and though inferior
in quality to many others, from its abundance and comparative
cheapness, is perhaps the most generally useful. The _játi súng'gu_
is harder, closer, and more ponderous, and particularly selected for
ship-building. The colour of the wood is of different shades, from
light to intense brown, with a cast of violet verging sometimes to red
or black. If the stem is covered with spines, or rather pointed scales,
it is called _játi dúri_, but in its texture and quality it agrees with
the _játi súnge'gu_. Besides these the natives distinguish, as _játi
gémbol_, those excrescences or protuberances which are produced from a
variety of the _játi_, furnishing materials for handsome cabinet-work.

The teak tree on Java grows at a moderate elevation above the level
of the ocean. It is generally conceived, that the timber afforded by
forests growing on a soil of which the basis is limestone, and the
surface uneven, gravelly, or rocky, is the hardest, the freest from
chalky concretions, and in all respects the best; but in laying out
a teak plantation, a soil consisting in a great proportion of black
vegetable mould, is always selected for the purpose of obtaining a
rapid growth. The teak tree is slender and erect. It shoots up with
considerable vigour and rapidity, but its expansion is slow. Like all
other trees affording useful timber of a close grain, it is many years
in arriving at maturity. Under favourable circumstances, a growth of
from twenty to twenty-five years affords a tree having about twelve
inches diameter at the base. It requires at least a century to attain
its perfection, but for common purposes, it is usually felled when
between thirty and fifty years old[31].

Notwithstanding the extent to which cultivation has been carried in
many districts of the island, large portions of its surface are still
covered with primeval forests, affording excellent timber of various
descriptions. Besides the teak, there are several kinds of wood or
timber employed for various domestic purposes, as the _súren_ (the tuna
of Bengal), of which the wood is very light, stronger and more durable
than all other kinds of similar weight produced on the island: as the
grain is not fine, it is not employed in making furniture, but it is
useful for chests, trunks, carriages, &c.; its colour is red, and its
odour somewhat resembling that of the cedar. Its weight is probably
inferior to that of the larch.--The _wúngú_ or _ketángi_ is often used
instead of teak: the grain is somewhat finer: when in full blossom it
is perhaps the most beautiful tree existing.--The _wádang_ or _báyur_,
a light and tolerably durable wood, is employed for masts and spars
of small vessels; but the surface must be well covered with resinous
substances to prevent its splitting.--The _gintúngan_ is employed in
the same manner, but grows to a larger size; the colour of the wood
and bark is red.--The _lampéan_ or _lában_ is light but durable, and
affords materials for the handles of the spears or pikes borne by the
natives.--The _nángka_ abounds in several districts where teak is not
found, and is almost exclusively used in the construction of houses,
and other domestic purposes: the wood is more close and ponderous
than the _súren_, which it otherwise resembles; it takes a tolerable
polish, and is sometimes employed for furniture. The colour is yellow;
but it is made to receive a brownish hue, by the application of the
young teak-leaves in polishing: its bark is used as a yellow dye.--The
_lúren_ resembles the _nángka_, but is generally of rare occurrence,
though in some tracts it furnishes the only timber: its use in the
neighbouring islands, particularly on Sumatra, is well known.--The
_kusámbi_ is uncommonly heavy, hard, and close: it supplies anchors for
small vessels, blocks, pestles, and numerous similar utensils.--The
_sáwur_ is a very beautiful and useful wood; the colour resembles that
of mahogany, but the grain is closer, and it is more ponderous: its
chief use is for handles of tools for carpenters and other artificers,
for machinery, especially for the teeth of the wheels of mills, and
other purposes where a hard and durable wood is required. On account of
its scarcity, it is uniformly cut down on Java before it arrives at
the necessary size for cabinet-work. Forests of it grow on the hills
of _Báli_, opposite the Javan shore, whence it is brought over by
boat-loads for sale.

The _pílang_ is a very hard wood, and employed in the eastern
districts, instead of lignum-vitæ, for the construction of
ships'-blocks, &c.--The _pung_ is equally hard, and uniformly employed
by the natives for pegs in constructing their _prahus_.--The _wáli
kúkun_ is equal to the _kusámbi_ in weight, and exceeds it in hardness:
it is employed for anchors, naves of wheels, machinery, &c.--The
_tang'gulun_ is a hard wood of a close grain, and employed by turners
for various small works.--The _kelúmpit_ is a very large tree: sections
are employed by the natives for cart wheels.--The _járan_ is a white
wood taking the tool easily: the natives prefer it to all others
for the construction of their saddles, which consist principally of
wood.--The _demólo_ affords a light wood, which is made into planks,
and employed where durability is not much required.--The wood of the
_kedáwung_ is whitish and moderately hard.--The _lában_ is a yellowish
and hard wood: it is employed for the handles of axes and various
utensils.--The _jánglot_ is considered by the natives as the toughest
wood produced in the island, and is always employed for bows when
procurable: the tree is of a moderate size.--The _béndo_ is a light
wood, useful for canoes.--The _séntul_ is a light close-grained wood,
and easily worked: it resembles the _súren_.

For household furniture, cabinet-ware, &c. are employed--the _sóno
kling_ of the _Maláyus_, the colour of which is a deep brown,
inclining to black:--the _sóno kómbang_, which has some resemblance
to the _lingua_ wood of the Moluccas:--the _war'm-lot_, dark brown;
and _próno-sodo_, resembling the walnut, both scarce:--the _wer'n_,
of a brown colour, of a close substance and light, abundant in some
districts:--the _mentáus_ and _júmberit_, the wood of which is white
and fine-grained, uniformly used for inlaying:--the _randu kúning_,
yellowish and close-grained:--and the _íng'as_, of a brownish red
colour, and very brittle.

For the hilts and sheaths of krîses, the natives make use of the
_timóko_, of which the black and white variegated fragments are called
_pélet_. These are of various kinds.--The _arúman_, variegated white
and black, is also employed for canes, handles, and spears, &c.
and is very heavy.--The _tiké_, yellowish, closed and marble,--the
_mángu_,--the _áti áti_,--the _kráminan_,--the _púrwo-kúning_ and
several others, are employed for the same purposes.--The _kamúning_ is
of a brownish colour and very fine grain:--the _tayúman_ resembles the
last and is very much esteemed:--the _wúni stelágo_ affords a reddish
wood.

Among the most extensively useful productions ought not to be forgotten
the _bámbu_, or _príng_, which abounds on Java, and seems, from the
greater luxuriance and variety by which it is here distinguished, to
find the soil and climate more congenial to its growth than those of
any other country. It blossoms in different parts of the island. The
rattans (_rótan_) of Java are on the whole inferior to those of Sumatra
and Borneo: the improved state of cultivation is unfavourable to their
growth and propagation.

Many woods afford excellent fuel. The charcoal prepared from the
_kusámbi_ is equal perhaps to that of any other wood with which we are
acquainted, and is universally preferred in cooking, and in the other
branches of domestic economy. Charcoal, for gunpowder, is uniformly
prepared from the celtis orientalis, called _áng'grung_.

Among the useful trees must be noticed: the soap-tree, of which the
fruit is used to a very great extent in washing linen:--the _kasémak_,
from the bark of which is made a varnish for umbrellas:--the _sámpang_,
from the resin of which the natives prepare a shining varnish for the
wooden sheaths of krîses:--the cotton-tree, from which a silky wool is
obtained for stuffing pillows and beds:--the wax-tree, which, though
scarce on Java, grows abundantly on some parts of Madúra: (the kernel,
by expression, produces an oil, which some time after becomes hard
and bears a resemblance to wax; it may be burnt in lamps or converted
into candles, and affords an agreeable odour): the _bendúd_, a shrub
producing the substance of which the elastic gum, commonly called
Indian-rubber, is prepared. The art of preparing it in this form is
however unknown in Java. Torches are made of it, for the use of those
who search for birds' nests in the rocks, and it serves for winding
round the stick employed to strike musical instruments, as the _gong_,
&c. to soften the sound. The _mínyak káwon_ or _niátu_ is a very
useful tree, which grows solitary in all, and abundantly in some parts
of the island, and produces a kind of tallow.

_Dámar_, or resin, is distinguished by the inhabitants of these
countries into two kinds: _dámar-bátu_ or _séla_, and _dámar-puti_,
comprising numerous varieties obtained from different trees. None of
these are, however, produced on Java. Besides the _rásamála_, which is
very limited as to its place of growth, the _Canáram_, and a peculiar
resin employed by the natives for varnishing the wooden sheaths of
their krîses, called _sámpang_, few odoriferous resins are found. The
camphor-tree, which abounds on Sumatra and Borneo, is unknown on Java.
The wood oil, distinguished among the Malays by the name of _krúwing_
(which in Java is applied to all resinous or oily substances employed
in the construction of vessels), is not a native of Java, but it grows
abundantly on Banka and Sumatra.

None of what are called the finer kinds of spices, namely, the nutmeg,
clove, and cinnamon, are indigenous to Java; but the few trees which
have been planted in the gardens of Europeans have thriven well: and,
from the nature of the soil and climate, there seems little doubt that
the nutmeg and clove, in particular, might be extensively cultivated
throughout the island, did it suit the policy of the European
government to admit of their general introduction.

The vine was once extensively cultivated in some of the eastern
provinces of the island, in which the soil and climate appear well
calculated for its growth; but an apprehension, on the part of
the Dutch East-India Company, that its cultivation on Java might
interfere with the wine trade of the Cape of Good Hope, induced them
to discourage it, and the preparation of wine from the grape was
strictly prohibited. Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie, when noticing the
vast quantities of ashes thrown up from the different volcanos, makes
the following observation on the eastern part of Java. "The soil of
the country is evidently enriched by the ashes and earth emitted by
these eruptions, and there is reason to conclude, what persons well
acquainted with the south of Europe assert, that the vines of Italy
and the Cape would thrive in perfection, in a soil and climate so well
adapted to them."

Among the vegetable productions of Java, none has excited more interest
than the celebrated _úpas_, or poison-tree. Mr. Marsden, in his history
of Sumatra[32], has referred to various concurring authorities, in
refutation of the very extraordinary tales told of this tree; and, in
this general account of the productions of Java, it may perhaps be
sufficient to refer the reader to the particulars contained in the
subjoined note[33].

Of the useful or domestic quadrupeds it may be observed, that neither
the elephant nor the camel is a native of Java: the former is rarely
imported, the latter unknown. Neither the ass nor mule is found; but
the island has a fine breed of small horses (_járan_), strong, fleet,
and well made. A still finer breed is imported from _Bíma_, on the
neighbouring island of _Sumbáwa_, which by competent judges has been
said to resemble the Arab in every respect except size. They seldom
exceed thirteen hands, and in general are below this standard.

The bull and cow (_sápi_ or _lémbu_) are general, but much more so in
the central and eastern districts than in the western. The breed has
been greatly improved by the species introduced from continental India.
But the animal of most essential and general use in the agriculture
of the country is the buffalo (_kábu_, _maísa_, or _múnding_), a
particular account of which will appear in the chapter on Agriculture.
Goats (_wedús_) are numerous and of a small size: sheep (called here
European goats) are scarce and small. As in other sultry climates,
the latter have a coarse woollen coat, which is employed for stuffing
saddles, pillows, &c. but it is in so little request that the
inhabitants are rarely at the trouble of shearing for it. The hog
(_chéleng_) is reared principally among the Chinese.

Of beasts of prey may be enumerated several species of the tiger, as
the _máchan lóreng_ (felis tigris), _máchan gogor_ (a variety), _máchan
tútul_ (probably the small leopard of Pennant), _máchan kombang_ and
_kúwuk_, the smallest kind, called tiger-cats. The jackal, and several
varieties of the wild-dog; as the _ásu wáwar_, _ásu ájag_, or _ásu
kíki_; and among other wild quadrupeds, the rhinoceros, and _bánteng_,
or wild Javan ox, the wild-hog and the stag: the last, as well as the
rib-faced and axis deer, is tamed and fattened for food. The aggregate
number of mammalia on Java have been estimated at about fifty. The
habits and manners of the larger animals, the tiger, leopard, black
tiger, rhinoceros and stag, and two species of deer, the varieties of
the wild-hog, &c. are sufficiently known; but the _bánteng_, or Javan
ox, the Javan buffalo, the varieties of the wild-dog, those of the
weasel and squirrel, and most of the other smaller quadrupeds, still
present curious subjects for the study of the naturalist. Next to
the rhinoceros, which sometimes (though rarely at present) injures
plantations, the wild-hogs are the most destructive animals. They are
often poisoned (or intoxicated, according to the quantity they consume)
by the _kálák kámbing_, or by the remains from the preparation of
_brom_. The practice of suspending rags impregnated with urine, at
small distances around the plantations, is universal over the whole
island. These animals are said to have so violent an aversion to this
odour, that even this "feeble barrier" is useful in preserving the
plantations.

Musk, called _dedes_, is procured from the _rasé_.

Although the same qualities are ascribed to them here as in other
countries, bezoars are comparatively scarce in Java; and those
occasionally found in the maritime capitals are uniformly brought from
other countries. The hog-deer and Nicobar pigeon are not natives; and
although wild-hogs, in which bezoars are said to be found, are very
abundant, they are never examined or approached by the natives. Every
extraordinary concretion, calculus, ossification, &c. found in any part
of an animal, is called _mustíka_, which corresponds to the bezoar of
the Arabs, Persians, &c. A concretion of feathers found in the stomach
of a fowl is called _mustíka áyam_, and is carefully preserved. A
stony concretion, discovered accidentally by the rattling of a human
skull exposed for many years to the action of the sun, has been
denominated _mustíka órang_, and the most salutary virtues ascribed
to it. Analogous to the bezoars, must be considered the horns of the
rhinoceros, whose virtues are highly prized.

Among the domestic fowls, or poultry, are the turkey, which is
comparatively scarce, and chiefly raised for the tables of Europeans;
the goose, which is very common near all the establishments of
Europeans; the _bébek_, or duck, abundant in every part of the island;
the common fowl and pigeons. Among the birds of prey, the eagle is
not found; but there are several varieties of the falcon, of which
the _jóko wuru_ is the largest; also the carrion crow and the owl.
Of the parrot kind, two only, the _bétet_ and _selíndit_, are found
on Java. The peacock (_merák_), is very common in large forests. The
number of distinct species of birds has been estimated not greatly to
exceed two hundred, of which upwards of one hundred and seventy have
been described, and are already contained in the collections made on
account of the English East India Company.

The dorsal feathers of the white heron, and the vent feathers of the
_sándang láwé_, are employed, as substitutes for ostrich feathers, by
the natives, for plumes, &c. It is very rarely that the feathers of
geese, &c. are employed for beds or pillows, the silky cotton of the
_kápok_ being preferred on account of its coolness. For ornamenting the
arrows of the natives, the feathers of some of the falcon tribe are
chiefly employed.

Among the interesting subjects which still remain open for search,
are the habits and constitution of the hirundo esculenta, the small
swallow which forms the edible nests, annually exported in large
quantities from Java and the Eastern Islands for the Chinese market.
These birds not only abound among the cliffs and caverns of the south
coast of the island, but inhabit the fissures and caverns of several
of the mountains and hills in the interior of the country. From every
observation which has been made on Java, it has been inferred, that
the mucilaginous substance, of which the nests are formed, is not, as
has been generally supposed, obtained from the ocean. The birds, it
is true, generally inhabit the caverns in the vicinity of the sea, as
agreeing best with their habits, and affording them the most convenient
retreats for attaching their nests to; but several caverns are found
inland, at a distance of forty or fifty miles from the sea, containing
nests similar to those on the shore. From many of their retreats along
the southern coast, they have been observed to take their flight in
an inland direction, towards the pools, lakes, and extensive marshes
covered with stagnant water, as affording them abundance of their food,
which consists of flies, mosquitoes, gnats, and small insects of every
description. The sea that washes the foot of the cliffs, where they
most abound, is almost always in a state of the most violent agitation,
and affords none of those substances which have been supposed to
constitute the food of the esculent swallow. Another species of
swallow on this island forms a nest, in which grass or moss, &c. are
merely agglutinated by a substance, exactly similar to that of which
exclusively the edible nests consist. This substance, from whatever
part of these regions the nests be derived, is essentially uniform,
differing only in the colour, according to the relative age of the
nests. It exhibits none of those diversities which might be expected,
if it were collected casually (like the mud employed by the martin, and
the materials commonly employed in nest-making), and applied to the
rocks. If it consisted of the substances usually supposed, it would be
putrescent and diversified.

Dr. Horsfield thinks that it is an animal elaboration, perhaps a kind
of secretion; but to determine its nature accurately, it should be
carefully analyzed, the anatomy of the bird should be investigated, and
its character and habits watched.

The kayman of the Dutch, the _boáya_ of the Malays, and the _bóyo_
or _bájul_ of the Javans, which abounds along the shores and in the
principal rivers of the island, resembles more the crocodile of Egypt
than that of the Ganges, or the American alligator. The character of
the lacerta crocodiles, as given in the Systema Naturæ, applies to
the Javan crocodile, with this difference, that in the latter the two
crests of the tail coalesce towards the extremity, in which respect
it agrees with that of the Ganges; but its head and jaws are broad,
and rounded. In its manners, habits, and destructive qualities, it
resembles the largest animals of this genus. Next to the crocodile in
size is the _béwak_ of the Malays, or _menyáwak_ or _selíra_ of the
Javans. It sometimes attains the length of six or seven feet, and lives
near the banks of rivers and marshes. Its character agrees with those
of the lacerta monitor. It is erroneously denominated the guana by
Europeans. The eggs of this animal, as well as of the crocodile, are
eaten by the natives, and the fat is collected for medical purposes. A
small lizard, the _búnglon_ of the Javans, is erroneously called the
chameleon, in consequence of the property of changing its colour. It
has the specific characters of the guana, but is much smaller, seldom
exceeding eighteen or twenty inches in length. There are various other
lizards.

Two varieties of the turtle, _pényu_ and _pényu kombang_, are found
in the seas surrounding Java. Both yield the substance called
tortoise-shell, but they are seldom taken of sufficient size to render
it valuable: the flesh is excellent. Another kind, of which the species
is unknown, renders a thicker shell. _Kúro_ is the name of the common
land-tortoise, which is found very abundantly in particular districts.

Besides the rana esculenta, green frog (_kódok íjù_ of the Javans)
which is frequently eaten, and the _kódok benju_, there is the common
toad, _kódok_, and the _bánkong_ and _kíntel_. The frog-fish (rana
paradosa), or a variety of it, is also found on the island, and
has been exhibited in the same supposed metamorphosis as in other
countries. No noxious quality of any of these animals is here known.

It is uncertain whether the boa constrictor be found on Java. The
serpent usually called the _úlar sáwa_ is a species of coluber, and has
been described in one of the volumes of the Batavian Transactions; but
several other species are found which arrive at a very large size. One
of them, the _úlar lánang_, is very much dreaded by the natives, and
said to be poisonous. Of the _úlar sáwa_ there are several varieties,
one of which, _úlar sáwa máchan_, is most beautifully variegated.
Upwards of twenty serpents are enumerated as poisonous. The _úlar
lámpe_ is found at or near the discharge of large rivers into the
ocean, and is more abundant in some districts than in others. This is
greatly dreaded by the natives; its bite however is rarely mortal,
and the effects are comparatively slow, death seldom occurring within
twenty-four hours from the time of its infliction. No remedies which
deserve notice are known by the natives: charms and superstitious
applications are generally resorted to. The most remarkable serpent
is the _úlar kádut_, or _kárang_. The úlar lánang, and some of the
varieties _úlar sáwa_ are slender, and possess considerable agility.
According to the account of the natives, they frequently ascend trees,
and suspending themselves by the extremity of their tail, seize upon
small animals passing below; but the true _úlar sáwa_ of the Eastern
Javans is slow, thick, and unwieldy. Nothing which could illustrate its
supposed power of fascination has been noticed.

Of the fish most commonly used for food by the natives, many of which
are excellent and abundant, thirty-four species of river fish, seven
found chiefly in pools or stagnant waters, and sixteen sea fish, are
already enumerated by Dr. Horsfield. The classes of amphibia and
pisces, doubtless, afford many new subjects for investigation. Valentyn
enumerates five hundred and twenty-eight uncommon kinds of fish found
in the waters of the Eastern Islands.

Honey and wax are produced by three species of bees, inhabiting the
largest forests, but they are both collected in very inconsiderable
quantities. Bees are occasionally domesticated by the Arabs and Indians
near the large settlements, but never by the natives. Silk-worms were
once introduced by the Dutch near Batavia, but attention to them
did not extend among the natives. The chrysalis of the large atlas
affords a coarse silk, which is however not collected for use. To the
fruit, several insects, and to the corn while in the ear, a peculiar
species, generally known by the name of _wálang-sángít_, are most
destructive. The latter has in some years destroyed the growth of
whole districts, and occasioned partial scarcity. The natives attempt,
in some instances, to extirpate it by burning chaff and brimstone
in the fields. There are scorpions and centipedes, but their bite
is considered of little consequence: the natives generally apply a
cataplasm of onions to the wound. The class of insects affords many
new objects; specimens of most of the genus papilio, and many of other
genera have already been collected.

Java does not afford the same opportunities for beautiful collections
of shells as the Moluccas, Papua, and other Islands. Along the northern
coast, few shells are found of beauty or variety, and the corallines
have mostly lost their integrity by attrition; but the extensive bays
in the southern shore contain many of these objects in a state of
beauty and perfection.

FOOTNOTES:

[12] The primitive Athenians were called Iones or Iaones (Herodotus,
lib. i. &c.) This name is thought to have been given to them from
Javan, which bears a great resemblance to Ιάων. This Javan was the
fourth son of Japheth, and is said to have come into Greece after the
confusion of Babel, and seated himself in Attica; and this report
receives no small confirmation from the divine writings, where the
name of Javan is in several places put for Greece. See Daniel x. 20.
xi. 2. where the vulgar translations render it not Javan, as in the
original, but Græcia. The Athenians afterwards named Asia the less
_Ionia_.--Potter's Archæologia Græca.

[13] Panicum Italicum.

[14] The term _Zapagé_ or _Zabaja_ seems also to have been a corruption
from _Jawa_, and to have been used with the same latitude, according
to the following notices by Major Wilford. "There was a constant
intercourse, both by sea and land, between the kingdom of _Magad'hi_
and China, on the authority of Chinese history; and they traded to an
island and kingdom, called Founan, to the eastward of Siam, during the
third and fourth centuries. This was probably a Malay kingdom; but
we cannot ascertain its situation. It seems that the Malay emperors
and kings, as those of _Zapagi_ and _Founan_, did what they could to
introduce trade and learning into their dominions, but their exertions
proved ineffectual; at least they were not attended with much success;
and their subjects soon relapsed into their former mode of life." ...
"There are two countries called Maharaja, which are often confounded
together; the first, at the bottom of the Green Sea, including
Bengal and all the countries on the banks of the Ganges; the second
comprehended the peninsula of Malacca, and some of the adjacent islands
in the seas of China. In these countries the emperor, or king, always
assumed the title of Maharaja, even until this day. Their country,
in general, was called _Zapagé_ or _Zabaja_, which is a corruption
from _Java_ or _Jaba_, as it was called in the west, and was also the
name of Sumatra, according to Ptolemy, who calls it _Jaba-diu_, and
to Marco Polo. In the peninsula of Malacca was the famous emporium of
_Zaba_: Zubaja, in Sanscrit, would signify then _Zaba_. The empire of
_Zabajé_ was thus called, probably, from its metropolis, _Zaba_, as
well as the principal islands near it. _Zaba_ was a principal emporium
even as early as the time of Ptolemy. It remained so till the time of
the two Mussulman travellers of Renaudot, and probably much longer.
It is now called _Batu Sabor_, upon the river Jehor, which is as
large as the Euphrates, according to these travellers; who add, that
the town of Calabar, on the coast of Coromandel, and ten days to the
south of Madras, belonged to the Maharaja of Zabaje. The wars of this
Maharaja with the king of _Alkoner_ or countries near Cape Comorin, are
mentioned by the two Mussulman travellers in the ninth century, and
it seems that, at that time, the Malayan empire was in its greatest
splendor."--_Asiatic Researches_, vol. ix.

[15] Others again have derived the term _Jawa_ from _Yava_, which in
Sanscrit means barley, whence Java has occasionally been termed the
land of barley.

[16] Beschryving van _Groot Djawa_ of te _Java Major_ door F.
Valentyn.--Amsterdam, 1726.

[17] The breadth is a few miles less between Cheribon and the south
coast, occasioned by the deep bay of _Cheláchap_, and also in the
eastern termination of the island beyond Surabáya, where it only
averages forty-five geographical miles.

[18] The term _regencies_ is adopted from the title of Regent, given by
the Dutch to the chief native authority in each district.

[19] _Súra-kérta_ or _Sura-kérta di ning'rat_, is the name given to the
seat of empire; but as the capital was only removed to its present site
about the middle of the last century, it is still frequently called
_Solo_, the name of the village in or near which this capital was
established.

[20] This capital is indifferently turned _Yokya_, _Jokya_, _Juju_,
_'Ng'yug'ya_, or _Yug'ya-kerta_, and is the _Djojo-Carta_, according to
the Dutch orthography. The turn _Yug'ya_ has been selected, on account
of its nearer approximation to the supposed derivation of the word from
the _Na-yud-ya_ of the Ramayan.

[21] The height of the mountain _Arjúna_, in the eastern part of the
island, has been determined at 10,614 feet above the level of the sea;
and this mountain is by no means so lofty as those of _Semíru_ and
_Tegál_, the exact height of which has not yet been ascertained.

[22] The height of this mountain has been ascertained to be 5,263
English feet above the level of the sea.

[23] To the above general observations, which are made on the authority
of Dr. Horsfield, it may not be uninteresting to subjoin a more
particular account of two or three of the volcanos which have been
examined by that gentleman; those of _Tánkuban-Prahu_, _Papandáyang_,
and _Gúntur_ are, therefore, extracted from a paper published by Dr.
Horsfield in the Batavian Transactions.

  "TANKUBAN-PRAHU.--This mountain (which has derived its name from
  its appearance at a distance, resembling a _prahu_, or boat, turned
  upside down) forms a vast truncated cone. Its base extends to a
  very great distance, and it belongs to the largest mountains of
  the island, forming one of its most interesting volcanos. Although
  it has had no violent eruption for many ages, as is evident from
  the progress of vegetation, and from the depth of black mould
  which covers its sides, its interior has continued in a state of
  uninterrupted activity.

  "The crater is one of the largest, perhaps the largest, of the
  island. It has, in general, the shape of a funnel; but its sides
  are very irregular. The brim, or margin, which bounds it at the
  top, has also different degrees of elevation, rising and descending
  along the whole course of its circumference. The perpendicular
  depth at the side, where I descended (in the south), is at
  least two hundred and fifty feet: in the west the margin rises
  considerably higher. The regular circumference of the crater I
  estimate one English mile and nearly an half. The south side of the
  interior crater, near the top, is very steep. I found it impossible
  to descend, without the assistance of ropes tied to the shrubs at
  the margin. It consists here of small fragments of lava. About
  one-third of its depth it becomes more oblique or inclining, and
  the lower part consists of large piles of rocks, through which the
  descending streams of water have excavated a winding channel. The
  east side descends gradually about one-half of the depth, where
  it is terminated abruptly by a perpendicular pile of large rocks,
  which continues to the bottom. The north side is more gradually
  shelving than the others, and is partly covered with vegetation.
  The west side is one perpendicular pile of rocks. The nucleus of
  the mountain consists of large masses of basaltes, in which the
  volcanic opening is situated; and the sides exhibit piles and
  strata of this stone in every possible variety of configuration. In
  some places the rocks have the appearance of a regular wall, which
  is suddenly diversified by large fragments suspended apparently
  by a small base, and threatening to fall down every instant.
  Sometimes they rise in an oblique manner, and appear to have been
  disposed by art. But I shall not attempt a minute description of
  the disposition of the rocks and the strata which form the internal
  walls of the crater, which, without an accurate drawing, would be
  tedious and scarcely intelligible. The surface of the rocks which
  line the interior of the crater is completely calcined, generally
  of a white colour, sometimes inclining to grey or yellow. In many
  places small fragments of lava adhere to and cover the rocks of
  basalt: these are of different sizes, and of great variety of form
  and colour; but the most are calcined or burnt, or the surface like
  the rocks themselves. The different sides of the internal crater
  are excavated in many places, by furrows made by the descending
  water, which penetrate to a considerable depth, and expose more
  completely the interior basaltic composition. The bottom of the
  crater has a diameter of three hundred yards, but is not completely
  regular; its form depends on the gradual meeting of the sides
  below. Its surface is much diversified: it is strewed, like the
  sides, with immense blocks of basalt, the interstices between
  which are excavated, in a similar manner, by the streams of the
  descending water.

  "Near the centre, somewhat inclining to the west side, it contains
  an irregular oval lake, or collection of water, whose greatest
  diameter is nearly one hundred yards: it dilates into several
  branches. The water is white, and exhibits truly the appearance
  of a lake of milk, boiling with a perpetual discharge of large
  bubbles, which rise with greatest force from the eastern side.
  The heat is 112° of Fahrenheit's scale: the apparent boiling
  arises from a constant development of fixed air. The water has a
  sulphureous odour; its taste is astringent, somewhat saline. Shaken
  in a bottle it explodes its fixed air with great violence. The
  sides of the lake, to some distance, are lined by a white aluminous
  earth, most impalpably fine, and very loose, on which account it is
  very difficult to approach the water. In attempting to examine its
  temperature, and to collect for analysis, I sunk into the earth to
  a considerable distance, and found it necessary to dispose large
  fragments of basaltes before I was able to pass over it. This
  earth consists of the clay (alumine) of the lavas dissolved by the
  sulphureous steams on the bottom of the crater; it is of the purest
  kind, and divided to a degree minute almost beyond conception.
  Large quantities have been several times thrown out of the ancient
  craters of the island. One eruption of this substance occurred
  in the year 1761 from the mountain Gedé: it was considered as an
  eruption of ashes.

  "I was witness to a similar eruption, which occurred from the
  mountain of _Klut_, in the month of June last year. The earth very
  much resembled ashes, and was so impalpably fine and light, that
  the common breeze of the monsoon carried it from this mountain,
  situated in the longitude of Surabáya, to Batavia and farther
  westward. It possessed the properties of the purest clay, and being
  mixed with water became viscid and ductile. It can easily be formed
  into vessels, and if procurable in large quantities, might usefully
  be employed in the arts. All its properties indicated sufficiently
  that it was the alumine of the lavas, divided in an extreme
  degree by the causes above-mentioned. The Javanese are not wholly
  unacquainted with the properties of this earth. It is a custom
  amongst silversmiths to collect the ashes thrown out by similar
  eruptions, for the purpose of making _moulds_ for the finest works.

  "Towards the eastern extremity of the lake are the remaining
  outlets of the subterraneous fires: they consist of several
  apertures, from which an uninterrupted discharge of sulphureous
  vapours takes place. Two of these are larger than the rest; they
  are several feet distant from each other. The apertures are of an
  irregular oblong form, and covered with crystals of impure sulphur,
  which form from the discharged vapours, and adhere to those
  incrustations of the aluminous earth which have formed themselves
  in a great variety of configurations (hollows, tubes, &c.) near
  the apertures. The vapours rush out with incredible force, with
  violent subterraneous noises, resembling the boiling of an immense
  cauldron in the bowels of the mountain: their colour is white, like
  the concentrated vapours of boiling water. The apertures cannot be
  approached without the greatest danger, as their true extent cannot
  be discovered: they are surrounded by incrustations of sulphur
  adhering to delicate laminæ of the aluminous earth, which are
  extremely brittle. The greatest diameter of the large opening is
  nearly twelve inches.

  "To give an adequate description of the interior of this crater
  would furnish matter for an able pen: the force of the impression
  is increased, perhaps, by the recollection of the danger which
  has been overcome in descending to the bottom. Every thing here
  contributes to fill the mind with the most awful satisfaction. It
  doubtless is one of the most grand and terrific scenes which nature
  affords; and, in the present instance, the extent of the crater, as
  well as the remains of the former explosions, afforded a view and
  enjoyment which is not in my power to describe.

  "PAPANDAYANG.--The Papandáyang, situated on the western part of the
  district of Cheribon, in the province of _Suka-pura_, was formerly
  one of the largest volcanos of the island; but the greatest part
  of it was swallowed up in the earth, after a short but very severe
  combustion, in the year 1772. The account which has remained of
  this event asserts, that near midnight, between the 11th and 12th
  of August, there was observed about the mountain an uncommonly
  luminous cloud, by which it appeared to be completely enveloped.
  The inhabitants, as well about the foot as on the declivities of
  the mountain, alarmed by this appearance, betook themselves to
  flight; but before they could all save themselves, the mountain
  began to give way, and the greatest part of it actually _fell_ in
  and disappeared in the earth. At the same time, a tremendous noise
  was heard, resembling the discharge of the heaviest cannon. Immense
  quantities of volcanic substances, which were thrown out at the
  same time and spread in every direction, propagated the effects of
  the explosion through the space of many miles.

  "It is estimated, that an extent of ground, of the mountain
  itself and its immediate environs, fifteen miles long and full
  six broad, was by this commotion swallowed up in the bowels of
  the earth. Several persons, sent to examine the condition of the
  neighbourhood, made report, that they found it impossible to
  approach the mountain, on account of the heat of the substances
  which covered its circumference, and which were piled on each
  other to the height of three feet; although this was the 24th
  of September, and thus full six weeks after the catastrophe. It
  is also mentioned, that forty villages, partly swallowed up by
  the ground and partly covered by the substances thrown out, were
  destroyed on this occasion, and that 2,957 of the inhabitants
  perished. A proportionate number of cattle was also destroyed,
  and most of the plantations of cotton, indigo, and coffee, in the
  adjacent districts, were buried under the volcanic matter. The
  effects of this explosion are still very apparent on the remains
  of this volcano; but I defer an account of it, till I have had an
  opportunity of making a more minute examination.

  "GUNTUR.--The whole of the eastern part of this mountain is
  completely naked, and exposes to view, in a striking manner, the
  course of the lavas of the latter eruptions: the top is a regular
  cone, and covered with loose fragments of lava. I shall give a
  very concise abstract of the observations on the mountain, and on
  the different streams of lava which have lately flowed from its
  crater. I could distinctly trace, from the base of the conical top
  to the roots of the mountain, five different eruptions. The latest
  stream of lava which I examined (the mountain has since had a later
  eruption) was thrown out in 1800. Its course along the top cannot
  be distinctly observed, being completely covered with sand and
  small fragments of lava, which generally rise towards the end of an
  eruption. At the place where the stream first appeared distinctly,
  it was about five yards broad and completely even on the surface:
  having proceeded about twenty yards further it gradually widened,
  and was formed into a connected stream, higher in the middle, the
  sides tapering or inclining towards the top, forming a ridge with
  a pointed or sharp back. As the stream arrived at the foot of
  the mountain, it spread more and more, and pursued its course to
  the eastward, about six hundred yards over the adjacent country.
  Its greatest breadth, from north to south, is about one hundred
  and sixty yards, and it terminates abruptly by a rounded margin,
  consisting of large blocks of lava piled upon each other, nearly
  perpendicularly, to the height of fifteen to twenty feet.

  "This stream of lava, like all the others of later date which I
  have examined on the island, does not consist of a connected mass
  of fluid lava, united like a stream of melted metal; at least on
  the surface where it is exposed to view. It is made up of separate
  masses, which have an irregular (generally oblong or cubical)
  shape, and lie upon each other as 'loose disjointed clods,' in an
  immense variety of disposition. In some of these fragments I think
  I could observe a tendency to assume the regular basaltic figure.
  During its course down the steeps of the mountain, the stream,
  as has been observed, forms the long connected ridge (which has
  been described above, in the account of the volcanos, as generally
  covering the sides); but having arrived at the foot and spread
  more at large, these lumps of lava dispose themselves, in some
  instances, in plains, bounded by deep vallies: now they rise to
  a considerable height, and form a steep perpendicular eminence;
  then again they are piled upon each other more gradually, and
  appear rising by steps and divisions. But to give an accurate
  description of the arrangement of these fragments of lava would be
  unnecessarily prolix, and would require, to be clearly understood,
  a good drawing. In different places, the sulphureous vapours have
  forced their way through the interstices of the blocks of lava. The
  sides of their outlets (whose form is very irregular) is covered
  with a white calcareous crust; and the heat is so great, that small
  pieces of paper thrown into them are immediately singed.

  "This stream of lava is bounded on the north by another, of the
  same nature and disposition, thrown out of the mountain (according
  to an estimate made from the commencement and progress of
  vegetation upon it) about thirty years ago. In its course along
  the sides of the mountain it forms the same pointed ridges above
  described. It affords a plain demonstration of the manner in which
  the surface of lava is decomposed and rendered fit for vegetation.
  A third district of lava bounds the new stream first described in
  the south: it is more extensive than the others, and consists of
  several distinct regions, probably thrown out during one eruption
  (which appears to have been more violent than the others), but in
  successive periods shortly following each other. It extends farther
  to the eastward than the others, and covers a great portion of the
  foot of the mountain. Vegetation has already made considerable
  progress upon it: in the vallies between the separate streams of
  lava are found not only plants but also small shrubs. At one place,
  near the termination of this stream, the lava is piled up in two
  irregular ridges to the height of twenty feet; and at a small
  distance from its eastern extremity, in a spot which has escaped
  the effects of the later eruptions, and is covered by pleasant
  wood, are three different hot wells, within the circumference of a
  quarter of a mile. In the south, this district of lava is bounded
  by a recent stream, which appears to have been thrown out in 1800,
  by the same eruption which produced the first mentioned stream. It
  differs from the others only in the colour of its lava, which has
  a reddish hue: it is less considerable in extent than any of the
  others, and cannot be traced far from the foot of the mountain. The
  fifth stream of lava which I examined is still farther towards the
  south, and is one of the oldest which have been discharged from
  the eastern part of the crater. Near the foot of the mountain,
  vegetation has made greater progress than in any of the other
  districts of lava.

  "The colour of the recent lava of this mountain is jet-black or
  grey: one of the streams only has a reddish colour. Its texture is
  very loose, and its fracture very porous. The smaller fragments
  have much the appearance of the scoriæ of a blacksmith's forge: on
  being thrown against each other, they emit a sound like two bricks
  coming into contact. The interior crater of this mountain, as it
  has remained after the eruption of 1800, is less interesting than
  the others which I have examined. Its shape is somewhat oval, the
  greatest diameter being about one hundred yards: its depth is not
  very considerable. Its structure, in general, is similar to that of
  _Tankuban-prahu_. It has one remaining aperture, which discharges
  with great force hot sulphureous vapours."

                                       _Batavian Transactions_, vol. ix.

[24] Mineral wells, of various qualities, are found in almost
every part of the island. As an instance of the hot wells, the
following account of those found in Cheribon is selected. "At the
village of _Bongas_ (situated about ten miles to the north-east of
_Karang-Sambong_) I directed my route to the large mountain, in
order to examine part of the hills along its foot, called the hills
of _Pana-wangan_, and several hot wells which are found near their
borders. On approaching these hills, after a very gentle acclivity
covered entirely by calcareous stones, I very soon came to the spot
of the hot wells. They are found on a gently inclining plain, about
one hundred yards in circumference. This plain is perfectly white; and
on approaching it, it is perceived at some distance by a sulphureous
vapour, arising from the whole neighbourhood. The water springs from
several apertures, but their temperatures are not equal; the hottest
indicates the degree of one hundred and thirty of Fahrenheit's scale.
They all contain a very large quantity of calcareous earth in solution
and suspension, which coming into contact with the air, immediately
separates, and adheres to the surrounding objects, or is precipitated
to the ground. The branches of the shrubs in the vicinity are all
enveloped by a stalactical incrustation. The water from the different
wells gently descending the white calcareous plain, is collected in
a rivulet below. A large number of calcareous rocks are found in
the vicinity of the plains; some are covered with elegant crystals
of calcareous spar, others have a coralline appearance, and some
have the fracture of alabaster. On proceeding up the hills, immense
irregular blocks of calcareous rocks are found strewed about in the
valleys. About one hundred yards above this district are several wells
of naphtha, or petroleum. It rises in small plashes of water, about
twelve or eighteen inches in diameter, upon which it drives its black
specks, emitting the peculiar odour of the petroleum. The earth in the
circumference of these plashes is strongly impregnated with this oil:
it is very tough, and from that immediately bounding apertures, the
naphtha flows out on its being pressed; some portions exactly resemble
asphaltum. A considerable space of ground is occupied by these wells.
The stones are all calcareous. A few hundred yards above this spot, the
borders of the hills become very steep. I examined them to some extent.
They are composed exclusively of calcareous stones. Several extensive
stalactitic caves are found at no great distance above the wells;
they exhibit the usual appearances of calcareous caves and vaults.
The process of incrustation is continually going on. In some places,
deep perforations extend into the heart of the hills."--_Essay on the
Mineralogy of Java, by Dr. Horsfield. Bat. Trans._ vol. ix.

Among other objects of curiosity, which can only be illustrated by
particular description, are the explosions of mud, situated between
the district of Grobogan on the west, and of Blora and Jipang on the
east. By the natives they are termed Blédeg, and are described by Dr.
Horsfield as salt wells.

"These salt wells," he observes, "are dispersed through a district of
country several miles in circumference, the base of which, like that
of other parts of the island which furnish mineral and other saline
waters, is limestone. They are of considerable number, and force
themselves upwards, through apertures in the rocks, with some violence
and ebullition. The waters are strongly impregnated with sea-salt,
and yield upon evaporation very good salt for culinary purposes. (In
quantity not less than two hundred tons in the year.)

"About the centre of this limestone district, is found an extraordinary
volcanic phenomenon. On approaching it from a distance, it is first
discovered by a large volume of smoke rising and disappearing at
intervals of a few seconds, resembling the vapours arising from a
violent surf: a dull noise is heard, like that of distant thunder.
Having advanced so near, that the vision was no longer impeded by the
smoke, a large hemispherical mass was observed, consisting of black
earth, mixed with water, about sixteen feet in diameter, rising to
the height of twenty or thirty feet in a perfectly regular manner,
and as it were pushed up, by a force beneath; which suddenly exploded
with a dull noise, and scattered about a volume of black mud in every
direction. After an interval of two or three, or sometimes four or
five seconds, the hemispherical body of mud or earth rose and exploded
again. In the same manner this volcanic ebullition goes on without
interruption, throwing up a globular body of mud, and dispersing it
with violence through the neighbouring plain. The spot where the
ebullition occurs is nearly circular and perfectly level, it is
covered only with the earthy particles impregnated with salt water,
which are thrown up from below; the circumference may be estimated at
about half an English mile. In order to conduct the salt water to the
circumference, small passages, or gutters, are made in the loose muddy
earth, which lead it to the borders, where it is collected in holes dug
in the ground for the purpose of evaporation.

"A strong, pungent, sulphureous smell, somewhat resembling that of
earth-oil, is perceived on standing near the explosion; and the mud
recently thrown up possesses a degree of heat greater than that of the
surrounding atmosphere. During the rainy season these explosions are
more violent, the mud is thrown up much higher, and the noise is heard
at a greater distance.

"This volcanic phenomenon is situated near the centre of the large
plain which interrupts the large series of volcanos; and owes its
origin to the general cause of the numerous volcanic eruptions which
occur on the island." _Batavian Trans._ vol. ix.

"These salt wells, as Dr. Horsfield terms them, and other phenomena
connected with them, appear to be precisely of the same description as
the mud volcano at Macalouba, in Sicily, and the eruptions described by
Pallas, at Tainan and Kercha (the boundary of Europe to the south-east
of Little Tartary) and no doubt owe their origin to similar causes--the
extrication of gas, as well described by Dallas, in his Translation
of the History of Volcanos, by the Abbé Ordinaire," page 249. All the
phenomenon described in this work, as well in Sicily as at Tainan and
Kercha, are to be found in Java, where, on the hypothesis of the Abbé,
"the vitriolic acid liberating a great quantity of fixed air from the
salts with which this argillaceous and limy mass is impregnated, is
observed escaping copiously, by a general bubbling on the surface of
the plain, when the substances are sufficiently diluted by rain," &c.

On the hypothesis of the Abbé it may, therefore, be doubted whether
the assertion "that the Blédegs owe their origin to the general cause
of the numerous volcanos on the island, is correct." Pallas conceives
that the phenomenon at Kercha and Tainan may be explained by supposing
a deep coal mine to have been for ages on fire, that the sea broke in
upon it, that the water was turned into steam, and that the expansion
occasioned thereby, and the struggle of the different gases to get
free, force the upper surface, &c. but there seems no necessity for
admitting the action of fire; the mud he describes is only _luke-warm_,
this is precisely the case in Java.

It is remarkable that in Java, as in Sicily, in the vicinity of these
phenomena, "the country around is of calcareous earth; briny springs
and salt mines are found in the neighbourhood; some beds of oil of
petroleum are also observed floating on adjacent stagnant waters."

[25] The tradition is as follows:--"It is related, that in former
times the islands of Sumatra, Java, Bali, and Sumbawa were united, and
afterwards separated into nine different parts; and it is also said,
that when three thousand rainy seasons have passed away, they will be
reunited."

  The separation of the lands of Palembang (Sumatra) and Java
  took place in the Javan year                                      1114

  The separation of the lands of Bali and Balembangan on Java in    1204

  The separation of the lands of Giling Trawangán and Bali in       1260

  The separation of the island of Selo-Parang and Sumbawa in        1280

_See Chronological Table, under the head "History of Java."_

[26] In order to give the reader some idea of the tremendous violence
with which nature sometimes distinguishes the operations of the
volcano in these regions, and enable him to form some conjecture,
from the occurrences of recent experience, of the effects they may
have produced in past ages, a short account of the extraordinary and
wide-spread phenomena that accompanied the eruption of the Tomboro
mountain, in the island of Sumbawa, in April 1815, may not be
uninteresting. Almost every one is acquainted with the intermitting
convulsions of Etna and Vesuvius, as they appear in the descriptions
of the poet and the authentic accounts of the naturalist, but the most
extraordinary of them can bear no comparison, in point of duration
and force, with that of Tomboro. This eruption extended perceptible
evidences of its existence over the whole of the Molucca islands,
over Java, a considerable portion of Celebes, Sumatra, and Borneo,
to a circumference of a thousand statute miles from its centre, by
tremulous motions, and the report of explosions; while within the range
of its more immediate activity, embracing a space of three hundred
miles around it, it produced the most astonishing effects, and excited
the most alarming apprehensions. On Java, at the distance of three
hundred miles, it seemed to be awfully present. The sky was overcast at
noon-day with clouds of ashes, the sun was enveloped in an atmosphere,
whose "palpable" density he was unable to penetrate; showers of ashes
covered the houses, the streets, and the fields to the depth of several
inches; and amid this darkness explosions were heard at intervals, like
the report of artillery or the noise of distant thunder. So fully did
the resemblance of the noises to the report of cannon impress the minds
of some officers, that from an apprehension of pirates on the coast
vessels were dispatched to afford relief. Superstition, on the other
hand, on the minds of the natives, was busily at work, and attributed
the reports to an artillery of a different description to that of
pirates. All conceived that the effects experienced might be caused by
eruptions of some of the numerous volcanos on the island; but no one
could have conjectured that the showers of ashes which darkened the
air, and covered the ground of the eastern districts of Java, could
have proceeded from a mountain in Sumbawa, at the distance of several
hundred miles. Conceiving that it might be interesting and curious to
preserve an authentic and detailed account of the information that
could be gained of this wonderful phenomenon, while the event was still
recent and fully remembered, I directed a circular to the different
Residents, requiring them to transmit to the Government a statement of
the facts and circumstances connected with it, which occurred within
their own knowledge. From their replies, the narrative drawn up by Mr.
Assey, and printed in the ninth volume of the Batavian Transactions,
was collected; the following is an extract from that paper:--

"The first explosions were heard on this island (Java) in the evening
of the 5th of April: they were noticed in every quarter, and continued
at intervals until the following day. The noise was, in the first
instance, universally attributed to distant cannon: so much so,
that a detachment of troops was marched from Djocjocarta, under the
apprehension that a neighbouring post had been attacked; and along
the coast boats were in two instances dispatched in quest of supposed
ships in distress. On the following morning, however, a slight fall
of ashes removed all doubt as to the cause of the sound; and it is
worthy of remark, that as the eruption continued, the sound appeared
to be so close, that in each district it seemed near at hand, and was
generally attributed to an eruption either from the mountains Merapi,
Klut, or Bromo. From the 6th the sun became obscured; it had every
where the appearance of being enveloped in a fog. The weather was
sultry and the atmosphere close, and still the sun seemed shorn of its
rays, and the general stillness and pressure of the atmosphere seemed
to forebode an earthquake. This lasted several days. The explosions
continued occasionally, but less violently, and less frequently than
at first. Volcanic ashes also began to fall, but in small quantities,
and so slightly as to be hardly perceptible in the western district.
This appearance of the atmosphere continued, with little variation,
until the 10th of April; and till then it does not appear that the
volcano attracted much observation, or was considered of greater
importance than those which have occasionally burst forth in Java. But
on the evening of the 10th, the eruptions were heard more loud and
more frequent; from Cheribon eastward the air became darkened by the
quantity of falling ashes; the sun was nearly darkened; and in some
situations, particularly at Solo and Rembang, many said that they felt
a tremulous motion of the earth. It was universally remarked in the
more eastern districts, that the explosions were tremendous, continuing
frequently during the 11th, and of such violence as to shake the houses
perceptibly. An unusual thick darkness was remarked all the following
night, and the greater part of the next day. At Solo candles were
lighted at 4 p. m. of the 12th; at Mágelan in Kédu, objects could not
be seen at three hundred yards distance. At Grésik, and other districts
more eastward, it was dark as night in the greater part of the 12th
April, and this saturated state of the atmosphere lessened as the cloud
of ashes passed along and discharged itself on its way. Thus the ashes
that were eight inches deep at Bányuwángi were but two in depth at
Súmenap, and less in Grésik, and the sun does not seem to have been
actually obscured in any district west of Semárang.

"All reports concur in stating, that so violent and extensive an
eruption has not happened within the memory of the oldest inhabitant,
nor within tradition. They speak of similar effects, in a lesser
degree, when an eruption took place from the volcano of Karang Asam in
Bali, about seven years ago, and it was at first supposed that this
mountain was the seat of the eruption. The Balinese on Java attributed
the event to a recent dispute between the two Rajahs of Bali Baliling,
which terminated in the death of the younger Rajah by order of his
brother.

"The haziness and heat of the atmosphere, and occasional fall of
volcanic ashes, continued until the 14th, and in some parts of the
island until the 17th of April. They were cleared away universally
by a heavy fall of rain, after which the atmosphere became clear and
more cool; and it would seem that this seasonable relief prevented
much injury to the crops, and removed an appearance of epidemic
disease which was beginning to prevail. This was especially the case
at Batavia, where, for two or three days preceding the rain, many
persons were attacked with fever. As it was, however, no material
injury was felt beyond the districts of Banyuwángi. The cultivators
every where took precaution to shake off the ashes from the growing
paddy as they fell, and the timely rain removed an apprehension very
generally entertained, that insects would have been generated by the
long continuance of the ashes at the root of the plant. In Rembang,
where the rain did not fall till the 17th, and the ashes had been
considerable, the crops were somewhat injured; but in Banyuwángi,
the part of the island on which the cloud of ashes spent its force,
the injury was more extensive. A large quantity of paddy was totally
destroyed, and all the plantations more or less injured. One hundred
and twenty-six horses and eighty-six head of cattle also perished,
chiefly for want of forage, during a month from the time of the
eruption.

"From Sumbawa to the part of Sumatra where the sound was noticed, is
about nine hundred and seventy geographical miles in a direct line.
From Sumbawa to Ternate is a distance of about seven hundred and twenty
miles. The distance also to which the cloud of ashes was carried, so
quickly as to produce utter darkness, was clearly pointed out to have
been the island of Celebes and the districts of Grésik on Java: the
former is two hundred and seventeen nautical miles distant from the
seat of the volcano; the latter, in a direct line, more than three
hundred geographical miles."

The following is an extract from the reports of Lieutenant Owen
Phillips, dated at Bima on the island of Sumbawa. "On my trip towards
the western part of the island, I passed through nearly the whole of
Dompo and a considerable part of Bima. The extreme misery to which the
inhabitants have been reduced is shocking to behold. There were still
on the road-side the remains of several corpses, and the marks of where
many others had been interred: the villages almost entirely deserted
and the houses fallen down, the surviving inhabitants having dispersed
in search of food. The Rajah of Sang'ir came to wait on me at Dompo,
on the 3d instant. The suffering of the people there appears, from his
account, to be still greater than in Dompo. The famine has been so
severe that even one of his own daughters died from hunger. I presented
him with three coyangs of rice in your name, for which he appeared most
truly thankful.

"As the Rajah was himself a spectator of the late eruption, the
following account which he gave me is perhaps more to be depended
upon than any other I can possibly obtain. About 7 p. m. on the 10th
of April, three distinct columns of flame burst forth near the top of
the Tomboro mountain (all of them apparently within the verge of the
crater), and after ascending separately to a very great height, their
tops united in the air in a troubled confused manner. In a short time,
the whole mountain next Sang'ir appeared like a body of liquid fire,
extending itself in every direction. The fire and columns of flame
continued to rage with unabated fury, until the darkness caused by the
quantity of falling matter obscured it at about 8 p. m. Stones, at
this time, fell very thick at Sang'ir; some of them as large as two
fists, but generally not larger than walnuts. Between 9 and 10 p. m.
ashes began to fall, and soon after a violent whirlwind ensued, which
blew down nearly every house in the village of Sang'ir, carrying the
ataps, or roofs, and light parts away with it. In the part of Sang'ir
adjoining Tomboro its effects were much more violent, tearing up by the
roots the largest trees and carrying them into the air, together with
men, horses, cattle, and whatever else came within its influence. (This
will account for the immense number of floating trees seen at sea).
The sea rose nearly twelve feet higher than it had ever been known to
do before, and completely spoiled the only small spots of rice land
in Sang'ir, sweeping away houses and every thing within its reach.
The whirlwind lasted about an hour. No explosions were heard till the
whirlwind had ceased, at about 11 a. m. From midnight till the evening
of the 11th, they continued without intermission; after that time their
violence moderated, and they were only heard at intervals, but the
explosions did not cease entirely until the 15th of July. Of the whole
villages of Tomboro, Tempo containing about forty inhabitants is the
only one remaining. In Pekáté no vestige of a house is left: twenty-six
of the people, who were at Sumbawa at the time, are the whole of the
population who have escaped. From the most particular inquiries I have
been able to make, there were certainly not fewer than twelve thousand
individuals in Tomboro and Pekáté at the time of the eruption, of whom
only five or six survive. The trees and herbage of every description,
along the whole of the north and west sides of the peninsula, have been
completely destroyed, with the exception of a high point of land near
the spot where the village of Tomboro stood."

[27] Batavian Transactions, vol. viii. Introductory Discourse.

[28] See Appendix A.

[29] Raynal, vol i. page 293.

[30] It is remarkable that the teak tree, which, as far as our
information yet extends, is not to be found on the peninsula of
Malacca, or on Sumatra or the adjacent islands, should grow in
abundance on Java and several of the islands which lie east of it:
as on Madúra and its dependent islands, Báli, Sumbáwa, and others.
Sumbáwa produces a considerable quantity. The whole of the hills on the
north-east part of that island under Bíma are covered with it; but from
the constant demand for the timber, the trees are seldom allowed to
grow to more than a foot in diameter, except in the forests exclusively
appropriated to the use of the sovereign. In Dómpo, which occupies the
central division of the same island, the teak cannot be used by any
but the sovereign, and the trees are in consequence allowed to attain
their full size. The timber is here uncommonly fine, and by the natives
considered superior to that of Java; but the forests being surrounded
by steep hills, and the population but scanty, it cannot be transported
to the sea-coast without great labour and expense. On Celebes the
teak tree is only known in a few spots. The principal forest is in
the district of Mario; and this does not appear to be indigenous, as
the natives assert that the seed from which the forest has grown, was
brought from Java about eighty years ago by one of the sovereigns of
Tanété.

[31] The Dutch, apprehensive of a failure in the usual supply of teak
timber, have long been in the habit of forming extensive plantations of
this tree; but whether from a sufficient period not having yet elapsed
for the trial, or that the plantations are generally made in soils and
situations ill calculated for the purpose, experience, as far as it has
yet gone, has shown, that the trees which are left to the operations of
nature, attain to greater perfection, even in a comparatively barren
soil, unfit for any other cultivation, than those which are with great
care and trouble reared in a fertile land. Their wood is more firm,
more durable, and of a less chalky substance than that of the latter.

[32] Page 176, third edit.

[33] Although a serious refutation of the gross imposition practised on
the people of Europe, by the romance of Foersch on the subject of the
upas, or celebrated poison-tree of Java, may at this day be in a great
measure superfluous, as the world has long ceased to be the dupe of
his story, and as regular series of experiments have been instituted,
both in France and in England, to ascertain the nature and potency of
the poison; yet it may not be altogether displeasing to the reader to
see in this place an authentic account of the poison, as drawn out by
Dr. Horsfield at my request, and published in the seventh volume of
the Batavian Transactions. Almost every one has heard of its fabulous
history, which, from its extravagant nature, its susceptibility of
poetical ornament, its alliance with the cruelties of a despotic
government, and the sparkling genius of Darwin, whose purpose it
answered to adopt and personify it as a malignant spirit (in his Lives
of the Plants), has obtained almost equal currency with the wonders of
the Lerna Hydra, the Chimera, or any other of the classic fictions of
antiquity.

"Although the account published by Foersch, in so far as relates to
the situation of the poison-tree, to its effects on the surrounding
country, and to the application said to have been made of the upas on
criminals in different parts of the island, as well as the description
of the poisonous substance itself, and its mode of collection, has been
demonstrated to be an extravagant forgery,--the existence of a tree on
Java, from the sap of which a poison is prepared, equal in fatality,
when thrown into the circulation, to the strongest animal poisons
hitherto known, is a fact which is at present my object to establish
and illustrate. The tree which produces this poison is the anchar, and
grows in the eastern extremity of the island. The work of Rhumphius
contains a long account of the upas, under the denomination of arbor
toxicaria. The tree does not grow on Amboyna, and his description was
made from the information he obtained from Makasar. His figure was
drawn from a branch of what is called the male-tree, sent to him from
the same place, and establishes the identity of the poison-tree of
Makasar, and the other Eastern Islands, with the anchar of Java. The
simple sap of the arbor toxicaria (according to Rhumphius) is harmless,
and requires the addition of several substances, of the affinity of
ginger, to render it active and mortal. In so far it agrees with the
anchar, which, in its simple state, is _supposed_ to be inert, and
before being employed as a poison, is subjected to a preparation which
will be described after the history of the tree. Besides the true
poison-tree, the upas of the Eastern Islands, and the anchar of the
Javans, this island produces a shrub, which, as far as observations
have hitherto been made, is peculiar to the same, and, by a different
mode of preparation, furnishes a poison far exceeding the upas in
violence. Its name is chetik, and its specific description will succeed
to that of the anchar: the genus has not yet been discovered or
described.

"DESCRIPTION OF THE ANCHAR.--The anchar belongs to the twenty-first
class of Linnæus, the monoecia. The male and female flowers are
produced in catkins (amenta) on the same branch, at no great distance
from each other: the female flowers are in general above the male. The
characters of the genus are:--MALE flower; calix, consisting of several
scales, which are imbricate. Corol; none. Stamens; filaments many, very
short, covered with scales at the receptacle. The receptacle, on which
the filaments are placed, has a conical form, abrupt, somewhat rounded
above.--FEMALE flower; catkins, ovate. Calix; consisting of a number
of scales (generally more than in the male), containing one flower.
Corol; none. Pistil; germ single, ovate. Styles; two, long, slender,
and spreading. Stigmas; single and acute. Seed-vessel; an oblong drupe,
covered with the calix. Seed; an ovate nut, with one cell.

"SPECIFIC DESCRIPTION.--The anchar is one of the largest trees in the
forests of Java. The stem is cylindrical, perpendicular, and rises
completely naked to the height of sixty, seventy, or eighty feet.
Near the surface of the ground it spreads obliquely, dividing into
numerous broad appendages or wings, much like the canarium commune
(the canary-tree), and several other of our large forest trees. It is
covered with a whitish bark, slightly bursting in longitudinal furrows.
Near the ground this bark is, in old trees, more than half an inch
thick, and upon being wounded yields plentifully the milky juice from
which the celebrated poison is prepared. A puncture or incision being
made into the tree, the juice or sap appears oozing out of a yellowish
colour (somewhat frothy) from old, paler or nearly white from young
trees; exposed to the air, its surface becomes brown. The consistence
very much resembles milk: it is more thick and viscid. This sap is
contained in the true bark (or cortex), which, when punctured, yields
a considerable quantity, so that in a short time a cup-full may be
collected from a large tree. The inner bark (or liber) is of a close
fibrous texture, like that of the morus papyrifera, and when separated
from the other bark, and cleansed from the adhering particles,
resembles a coarse piece of linen. It has been worked into ropes, which
are very strong; and the poorer class of people employ the inner bark
of the younger trees, which is more easily prepared, for the purpose
of making a coarse stuff which they wear in working in the fields. But
it requires much bruising, washing, and a long immersion, before it
can be used, and when it appears completely purified, persons wearing
this dress being exposed to rain, are affected with an intolerable
itching, which renders their flimsy covering insupportable. It will
appear from the account of the manner in which the poison is prepared,
that the deleterious quality exists in the gum; a small portion of
which still adhering, produces, when exposed to wet, this irritating
effect: and it is singular, that this property of the prepared bark
is known to the Javans in all places where the tree grows, while the
preparation of a poison from its juice, which produces a mortal effect
when introduced into the body by pointed weapons, is an exclusive art
of the inhabitants of the eastern extremity of the island. The stem
of the anchar having arrived at the above-mentioned height, sends
off a few stout branches, which spreading nearly horizontally with
several irregular curves, divide into smaller branches, and form a
hemispherical, not very regular, crown. Previous to the season of
flowering, about the beginning of June, the tree sheds its leaves,
which reappear when the male flowers have completed the office of
fecundation. It delights in a fertile, not very elevated, soil, and is
only found in the largest forests. One of the experiments to be related
below was made with the upas prepared by myself. In the collection of
the juice I had some difficulty in inducing the inhabitants to assist
me; they feared a cutaneous eruption and inflammation, resembling
(according to the account they gave of it) that produced by the ingas
of this island, the rhus vernix of Japan, and the rhus radicans of
North America. The anchar, like the trees in its neighbourhood, is
on all sides surrounded by shrubs and plants: in no instance have I
observed the ground naked or barren in its immediate circumference. The
largest tree I met with in Balambangan, was so closely environed by the
common trees and shrubs of the forest in which it grew, that it was
with difficulty I could approach it. Several vines and climbing shrubs,
in complete health and vigour, adhered to it, and ascended to nearly
half its height; and, at the time I visited the tree and collected the
juice, I was forcibly struck with the egregious misrepresentation of
Foersch. Several young trees spontaneously sprung from seeds that had
fallen from the parent, put me in mind of a line in Darwin's Botanic
Garden:--

             'Chain'd at his root two scion-demons dwell;'

while in recalling his beautiful description of the upas, my vicinity
to the tree gave me reason to rejoice that it was founded in fiction.

"DESCRIPTION OF THE CHETIK.--The fructification of the chetik is still
unknown: after all possible research in the district where it grows,
I have not been able to find it in a flowering state. It is a large
winding shrub. The root extends creeping a considerable distance
parallel to the surface, sending off small fibres at different curves,
while the main root strikes perpendicularly into the ground. The stem,
which in general is shrubby, sometimes acquires the size of a small
tree. The poison is prepared from the bark of the root. The chetik
grows only in close, shady, almost inaccessible forests, in a deep,
black, fertile vegetable mould. It is very rarely met with even in the
wildernesses of Balambangan.

"PREPARATION OF THE POISON FROM THE ANCHAR.--This process was performed
for me by an old Javan, who was celebrated for his superior skill in
preparing the poison: about eight ounces of the juice of the anchar,
which had been collected the preceding evening in the usual manner, and
been preserved in the joint of a bambu, was carefully strained into
a bowl. The sap of the following substances, which had been finely
grated and bruised, was carefully expressed and poured into it, viz.
arum (nampu), kempferia galanga (kenchur), anomum (bengli) a variety
of zerumbed, common onion and garlic, of each about half a drachm. The
same quantity of finely powdered black pepper was then added, and the
mixture stirred. The preparer now took an entire fruit of capsicum
fruticosum or Guinea pepper, and having opened it, he carefully
separated a single seed, and placed it on the fluid in the middle of
the bowl. It immediately began to reel round rapidly, now forming a
regular circle, then darting towards the margin of the vessel, with a
perceptible commotion on the surface of the liquor, which continued
about one minute. Being completely at rest, the same quantity of pepper
was again added, and another seed of the capsicum laid on as before.
A similar commotion took place in the fluid, but in a less degree,
and the seed was carried round with diminished rapidity. The addition
of the same quantity of pepper was repeated a third time, when a seed
of the capsicum being carefully placed in the centre of the fluid,
remained quiet, forming a regular circle about itself in the fluid,
resembling the halo of the moon. This is considered as a sign that the
preparation of the poison is complete.

"PREPARATION OF THE POISON FROM THE CHETIK.--The bark of the root
is carefully separated and cleared of all the adherent earth, a
proportionate quantity of water is poured on, and it is boiled about
an hour, when the fluid is carefully filtered through a white cloth;
it is then exposed to the fire again, and boiled down to nearly the
consistence of an extract; in this state it much resembles a thick
syrup. The following spices, having been prepared as above described,
are added in the same proportion as to the anchar, viz. kempferia
galanga (kenchur), (súnti), anomum zingéber (shai), common onion,
garlic, and black pepper. The expressed juice of these is poured into
the vessel, which is once more exposed to the fire for a few minutes,
when the preparation is complete. The upas of both kinds must be
preserved in very close vessels."

Dr. H. then details the particulars of twenty experiments made on
different animals with these poisons, as well in their simple state
as procured from the bark, powerfully prepared in the manner as above
stated, in which the violence of the poison was manifested; and
concludes with some general observations, from which the following are
extracted:

"The operation of the two different poisons on the animal system is
essentially different. The first seventeen experiments were made with
the anchar. The rapidity of its effect depends in a great degree
upon the size of the vessel wounded, and on the quantity of poison
carried into the circulation. In the first experiment, it induced
death in twenty-six minutes: in the second, which was made with the
sap collected at Púgar, in thirteen minutes. The poison from different
parts of the island has been found nearly equal in activity. The common
train of symptoms is; a trembling and shivering of the extremities,
restlessness, erection of the hair, discharges from the bowels,
drooping and faintness, slight spasms and convulsions, hasty breathing,
an increased flow of saliva, spasmodic contractions of the pectoral and
abdominal muscles, retching, vomiting, excrementitious vomiting, frothy
vomiting, great agony, laborious breathing, repeated convulsions, and
death. The effects are nearly the same on quadrupeds, in whatever part
of the body the wound is made. It sometimes acts with so much force,
that not all the symptoms enumerated are observed. In these cases,
after the premonitory symptoms (tremors, twitchings, faintness, an
increased flow of saliva), the convulsions come on suddenly, and are
quickly followed by death. The upas appears to affect quadrupeds with
nearly equal force, proportionate in some degree to their size and
disposition. To dogs it proved mortal in most experiments within an
hour; a mouse died in ten minutes; a monkey in seven; a cat in fifteen;
a buffalo, one of the largest quadrupeds of the island, died in two
hours and ten minutes.

"If the simple or unprepared sap is mixed with the extract of tobacco,
instead of the spices mentioned, it is rendered equally, perhaps more,
active. Even the pure juice, unmixed and unprepared, appears to act
with a force equal to that which has undergone the preparative process.
Birds are very differently affected by this poison. Fowls have a
peculiar capacity to resist its effects: a fowl died in twenty-four
hours after the wound; others have recovered after being partially
affected.

"The eighteenth and succeeding experiments were made with the poison
prepared from the chetik. Its operation is far more violent and
rapid than that of the anchar, and it affects the animal system in a
different manner. While the anchar operates chiefly on the stomach,
alimentary canal, the respiration and circulation, the chetik is
determined to the brain and nervous system: a relative comparison
of the appearances on dissection, demonstrates in a striking manner
the peculiar operation of each. A general view of the effects of the
chetik on quadrupeds is given in these experiments. After the previous
symptoms of faintness, drowsiness, and slight convulsions, it acts by
a sudden impulse, which like a violent apoplexy prostrates at once the
whole nervous system. In two of these experiments this sudden effect
took place in the sixth minute after the wound, in another in the
seventh minute: the animals suddenly started, fell down head foremost,
and continued in convulsions until death ensued. This poison affects
fowls in a much more violent manner than that of the anchar. They are
first affected by a heat and itching of the breast and wings, which
they shew by violently pecking those parts; this is followed by a
loose discharge from the bowels, when they are seized with tremors
and fluttering of the wings, which having continued a short time,
they fall down head foremost, and continue convulsed till death. In
some instances, particularly young fowls, the poison acts with great
rapidity; death has frequently occurred within the space of a minute
after a puncture with a poisoned dart.

"Taken into the stomach of quadrupeds, the chetik acts as a most
violent poison; but it requires about thrice the period to produce
the same effect which a wound produces. But the stomach of fowls can
resist its operation. Having mixed about double the quantity generally
adhering to a dart with the food of a fowl, it consumed it without
shewing any marks of indisposition. The poison of the anchar does by
no means act as violently on quadrupeds as that of the chetik. I have
given it to a dog: it produced at first nearly the same symptoms as
a puncture; oppression of the head, twitchings, faintness, laborious
respiration, violent contraction of the pectoral and abdominal muscles,
&c. which continued nearly two hours; but after the complete evacuation
of the stomach by vomiting, the animal gradually recovered.

"I have but little to add concerning the operation of the anchar
on the human system. The only credible information on this subject
is contained in the work of Rhumphius, who had an opportunity of
personally observing the effect of the poisoned darts and arrows as
they were used by the natives of Makasar, in their attack on Amboyna
about the year 1650. They were also employed by the inhabitants
of Celebes in their former wars with the Dutch. Speaking of their
operation he says, 'the poison touching the warm blood, it is instantly
carried through the whole body, so that it may be felt in all the
veins, and causes an excessive burning, particularly in the head,
which is followed by fainting and death.' This poison (according to
the same author) possesses different degrees of virulence, according
to its age and state of preservation. The most powerful is called upas
raja, and its effects are considered as incurable; the other kinds are
distributed among the soldiers on going to war. After having proved
mortal to many of the Dutch soldiers in Amboyna and Makasar, they
finally discovered an almost infallible remedy in the root of the radix
toxicaria of Rhumphius, which, if timely applied, counteracted, by its
violent emetic effect, the force of the upas. An intelligent Javan of
Banyuwangi informed me, that a number of years ago an inhabitant of
that district was wounded in a clandestine manner, by an arrow thrown
from a blow-pipe, in the fore-arm, near the articulation of the elbow.
In about fifteen minutes he became drowsy; after which he was seized
with vomiting, became delirious, and in less than half an hour he died.
From the experiments above related, we may form an analogous estimate
of its probable effects on man." _Batavian Transactions_, vol. vii.

CHAPTER II.

  _Origin of the Natives--Javans compared with
    Maláyus and Búgis--Comparative Progress of the
    three Races--Foreign Influence--Persons of the
    Natives--Manners--Population--Inequality of it accounted
    for--Population Tables--Increase of Population--Foreign
    Settlers--Chinese--Búgis--Maláyus--Moors--Arabs--Slaves--Gradations
    of Rank among the Javans--Their Habitations, Dress, and Food._

The inhabitants of Java seem to owe their origin to the same stock,
from which most of the islands lying to the south of the eastern
Peninsula of Asia appear to have been first peopled. This stock is
evidently Tartar, and has, by its numerous and wide-spreading branches,
not only extended itself over the Indian Archipelago, but over the
neighbouring Continent. "To judge from external appearance, that is to
say, from shape, size, and feature," observes Dr. Francis Buchanan,
in his Notices on the Birman Empire[34], "there is one very extensive
nation that inhabits the east of Asia. It includes the eastern and
western Tartars of the Chinese authors, the Calmucs, the Chinese, the
Japanese, and other tribes inhabiting what is called the Peninsula
of India beyond the Ganges, and the islands to the south and east
of this, as far at least as New Guinea."--"This nation," adds the
same author, "may be distinguished by a short, squat, robust, fleshy
stature, and by features highly different from those of an European.
The face is somewhat in shape of a lozenge, the forehead and chin being
sharpened, whilst at the cheek bones it is very broad. The eyebrows, or
superciliary ridges, in this nation, project very little, and the eyes
are very narrow, and placed rather obliquely in the head, the external
angles being the highest. The nose is very small, but has not, like
that of the <DW64>, the appearance of being flattened, and the apertures
of the nostrils, which in the European are linear and parallel,
in them are nearly circular and divergent, for the _septum narium_
being much thickest towards the face, places them entirely out of the
parallel line. The mouths of this nation are in general well shaped;
their hair is harsh, lank, and black. Those of them that live even in
the highest climates do not obtain the deep hue of the <DW64> or Hindu;
nor do such of them as live in the coldest climates acquire the clear
bloom of the European."

But although the Javans are to be included under this general
description, it does not follow that they bear an exact, or very
striking resemblance, in person and feature, to the Chinese or
Japanese, nor even that they are liable to be confounded with the
Birmans or Siamese. From the former, indeed, they are far removed by
many obvious characteristics; and though more nearly resembling the
latter, they possess many peculiarities, which mark them out to the
most careless observer as a race distinct and separate for ages, though
still retaining general traces of a common origin. As we approach the
limits of savage life, and recur to that inartificial, unimproved state
of society, in which the primitive divergence may be supposed to have
taken place, we shall find the points of resemblance increased, and the
proofs of a common descent multiplied. The less civilized of the tribes
inhabiting the islands, approach so nearly, in physical appearance, to
that portion of the inhabitants of the Peninsula, which has felt least
of the Chinese influence on the one side, and of the Birman and Siamese
on the other, and exhibit so striking an affinity in their usages and
customs, as to warrant the hypothesis that the tide of population
originally flowed towards the islands, from that quarter of the
Continent lying between Siam and China. But at what era this migration
commenced; whether, in the first instance, it was purely accidental
and subsequently gradual; or whether, originally, it was undertaken
from design, and accelerated, at any particular periods, by political
convulsions on the Continent, we cannot at present determine with any
certainty, as we have no data on which to rely with confidence. It
is probable, however, that the islands were peopled at a very remote
period, and long before the Birman and Siamese nations rose into
notice.

Whatever opinion may be formed on the identity of the tribes inhabiting
these Islands and the neighbouring Peninsula, the striking resemblance
in person, feature, language, and customs, which prevails throughout
the whole Archipelago, justifies the conclusion, that its original
population issued from the same source, and that the peculiarities
which distinguish the different nations and communities into which it
is at present distributed, are the result of a long separation, local
circumstances, and the intercourse of foreign traders, emigrants, or
settlers.

Excluding the Philippines, as distant from the scene of our present
observations, it may be noticed, that of the three chief nations in
these islands, occupying respectively Java, Sumatra, and Celebes, the
first has, especially by its moral habits, by its superior civilization
and improvements, obtained a broader and more marked characteristic
than the others. Both the Malayan and _Búgis_ nations are maritime and
commercial, devoted to speculations of gain, animated by a spirit of
adventure, and accustomed to distant and hazardous enterprises; while
the Javans, on the contrary, are an agricultural race, attached to
the soil, of quiet habits and contented dispositions, almost entirely
unacquainted with navigation and foreign trade, and little inclined to
engage in either. This difference of character may perhaps be accounted
for, by the great superiority of the soil of Java to that of the other
two islands.

It is to be regretted, that our information on the state and progress
of society in these islands is scanty, as Europeans only became
acquainted with them when they were on their decline. The Malayan
empire, which once extended over all Sumatra[35], and the capital of
which is still nominally at _Menáng-kábaù_ on that island, had long
been dismembered; but its colonies were found established on the
coasts of the Peninsula and throughout the Islands, as far east as
the Moluccas. The Mahometan institutions had considerably obliterated
their ancient character, and had not only obstructed their improvement,
but had accelerated their decline. Traditional history concurs with
existing monuments, in proving them to have formerly made considerable
advances in those arts, to which their industry and ingenuity were
particularly directed, and they still bear marks of that higher state
of civilization which they once enjoyed.

What the Malayan empire was on Sumatra, in the western part of the
Archipelago, that of _Guah_ or _Mengkásar_, was on Celebes in the east;
but the people of this latter nation, whom we may generally designate
by the name of _Búgis_, had not been equally influenced by foreign
settlers nor exposed to the inroads of the Arab missionaries, and
they consequently maintained their ancient worship and their native
institutions for a longer period. Like the _Maláyus_, they sent forth
numerous colonies, and at one period extended the success of their
arms as far west as Acheen on Sumatra, and _Kéddah_ on the Malayan
peninsula, and in almost every part of the Archipelago, Malayan and
_Búgis_ settlers and establishments are to be found.

The Javans, on the contrary, being an agricultural people, are
seldom met with out of their native island. At one period of their
history, indeed, their power seems to have been exerted in acquiring
or perpetuating foreign dominion, and they seem to have sent out
colonies to Borneo, the Peninsula, Sumatra, and probably Celebes: but
when Europeans became acquainted with them, their external influence
appears to have been contracted, and their sovereignty nearly confined
within the limits of Java itself. Their foreign establishments thus
receiving from them no protection, and deriving no advantage from
nominal obedience, declared their independence: and, having but little
communication with the mother-country, soon became assimilated to the
character, and merged into the body of the Malayan nation.

The comparative advancement of these three nations in the arts of
civilized life, seems to be directly as the fertility of the soil they
occupied, or the inducements they held out to foreign intercourse; and
inversely, as the indulgence of their own roving, adventurous spirit,
and piratical habits. The arts never fix their roots but in a crowded
population, and a crowded population is generally created only on a
fertile territory. Egypt, from the fertility of soil and the consequent
density of its population, led the way in science and refinement among
ancient nations; while the sterile tracts contiguous to that favoured
land have been inhabited, from primeval times, by dispersed tribes of
unimproved barbarians. In like manner, Java having become populous from
its natural fertility, and having, by its wealth and the salubrity of
its climate, invited the visits of more enlightened strangers, soon
made great progress in arts and knowledge; while the _Búgis_, being
more deficient in these advantages, have been left considerably behind
in the race of improvement. They may lay claim, however, to the most
originality of character.

It will be the object of another part of this work, to trace the
source of that foreign influence, to which these three nations are
principally indebted for their civilization: here, therefore, it
may not be necessary to advert to the circumstance further, than by
generally observing, that from western Asia they received the rudiments
and impulse of improvement; an inference abundantly justified by the
extensive remains of the arts, institutions, and languages of that
country, which are still to be found throughout the Archipelago.

The inhabitants of Java and Madúra are in stature rather below the
middle size, though not so short as the _Búgis_ and many of the
other islanders. They are, upon the whole, well shaped, though less
remarkably so than the _Maláyus_, and erect in their figures. Their
limbs are slender, and the wrists and ankles particularly small.
In general, they allow the body to retain its natural shape. The
only exceptions to this observation are, an attempt to prevent the
growth, or to reduce the size of the waist, by compressing it into
the narrowest limits; and the practice still more injurious to female
elegance, of drawing too tightly that part of the dress which covers
the bosom. Deformity is very rare among them. The forehead is high,
the eyebrows well marked and distant from the eyes, which are somewhat
Chinese, or rather Tartar, in the formation of the inner angle. The
colour of the eye is dark; the nose small and somewhat flat, but less
so than that of the islanders in general. The mouth is well formed, but
the lips are large, and their beauty generally injured by the practice
of filing and dyeing the teeth black, and by the use of tobacco,
_sári_, &c. The cheek-bones are usually prominent; the beard very
scanty; the hair of the head generally lank and black, but sometimes
waving in curls, and partially tinged with a deep reddish brown colour.
The countenance is mild, placid and thoughtful, and easily expresses
respect, gaiety, earnestness, indifference, bashfulness, or anxiety.

In complexion, the Javans, as well as the other eastern islanders,
may be considered rather as a yellow than a copper- or black
race. Their standard of beauty, in this respect, is "a virgin-gold
colour:" except perhaps in some few districts in the mountainous parts
of the country, where a ruddy tinge is occasioned by the climate,
they want the degree of red requisite to give them a copperish hue.
It may be observed, however, that they are generally darker than
the tribes of the neighbouring islands; especially the inhabitants
of the eastern districts, who may indeed be considered as having
more delicate features, and bearing a more distinct impression of
Indian colonization, than those of the Western or _Súnda_ districts.
The _Súndas_ exhibit many features of a mountainous race. They are
shorter, stouter, hardier, and more active men, than the inhabitants
of the coast and eastern districts. In some respects they resemble the
Madurese, who display a more martial and independent air, and move with
a bolder carriage than the natives of Java. A considerable difference
exists in person and features between the higher and lower classes;
more indeed than seems attributable to difference of employment and
treatment. The features and limbs of the chiefs are more delicate, and
approach more nearly to those of the inhabitants of Western India,
while those of the common people retain more marked traces of the stock
from which the islands were originally peopled. In colour there are
many different shades in different families and different districts,
some being much darker than others. Among many of the chiefs a strong
mixture of the Chinese is clearly discernible: the Arab features are
seldom found, except among the priests, and some few families of the
highest rank.

The women, in general, are not so good-looking as the men: and to
Europeans many of them, particularly when advanced in years, appear
hideously ugly. But among the lower orders, much of this deficiency of
personal comeliness is doubtless to be attributed to the severe duties
which they have to perform in the field, to the hardships they have to
undergo in carrying oppressive burdens, and to exposure in a sultry
climate. On the neighbouring island of _Báli_, where the condition
of the women among the peasantry does not appear by any means so
oppressed and degraded, they exhibit considerable personal beauty; and
even on Java, the higher orders of them being kept within-doors, have a
very decided superiority in this respect.

In manners the Javans are easy and courteous, and respectful even to
timidity; they have a great sense of propriety, and are never rude or
abrupt. In their deportment they are pliant and graceful, the people
of condition carrying with them a considerable air of fashion, and
receiving the gaze of the curious without being at all disconcerted.
In their delivery they are in general very circumspect and even slow,
though not deficient in animation when necessary.

Here, as on Sumatra, there are certain mountainous districts, in which
the people are subject to those large wens in the throat, termed in
Europe _goitres_. The cause is generally ascribed by the natives to the
quality of the water; but there seems good ground for concluding, that
it is rather to be traced to the atmosphere. In proof of this it may
be mentioned, that there is a village near the foot of the _Teng'gar_
mountains, in the eastern part of the island, where every family is
afflicted by this malady, while in another village, situated at a
greater elevation, and through which the stream descends which serves
for the use of both, there exists no such deformity. These wens are
considered hereditary in some families, and seem thus independent of
situation. A branch of the family of the present _Adipáti_ of _Bándung_
is subject to them, and it is remarkable that they prevail chiefly
among the women in that family. They neither produce positive suffering
nor occasion early death, and may be considered rather as deformities
than diseases. It is never attempted to remove them.

The population of Java is very unequally distributed, whether we
consider the fertility or the extent of the districts over which it is
spread. The great mass of it lies in the eastern and native districts,
as will be perceived from the annexed tables.

The table No. I., is compiled from materials collected by a committee
appointed on the first establishment of the British government, to
enquire and report on the state of the country. It will be found to
illustrate, in some degree, the proportionate numbers of the different
ranks and classes of society in the island. Beyond this, however, it
cannot be depended upon, as the returns of which it is an abstract were
made at a period when the Dutch system of administration provisionally
remained in force; and every new enquiry into the state of the country
being at that time considered by the people as a prelude to some
new tax or oppression, it became an object with them to conceal the
full extent of the population: accordingly it was found to differ
essentially in amount from the results of information subsequently
obtained on the introduction of the detailed land-revenue settlement,
when an agreement with each individual cultivator becoming necessary
to the security of his possession, he seldom failed to satisfy the
necessary enquiries. The table No. II., here exhibited, at least as
far as regards the European provinces, may therefore be considered as
faithful a view of the population of the country as could be expected,
and as such, notwithstanding the inaccuracies to which all such
accounts are liable, it is presented with some confidence to the public.

It was formed in the following manner. A detailed account of the
peasantry of each village was first taken, containing the name of
each male inhabitant, with other particulars, and from the aggregate
of these village lists a general statement was constructed of the
inhabitants of each subdivision and district. An abstract was again
drawn up from these provincial accounts, exhibiting the state of each
residency in which the districts were respectively included, and the
totals of these last, collected into one tabular view, constitute the
present abstract. The labour of this detailed survey was considerable,
for as each individual cultivator was to receive a lease corresponding
with the register taken, it was necessary that the land he rented
should be carefully measured and assessed[36].

                                  No. II.

         TABLE _exhibiting the_ POPULATION _of_ JAVA _and_ MADURA,
         _according to a Census taken by the_ BRITISH GOVERNMENT,
                            _in the Year_ 1815.

  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |       DIVISIONS.       |   Total   |    Males. |  Females. |
  |                        | Population|           |           +
  |                        |           |           |           |
  |                        |           |           |           |
  |                        |           |           |           |
  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |  _European Provinces._ |           |           |           |
  |Bantam                  |    231,604|    106,100|    125,504|
  |Batavia and its Environs|    332,015|    180,768|    151,247|
  |Buitenzorg              |     76,312|     38,926|     37,386|
  |Priángen Regencies      |    243,628|    120,649|    122,979|
  |Chéribon                |    216,001|    105,451|    110,550|
  |Tégal                   |    178,415|     81,539|     96,876|
  |Pakalúng'an             |    115,442|     53,187|     62,255|
  |Semárang                |    327,610|    165,009|    162,601|
  |Kedú                    |    197,310|     97,744|     99,566|
  |Grobógan and Jípang     |     66,522|     31,693|     34,829|
  |<DW61>ára and Jawána       |    103,290|     55,124|     48,166|
  |Rémbang                 |    158,530|     75,204|     83,326|
  |Grésik                  |    115,442|     58,981|     56,461|
  |Surabáya                |    154,512|     77,260|     77,252|
  |Pasúruan                |    108,812|     54,177|     54,635|
  |Probolíng'go            |    104,359|     50,503|     53,856|
  |Banyuwángi              |      8,873|      4,463|      4,410|
  |   _Native Provinces._  |           |           |           |
  |Súra-kérta              |    972,727|    471,505|    501,222|
  |Yúgya-kérta[37]         |    685,207|    332,241|    352,966|
  |         MADURA.        |           |           |           |
  |Bankálang and Pamakásan |     95,235|     47,466|     47,769|
  |Súmenap                 |    123,424|     60,190|     63,234|
  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |            Grand Total |  4,615,270|  2,268,180|  2,347,090|
  |                        |           |           |           |
  |                        |           |           |           |
                           +-----------+-----------+-----------+

  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |       DIVISIONS.       |             NATIVES.              |
  |                        +-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |                        |   Total   |  Males.   |  Females. |
  |                        |  Natives. |           |           |
  |                        |           |           |           |
  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |  _European Provinces._ |           |           |           |
  |Bantam                  |    230,976|    111,988|    118,988|
  |Batavia and its Environs|    279,621|    151,064|    128,557|
  |Buitenzorg              |     73,679|     37,334|     36,345|
  |Priángen Regencies      |    243,268|    120,289|    122,979|
  |Chéribon                |    213,658|     99,837|    113,821|
  |Tégal                   |    175,446|     80,208|     95,238|
  |Pakalúng'an             |    113,396|     52,007|     61,389|
  |Semárang                |    305,910|    154,161|    151,749|
  |Kedú                    |    196,171|     97,167|     99,004|
  |Grobógan and Jípang     |     66,109|     31,423|     34,686|
  |<DW61>ára and Jawána       |    101,000|     54,000|     47,000|
  |Rémbang                 |    154,639|     73,373|     81,266|
  |Grésik                  |    115,078|     58,807|     56,271|
  |Surabáya                |    152,025|     76,038|     75,987|
  |Pasúruan                |    107,752|     53,665|     54,087|
  |Probolíng'go            |    102,927|     49,797|     53,130|
  |Banyuwángi              |      8,554|      4,297|      4,257|
  |   _Native Provinces._  |           |           |           |
  |Súra-kérta              |    970,292|    470,220|    500,072|
  |Yúgya-kérta[37]         |    683,005|    331,141|    351,864|
  |         MADURA.        |           |           |           |
  |Bankálang and Pamakásan |     90,848|     45,194|     45,654|
  |Súmenap                 |    114,896|     55,826|     59,070|
  +------------------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
  |            Grand Total |  4,499,250|  2,207,836|  2,291,414|
  |                        |           |           |           |
  |                        |           |           |           |
                           +-----------+-----------+-----------+

  +------------------------+---------+--------+---------+
  |       DIVISIONS.       |        CHINESE, &c.        |
  |                        +---------+--------+---------+
  |                        |  Total  | Males. | Females.|
  |                        | Chinese,|        |         |
  |                        |   &c.   |        |         |
  +------------------------+---------+--------+---------+
  |  _European Provinces._ |         |        |         |
  |Bantam                  |      628|     352|      276|
  |Batavia and its Environs|   52,394|  29,704|   22,690|
  |Buitenzorg              |    2,633|   1,591|    1,042|
  |Priángen Regencies      |      180|      86|       94|
  |Chéribon                |    2,343|   1,193|    1,150|
  |Tégal                   |    2,004|     915|    1,089|
  |Pakalúng'an             |    2,046|   1,180|      866|
  |Semárang                |    1,700|     848|      852|
  |Kedú                    |    1,139|     577|      562|
  |Grobógan and Jípang     |      403|     223|      180|
  |<DW61>ára and Jawána       |    2,290|   1,124|    1,166|
  |Rémbang                 |    3,891|   1,831|    2,060|
  |Grésik                  |      364|     174|      190|
  |Surabáya                |    2,047|   1,010|    1,037|
  |Pasúruan                |    1,070|     522|      548|
  |Probolíng'go            |    1,430|     706|      724|
  |Banyuwángi              |      319|     166|      153|
  |   _Native Provinces._  |         |        |         |
  |Súra-kérta              |    2,435|   1,285|    1,150|
  |Yúgya-kérta[37]         |    2,202|   1,201|    1,001|
  |         MADURA.        |         |        |         |
  |Bankálang and Pamakásan |    4,395|   2,280|    2,115|
  |Súmenap                 |    8,528|   4,364|    4,164|
  +------------------------+---------+--------+---------+
  |            Grand Total |   94,441|  51,332|   43,109|
  |                        |         |        |         |
  |                        |         |        |         |
                           +---------+--------+---------+

  +------------------------+-----------+----------------------+
  |       DIVISIONS.       |   Square  |      Estimated       |
  |                        +  statute  |     Population       |
  |                        |   Miles.  |        to a          |
  |                        |           |     square Mile.     |
  |                        |           |                      |
  +------------------------+-----------+----------------------+
  |  _European Provinces._ |           |                      |
  |Bantam                  |      3,428|      67½             |
  |Batavia and its Environs|}     2,411|     169⅓             |
  |Buitenzorg              |}          |                      |
  |Priángen Regencies      |     10,002|      24⅓             |
  |Chéribon                |      1,334|     162              |
  |Tégal                   |      1,297|     137⅓             |
  |Pakalúng'an             |        607|     190⅙             |
  |Semárang                |      1,166|     281              |
  |Kedú                    |        826|     238¾             |
  |Grobógan and Jípang     |      1,219|      54⅓             |
  |<DW61>ára and Jawána       |      1,025|     100⅔             |
  |Rémbang                 |      1,400|     113              |
  |Grésik                  |        778|     148              |
  |Surabáya                |      1,218|     126¾             |
  |Pasúruan                |      1,952|      58⅛             |
  |Probolíng'go            |      2,854|      36½             |
  |Banyuwángi              |      1,274|       7              |
  |   _Native Provinces._  |           |                      |
  |Súra-kérta              |} 11,313   |     147½             |
  |Yúgya-kérta[37]         |}          |                      |
  |         MADURA.        |           |                      |
  |Bankálang and Pamakásan |        892|     106¾             |
  |Súmenap                 |    728[38]|     146              |
  +------------------------+ ----------+----------------------+
  |            Grand Total |     45,794| Average Population   |
  |                        |           | rather exceeding 100 |
  |                        |           | to a square mile     |
                           +-----------+----------------------+

  MEM.--The Population of the principal European capitals included in the
  above, is estimated as follows:--

  Batavia and its immediate Suburbs  60,000
  Semárang                           20,000
  Surabáya                           25,000

  The population of _Súra-kérta_, the principal Native capital, is
  estimated at 105,000.

  That of _Yúgya-kérta_ at somewhat less.

By the last table, it appears that in some districts the population
is in the ratio of two hundred and eighty-one to a square mile, while
in others it is not more than twenty-four and three quarters: in the
districts of _Banyuwángí_ it is even as low as seven. The soil in
the eastern districts is generally considered superior to that in
the western, and this circumstance, added to the superior facilities
which they afford to commerce, may serve to account for their original
selection as the chief seat of the native government, and consequently
for their denser population at an early period.

This disproportion was also promoted by the policy of the Dutch
Company. The Dutch first established themselves in the western
division, and having no confidence in the natives, endeavoured to drive
them from the vicinity of Batavia, with the view of establishing round
their metropolis an extensive and desert barrier. The forced services
and forced deliveries, which extended wherever Dutch influence could
be felt, and of which more will be said hereafter, contributed to
impoverish, and thereby to depopulate the country. The drain also of
the surrounding districts, to supply the place of the multitudes who
perished by the unhealthy climate of Batavia, must have been enormous;
and if to these we add the checks to population, which were created
over Bantam, the _Priáng'en_ Regencies, and Chéribon, in the pepper
and coffee cultivation, of the nature of which an account will be
given when treating of the agriculture of the country, we need go no
further to account for the existing disproportion. It was only about
sixty years ago that the Dutch government first obtained a decided
influence in the eastern districts, and from that moment, the provinces
subjected to its authority ceased to improve, and extensive emigrations
took place into the dominions of the native princes. Such were the
effects of this desolating system, that the population of the province
of _Banyuwángi_, which in 1750 is said to have amounted to upwards of
eighty thousand souls, was in 1811 reduced to eight thousand.

The _Priáng'en_ Regencies, from their inland situation and mountainous
character, may probably have at all times been less closely peopled
than other parts of the island, and their insufficient population
would furnish no proofs of the oppressions of government, did we not
observe extensive tracts, nay whole districts, exhibiting the traces
of former cultivation, now lying waste and overgrown with long rank
grass. Chéribon and Bantam have shared the same fate. These provinces,
according to authentic accounts, were at the period of the first
establishment of the European government, among the richest and most
populous of the island. In 1811 they were found in a state of extreme
poverty, affording little or no revenue, and distracted by all the
aggravated miseries of continued insurrections.

If we look at Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, the capitals of the British
government in India: if we look at the great cities of every nation
in Europe; nay, if we even confine ourselves to the capitals of the
native princes on Java, we shall find that population has always
accumulated in their vicinity. And why was not this the case with the
Dutch capital? The climate alone will not explain it. Bad government
was the principal cause; a system of policy which secured neither
person nor property--selfish, jealous, vexatious, and tyrannical. It
is no less true than remarkable, that wherever the Dutch influence has
prevailed in the Eastern Seas, depopulation has followed. The Moluccas
particularly have suffered at least as much as any part of Java, and
the population of those Islands, reduced as it is, has been equally
oppressed and degraded.

It was fortunate for the interests of humanity, and for the importance
of Java, that the native governments were less oppressive than the
sway of their European conquerors, and that their states afforded a
retreat from a more desolating tyranny. It has been ascertained, that,
on the first establishment of the Dutch in the eastern part of the
Island, the inhabitants of whole districts at once migrated into the
native provinces. Every new act of rigour, every unexpected exaction,
occasioned a further migration, and cultivation was transferred to
tracts which had previously scarcely a family on them. This state of
things continued down to the latest date of the Dutch government.
During the administration of Marshal Daendels, in the years 1808, 1809,
and 1810, nearly all the inhabitants of the province of _Demák_, one of
the richest in the eastern districts, fled into the native provinces;
and when an order was given for the rigid enforcement of the coffee
monopoly, every district suffered in its population, in proportion to
the extent of service levied upon it. Of the sacrifice of lives by
thousands and tens of thousands, to fill the ranks of the Dutch native
army, and to construct roads and public works, we shall speak more at
large hereafter.

The total population of Java and Madúra appears from the Table No. II.,
to amount to 4,615,270, of which about four millions and a half may be
considered as the indigenous population of the country, and the rest as
foreign settlers. Itinerants, who are principally found along the coast
in the different maritime and commercial capitals, are not included;
neither is the nautical population, which cannot be estimated at less
than 30,000 souls; so that the whole population of these two islands
may, perhaps, be taken in round numbers at not much less than five
millions. Of these not less than three millions are in the provinces
immediately subject to European authority, and upwards of a million and
a half in the provinces of the native princes.

While the British were in possession of Java, there is reason to
believe that the population of the Island was rapidly increasing;
that of the provinces immediately under the European authority was
certainly augmented by the return of numerous families from emigration:
but previously to that period, no such authentic registers were kept
as might enable us to ascertain with precision the variations in the
number of the inhabitants during the Dutch government.

Nothing can more completely shew the vague and defective information
formerly attainable on this subject, than the loose and contradictory
statements published by those who took most pains to be well informed,
and who felt it their duty to collect all the light that could
be attained. In some accounts which have met the public eye, the
population of Java is placed on a level with that of the most powerful
European states, and assumed as high as thirty millions, while in
others, where one would expect more accuracy[39], it is rated at only
a million. The most respectable authorities[40] state the population
about a century ago at three millions; but the slightest reflection
will convince us, that such an estimate must have proceeded upon data
merely conjectural, for from our knowledge of the Dutch maxims of
administration we may safely say, that until very lately, they never
thought it an object to prosecute statistic enquiries, and that if ever
they had done so, under the old system, they could have obtained no
results deserving of confidence or credit.

About the year 1750, a certain number of families were assigned by the
stipulations of a treaty to one of the native princes[41]; and on his
death, about thirty years afterwards, when an account was taken of this
population, it appeared that the number of families had nearly doubled.
But this increase cannot be taken as the average increase of the
Island, for at this period the native provinces received a considerable
accession to their numbers, in consequence of the emigrations from the
Dutch territories.

If any inference can be drawn from this and other corresponding
circumstances, it would seem, that notwithstanding the drains on the
existing race, and the preventive checks to an increase, which were
experienced during the latter years of the Dutch administration, the
island was actually more populous in 1811, when it was surrendered to
the British, than in 1750, when at the termination of a destructive
war, the Dutch acquired the greatest portion of it from the natives.

To support the opinion of an increase within the last half century
(which is every where asserted) we have the assurance, that during that
period the greatest internal tranquillity prevailed in the provinces
subject to native administration; that no years of scarcity and famine
were experienced, and that the island was blessed with genial seasons
and abundance of subsistence. But to place in the opposite scale, we
have the government oppressions to which we formerly alluded, and which
one would suppose sufficient to counteract the natural tendency of
these advantages. As demonstrative of the strength of that principle
of population, which could even maintain its stationary amount in
conflict with political drains and discouragements, it may be proper
to mention cursorily a few of them. Great demands were, at all times,
made on the peasantry of the island, to recruit the ranks of the Dutch
army, and to supply the many other wants of the public service; the
severities and consequent mortality to which the troops were liable,
may be calculated, from the reluctance of the unfortunate wretches,
selected as victims of military conscription, to engage in the duties
of a military life. Confined in unhealthy garrisons, exposed to
unnecessary hardships and privations, extraordinary casualties took
place among them, and frequent new levies became necessary, while
the anticipation of danger and suffering produced an aversion to the
service, which was only aggravated by the subsequent measures of
cruelty and oppression. The conscripts raised in the provinces were
usually sent to the metropolis by water; and though the distance be
but short between any two points of the island, a mortality, similar
to that of a slave-ship in the middle passage, took place on board
these receptacles of reluctant recruits. They were generally confined
in the stocks till their arrival at Batavia, and it is calculated
that for every man that entered the army and performed the duties of
a soldier, several lives were lost. Besides the supply of the army,
one half of the male population of the country was constantly held
in readiness for other public services; and thus a great portion of
the effective hands were taken from their families, and detained at a
distance from home, in labours which broke their spirit and exhausted
their strength. During the administration of Marshal Daendels, it has
been calculated that the construction of public roads alone, destroyed
the lives of at least ten thousand workmen. The transport of government
stores, and the capricious requisitions of government agents of all
classes, perpetually harassed, and frequently carried off numbers of
the people. If to these drains we add the waste of life occasioned
by insurrections, which tyranny and impolicy excited and fomented in
Chéribon, the blighting effects of the coffee monopoly, and forced
services in the _Priáng'en_ Regencies, and the still more desolating
operation of the policy pursued and consequent anarchy produced in the
province of Bantam, we shall have some idea of the depopulating causes
that existed under the Dutch administration, and the force of that
tendency to increase, which could overcome obstacles so powerful.

Most of these drains and checks were removed during the short period of
British administration; but it is to be regretted (so far as accurate
data on this subject would be desirable) that there was not time to
learn satisfactorily the result of a different system, or to institute
the proper registers, by which alone questions of population can be
determined. The only document of that kind, to which I can venture
to refer as authentic, is a statement of the births and deaths that
occurred in the given general population of the _Priáng'en_ Regencies
for one year. From this account it would appear, that even in these
Regencies, where, if we except Batavia, the checks to population
are allowed to be greater than elsewhere, the births were to the
total existing population as 1 to 39, and the deaths as 1 to 40 very
nearly; that the births exceed the deaths by 618, or about 1 in 40,
in a population of 232,000, and that, at that rate, the population
would double itself in three hundred and seventy-five years. A slow
increase, certainly, compared with England, where the births, in the
three years ending 1800, were to the persons alive as 1 in 36, and the
deaths as 1 to 49, and where, consequently, the nation would double
itself in one hundred and sixty years (or taking the enumeration of
1811 as more correct, where the population would be doubled in eighty
years): but not much slower than that of France, where, according to
the statements of numbers in 1700 and 1790, about three hundred years
would be required to double the inhabitants. It has been estimated that
the population in some more favourable districts would double itself in
fifty years. One inference cannot fail to be drawn from the register to
which I have referred; that the births and deaths, though they nearly
approach each other, are low, compared with the existing numbers; and
that, consequently, the climate is healthy, and the marriages not very
prolific, as far as this district is concerned.

In the absence of authentic documents, which would have enabled us to
resolve many interesting questions regarding the population, such as
the number of children to a marriage, the ordinary length of life, the
proportion of children that die in infancy and at the other stages
of life, the ratio between the births and deaths, and the consequent
rate of increase, the effect of polygamy and multiplied divorces, the
comparative healthiness of the towns and the villages, and several
others,--I shall state a few observations on some of these heads, and
a few facts tending to shew, that under a better system of government,
or by the removal of a few of the checks that previously existed, Java
might, in a short time, be expected to be better peopled.

The soil is in general extremely fertile, and can be brought to yield
its produce with little labour. Many of the best spots still remain
uncultivated, and several districts are almost desert and neglected,
which might be the seats of a crowded and happy peasantry. In many
places, the land does not require to be cleared, as in America, from
the overgrown vegetation of primeval forests, but offers its services
to the husbandman, almost free from every obstruction to his immediate
labours. The agricultural life in which the mass of the people are
engaged, is on Java, as in every other country, the most favourable to
health. It not only favours the longevity of the existing race, but
conduces to its more rapid renewal, by leading to early marriages and a
numerous progeny. The term of life is not much shorter than in the best
climates of Europe. A very considerable number of persons of both sexes
attain the advanced age of seventy or eighty, and some even live to
one hundred and upwards; nearly the same proportion survive forty and
fifty, as in other genial climates.

While life is thus healthy and prolonged, there are no restraints upon
the formation of family connexions, by the scarcity of subsistence
or the labour of supporting children. Both sexes arrive at maturity
very early, and the customs of the country, as well as the nature of
the climate, impel them to marry young; the males at sixteen, and the
females at thirteen or fourteen years of age: though frequently the
women form connexions at nine or ten, and, as Montesquieu expresses it,
"infancy and marriage go together." The conveniences which the married
couple require are few and easily procured. The impulse of nature is
seldom checked by the experience of present deficiencies, or the fear
of future poverty. Subsistence is procured without difficulty, and
comforts are not wanting. Children, who are for a very short period a
burden to their parents, become early the means of assistance and the
source of wealth. To the peasant who labours his field with his own
hand, and who has more land than he can bring into cultivation, they
grow up into a species of valuable property, a real treasure; while,
during their infancy and the season of helplessness, they take little
from the fruits of his industry but bare subsistence.

Their education costs him little or nothing; scarcely any clothing is
required, his hut needs very little enlargement, and no beds are used.
Many of them die in infancy from the small-pox and other distempers,
but never from scanty food or criminal neglect of parents. The women of
all classes suckle their children, till we ascend to the wives of the
regents and of the sovereign, who employ nurses.

Though women soon arrive at maturity, and enter early into the married
state, they continue to bear children to an advanced age, and it is
no uncommon thing to see a grandmother still making addition to her
family. Great families are however rare. Though there are some women
who have borne thirteen or fourteen children, the average is rather
low than otherwise. A _chácha_, or family, is generally less numerous
than in Europe, both from the circumstance that the young men and women
more early leave the houses of their parents to form establishments
for themselves, and from an injudicious mode of labouring among women
of the lower ranks. Miscarriages among the latter are frequently
caused by over-straining themselves in carrying excessive burdens, and
performing oppressive field-work, during pregnancy. The average number
of persons in a family does not exceed four, or four and a half. As
the labour of the women is almost equally productive with that of the
men, female children become as much objects of solicitude with their
parents as male: they are nursed with the same care, and viewed with
the same pride and tenderness. In no class of society are children of
either sex considered as an incumbrance, or the addition to a family as
a misfortune; marriage is therefore almost universal. An unmarried man
past twenty is seldom to be met with, and an old maid is considered a
curiosity. Neither custom, law, or religion, enjoins celibacy on the
priesthood, or any other order of the community, and by none of them is
it practised. Although no strictness of principle, nor strong sense of
moral restraint, prevails in the intercourse of the sexes, prostitution
is not common, except in the capitals.

As the Javans are a quiet domestic people, little given to adventure,
disinclined to foreign enterprise, not easily roused to violence or
bloodshed, and little disposed to irregularities of any kind, there
are but few families left destitute in consequence of hazards incurred
or crimes committed by their natural protectors. The character of
blood-thirsty revenge, which has been attributed to all the inhabitants
of the Indian Archipelago, by no means applies to the people of Java;
and though, in all cases where justice is badly administered or
absolutely perverted, people may be expected to enforce their rights
or redress their grievances, rather by their own passions than by an
appeal to the magistrate, comparatively few lives are lost on the
island by personal affrays or private feuds.

Such are a few of the circumstances that would appear to have
encouraged an increase of population on Java. They furnish no precise
data on which to estimate its rapidity, or to calculate the period
within which it would be doubled, but they allow us, if tranquillity
and good government were enjoyed, to anticipate a gradual progress in
the augmentation of inhabitants, and the improvements of the soil for
a long course of time. Suppose the quantity of land in cultivation to
be to the land still in a state of nature as one to seven, which is
probably near the truth, and that, in the ordinary circumstances of the
country, the population would double itself in a century, it might go
on increasing for three hundred years to come. Afterwards the immense
tracts of unoccupied or thinly peopled territories on Sumatra, Borneo,
and the numerous islands scattered over the Archipelago, may be ready
to receive colonies, arts, and civilization from the metropolis of the
Indian seas. Commercial intercourse, friendly relations, or political
institutions, may bind these dispersed communities in one great insular
commonwealth. Its trade and navigation might connect the centre of
this great empire with Japan, China, and the south-western countries
of Asia. New Holland, which the adventurous _Búgis_ already frequent,
and which is not so far distant from Java as Russia is from England,
might be included in the circle, and colonies of Javans settled on the
north, might meet with the British spreading from the south, over that
immense and now uncultivated region. If we could indulge ourselves
in such reveries with propriety, we might contemplate the present
semi-barbarous condition, ignorance, and poverty of these innumerable
islands, exchanged for a state of refinement, prosperity, and happiness.

I formerly alluded to the oppressions of government, as the principal
checks to the increase of population on Java. There are many others,
such as the small-pox, and other diseases, which are common to that
country with the rest of the world. From the scattered state of
the population, any contagious distemper, such as the small-pox,
was formerly less destructive on Java, than in countries where the
inhabitants are more crowded into large towns, and it is hoped that,
from the establishment for vaccine inoculation which the British
government erected, and endeavoured to render permanent, its ravages
may, in time, be entirely arrested. The diseases most peculiar to the
country, and most dangerous at all ages, are fevers and dysenteries:
epidemics are rare. There are two moral causes which, on their first
mention, will strike every one as powerfully calculated to counteract
the principle of population: I mean the facility of obtaining divorces,
and the practice of polygamy. A greater weight should not, however,
be given them than they deserve after a consideration of all the
circumstances. It is true, that separations often take place on the
slightest grounds, and new connexions are formed with equal frivolity
and caprice; but in whatever light morality would view this practice,
and however detrimental it would be to population in a different state
of society, by leaving the children of the marriage so dissolved to
neglect and want, it has no such consequences on Java. Considering
the age at which marriages are usually contracted, the choice of the
parties cannot be always expected to be considerate or judicious. It
may be observed also that the women, although they do not appear old at
twenty, as Montesquieu remarks, certainly sooner lose that influence
over their husbands, which depends upon their beauty and personal
attractions, than they do in colder climates. In addition to this,
there is little moral restraint among many classes of the community,
and the religious maxims and indulgences acted upon by the priesthood,
in regulating matrimonial sanctions, have no tendency to produce
constancy, or to repress inclination. Dissolutions of marriage are,
therefore, very frequent, and obtained upon the slightest pretences;
but, as children are always valuable, and as there is very little
trouble in rearing or providing for them, no change of mate, in either
party, leads to their abandonment or neglect. Indeed, the ease of
supporting children, which renders the practice less detrimental to
the increase of population, may be one of the principal causes why it
is generally followed and so little checked. No professed prostitution
or promiscuous intercourse is the consequence of this weakness of the
nuptial tie. It is rather brittle than loose; it is easily dissolved,
but while it remains it generally insures fidelity.

Polygamy, though in all cases it must be injurious to population
and happiness, so far as it goes, is permitted on Java, as in other
Mahomedan countries, by religion and law, but not practiced to any
great extent. Perhaps the ease of obtaining matrimonial separations,
by admitting of successive changes of wives, diminishes the desire of
possessing more than one at a time.

It is plain, likewise, that whatever be the law, the great body of
the people must have only one wife; and that, where there is nearly
an equality of number between the sexes, inequality of wealth or
power alone can create an unequal distribution of women. On Java,
accordingly, only the chiefs and the sovereign marry more than one
wife. All the chiefs, from the regents downwards, can only, by the
custom of the country, have two; the sovereign alone has four. The
regents, however, have generally three or four concubines, and the
sovereign eight or ten. Some of the chiefs have an extraordinary
number of children; the late Regent of _Túban_ is reputed to have
been the father of no fewer than sixty-eight. Such appropriations of
numerous women as wives or concubines, were owing to the political
power of native authorities over the inferior classes; and as, by
the new system, that power is destroyed, the evil may to a certain
extent be checked. If we were to depend upon the statement of a writer
whom Montesquieu refers to, that in Bantam there were ten women to
one man, we should be led to conclude with him, that here was a case
particularly favourable to polygamy, and that such an institution was
here an appointment of nature, intended for the multiplication of
the species, rather than an abuse contributing to check it. There is
not the least foundation, however, for the report. The proportion
of males and females born in Bantam, and over the whole of Java, is
nearly the same as in Europe, and as we find generally to exist,
wherever accurate statements can be obtained. From the information
collected in a very careful surrey of one part of the very province in
question, the preponderance seemed to be on the side of male children
to an extraordinary degree; the male children being about forty-two
thousand, and the females only thirty-five thousand five hundred.
There were formerly, it is true, great drains on the male population,
to which I have before alluded, and which, in the advanced stages
of life, might turn the balance on the other side; but as they were
never so destructive as to render polygamy a political institution,
so that institution was not carried to such an extent, as to render
it a peculiar obstacle to the progress of population. Upon the whole,
we may conclude that in Java, under a mild government, there is a
great tendency to an increase in the number of inhabitants, and to the
consequent improvement and importance of the island.

Besides the natives, whose numbers, circumstances, and character I
have slightly mentioned, there is on Java a rapidly increasing race
of foreigners, who have emigrated from the different surrounding
countries. The most numerous and important class of these is the
Chinese, who already do not fall far short of a hundred thousand; and
who, with a system of free trade and free cultivation, would soon
accumulate tenfold, by natural increase within the island, and gradual
accessions of new settlers from home. They reside principally in the
three capitals of Batavia, _Samárang_, and _Surabáya_, but they are to
be found in all the smaller capitals, and scattered over most parts of
the country. A great proportion of them are descended from families
who have been many generations on the island. Additions are gradually
making to their numbers. They arrive at Batavia from China, to the
amount of a thousand and more annually, in Chinese junks, carrying
three, four, and five hundred each, without money or resources; but,
by dint of their industry, soon acquire comparative opulence. There
are no women on Java who come directly from China; but as the Chinese
often marry the daughters of their countrymen by Javan women, there
results a numerous mixed race, which is often scarcely distinguishable
from the native Chinese. The Chinese on their arrival generally marry
a Javan woman, or purchase a slave from the other islands. The progeny
from this connexion, or what may be termed the cross breed between the
Chinese and Javans, are called in the Dutch accounts _pernákans_. Many
return to China annually in the junks, but by no means in the same
numbers as they arrive.

The Chinese, in all matters of inheritance and minor affairs, are
governed by their own laws, administered by their own chiefs, a captain
and several lieutenants being appointed by government for each society
of them. They are distinct from the natives, and are in a high degree
more intelligent, more laborious, and more luxurious. They are the life
and soul of the commerce of the country. In the native provinces they
are still farmers of the revenue, having formerly been so throughout
the island.

Although still numerous, they are considered to have much decreased
since the civil war in 1742, during which not only a large proportion
of the Chinese population was massacred by the Dutch in the town of
Batavia, but a decree of extermination was proclaimed against them
throughout the island.

The natives of the Coromandel and Malabar coast, who reside on Java,
are usually termed Moors. They appear to be the remnant of a once
extensive class of settlers; but their numbers have considerably
decreased, since the establishment of the Dutch monopoly, and the
absolute extinction of the native trade with India, which we have
reason to believe was once very extensive. Trading vessels, in
considerable numbers, still continue to proceed from the Coromandel
coast to Sumatra, Penang, and Malacca, but they no longer frequent Java.

_Búgis_ and _Maláyus_ are established in all the maritime capitals of
Java. They have their own quarter of the town allotted to them, in the
same manner as the Chinese, and are subject to the immediate authority
of their respective captains.

Among the Arabs are many merchants, but the majority are priests. Their
principal resort is _Grésik_, the spot where Mahomedanism was first
extensively planted on Java. They are seldom of genuine Arab birth, but
mostly a mixed race, between the Arabs and the natives of the islands.

There is another class of inhabitants, either foreigners themselves,
or the immediate descendants of foreigners, whose peculiar situation
and considerable numbers entitle them to some notice in the general
sketch of the population: I mean the class of slaves. The native
Javans are never reduced to this condition; or if they should happen
to be seized and sold by pirates, a satisfactory proof of their origin
would be sufficient to procure their enfranchisement. The slave
merchants have therefore been under the necessity of resorting to the
neighbouring islands for a supply, and the greatest number have been
procured from _Báli_ and Celebes. The total amount may be estimated at
about thirty thousand. According to the returns obtained in 1814, it
appeared that the following were the numbers in the principal divisions
of the island.

  At Batavia and its environs         18,972
  In the Semárang division             4,488
  In the Surabáya division             3,682
                                     -------
                               Total  27,142
                                     -------

These slaves are the property of the Europeans and Chinese alone: the
native chiefs never require the services of slaves, or engage in the
traffic of slavery. The Mahomedan laws, which regulate their civil
condition, and permit this abomination in all its extent, are modified
by the milder prejudices and more humane temper of the country. The
Dutch, who, like us, valued themselves on their political liberty, are
here the great promoters of civil servitude, and carried with them into
their eastern empire, the Roman law regarding slavery in all its extent
and rigour. But although they adopted principles that admitted of the
most cruel and wanton treatment of slaves, I would not be understood
to say, that they carried these principles into common practice. The
contrary was almost universally the case, and the condition of slaves
on Java, where they were employed principally in domestic offices,
formed a complete contrast to the state of those employed in the West
India plantations. It is remarked by Montesquieu, that "in despotic
countries, the condition of a slave is hardly more burdensome than that
of a subject," and such has been the case in Java. The grounds on which
the Dutch justified the practice of making slaves, was not that they
could not command the services of the natives with a sway sufficiently
absolute, and that they were compelled to seek, beyond the limits of
the island, for unfortunate agents to perform what the natives shewed
a reluctance to undertake, but that they found the class of foreigners
more adroit and docile than the Javans in the conduct of household
affairs, and that having reduced them to the state of property, they
remained in the family for life, and saved the trouble of a new
training.

Upon the conquest of the island by the British in 1811, the condition
of this class of its subjects excited the attention of government; and
though we could not, consistently with those rights of property which
were admitted by the laws that we professed to administer, emancipate
them at once from servitude, we enacted regulations, as far as we were
authorized, to ameliorate their present lot, and lead to their ultimate
freedom. Steps were immediately taken to check further importation, and
as soon as it was known that the horrid traffic in slaves was declared
a felony by the British parliament, it was not permitted for an instant
to disgrace a region to which the British authority extended. The folly
and perfect uselessness of slavery on Java has been often pointed out
by Dutch commissioners and Dutch authors[42].

Having thus attempted a brief description of the different classes
of the Asiatic population of the island, I shall proceed to a short
detail of the habitations, dress, food, and domestic economy of the
natives; but, in order to enable the reader to understand some of the
terms in the tables, and likewise in the subsequent observations, it
may not be improper simply to state the names and titles expressive
of the different gradations of rank, leaving a more particular
account of the power and authority with which they are connected to
another opportunity. The sovereign, who is either called _Susuhúnan_,
_Susúnan_, or _Sultan_, is the fountain of honour and the source of
all distinction. His family are called _Pang'érans_, his queen _Rátu_,
the heir apparent _Pangéran adipáti_, and the prime minister _Ráden
adipáti_. Governors of provinces, called by the Dutch _Regents_, are
styled by the natives _Bopátis_, _Tumúngungs_, or _Ang'abéis_; and
are ranked among the chief nobility of the country. All the inferior
chiefs, including those termed _Rádens_, _Mántris_, _Demángs_, _Lúras_,
and others, except the heads of villages, termed _Kúwus_, _Búkuls_,
_Patíng'gis_, &c., who are elected by the common people out of their
own number for the performance of specific duties, may be considered as
_petite noblesse_.

The cottage or hut of the peasant, called _úmah limásan_, may be
estimated to cost, in its first construction, from two to four rupees,
or from five to ten shillings English money. It is invariably built
on the ground, as on continental India, and in this respect differs
from similar structures in the surrounding islands. The sleeping
places, however, are generally a little elevated above the level of the
floor, and accord in simplicity with the other parts of the dwelling.
The sides or walls are generally formed of _bámbus_, flattened and
plaited together: partitions, if any, are constructed of the same
materials, and the roof is either thatched with long grass, with the
leaves of the _nipa_, or with a kind of _bámbu sirap_. The form and
size of these cottages, as well as the materials employed in their
construction, vary in the different districts of the island, and
with the different circumstances of the individuals. In the eastern
districts, where the population is most dense and the land most highly
cultivated, a greater scarcity is felt of the requisite materials than
in the western, and the dwellings of the peasantry are consequently
smaller and slighter. In the latter, the frame-work of the cottages
is generally made of timber, instead of _bámbus_, and the interior of
them, as well as the front veranda, is raised about two feet from the
ground. The accommodations consist of a room partitioned off for the
heads of the family, and an open apartment on the opposite side for the
children: there is no window either made or requisite. The light is
admitted through the door alone; nor is this deficiency productive of
any inconvenience in a climate, where all domestic operations can be
carried on in the open air, and where shade from the sun, rather than
shelter from the weather, is required. The women perform their usual
occupations of spinning or weaving on an elevated veranda in front,
where they are protected from the rays of a vertical sun by an extended
projection of the pitch of the roof. In some of the mountainous
districts, where the rains descend with most violence, the inhabitants
provide against their effects, by constructing their roofs of _bámbus_
split into halves, and applied to each other by their alternate concave
and convex surfaces, all along the pitch of the roof, from the top down
to the walls. On the whole, it may be affirmed that the habitations of
the peasantry of Java, even those constructed in the most unfavourable
situations and inhabited by the lowest of the people, admit of a
considerable degree of comfort and convenience, and far exceed, in
those respects, what falls to the lot of the peasant in most parts of
continental India.

The class of dwellings inhabited by the petty chiefs are termed _úmah
chébluk_ or _úmah jóglo_. These are distinguished by having eight
<DW72>s or roofs, four superior and four secondary. Their value is from
seven to eight dollars, or from thirty-five to forty shillings.

The largest class of houses, or those in which the chiefs and nobles
reside, are termed _úmah túmpang_, and are of the same form as the
preceding; they are generally distinguished from them by their greater
size, which varies with the means and rank of the possessor, and
usually contain five or six rooms. The supports and beams are of wood.
The value of such a habitation, calculated to answer the circumstances
of an ordinary chief of the rank of a _Páteh_, or assistant to the
governor of a province, may be about fifty or sixty dollars, or from
ten to fifteen pounds sterling.

In the European provinces, the size and comfort of these dwellings have
of late been very essentially contracted, by the rigid enforcement
of the monopoly of the teak forests, which were formerly open to the
natives of all classes.

Brick dwellings, which are sometimes, though rarely, occupied by the
natives, are termed _úmah gedóng_. This kind of building is for the
most part occupied by the Chinese, who invariably construct a building
of brick and mortar whenever they possess the means. The Chinese
_kámpongs_ may always be thus distinguished from those of the natives.

The cottages, which I have already described, are never found detached
or solitary: they always unite to form villages of greater or less
extent, according to the fertility of the neighbouring plain, abundance
of a stream, or other accidental circumstances. In some provinces,
the usual number of inhabitants in a village is about two hundred, in
others less than fifty. In the first establishment or formation of
a village on new ground, the intended settlers take care to provide
themselves with sufficient garden ground round their huts for their
stock, and to supply the ordinary wants of their families. The
produce of this plantation is the exclusive property of the peasant,
and exempted from contribution or burden; and such is their number
and extent in some regencies (as in _Kedú_ for instance), that they
constitute perhaps a tenth part of the area of the whole district. The
spot surrounding his simple habitation, the cottager considers his
peculiar patrimony, and cultivates with peculiar care. He labours to
plant and to rear in it those vegetables that may be most useful to his
family, and those shrubs and trees which may at once yield him their
fruit and their shade: nor does he waste his efforts on a thankless
soil. The cottages, or the assemblage of huts, that compose the
village, become thus completely screened from the rays of a scorching
sun, and are so buried amid the foliage of a luxuriant vegetation,
that at a small distance no appearance of a human dwelling can be
discovered, and the residence of a numerous society appears only a
verdant grove or a clump of ever-greens. Nothing can exceed the beauty
or the interest, which such detached masses of verdure, scattered over
the face of the country, and indicating each the abode of a collection
of happy peasantry, add to scenery otherwise rich, whether viewed on
the sides of the mountains, in the narrow vales, or on the extensive
plains. In the last case, before the grain is planted, and during the
season of irrigation, when the rice fields are inundated, they appear
like so many small Islands, rising out of the water. As the young plant
advances, their deep rich foliage contrasts pleasingly with its lighter
tints; and when the full-eared grain, with a luxuriance that exceeds
an European harvest, invests the earth with its richest yellow, they
give a variety to the prospect, and afford a most refreshing relief to
the eye. The clumps of trees, with which art attempts to diversify and
adorn the most skilfully arranged park, can bear no comparison with
them in rural beauty or picturesque effect.

As the population increases, the extent of individual appropriations is
sometimes contracted; but when there is sufficient untenanted ground in
the neighbourhood, a new village is thrown out at some distance, which
during its infancy remains under the charge, and on the responsibility
of the parent village. In time, however, it obtains a constitution of
its own, and in its turn becomes the parent of others. These dependent
villages are in the eastern districts termed _dúku_, and in the western
or _Súnda_ districts _chántilan_.

Every village forms a community within itself, having each its
village officers and priest, whose habitations are as superior to
those of others as their functions are more exalted. To complete the
establishment in most large villages, a temple is appropriated for
religious worship. Here is found that simple form of patriarchal
administration, which so forcibly strikes the imagination of the
civilized inhabitants of this quarter of the world, and which has so
long been the theme of interest and curiosity of those who have visited
the Indian continent.

In the larger villages, or chief towns of the subdivisions, in which
the _Kápala chútag_, or division-officer, resides, a square place,
corresponding with the _álun álun_ of the capital, is reserved;
and, in like manner, the mosque is found to occupy one side, and
the dwelling of the chief another. The villages, whether large or
small, are fenced in by strong hedges of _bámbu_, and other quick
growing plants. All the large towns and capitals are formed on the
same principle, each hut and dwelling being surrounded by a garden
exclusively attached to it. In this respect, they are but large
villages, although usually divided into separate jurisdictions. A
newly-formed village contains but a few families, while in the capitals
the population often amounts to several thousand souls. _Súra-kérta_,
the capital of the chief native government, though its population is
estimated to exceed one hundred thousand, may be termed an assemblage
or group of numerous villages, rather than what in European countries
would be called a town or city.

In the larger towns, however, and in the capitals, considerable
attention is paid to the due preservation of broad streets or roads
crossing in different directions. The inland capitals in the _Súnda_
districts are distinguished by an extreme neatness and regularity in
this respect; and although both these, and the greater native capitals
at _Sólo_ and _Yúgy'a-kérta_, may have been laid out principally at the
suggestion of Europeans, it may be observed, that the same conveniences
are also to be found in the extensive capital of _Banyúmas_, the
planning of which must be ascribed entirely to the natives.

The dwelling or palace of the prince is distinguished by the terms
_kadáton_ or _kráton_, being contractions, the former probably from
_ka-datu-nan_, and the latter from _ka-ratu-nan_, the place of the
_Dátu_ or _Rátu_ (prince). Those of the Regents or _Bopátis_ (nobles
entrusted with the government of provinces), are styled _dálam_; a
term which is applied to the inmost hall or chamber of both buildings;
and by which also, particularly in the _Súnda_ districts, the chiefs
themselves are often distinguished.

The _kráton_, or palace of the prince, is an extensive square,
surrounded by a high wall, without which there is generally a moat
or ditch. In the front, and also sometimes in the rear, an extensive
open square is reserved, surrounded by a railing, which is termed the
_álun álun_. On the wall of the _kráton_, which may be considered as
the rampart of a citadel, are usually planted cannon; and within it,
the space is divided by various smaller walls, which intersect each
other, and form squares and compartments, each having a particular
designation, and answering a specific purpose; separate quarters being
assigned within the walls to all the families who may be considered
as attached to the person of the sovereign, or that of the princes.
The circumference of the wall of the _kráton_ of _Yúgy'a-kérta_ is
not less than three miles; and it was estimated that, at the period
of the assault in 1812, it did not contain fewer than from ten to
fifteen thousand people. That of _Súra-kérta_ is neither so extensive,
nor so well built. After crossing the _álun álun_, or square in front
of the _kráton_, the principal entrance is by a flight of steps, at
the top of which it is usual for the new sovereign to be invested
with his authority, and on which he is seated on those occasions in
which he shews himself in public. This is termed the _setingel_, from
_seti-ingel_, the high ground. On these occasions, the _Pang'érans_ and
nobles are ranged below. Proceeding into the interior of the building,
and after descending a flight of steps, we find the next principal
gateway or entrance is called the _brójo nólo_. After passing another
court, the next gateway is termed _kámandúngan_; and beyond this
again is the last passage, distinguished by the term _s'rimenánti_.
Still farther on, in the centre of a square, is the hall, _mendópo_
or _bángsal_, of the prince. On one side of the square are two small
_mendópos_, or open sheds, called _bángsal peng'ápit_, where the
_Pang'érans_ assemble to wait the appearance of the sovereign in the
principal _mendópo_; and on the opposite side is the dwelling, or
_úmah tumpang_, of the prince, termed _próbo yókso_. The _bángsal_, or
_mendópo_, is a large open hall, supported by a double row of pillars,
and covered with shingles, the interior being richly decorated with
paint and gilding. The ceiling of the _mendópo_ of _Yúgy'a-kérta_ is
remarkable for its splendour and richness, being composed according
to that peculiar style of architecture frequently observed throughout
Java, in which several squares, of gradually decreasing sizes, are
arranged one above and within the other; a style which is general among
the Hindus, and strongly marks the architecture of the Burmans and
Siamese.

In the centre of the _álun álun_, and in front of the _setingel_, are
two _wáringen_ trees (the Indian fig or _banyan_), called _wáring'en
kúrung_, which have been considered as the sign or mark of the royal
residence from the earliest date of Javan history.

In the dwellings of the nobles and governors of provinces, the same
form and order, with some slight modifications, are observed. These
have likewise the _álun álun_ front. The outer entrance corresponding
with the _setíngel_ of the _kráton_ is however with them denominated
the _láwang sekéting_, the second _pasádong_, and the third _régol_,
within which is the _mendópo_, or _dálam_. The mosque forms one side of
the _álun álun_.

The furniture of the houses or huts of the lower orders is very simple,
and consists of but few articles. Their bed, as with the Sumatrans, is
a fine mat with a number of pillows, having some party- cloths
generally extended over the head, in the form of a canopy or valance.
They neither use tables nor chairs, but their meals are brought on
large brass or wooden waiters, with smaller vessels of brass or
china-ware for the different articles served up. They sit cross-legged,
and, in common with other Mahomedans, only use the right hand at their
meals. They usually take up their food between the finger and thumb,
and throw it into their month. Spoons are used only for liquids, and
knives and forks very rarely, if at all.

In the dwellings of the higher classes, the articles of furniture are
more numerous and expensive. Raised beds, with many pillows piled one
above the other, and mats and carpets, are common in all; but, in the
European provinces, many of the rooms of the chiefs are furnished
with looking-glasses, chairs, tables, &c. Most of these were at first
introduced for the accommodation of European visitors, but are now
gradually becoming luxuries, in which the chiefs take delight.

They are partial to illuminations, and, on days of festivity, ornament
the grounds adjacent to their dwellings with much taste and design, by
working the young shoots of the cocoa-nut, the _bámbu_, and various
flowers, in festoons and other contrivances. The canopy or valance over
the table, bed, or other place selected for any particular purpose, is
universal. This canopy is generally of chintz, from Western India.

In all the provinces under the European government, the chiefs have
several rooms fitted up in the European style, for the accommodation of
the officers of government, and none of them hesitate to sit down at
table with their visitors, and join in the entertainment.

The natives of Java are in general better clothed than those of Western
India. In many provinces of the interior, and in the elevated parts
of the island, warm clothing is indispensable. They are for the most
part clothed from the produce of their own soil and labour; but there
are parts of their dress which they willingly derive from foreign
countries. Blue cloths and chintzes, in particular, have always
formed an extensive article of importation from Western India; and
the chiefs consume considerable quantities of broadcloths, velvet,
and other fabrics, in the jackets, pantaloons, and other articles of
dress, in imitation of Europeans. Persons of condition are particular
in being what they conceive well-dressed. A sloven is an object of
ridicule; and, in point of expensive attire, they may be considered as
restricted only by their means. Although the general character of the
native costume is preserved, they seemed inclined to adopt many of the
more convenient parts of the European dress; and, in proof of their
having but few prejudices on this score, it may be observed, that,
on occasions when the population of the country has been called out
in the Native Provinces, the assemblage of the provincials presented
themselves habited, many of them in cocked hats and stockings of
Europeans, forming a most grotesque appearance. By the institutions of
the country, a particular kind of dress is assigned to each different
rank; and there are some patterns of cloth, the use of which is
prohibited, except to the royal family: but these sumptuary laws are
for the most part obsolete in the European provinces, and gradually
becoming so in those of the native princes, particularly since those
princes have engaged by treaty to discontinue their enforcement. There
are also distinctions of rank expressed by the different modes of
wearing the krîs, which will be treated of hereafter.

It is part of the domestic economy, that the women of the family should
provide the men with the cloths necessary for their apparel, and from
the first consort of the sovereign to the wife of the lowest peasant,
the same rule is observed. In every cottage there is a spinning-wheel
and loom, and in all ranks a man is accustomed to pride himself on the
beauty of a cloth woven either by his wife, mistress, or daughter.

The principal article of dress, common to all classes in the
Archipelago, is the cloth or _sárong_, which has been described by Mr.
Marsden to be "not unlike a Scots highlander's plaid in appearance,
being a piece of party- cloth, about six or eight feet long
and three or four feet wide, sewed together at the ends, forming, as
some writers have described it, a wide sack without a bottom." With
the _Maláyus_, the _sárong_ is either worn slung over the shoulders
as a sash, or tucked round the waist and descending to the ankles, so
as to enclose the legs like a petticoat. The patterns in use among
the _Maláyus_ or _Búgis_ are universally Tartan; but besides these,
the Javans pride themselves in a great variety of others, the common
people only wearing the Tartan pattern, while others prefer the Javan
_bátek_ or painted cloths. On occasions of state they wear, in lieu of
the _sárong_ or _járit_[43] (the ordinary cloth of the country, which
differs from the _sárong_ in not being united at the ends), a cloth
termed _dódot_, which is made either of cotton or silk and much larger.
This is worn in the same way; but from its size, and the manner of its
being tucked up, it falls in a kind of drapery, which is peculiar to
Java.

The men of the lowest class generally wear a pair of coarse short
drawers, reaching towards the knee, with the _járit_ or cloth folded
round the waist, and descending below the knees like a short petticoat.
This cloth is always tucked up close round the waist, while the
labourer is at work or moving abroad, but loosened, and allowed to
descend to its full length, when in the presence of a superior. It
is fastened round the waist by a narrow waistband or belt (_sábuk_).
In general, the Javans are also provided with a jacket (_kalámbi_),
having short sleeves reaching to the elbows. This is either white,
or more frequently of light and dark blue stripes. A handkerchief
or the (_íkat_) is always folded round the head. With the _Maláyus_
this handkerchief is generally of the Tartan pattern, but among the
Javans it is of the _bátek_ cloth, and put on more in the manner of
a turban than the handkerchief of a _Maláyu_ is: the crown of the
head is covered with it, and the ends are tucked in. While abroad,
they generally wear over it a large hat of leaves or of the split and
plaited bambu, which shelters them like an umbrella from the sun and
rain. A coarse handkerchief is usually tucked into the waistband, or
a small bag is suspended from it, containing tobacco, _síri_, &c. The
_kris_ or dagger, which is universally worn by all classes, completes
the dress. To that of the labourer, according to the work he may be
employed upon, is superadded a large knife or hatchet for cutting wood,
brushwood, or grass.

The women, in like manner, wear the cloth tucked round their loins,
and descending in the form of a petticoat as low as the ankles. It is
folded somewhat differently from the cloth worn by the men, and never
tucked up as with them. The waistband or girdle by which they fasten
it, is termed _údat_. Round the body, passed above the bosom and close
under the arms, descending to the waistband, is rolled a body cloth
called _kémban_. They also commonly wear a loose gown reaching to the
knees, with long sleeves buttoning at the wrists. This gown is almost
invariably blue, never being of any variegated pattern, and as well as
the jacket of the men is usually termed _kalámbi_. The women do not
wear any handkerchief on their head, which is ornamented by their hair
fastened up in a _glung_ or knot, and by an appendage of large studs,
either of buffalo horn or brass, which they use for ear-rings. Both
men and women, even of the lowest class, wear rings on their fingers.
Those worn by the men are either of iron, brass, or copper; those of
the women of brass or copper only. The value of a man's dress, as above
described, may be estimated at about five rupees, twelve and sixpence;
and that of the women at about six rupees, or fifteen shillings.

The children of the lower orders go naked, from the age of fifteen or
eighteen months to six or seven years; but the children of persons of
condition always wear the _járit_ round their loins, together with a
jacket.

The higher orders wear a _járit_, of about seven or eight cubits long
and about three cubits wide, which with the men is folded once round
the loins, and allowed to descend to the ankles in the form of a
petticoat, but so as to admit of the leg being occasionally exposed
when set forward in the act of walking. The part which is folded in
front commonly hangs somewhat lower than the rest of the garment. The
_sábuk_ or waistband is generally of silk of the _chíndi_ or _patólé_
pattern. When at leisure within-doors, the men usually wear a loose
cotton gown descending as low as the knees; but when abroad, or in
attendance on public service, they for the most part wear a jacket of
broad cloth, silk, or velvet if procurable, frequently edged with lace
and ornamented with filagree buttons. This jacket is called _síkapan_
(from _sikap_ ready) as it intimates, when worn, that the party is
ready for duty. The jacket used by the Regents or chiefs of provinces,
and other officers of distinction, closely resembles the old Friesland
jacket, as worn about two centuries ago, and is probably modified,
if not entirely taken from it. Under the jacket the men always wear
a vest, usually of fine white cloth, with a single row of filagree
buttons, buttoning close to the body and at the neck like a shirt. If
the party is upon a journey or without doors in the sun, the _túdang_
or shade, which is usually of broad cloth or velvet, is fixed over
the face, having much the appearance of a large jockey cap. The petty
chiefs, particularly in the western districts, instead of this shade
wear a large hat, in the form of a wash-hand bason reversed, made of
split bambu of various colours, and highly varnished to throw off the
rain. This is fastened by a string under the chin, in the same manner
as the hat of the common people.

The dress of the women of the higher classes does not in fashion differ
essentially from that of the lower orders, but the articles are of
finer texture and better quality, and gold studs and rings, ornamented
with  and precious stones, are substituted for those of copper
and brass. Both men and women of condition wear sandals, shoes, or
slippers in the house; and in the European districts, the Regent and
other chiefs, when in attendance on the public officers, on journeys or
otherwise, usually superadd to the native dress tight cloth or nankeen
pantaloons, with boots and spurs, according to the European fashion.

It is difficult to estimate with precision the value of the dress of
the higher orders. That of an ordinary petty chief and his wife costs
about fifty Spanish dollars, or between twelve and thirteen pounds
sterling, including the _siri_ box, which is a necessary appendage. The
_siri_ box of the man is termed _epok_, that of the woman _chepúri_.

Neither men nor women cut their hair, but allow it to grow to its
natural length: in this they differ from the _Maláyus_ and _Búgis_,
who always wear it short. The men, except on particular occasions,
gather it up on the crown of the head, twist it round, and fasten it
by means of a semicircular tortoise-shell comb fixed in front; but
among the higher classes, it is considered a mark of the greatest
respect to let it flow in curls in the presence of a superior. The
princes and chiefs at the native courts usually confine it on the
neck, and allow it to descend down the back in large curls; but in
_Chéribon_ and the _Súnda_ districts, the chiefs, on occasions of
ceremony, let their locks flow in curls and ringlets loose over their
shoulders. The women confine their hair by gathering and twisting it
into one large _glúng_ or knot at the back of the head, in the manner
of performing which there are several modes, distinguished by as many
names. The short down encircling the forehead is sometimes cut or
shaved, to give the brow a better defined appearance, when the hair
is combed back, and on particular occasions the fine hair in the same
place, which is too short to be combed back and gathered in the knot,
is turned in small curls like a fringe. All classes, both of men and
women, apply oils to their hair. The women frequently use scents in
dressing it, and on state days ornament it with a great variety of
flowers, diamond-headed pins, and other jewellery. Both sexes perfume
their persons with different species of fragrant oils, as the _láng'a
chandána_ (sandal-wood oil), _láng'a kanáng'a_, _láng'a gáru_, _láng'a
gandapúra_, and _láng'a jerú_, and adorn the skin with a variety of
powders called _bóré_; as the _bóré kúning_ (yellow powder), _bóré
érang_ (black), _boré sárí_, and _boré k'lambak_. To these may be added
the general use of musk, termed by them _dédes_. In the houses of the
higher orders, _dúpa_ or incense of benjamin, and other odoriferous
gums, is generally burnt.

The priests generally dress in white, and imitate the turbans of the
Arabs.

Such is the ordinary costume of the bulk of the population, as it is
usually seen in all that part of the island peculiarly called Java.
In the western or _Súnda_ districts, the common people are by no means
so well supplied with articles of dress as in the eastern. They are
often seen with little or no covering, beyond a piece of very coarse
cloth tied round the waist. The Regents or chiefs of provinces in these
districts generally wear, when on public duty with the officers of the
European government, a velvet cap ornamented with gold lace, differing
in fashion in each province, but usually calculated to shade the face
from the direct rays of the sun. In the eastern districts the chiefs,
on similar occasions, wear the cap called _kúluk_, which will be more
particularly mentioned as part of the court dress.

Besides what may be thus termed the ordinary dress, two grand
distinctions are noticed in the costume of the Javans: these are the
war dress and the court dress. The former consists of _chelána_ or
pantaloons, buttoned from the hip down to the ankles; the _kátok_,
short kilt or petticoat of  silk or fine cotton, descending
just below the knee; and the _ámben_ or girth, rolled tightly round
the body seven or eight times, like a military sash, and securing the
whole body from below the arms to the hips: this is made either of silk
or very fine cotton. Over this is drawn a tight vest without buttons,
termed _sángsang_, and over this again the ordinary vest or _kótan_
with buttons, buttoning close round the body and neck, the _síkapan_
or jacket being worn over the whole. The _túdung_, or shade for the
face, is usually worn on this occasion, as well as shoes or sandals.
The _ang'ger_ or sword belt, which goes round the waist, also forms
an essential part of the war dress, in which the _pedáng_ or sword is
suspended on the left side. Three _kríses_ are usually worn in the
waist on these occasions, one on each side and the other behind. These
consist of the _krís_ which the wearer particularly calls his own, the
_krís_ which has descended to him from his ancestors, and the _krís_
which he may have received on his marriage from his wife's father. The
latter is often placed on the left side for immediate use. This dress
is worn in going into the field of battle, on which occasion it is the
custom to appear in the richest attire their means admit, and to wear
the rings and the other valuable jewels or trinkets which they possess.

In the court or full dress, the shoulders, arms, and body, down to
the waist, are entirely bare; the drapery descending from the loins
downwards, _chelána_, and what may be worn on the head, being the only
covering. When a subject, whatever be his rank or family, approaches
his prince, he must wear _chelána_ or pantaloons of  silk or of
fine cotton, without buttons; and instead of the _járit_ or ordinary
cloth, he must wear the _dódot_, a cloth which is of nearly double the
dimensions. This is put on, however, nearly in the same manner as the
_járit_, but so as not to descend on the right side further than just
below the knee, while on the left it falls in a rich drapery, until it
touches the ground in a point. The _sábuk_ or waistband must be of gold
lace, the fringed ends of which usually hang down a few inches, and the
party must only wear one _krís_, which is tucked in the waistband on
the right side behind, while on the left he wears a weapon, or rather
implement, called a _wédung_, in the shape of a chopper, together with
a small knife, indicative of his readiness to cut down trees and grass
at the order of his sovereign. On his head he must wear a peculiar kind
of cap (_kuluk_), said to have been introduced by the Sultan _Pájang_
in imitation of the scull-cap of the Arabs; it is made of cloth,
and either white or light blue, stiffened with rich starch: on more
ordinary occasions, and generally, except in full dress, the chiefs
prefer a cap of the same form made of black velvet, ornamented with
gold, and sometimes a diamond on the crown. The part of the body which
is left uncovered is generally rubbed over with white or yellow powder.
The sovereign himself is usually habited in the same manner on state
occasions, his body and arms being covered with a bright yellow powder.
When women approach the sovereign, besides having their hair ornamented
with diamonds and flowers, they must wear a _sémbong_ or sash round
the waist, which generally is of yellow silk with red at the two ends.
It is brought once round the body from behind, and the long ends are
allowed to descend towards the ground, one over each hip.

Since the loss of the _makóta_, or golden crown of _Majapáhit_,
which disappeared on the banishment of _Susúnan Mangkúrat_, both the
_Susúnan_ and _Sultan_, on public occasions, when they have to meet the
European authorities, wear a velvet hat or cap of a particular fashion,
somewhat different at each court; that of the _Susúnan_ resembling
what is distinguished by the term of the Madúra hat in consequence
of its being still worn by the Madúra family, and that of the Sultan
having a golden _garúda_ affixed at the back, and two wings of gold
extending from behind the ears. They both wear breeches, stockings, and
buckles, after the European fashion.

The _jámang_ or golden plate, which was worn over the forehead, as well
as a variety of golden ornaments round the neck and arms, and which
formerly formed the most splendid part of the costume, are now disused;
except at marriages, or in dramatic or other entertainments, when
the ancient costume of the country is exhibited in all its rich and
gorgeous variety.

The following picture of a Javan beauty, taken from one of the most
popular poems of the country, will serve better than any description
of mine, to place before the reader the standard of female elegance
and perfection in the island, and to convey an accurate idea of the
personal decorations on nuptial occasions, in dances and dramatic
exhibitions; it will at the same time afford a representation of
what may be considered to have formed the full dress of a female of
distinction, before the innovations of Mahometanism and the partial
introduction of the European fashions. The extravagant genius of
eastern poetry may perhaps be best employed in portraying such
fantastic images, or celebrating such extraordinary tastes.

"Her face was fair and bright as the moon, and it expressed all that
was lovely. The beauty of _Ráden Pútri_ far excelled even that of the
_widadári Déwi Ráti_: she shone bright even in the dark, and she was
without defect or blemish.

"So clear and striking was her brightness, that it flashed to the sky
as she was gazed at: the lustre of the sun was even dimmed in her
presence, for she seemed to have stolen from him his refulgence. So
much did she excel in beauty, that it is impossible to describe it.

"Her shape and form were nothing wanting, and her hair when loosened
hung down to her feet, waving in dark curls: the short front hairs
were turned with regularity as a fringe, her forehead resembling the
_chendána_ stone. Her eyebrows were like two leaves of the _ímbo_ tree;
the outer angle of the eye acute and slightly extended; the ball of the
eye full, and the upper eyelash slightly curling upwards.

"Tears seemed floating in her eye, but started not. Her nose was sharp
and pointed; her teeth black as the _kómbang_; her lips the colour
of the newly cut _mangústin_ shell. Her teeth regular and brilliant;
her cheeks in shape like the fruit of the _dúren_; the lower part of
the cheek slightly protruding. Her ears in beauty like the _giánti_
flowers, and her neck like unto the young and graceful _gádung_ leaf.

"Her shoulders even, like the balance of golden scales; her chest open
and full; her breasts like ivory, perfectly round and inclining to each
other. Her arms ductile as a bow; her fingers long and pliant, and
tapering like thorns of the forest. Her nails like pearls; her skin
bright yellow; her waist formed like the _pátram_ when drawn from its
sheath; her hips as the reversed _límas_ leaf.

"Like unto the _púdak_ flower when hanging down its head, was the shape
of her leg; her foot flat with the ground; her gait gentle and majestic
like that of the elephant. Thus beautiful in person, she was clothed
with a _chíndi patóla_ of a green colour, fastened round the waist
with a golden _lúlut_ or cestus: her outer garment being of the _méga
mendúng (dark clouded)_ pattern. Her _kémban (upper garment)_ was of
the pattern _jing'gomosi_, edged with lace of gold; on her finger she
wore a ring, the production of the sea, and her ear-rings were of the
pattern _nóto bróngto_.

"On the front of the ear-studs were displayed the beauties of the
_segára múnchar_ pattern (_emeralds encircled by rubies and diamonds_),
and she bound up her hair in the first fashion, fastening it with the
_glúng (knot) bobokóran_, and decorating it with the green _chámpaca_
flower, and also with the _gámbir, meláti_, and _mínor_ flowers; and in
the centre of it she fixed a golden pin, with a red jewel on the top,
and a golden flower ornamented with emeralds. Her necklace was composed
of seven kinds of precious stones, and most brilliant to behold; and
she was highly perfumed, without it being possible to discover from
whence the scent was produced.

"Her _jámang (tiara or head ornament)_ was of the fashion _sódo sáler_
and richly chased; her bracelets were of the pattern _glang-kána_, and
suited the _jámang_. Thus was the beauty of her person heightened and
adorned by the splendour of her dress."

       *       *       *       *       *

To this we may add, from one of the popular versions of the work called
_Jáya Langkárá_ the notions which the Javans have of the virtues,
beauties, and dress, that should adorn a young man of family.

"In a youth of noble birth there are seven points which should strike
the observer, and these are indispensable. In the first place,
he should be of good descent; in the second, he should possess
understanding; in the third, he should know how to conduct himself.
In the fourth place, he recollects what he learns in the _sástras_;
in the fifth, his views must be enlarged; in the sixth, he must
be religious; in the seventh, he must exert the qualifications he
possesses unhesitatingly. These are the seven points which must strike
the immediate attention of the observer.

"In his heart and mind he must be quiet and tranquil. He should be able
to repress his inclinations, and to be silent when necessary: never
should he on any account tell a falsehood. He should not think long
concerning property, neither should he fear death: in his devotions he
should be free from pride, and he should relieve the distressed.

"It should be observed by all, that whatever he undertakes is quickly
executed. He should quietly penetrate other men's thoughts and
intentions; his inquiries should be discreet, intelligent, and active.
Whenever he meets with an able man, he should attach himself to him
as a friend, and never leave him till he has drawn all his knowledge
from him; and in whatever he does, his actions should be rather what is
generally approved, than the result of his mere will.

"As long as he lives he must continue to thirst after more knowledge;
and he must constantly guard his own conduct, that men may not say it
is bad. His recollection should be clear and distinct, his speech mild
and gentle; so that people's hearts may be softened, and possessing
these qualifications his dependants may praise him.

"His appearance and stature should not be deficient. The light of his
countenance should be sweet, like that of _Batára Asmára (the god of
love)_ when he descends to the earth. When men look upon him, they
should be struck with the idea, 'how great would he not be in war!'
In the form of his body no part should be ill shaped. His skin should
be like unto virgin gold before it has undergone the process of fire;
his head rather large; his hair straight and long. His eyes watery and
ready to overflow; his brows like the _ímbo_ leaf; his eyelash like the
_tánjung_ flower; his nose sharp and prominent, with but little hair
above the upper lip; his lips like the newly cut _mangústin_ shell; his
teeth as if painted, shining and black like the _kómbang_; his breast
and shoulders wide.

"A bright circle should irradiate his face and breast, and he should
stand unrivalled. Whatever he says should make an impression on all who
hear him, and his speech should be playful and agreeable.

"He should wear the _chelána chíndi_, with a dark green _dódot_ of the
pattern _gádong-eng'úkup_; his sash of golden lace. His _krís_ should
have the sheath of the _sátrían_ fashion, and the handle should be that
of _túng'gáksmi_. The _súmping (an imitation of flowers or leaves which
hang over the ear)_ should be of gold, and of the fashion _súreng páti
(brave to death)_; and on his right thumb (_palgúna_) he should at the
same time wear a golden ring."

       *       *       *       *       *

In common with the Sumatrans, and other inhabitants of the Archipelago
and southern part of the peninsula, both sexes of all ranks have
the custom of filing and blackening the teeth, it being considered
as disgraceful to allow them to remain "white like a dog's." The
operation is performed when the children are about eight or nine years
of age, and is a very painful one. The object is to make the front
teeth concave, and by filing away the enamel, to render them better
adapted for receiving the black dye. This extraordinary and barbarous
custom tends to destroy the teeth at an early age, and with the use
of tobacco, _síri_, and lime, which are continually chewed, generally
greatly disfigures the mouth. The Javans, however, do not file away
the teeth so much as is usual with some of the other islanders; nor do
they set them in gold, as is the case with the Sumatrans. Neither do
they distend the lobe of the ear, to that enormous extent practised
on _Báli_ and elsewhere, and which is observed in the representations
of _Búdh_. This has been discontinued since the introduction of
Mahomedanism.

Compared with the western Asiatics, the Javans have but few prejudices
regarding food. They are Mahomedans, and consequently abstain rigidly
from swine's flesh, and commonly from inebriating liquors; and some
few families, from the remains of a superstition which has descended
to them from their Hindu ancestors, will not eat of the flesh of the
bull or cow; but with these exceptions, there are few articles which
come amiss to them. They live principally upon vegetable food, and
rice is on Java, what it is throughout Asia, the chief article of
subsistence; but fish, flesh, and fowl are likewise daily served up at
their meals, according to the circumstances of the parties. With fish
they are abundantly supplied; and what cannot be consumed while fresh,
is salted, or dried, and conveyed into the inland provinces. They do
not eat of the turtle or other amphibious animals, but none of the fish
known to Europeans are objected to by them. The flesh of the buffalo,
the ox, the deer, the goat, and various kinds of poultry, are daily
exposed for sale in their markets, and are of very general consumption.
The flesh of the horse is also highly esteemed by the common people;
but the killing of horses for food is generally prohibited, except when
maimed or diseased. The hide of the buffalo is cut into slices, soaked,
and fried as a favourite dish. The flesh of the deer, dried and smoked,
is well known throughout the Malayan Archipelago, under the term
_dinding_, and is an article in high request on Java.

The dairy forms no part of domestic economy of Java, neither milk
itself, nor any preparation from it, being prized or used by the
natives: a circumstance very remarkable, considering that they were
undoubtedly Hindus at one period of their history; and that, if so
essential an article of food had once been introduced, it is probable
it would always have been cherished. No good reason seems to be
assigned for their indifference to milk; except perhaps the essential
one, that the cows of Java afford but a very scanty supply of that
secretion. The udder of a Javan cow is sometimes not larger than
that of a sheep, and seems to afford but a bare subsistence for the
calf; yet the buffalo gives a larger quantity, and butter or _ghee_
might equally be prepared from it. The cows of the Indian breed are
distinguished by a hump between the shoulders and a larger udder; and
it has been found that the secretion of milk can be increased, as it
is observed that where particular care has been taken by Europeans
even of the Javan cows, they have in a short time afforded double the
usual quantity. It has been conjectured, that on the introduction of
the Indian breed by the Hindu colonists, the use of milk was forbidden,
in order that the number of cattle might more rapidly increase; but
the Javans have no tradition to this effect. It is however remarkable,
that an absolute aversion to this aliment exists on that part of the
continent of Asia, in which many popular usages are found similar
to those of the east insular nations. In a recent publication it is
stated of the people between Siam and China, who are not, by the bye,
very nice in what they eat, "qu'ils ne se permettent pas le lait des
animaux, et qu'ils ont pour cette boisson la répugnance que peut
inspirer la boisson du sang. Cette répugnance va même jusqu'à exclure
du nombre de ses alimens le beurre et le fromage[44]."

Salt is obtained in abundance throughout every part of the island,
but being manufactured on the coast, is proportionally higher in
price in the inland districts. The sugar used by the natives is not
prepared from the sugar-cane, but from the áren and other palms. It
is manufactured by the simple process of boiling down the _tári_, or
liquor which exudes from these trees, which are tapped for the purpose.

None of the palms of Java furnish the worms which are employed for food
in other eastern countries, but similar worms are found in various
kinds of _rótan_, _sólak_, &c. which are considered as dainties, not
only by the natives, but by the Chinese and by some Europeans: they are
called _géndon_. Worms of various species, but all equally esteemed as
articles of food, are found in the teak and other trees. White ants, in
their different states, are one of the most common articles of food in
particular districts: they are collected in different ways, and sold
generally in the public markets. Their extensive nests are opened to
take out the chrysalis; or they are watched, and swarms of the perfect
insect are conducted into basins or trays containing a little water,
where they soon perish: they are called _láron_.

The cooking utensils are, as might be supposed, of the most simple
kind, and either of coarse pottery or copper. Rice, after several
poundings in a trough or mortar, is generally dressed by steam, though
not unfrequently boiled in a small quantity of water. In the former
case, it is remarkable for its whiteness and consistency when dressed;
and in this state it is publicly exposed for sale in the markets and
along the high roads. Indian corn is usually roasted in the ear, and
offered for sale in the same manner. Other aliments are for the most
part prepared in the manner of curry, termed by the _Maláyus gulai_:
of these they have almost an endless variety, distinguished according
to the principal ingredients. Besides what may be considered as the
principal dishes, they excel in a variety of preparations of pastry and
sweetmeats (particularly of the _kétan_), of which many are by no means
unpleasant to an European palate. They are fond of colouring their
pastry, as well as other articles of their food. They occasionally make
their rice yellow and brown, and even turn their boiled eggs red for
variety.

Black pepper, as among the _Maláyus_, is scarcely ever used, on account
of its supposed heating quality. The most common seasoning employed
to give a relish to their insipid food, is the _lombok_; triturated
with salt, it is called _sámbel_, both by the _Maláyus_ and Javans,
and this condiment is indispensable and universal. It is of different
kinds, according to the substances added to increase or diversify its
strength or pungency; the most common addition is _trási_, denominated
by the _Maláyus, bláchang_. The name _lálab_ is given to various leaves
and kernels, mostly eaten raw with rice and _sámbel_: many of these
substances possess a pungency and odour intolerable to Europeans.
If several vegetables are mixed together, and prepared by boiling,
they constitute what is called _jang'an_, or greens for the table,
of which there are several distinctions. The various legumes are of
great importance in the diet of the natives. _Padomóro_, _pin'dang_,
and _semúr_, are dishes to which the flesh of the buffalo or fowls
is added, and which resemble the Indian curry. _Rújak_ is prepared
from unripe mangos and other fruits, which, being grated, receive the
addition of capsicum and other spices, and thus constitutes a favourite
dish with the natives, though very disagreeable to Europeans.

The Chinese prepare from the _gédelé_ a species of soy, somewhat
inferior to that brought from Japan. The _káchang-iju_ is highly useful
as a general article of diet, and is a good substitute for various
legumes, which form the common nourishment of the continental Indians:
it contains much farinaceous matter. _Trási_ or _bláchang_ is prepared
in many situations along the northern coast, but is mostly required for
the consumption of the interior. It is prepared from prawns or shrimps,
and extensive fisheries for the purpose are established in many parts
of the coast. The shrimps being taken, are strewed with salt, and
exposed to the sun till dry; they are then pounded in wooden mortars,
dressed, and formed into masses resembling large cheeses: in this state
they constitute an article of trade, and are distributed through the
country. The putrescent fluid remaining after the expression strongly
impregnated with the odour of the shrimps, is evaporated to the
consistence of a jelly, and affords a favourite sauce called _pétis_.
An inferior kind of _trási_ is prepared from small fish, and, when made
into the form of small balls, is called _blények. Trási blúro_ is of a
reddish colour, and much esteemed at the native capitals. Another kind
of _pétis_ is prepared from the flesh of the buffalo, chiefly in the
interior districts.

Salted eggs are also an important article in the diet of the Javans.
The eggs of ducks being most abundant, are chiefly preserved in this
way. The eggs are enveloped in a thick covering made of a mixture of
salt and ashes in equal parts, or salt and pounded bricks, and being
wrapped each in a large leaf, they are placed on one another in a tub,
or large earthen vessel. In ten days they are fit for use; but they are
generally kept longer in the mixture, and, being thoroughly impregnated
with salt, can be kept many months. In some districts, the eggs of the
Muscovy duck are particularly employed for the purpose.

In preparing their food, the Javans may be considered to observe the
same degree of cleanliness which is usual with Asiatics in general; and
in point of indulgence of appetite, they may be, perhaps, placed about
midway between the abstemious Hindu and the unscrupulous Chinese. In
a country where vegetation is luxuriant, and cultivation is already
considerably advanced, it follows that there must be an abundant supply
for a people who subsist principally on vegetable productions; and
it may be asserted, that, except where the manifest oppressions of
government, or the effects of civil discord, for the moment deprive
the labourer of his just reward, there are few countries where the
mass of the population are so well fed as on Java. There are few of
the natives who cannot obtain their _káti_, or pound and a quarter of
rice a day, with fish, greens, and salt, if not other articles, to
season their meal. Where rice is less abundant, its place is supplied
by maize or Indian corn, or the variety of beans which are cultivated;
and even should a family be driven into the woods, they would still be
able to obtain a bare subsistence from the numerous nutritious roots,
shoots, and leaves, with which the forests abound. Famine is unknown;
and although partial failures of the crop may occur, they are seldom
so extensive as to be generally felt by the whole community. Thus
abundantly supplied, the Javans seem by no means inclined to reject the
bounties of Providence: they are always willing to partake of a hearty
meal, and seldom have occasion to make a scanty one. Yet among them
a glutton is a term of reproach, and to be notoriously fond of good
living is sufficient to attach this epithet to any one.

The Javans, except where respect to Europeans dictates a different
practice, eat their meals off the ground. A mat kept for the purpose
is laid on the floor, which, when the meal is over, is again carefully
rolled up, with the same regularity as the table-cloth in Europe; and
a plate of rice being served up to each person present, the whole
family or party sit down to partake of the meal in a social manner. A
principal dish, containing the _sámbel_, _jángan_, or other more highly
seasoned preparation, is then handed round, or placed in the centre of
the company, from which each person adds what he thinks proper to the
allowance of rice before him.

Water is the principal and almost exclusive beverage, and, among
people of condition, it is invariably boiled first, and generally drunk
warm. Some are in the habit of flavouring the water with cinnamon and
other spices; but tea, when it can be procured, is drunk by all classes
at intervals during the day.

On occasions of festivals and parties, when many of the chiefs
are assembled, the dishes are extremely numerous and crowded; and
hospitality being a virtue which the Javans carry almost to an
excess, due care is taken that the dependants and retainers are
also duly provided for. These, particularly in the highlands of the
_Súnda_ districts, where the people are furthest removed from foreign
intercourse, and the native manners are consequently better preserved,
are arranged in rows at intervals, according to their respective ranks;
the first in order sitting at the bottom of the hall, and the lowest
at some distance without, where each is carefully supplied with a
bountiful proportion of the feast: thus exhibiting, in the mountainous
districts of Java, an example of rude hospitality, and union of the
different gradations of society in the same company, similar to that
which prevailed in the Highlands of Scotland some centuries ago,
where, it is said, "those of inferior description were, nevertheless,
considered as guests, and had their share, both of the entertainment
and of the good cheer of the day."

It is at these parties that the chiefs sometimes indulge in
intoxicating liquors, but the practice is not general; and the use of
wine, which has been introduced among them by the Dutch, is in most
instances rather resorted to from respect to Europeans, than from any
attachment to the bottle.

The Javans have universally two meals in the day; one just before noon,
and one between seven and eight o'clock in the evening: the former,
which is the principal meal, corresponding with the European dinner,
and distinguished by the term _mángán-áwan_, or the day meal; the
latter, termed _mángán wéngé_, or evening meal. They have no regular
meal corresponding with the European breakfast; but those who go abroad
early in the morning, usually partake of a basin of coffee and some
rice cakes before they quit their homes, or purchase something of the
kind at one of the numerous _wárongs_, or stalls, which line the public
roads, and are to the common people as so many coffee or eating-houses
would be to the European; rice, coffee, cakes, boiled rice, soups,
ready dressed meats and vegetables, being at all times exposed in them.
What is thus taken by the Javans in the morning to break the fast, is
considered as a whet, and termed sarap.

By the custom of the country, good food and lodging are ordered to be
provided for all strangers and travellers arriving at a village; and
in no country are the rights of hospitality more strictly enjoined
by institutions, or more conscientiously and religiously observed
by custom and practice. "It is not sufficient," say the Javan
institutions, "that a man should place good food before his guest;
he is bound to do more: he should render the meal palatable by kind
words and treatment, to soothe him after his journey, and to make his
heart glad while he partakes of the refreshment." This is called _bójo
krómo_, or real hospitality.

The chewing of betel-leaf (_síri_), and the areka-nut (_pínang_), as
well as of tobacco (_tambáko_), and _gámbir_, is common to all classes.
The _síri_ and _pínang_ are used much in the same manner as by the
natives of India in general. These stimulants are considered nearly as
essential to their comfort, as salt is among Europeans. The commonest
labourer contrives to procure at least tobacco, and generally _síri_;
and if he cannot afford a _síri_ box, a small supply will be usually
found in the corner of his handkerchief. Cardamums and cloves compose
part of the articles in the síri box of a person of condition.

The inhabitants of Java, as a nation, must be accounted sober; although
Europeans, in order to serve their own purposes, by inducing some
of the chiefs to drink wine to excess, have succeeded, to a certain
extent, in corrupting the habits of some individuals in this respect.
Two kinds of fermented liquor are however prepared by the Javans,
called _bádek_ and _bróm_: the former from rice; the latter almost
exclusively from _kétan_ or glutinous rice. In making _bádek_, the rice
previously boiled is stewed with a ferment called _rági_, consisting
of onions, black pepper, and capsicum, and mixed up into small cakes,
which are daily sold in the markets. After frequent stirring, the
mixture is rolled into balls, which are piled upon each other in a
high earthen vessel, and when fermentation has commenced the _bádek_
exudes and is collected at the bottom. The remaining rice, strongly
impregnated with the odour of fermentation, has a sweetish taste, and
is daily offered for sale in the markets as a dainty, under the name
of _tapé_. _Bádek_ is, in comparison with _bróm_, a simple liquor,
producing only slight intoxication: it is often administered to
children to dislodge worms from the intestines. In making _bróm_, the
_kétan_ is boiled in large quantities, and being stewed with _rági_,
remains exposed in open tubs till fermentation takes place, when the
liquor is poured off into close earthen vessels. It is generally buried
in the earth for several months, by which the process of fermentation
is checked and the strength of the liquor increased: sometimes it is
concentrated by boiling. The colour is brown, red, or yellow, according
to the kind of _kétan_ employed. _Bróm_, which has been preserved for
several years, is highly esteemed among the natives, constituting a
powerful spirit, which causes violent intoxication followed by severe
head-ache in persons not accustomed to its use. The substance that
remains after separation is a deadly poison to fowls, dogs, and various
other animals. Arrack is prepared by distillation: an inferior kind,
made in a more simple and economical manner, is called _chiu_. Both
are prepared by the Chinese, and a particular account of the method
employed will be found under another head[45]. A kind of small beer
is made at _Súra-kérta_ in a mode similar to the European process of
brewing, by exciting fermentation in a solution of Javan sugar, with
several spices and the leaves of the _pári_ instead of hops. When
fresh, the liquor is sprightly, and not unpleasant to the taste; but it
cannot be preserved longer than four or five days.

The use of opium, it must be confessed and lamented, has struck deep
into the habits, and extended its malignant influence to the morals
of the people, and is likely to perpetuate its power in degrading
their character and enervating their energies, as long as the European
government, overlooking every consideration of policy and humanity,
shall allow a paltry addition to their finances to outweigh all regard
to the ultimate happiness and prosperity of the country. It is either
eaten in its crude state as _mánta_, or smoked as _mádat_ or _chándu_.
In the preparation of _mádat_, the crude opium is boiled down with
the leaves of tobacco, _síri_, or the like, and used in a sticky or
somewhat liquid state. In _chándu_, the opium is merely boiled down
without any admixture, to a still thicker consistency, and rolled into
small balls or pills, in which state, when dry, they are inserted
into _bámbus_, and thus smoked. The crude opium is eaten principally
by the people in the interior of the country, in the provinces of
the native princes: the opium prepared for smoking is used along the
coast, and generally in the other islands of the Archipelago; it is
prepared by the Chinese. The use of opium, however, though carried
to a considerable extent, is still reckoned disgraceful, and persons
addicted to it are looked upon as abandoned characters, and despised
accordingly. The effects of this poison on the human frame are so
well described by the Dutch commissioners who sat at the Hague in
1803, and who much to their honour declared, "that no consideration
of pecuniary advantage ought to weigh with the European government in
allowing its use," that together with the opinion of Mr. Hogendorp,
who concurred with them, I shall insert their statement here. The wish
to do justice to authorities, whose views were so creditable to their
country and their own character, and the importance of their opinion to
an extensive population, will plead an apology for the length of the
extract which I now present.

"The opium trade," observe the Commissioners, "requires likewise
attention. The English in Bengal have assumed an exclusive right to
collect the same, and they dispose of a considerable number of chests
containing that article annually at Calcutta by public auction. It
is much in demand on the Malay coast, at Sumatra, Java, and all
the islands towards the east and north, and particularly in China,
although the use thereof is confined to the lower classes. The effect
which it produces on the constitution is different, and depends on
the quantity that is taken, or on other circumstances. If used with
moderation, it causes a pleasant, yet always somewhat intoxicating
sensation, which absorbs all care and anxiety. If a large quantity
is taken, it produces a kind of madness, of which the effects are
dreadful, especially when the mind is troubled by jealousy, or inflamed
with a desire of vengeance or other violent passions. At all times it
leaves a slow poison, which undermines the faculty of the soul and
the constitution of the body, and renders a person unfit for all kind
of labour and an image of the brute creation. The use of opium is so
much more dangerous, because a person who is once addicted to it can
never leave it off. To satisfy that inclination, he will sacrifice
every thing, his own welfare, the subsistence of his wife and children,
and neglect his work. Poverty is the natural consequence, and then it
becomes indifferent to him by what means he may content his insatiable
desire after opium; so that, at last, he no longer respects either the
property or life of his fellow-creature.

"If here we were to follow the dictates of our own heart only, and what
moral doctrine and humanity prescribe, no law, however severe, could
be contrived, which we would not propose, to prevent at least that in
future, no subjects of this Republic, or of the Asiatic possessions of
the state, should be disgraced by trading in that abominable poison.
Yet we consider this as absolutely impracticable at present with
respect to those places not subject to the state. Opium is one of the
most profitable articles of eastern commerce: as such it is considered
by our merchants; and if the navigation to those parts is opened to
them (which the interest of the state forcibly urges), it is impossible
to oppose trading in the same. In this situation of affairs, therefore,
we are rather to advise, that general leave be given to import opium at
Malacca, and to allow the exportation from thence to Borneo and all the
eastern parts _not_ in the possession of the state."

"Opium," says Mr. Hogendorp, "is a slow though certain poison, which
the Company, in order to gain money, sells to the poor Javans. Any one
who is once enslaved to it, cannot, it is true, give it up without
great difficulty; and if its use were entirely prohibited, some few
persons would probably die for want of it, who would otherwise languish
on a little longer: but how many would by that means be saved for
the future. Most of the crimes, particularly murders, that are now
committed, may be imputed to opium as the original cause.

"Large sums of money are every year carried out of the country in
exchange for it, and enrich our competitors, the English. Much of
it is smuggled into the interior, which adds to the evil. In short,
the trade in opium is one of the most injurious and most shameful
things which disgrace the present government of India. It is therefore
necessary at once, and entirely, to abolish the trade and importation
of opium, and to prohibit the same, under the severest penalties that
the law permits, since it is a poison. The smuggling of it will then
become almost impracticable, and the health, and even the lives of
thousands, will be preserved. The money alone which will remain in the
country in lieu of it, is more valuable as being in circulation, than
the profit which the Company now derives from the sale of it.

"This measure will excite no discontent among the Javans, for the
princes and regents, with very few exceptions, do not consume any
opium, but, as well as the most respectable of their subjects, look
upon it as disgraceful. The use of opium is even adduced as an
accusation of bad conduct, and considered as sufficient cause for the
removal or banishment of a petty chief."

FOOTNOTES:

[34] Asiatic Researches, vol. v. page 219, octavo edition.

[35] See Marsden's Sumatra.

[36] The Javan mode of taking account of population is by the number
of chácha, or "families," as it is usually rendered, though the word
strictly means "enumeration." When the sovereign assigns lands, it is
not usual for him to express the extent of land, but the number of
chácha attached to it. But as the population of the land so granted
varies, the original expression becomes inaccurate. In the native
provinces, the number of cháchas reckoned is almost invariably less
than the number actually existing, a clear proof, if the original
census was correct, that in those provinces population has increased.
An account of the number of cháchas was taken some few years back by
the Sultan of Yúgya-kérta, with a view to a new distribution of the
lands; but the measure was very unpopular, and no accurate results
were obtained. The Dutch relied entirely upon this loose system of
enumeration.

[37] This includes the Population of _Pachítan_, under the European
government, amounting to about 22,000.

[38] This does not include the dependent islands, on which a
considerable portion of the population is scattered.

[39] Colquhoun's Statistical Account of Great Britain.

[40] Valentyn.

[41] The grandfather of the present Prince _Prang Wedóno_.

[42] It is remarked in the text, that the condition of the slaves
on Java is very different from that of the same class in the West
Indies. The former are employed rather as administering to the luxuries
than the necessities of their proprietors; and, with few exceptions,
exclusively for domestic purposes. There are some who having taught
their slaves when young to embroider, or exercise some useful
handicraft or trade, obtain a livelihood by means of their services,
and some few employ their slaves on their estates, or let them out
to hire; but the general condition of the slaves is that of domestic
servants.

The regulations and colonial statutes respecting slavery seem to
have been framed on the principles of humanity, and with attention
to the genius of the Christian religion; yet, in consequence of
the supplementary force of the Roman law in the Dutch system of
legislature, there appeared to be one capital defect in the code,
_viz._ that a slave was considered as a real property, incapable of
personal rights, from which consideration the ill-treatment of a
master towards his slave was not so much estimated on the principle
of personal injury, as that of a proprietor abusing his own property;
and although a slave, under such a system, might obtain a portion of
property for himself with the consent of his master, his possession was
always precarious, and depended on the discretion of his proprietor (in
the same manner as a _peculium adventitium_ with the Romans), becoming
only the unlimited property of the slave, if the master allowed him to
keep it after his emancipation.

It was conceived, that considering the civil law only as a supplement
to the positive law, continued in force on Java under the proclamation
of the Earl of Minto of 11th September 1811, the code respecting
slavery might, together with the other parts of legislation, be amended
and established, on principles more consistent with humanity and good
sense, by a declaration, that slaves in future should not be considered
as objects of real property, but as objects possessing personal rights,
and bound only to unlimited service; and that, in consequence thereof,
slaves should never be transferred from one master to another, without
their own consent given before witnesses or a notary. That a master
should possess no other power over his slave, than to exact service in
an equitable manner; that he should inflict no corporal chastisement on
him after he had attained a certain age, nor beyond such a degree as
would be given to his children or common apprentices; that all personal
wrongs done to a slave, either by his master or by others, should be
estimated by the common rules of personal injuries, and not by the
principle of a proprietor abusing his own property; that the punishment
for murder committed by a master on his slave, should be the same as
that of murder committed on a free person; that every slave should
have a right to acquire property of his own, by his private industry
or labour, or by the bounty of others; that this property should never
be removeable at the discretion of the master; that by this property
the slave should always have a right to redeem his liberty, after
having continued with his master for the term of seven years, and on
paying the sum which, on estimation, subject to the approval of the
magistrate, should at the time be thought an adequate equivalent for
his personal services.

These fundamental alterations in the code were submitted by the local
government to a higher authority, at a period when the principal
proprietors evinced a concurrence in the measure; but the provisional
tenure of the government, and the expectation of the early transfer of
the island to the crown, induced a delay, until the re-establishment of
Holland as a kingdom precluded the adoption of so essential a change.

The excuse offered by the colonists for the origin and continuance of
slavery on Java is, that on the first establishment of the Dutch in the
Eastern Islands, there did not exist, as in Western India, a class of
people calculated for domestic service; that they had, in consequence,
to create a class of domestic servants, in doing which they adopted the
plan of rearing children in their families from other countries, in
preference to those in their immediate neighbourhood, who, from their
connexions and the habits of their relatives, could never be depended
upon. Whether necessity dictated this system in the earlier periods
of the Dutch establishment, or not, is at least doubtful; but it is
certain that this necessity no longer exists, nor is there the shadow
of an excuse for continuing on Java this odious traffic and condition.
The Javans, during the residence of the British on Java, have been
found perfectly trustworthy, faithful, and industrious; and the demand
was alone wanting in this, as in most cases, to create a sufficient
supply of competent domestics. The continuance of the traffic for one
day longer serves but to lower the European in the eyes of the native,
who, gratified with the measures adopted by the British government in
its suppression, stands himself pure of the foul sin. To the credit
of the Javan character, and the honour of the individual, it should
be known, that when the proclamation of the British government was
published, requiring the registration of all slaves, and declaring
that such as were not registered by a certain day should be entitled
to their emancipation, the Panámbahan of Súmenap, who had inherited
in his family domestic slaves to the number of not less than fifty,
proudly said, "Then I will not register my slaves--they shall be free:
hitherto they have been kept such, because it was the custom, and the
Dutch liked to be attended by slaves when they visited the palace;
but as that is not the case with the British, they shall cease to be
slaves: for long have I felt shame, and my blood has run cold, when I
have reflected on what I once saw at Batavia and Semárang, where human
beings were exposed for public sale, placed on a table, and examined
like sheep and oxen."

The short administration of the British government on Java has
fortunately given rise to another class of domestic servants. The
numerous officers of the army, and others whose funds did not admit,
or whose temporary residence did not require a permanent establishment
of servants, for the most part usually took Javans into their service;
and though these might in the first instance, not be so well acquainted
with European habits, as slaves who had been brought up from their
infancy in Dutch families, yet they gradually improved, and were,
in the end, for the most part very generally preferred. Let not,
therefore, necessity be again urged as a plea for continuing the
traffic.

The measures actually adopted by the British government may be summed
up in a few words. The importation was, in the first instance,
restricted within a limited age, and the duty on importation doubled.
An annual registry of all slaves above a certain age was taken, and
slaves not registered within a certain time declared free. A fee of one
Spanish dollar was demanded for the registry of each slave, the amount
of which constituted a fund for the relief of widows and orphans. On
the promulgation of the act of the British legislature, declaring
the further traffic in slaves to be felony, that act, with all its
provisions, was at once made a colonial law. Masters were precluded
from sending their slaves to be confined in jail at their pleasure, as
had hitherto been the case, and all committals were required to be made
through the magistrates, in the same manner as in the case of other
offenders.

These general regulations, with the more rigid enforcement of the
prohibition of further importations, and of such parts of the code
of regulations for ameliorating the condition of the slaves as had
become obsolete, were all to which the local government felt itself
competent; but it gave its sanction to an institution set on foot by
the English, and joined in by many of the Dutch inhabitants, which took
for its basis the principles of the African Institution, and directed
its immediate care to a provision for the numerous slaves restored to
liberty.

[43] Called by the Maláyus _kain pánjang_ or _kain lepás_.

[44] Exposé Statistique du Tonquin, &c. vol. i. p. 126.

[45] Chapter IV. Manufactures.

CHAPTER III.

  _Importance of Agriculture to Java--Soil--State
    of the Peasantry--Price of Rice--Subsistence
    of the Peasantry--Dwelling--Agricultural
    Stock--Implements of Farming--Seasons--Different
    Kinds of Land--Rice Cultivation--Maize,
    &c.--Sugar--Coffee--Pepper--Indigo--Cotton--Tobacco--Tenure of
    Landed Property._

The island of Java is a great agricultural country; its soil is
the grand source of its wealth. In its cultivation the inhabitants
exert their chief industry, and upon its produce they rely, not only
for their subsistence, but the few articles of foreign luxury or
convenience which they purchase. The Javans are a nation of husbandmen,
and exhibit that simple structure of society incident to such a stage
of its progress. To the crop the mechanic looks immediately for his
wages, the soldier for his pay, the magistrate for his salary, the
priest for his stipend (or _jákat_), and the government for its
tribute. The wealth of a province or village is measured by the extent
and fertility of its land, its facilities for rice irrigation, and the
number of its buffaloes.

When government wishes to raise supplies from particular districts, it
does not enquire how many rupees or dollars it can yield in taxes, but
what contribution of rice or maize it can furnish, and the impost is
assessed accordingly: the officer of revenue becomes a surveyor of land
or a measurer of produce, and the fruits of the harvest are brought
immediately into the ways and means of the treasury. When a chief gives
his assistance in the police or the magistracy, he is paid by so much
village land, or the rent of so much land realized in produce; and a
native prince has no other means of pensioning a favourite or rewarding
a useful servant. "Be it known to the high officers of my palace,
to my _Bopátis_ (regents), and to my _Mántris (petite noblesse)_,"
says a Javan patent of nobility granted by Sultan _Hamángku Búana_,
"that I have given this letter to my servant to raise him from the
earth, bestowing upon him, for his subsistence, lands to the amount of
eleven hundred _cháchas_, the labour of eleven hundred men." By the
population returns, and by the number of leases granted under the late
settlement, it appears, that sometimes there is not more than a tenth
part of the inhabitants employed in any other branch of industry. Out
of a population of 243,268 in the _Priáng'en_ regencies, 209,125 are
stated as employed in agriculture. In _Surabáya_, the proportion of
householders who are cultivators, is to the rest of the inhabitants as
32,618 to 634; in _Semárang_, as 58,206 to 21,404; in _Rembang_ it is
as 103,230 to 55,300; and in other districts there are considerable
variations: but it rarely happens, that the people employed in trade,
in manufactures, in handicrafts, or other avocations, amount to a half
of those engaged in agriculture, or a third of the whole population.
The proportion, on an average, may be stated as three and a half or
four to one. In England, it is well known, the ratio is reversed, its
agricultural population being to its general population as one to
three or two and a half. By the surveys lately made under the orders
of the British government, we are enabled to describe the processes
of Javan agriculture, and to state its results with more accuracy and
in greater detail, than can be attained on many subjects of superior
public interest. If we avail ourselves of these means pretty largely,
it is not so much in the hope of increasing the stock of agricultural
knowledge, as of assisting the reader to form an estimate of the
character, habits, wants, and resources of the Javan.

The soil of Java, though in many parts much neglected, is remarkable
for the abundance and variety of its productions. With very little
care or exertion on the part of the cultivator, it yields all that
the wants of the island demand, and is capable of supplying resources
far above any thing that the indolence or ignorance of the people,
either oppressed under the despotism of their own sovereigns, or
harassed by the rapacity of strangers, have yet permitted them to
enjoy. Lying under a tropical sun, it produces, as before observed,
all the fruits of a tropical climate; while, in many districts, its
mountains and eminences make up for the difference of latitude, and
give it, though only a few degrees from the line, all the advantages
of temperate regions. The _bámbu_, the cocoa-nut tree, the sugar-cane,
the cotton tree, and the coffee plant, here flourish in the greatest
luxuriance, and yield products of the best quality. Rice, the great
staple of subsistence, covers the <DW72>s of mountains and the low
fields, and gives a return of thirty, forty, or fifty fold; while
maize, or even wheat and rye, and the other plants of Europe, may be
cultivated to advantage on high and inland situations. Such is the
fertility of the soil, that in some places after yielding two, and
sometimes three crops in the year, it is not necessary even to change
the culture. Water, which is so much wanted, and which is seldom found
in requisite abundance in tropical regions, here flows in the greatest
plenty. The cultivator who has prepared his _sáwah_, or rice field,
within its reach, diverts part of it from its channel, spreads it out
into numerous canals of irrigation, and thus procures from it, under
a scorching sun, the verdure of the rainy season, and in due time a
plentiful harvest. Nothing can be conceived more beautiful to the
eye, or more gratifying to the imagination, than the prospect of the
rich variety of hill and dale, of rich plantations and fruit trees or
forests, of natural streams and artificial currents, which presents
itself to the eye in several of the eastern and middle provinces, at
some distance from the coast. In some parts of _Kedú_, _Banyumás_,
_Semárang_, _Pasúruan_, and _Málang_, it is difficult to say whether
the admirer of landscape, or the cultivator of the ground, will be most
gratified by the view. The whole country, as seen from mountains of
considerable elevation, appears a rich, diversified, and well watered
garden, animated with villages, interspersed with the most luxuriant
fields, and covered with the freshest verdure.

Over far the greater part, seven-eighths of the island, the soil is
either entirely neglected or badly cultivated, and the population
scanty. It is by the produce of the remaining eighth that the whole
of the nation is supported; and it is probable that, if it were all
under cultivation, no area of land of the same extent, in any other
quarter of the globe, could exceed it, either in quantity, variety, or
value of its vegetable productions. The kind of husbandry in different
districts (as shall be mentioned afterwards more particularly) depends
upon the nature and elevation of the ground, and the facilities for
natural or artificial irrigation. The best lands are those situated in
the vallies of the higher districts, or on the <DW72>s of mountains,
and on the plains stretching from them, as such lands are continually
enriched with accessions of new earth washed down from the hills by
the periodical rains. The poorest soil is that found on the ranges
of low hills, termed _kéndang_, extending along many districts, and
particularly in the southern division of the island; but in no part is
it so sterile or ungrateful, as not to afford a liberal return for the
labour bestowed upon its cultivation, especially if a supply of water
can be by any means directed upon it.

But when nature does much for a country, its inhabitants are sometimes
contented to do little, and, satisfied with its common gifts, neglect
to improve them into the means of dignity or comfort. The peasantry
of Java, easily procuring the necessaries of life, seldom aim at
improvement of their condition. Rice is the principal food of all
classes of the people, and the great staple of their agriculture.
Of this necessary article, it is calculated that a labourer can, in
ordinary circumstances, earn from four to five _kátis_ a day; and a
_káti_ being equivalent to one pound and a quarter avoirdupois, is
reckoned a sufficient allowance for the daily subsistence of an adult
in these regions. The labour of the women on Java is estimated almost
as highly as that of the men, and thus a married couple can maintain
eight or ten persons; and as a family seldom exceeds half that number,
they have commonly half of their earnings applicable for the purchase
of little comforts, for implements of agriculture, for clothing and
lodging. The two last articles cannot be expensive in a country where
the children generally go naked, and where the simplest structure
possible is sufficient to afford the requisite protection against the
elements.

The price of rice, which thus becomes of importance to the labourer,
varies in different parts of the island, according to the fertility
of the district where it is produced, its situation with regard to a
market, or its distance from one of the numerous provincial capitals.
As the means of transport, by which the abundance of one district
might be conveyed to supply the deficiencies of another, and to
equalize the distribution of the general stock, are few and laborious,
this variation of price is sometimes very considerable: even in the
same district there are great variations, according to the nature
of the crop. In the Native Provinces, a _píkul_ (weighing 133⅓ lbs.
English) sometimes sells below the fourth part of a Spanish dollar, and
at other times for more than two Spanish dollars; but in common years,
and at an average over the whole island, including the capital, the
estimate may be taken at thirty Spanish dollars the _kóyan_ of thirty
_píkuls_, or three thousand _kútis_. A _kúti_ of rice, according to
this estimate, may be sold to the consumer, after allowing a sufficient
profit to the retail merchant, for much less than a penny.

But though the price of this common article of subsistence may be of
some consequence to the Javan labourer, when he wants to make any
purchase with his surplus portion, he is rendered independent of the
fluctuations of the market for his necessary food, by the mode in
which he procures it. He is generally the cultivator of the soil; and
while he admits that law of custom, which assigns to the superior a
certain share of the produce, he claims an equal right himself to the
remainder, which is generally sufficient to support himself and his
family: and he sometimes finds in this law of custom, sanctioned by the
interest of both parties, a security in the possession of his lands,
and a barrier against the arbitrary exactions of his chief, which could
scarcely be expected under the capricious despotism of a Mahomedan
government. In addition to this reserved share, he raises on his own
account, if he is industrious, within what may be termed the cottage
farm, all the vegetables, fruit, and poultry requisite for his own
consumption. His wife invariably manufactures the slight articles of
clothing, which, in such a climate, the common people are in the habit
of wearing. What can be spared of the fruits of their joint industry
from the supply of their immediate wants, is carried to market, and
exchanged for a little salt fish, dried meat, or for other trifling
comforts, hoarded as a store for the purchase of an ox or a buffalo, or
expended in procuring materials for repairing the hut and mending the
implements of husbandry.

The farming stock of the cultivator is as limited as his wants are
few and his cottage inartificial: it usually consists of a pair of
buffaloes or oxen, and a few rude implements of husbandry. There is
a small proportion of sheep and goats on the island; but, with the
exception of poultry, no kind of live stock is reared exclusively
either for the butcher or the dairy. By the returns made in 1813 of
the stock and cattle of the provinces under the British government,
containing a population of nearly two millions and a half, it was found
that there were only about five thousand sheep and twenty-four thousand
goats. The number of buffaloes, by the same return, and in the same
space, was stated at 402,054, and of oxen at 122,691. Horses abound in
the island, but are principally employed about the capitals, and not in
husbandry, further than in the transport of produce from one district
to another.

The buffalo and ox are used for ploughing. The former is of a smaller
size than the buffalo of Sumatra and the Peninsula, though larger than
that of Bengal and of the islands lying eastward of Java. It is a
strong tractable animal, capable of long and continued exertion, but it
cannot bear the heat of the mid-day sun. It is shy of Europeans, but
submits to be managed by the smallest child of the family in which it
is domesticated. The buffalo is either black or white: the former is
larger and generally considered superior. In the _Súnda_, or western
and mountainous districts, nine out of ten are white, which is not at
all the case in the low countries; no essential difference in the breed
has been discovered to be connected with this remarkable distinction of
colour. The usual price of a buffalo in the western districts is about
twenty-four rupees for the black, and twenty rupees for the white; in
the eastern districts the price varies from twelve to sixteen rupees.
The _Súnda_ term for a buffalo is _múnding_; the Javan, _máisa_ and
_kébo_: and in compliment to _Laléan_, the prince who is supposed to
have introduced cultivation into the _Súnda_ districts, that prince
and his successors on the _Súnda_ throne are distinguished by the
appellation _Múnding_ or _Máisa_. The name of the individual sovereigns
enters into a compound with these general terms for the dynasty, and
they are called _Máisa-laléan_, _Múnding-sári_, and so of others.

The ox of Java derives its origin from the Indian breed. Two varieties
are common: that which is called the Javan ox has considerably
degenerated; the other, which is termed the Bengal or Surat ox, is
distinguished by a lump on the shoulder, and retains in his superior
strength other traces of his origin. The bull after castration is used
as a beast of burden, for the draught, and sometimes for the stall.
Cows are chiefly employed in husbandry, and are particularly useful
to the poorer class; but in the _sáwah_ and the extensive inundated
plantations of the low districts of the island, the superior bulk and
strength of the buffalo is indispensable. Eastward of _Pasúruan_,
however, the lands are ploughed by oxen and cows exclusively. The
wild breed, termed _bánténg_, is found principally in the forests of
that quarter and in _Báli_, although it occurs also in other parts; a
remarkable change takes place in the appearance of this animal after
castration, the colour in a few months invariably becoming red.

The cows on Java, as well as throughout the Archipelago, remarkably
degenerate from those properties, for which, in a state of
domestication, they are chiefly prized in other quarters of the world,
and afford little or no milk beyond what is barely sufficient for the
nourishment of the calf: but the draught ox does not partake of a
similar change, and in the central and eastern districts, particularly
where the pasture is good, becomes a strong active animal. The
degenerate domestic cows are sometimes driven into the forests, to
couple with the wild _bánténg_, for the sake of improving the breed.
A single pair of oxen, or buffaloes, is found sufficient for the yoke
both of the plough and harrow; and these form by far the most expensive
part of the cultivator's stock. The price of a draught ox, in the
central and eastern districts, in which they are more generally used
in agriculture, varies from eight to sixteen rupees, or from twenty to
forty shillings English, and a cow may be purchased for about the same
price. Either from the luxuriance of the pasture, the greater care of
the husbandmen, or a more equal climate, both the buffalo and the ox
are usually in better condition on Java than in many parts of India:
indeed, those miserable half-starved looking animals, with which some
of the provinces of Bengal abound, are never seen in this island,
except, perhaps, occasionally, in some of the few herds belonging to
Europeans, in the vicinity of Batavia.

Buffaloes, however, more than other domestic animals, are subject to
an epidemic disease, the symptoms and nature of which have not been
hitherto carefully noted, or satisfactorily explained. It prevails
throughout the whole island, and generally re-appears after an interval
of three, four, or five years: it makes great ravages in the stock of
the peasantry, and is checked in its progress by no remedies which have
hitherto been discovered or applied: it is of an infectious nature,
and excites great alarm when it appears: it bears different names in
different parts of the island. As the bull and cow are not liable to
this disease; and as, in addition to this advantage, they are less
expensive in their original purchase, they are preferred by many of the
natives.

For draught, the buffalo and cow are employed; and for burden, the
horse (particularly mares) and the ox. In level districts, and in good
roads, the use of the latter is preferred. The usual burden of a horse
is rather less than three hundred weight, and that of an ox rather
more than four; but in mountainous districts, and where the roads are
neglected, one half of this weight is considered as a sufficient, if
not an excessive load.

The comparatively higher price of cattle on Java than in Bengal has
been accounted for from the demand for them as food, and the absence of
extensive commons on which to feed them.

When implements of husbandry are mentioned in British agriculture, many
expensive instruments, and complicated machinery suggest themselves
to those acquainted with its practical details. From the preparation
of the ground for receiving the seed, till the grain comes into the
hands of the miller, labour is economized and produce increased, by
many ingenious processes and artful contrivances, of which a Javan
could form no conception. He could form no idea of the fabrication or
advantages of our different kinds of ploughs; of our swing ploughs,
our wheel ploughs, and our two-furrow ploughs; of our grubbers,
cultivators, and other instruments for pulverizing the soil; of our
threshing and winnowing machines, and other inventions. A plough of
the simplest construction, a harrow, or rather rake, and sometimes a
roller, with a _páchul_, or hoe, which answers the purpose of a spade;
an _árit_, which serves as a knife or small hatchet; and the _áni áni_,
a peculiar instrument used by the reapers, are all the implements
employed by him in husbandry; and the total cost of the whole does not
exceed three or four rupees, or from seven to ten shillings.

The plough (_walúku_), in general use for the irrigated land, consists
of three parts, the body, beam, and handle. It is generally made of
teak wood, where that material can be provided, or otherwise of the
most durable that can be found: the yoke only is of _bámbu_. Simple as
it is, it appears, both in its construction and durability, superior
to the plough of Bengal, as described by Mr. Colebrooke, from which it
differs, in having a board cut out of the piece which forms the body,
for throwing the earth aside. The point of the body, or sock, is tipped
with iron, which in some districts is cast for the purpose. There is
another kind, of more simple construction, in use for dry and mountain
cultivation: this is termed _brújul_, and consists of but two parts.
Both kinds are so light, that when the ploughman has performed his
morning's work, he throws the plough over his shoulder, and without
feeling any inconvenience or fatigue, returns with it to his cottage.
For gardens, and for small fields adjoining the villages, the small
_lúku chína_, or Chinese plough, is used with one buffalo: the cost for
a good plough seldom exceeds a rupee and a half. The harrow (_gáru_),
which is rather a large rake having only a single rough row of teeth,
costs about the same sum, and is in like manner made of teak where
procurable; except the handle, beam, and yoke, which are of _bámbu_.
When used, the person who guides it generally sits upon it, to give it
the necessary pressure for levelling or pulverizing the soil.

The _páchul_ is a large hoe, which in Java serves every purpose of the
spade in Europe, and is consequently, next to the plough, the most
important implement in Javan husbandry. The head is of wood tipped
with iron; and the handle, which is about two feet and a half long,
frequently has a slight curve, which renders it more convenient for
use: its price is about half a rupee. The _árit_, or weeding knife,
costs about eight pence; and the _áni áni_, with which the grain
is reaped, about three pence. The latter is a small instrument of
peculiar shape. The reaper holds it in a particular manner, and crops
off with it each separate ear, along with a few inches of the straw.
This mode of reaping has been immemorially practised and is universally
followed. Some of the most intelligent people being questioned
respecting the origin of this operose process, answered, that it was
reported to have been established in ancient times as a _s'lámat_, or
grateful acknowledgment for an abundant harvest; that when his field
was covered with the bounty of Ceres, no reaper could refuse her this
acknowledgment; and that the religious discharge of this obligation was
guarded by the belief, that if he ceased to offer this tribute of his
labour at the season of harvest, the field would not continue to yield
him the same abundant return.

The lands are ploughed, harrowed, and weeded by the men, who
also conduct the whole process of irrigation; but the labour of
transplanting, reaping, and (where cattle are not used for the purpose)
of transporting the different crops from the field to the village, or
from the village to the market, devolves upon the women.

Besides the two general divisions of the year, marked out by nature
in the great changes of the earth and the atmosphere, there are other
periodical distinctions, depending on less obvious or more irregular
phenomena. These variations have been ascertained by a reference
to the course of the heavenly bodies, or the calculations of the
_wúku_, which are described in another part of this work. It is the
office of the village priest to keep this reckoning, and to apprize
the cultivators when the term approaches for the commencement of the
different operations of husbandry. Of these minor seasons of the
year, the first, commencing after the rice harvest which falls in
August or September, lasts forty-one days. During this season the
leaves fall from the trees, vegetation is interrupted, and the only
field labour performed is the burning of grass and vegetables, as a
preparation of the _tégal_ or _gágas_. In the second season, which
lasts twenty-five days, vegetation again resumes its vigour. The
third, which lasts twenty-four days, is considered the most proper for
planting sweet potatoes, yams, and such other vegetables as usually
form the second crop; the wild flowers of the forest are now in
blossom; and the period of what is termed dry cultivation commences.
The fourth, which lasts also twenty-four days, is the natural season
for the pairing of wild animals: high winds now prevail, the rains
descend, and the rivers begin to rise. During the fifth, which lasts
twenty-six days, the implements of husbandry are prepared, and the
water-courses examined and renewed: this is the commencement of the
wet cultivation. In the sixth season the ploughing of the _sáwahs_
and sowing of the _bíbít_ for the great rice crop takes place: this
season lasts forty-one days. In the seventh, which also lasts forty-one
days, _pári_ is transplanted into fields, and the courses of the water
properly directed. In the eighth, which lasts twenty-six days, the
plants shoot above the water and begin to blossom. In the ninth season,
which consists of twenty-five days, the ears of the grain form. In the
tenth, also consisting of twenty-five days, they ripen and turn yellow.
The eleventh, which lasts twenty-six days, is the period for reaping;
and in the twelfth, which consists of forty-one days, the harvest
is completed, the produce gathered in, and that dry clear weather
prevails, in which the days are the hottest and the nights the coldest
of the whole year. The accurate assignment of the number of days by the
natives themselves to the different operations of husbandry, affords
such complete information on this interesting subject, that any further
account would be superfluous. It may, however, be proper to observe,
that the periods above described chiefly refer to the progress of the
principal rice crop, as influenced by the annual rains; but there are
many lands rendered quite independent of these rains, by the vicinity
of streams which afford a plentiful supply of water at all times of the
year. In many favoured situations, it is even common to observe at one
view the rice fields in almost every stage of their cultivation; in
one, women engaged in planting the newly prepared soil, and in another,
the reapers employed in collecting the fruits of the harvest.

Lands in Java are classed under two general divisions; lands which are
capable of being inundated directly from streams or rivers, and lands
which are not so. The former are termed _sáwah_, the latter _tégal_
or _gága_. It is on the _sáwahs_ that the great rice cultivation
is carried on; and these admit of a subdivision, according to the
manner in which the land is irrigated. Those which can be irrigated
at pleasure from adjacent springs or rivers, are considered as the
proper _sáwah_; those which depend on the periodical rains for the
whole or principal part of the water by which they are fertilized,
are termed _sáwah tádahan_. The former are by far the most valuable,
and lands of this description admit of two heavy crops annually,
without regard to any particular time of the year: the fields seldom
exceed forty or sixty feet in breadth, and the water is retained in
them by means of a small embankment of about a foot in height. On the
<DW72>s of the mountains, where this mode of cultivation is chiefly
found, these fields are carried gradually above each other in so many
terraces, for the purpose of irrigation, the water admitted in the
upper terrace inundating each of them in its descent. The _tégal_ lands
are appropriated to the culture of less important crops, such as the
mountain rice, Indian corn, &c.

The vast superiority of the _sáwah_, or wet cultivation, over that
of _tégal_, or dry, is shewn in their relative produce, and may be
still further illustrated by a comparison of the rents which the two
descriptions of land are calculated to afford. The quantity of _tégal_
land, or land fit for maize, as compared with that of _sáwah_ land,
varies in different districts. In _Chéribon_, the _tégal_ land, by
the late survey, amounted only to 2,511, while the _sáwan_ exceeded
16,000. In _Tégal_ the proportions were even more widely varied, the
number of _jungs_ of the former to the latter being as 891 to 11,445.
In _Surabáya_ they were as 1,356 to 17,397; in _Kedú_ and _Besúki_ they
were nearly equal, being respectively as 8,295 to 10,757, and as 6,369
to 7,862.

The succession of crops, next to the facility of irrigation, depends
upon the quality of the soil, which in the native provinces is divided
by the cultivators into three principal kinds, _tána ládu_, _tána
línchad_, and _tána pásir_. The first is the best, consisting of
rich vegetable mould, and a certain proportion of sand, and exists
chiefly near the banks of large rivers; the second is almost pure
clay, and is found in the central plains; and the third is alluvial,
and covers the maritime districts. The term _pádas péréng_ is applied
to the oblique tracts enriched with a fertile mould, which form the
acclivities of hills, and from which the water readily disappears.
_Tána ládu_ will bear a constant succession of crops. _Tána línchad_
yields only a single annual crop of rice: during the rainy season the
soil constitutes a stiff mud, in which the plants find the requisite
moisture and display all their luxuriance; when it is afterwards
exposed to the rays of the sun, it bursts into extensive fissures,
which admitting the scorching heat by which they were produced, become
detrimental to every species of vegetation.

Besides the annual crop of rice which is raised on the _sáwah_ lands,
a variety of plants are raised upon them as a second or light crop
within the same year. Among these are several species of _káchang_ or
bean, the cotton plant, the indigo, and a variety of cucumbers, &c.
But the more generally useful and profitable vegetables require nearly
the same period as the rice, and only yield their increase once in a
season: they mostly grow in situations, on which the supply of water
can be regulated, and a continued inundation prevented. Among the
most important are the _gúdé_, _káchang pénden_, or _káchang chína_,
_káchang íju_, _kédéle_, _jágung_ or Indian corn, _jágung chántel_,
_jáwa-wút_, _jáli_, _wíjen_, _járak_ or palma christi, _térong_, and
_kéntang jáwa_.

In _tégal_ lands of high situations a particular method of planting is
sometimes practiced, which produces a result similar to a succession
of crops. Together with the rice are deposited the seeds of other
vegetables, which arrive at maturity at different periods, chiefly
after the rice harvest. The most common and useful among these is
cotton; and, in some tracts, great quantities of this valuable product
is thus obtained, without any exclusive allotment of the soil. Next to
this are various leguminous and other plants, which do not interfere
with the rice. No less than six or eight kinds of vegetables are
sometimes in this manner seen to shoot up promiscuously in a single
field.

Rice, however, as has been repeatedly observed, is the grand staple
of Javan, as well as Indian cultivation, and to this every other
species of husbandry is subordinate. The adjacent islands and states
of Sumatra, Malacca, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas, have always in
a great measure depended on the Javan cultivator for their supply,
and the Dutch were in the habit of transporting an annual quantity of
between six and eight thousand tons to Ceylon, to Coromandel, to the
Cape, and their other settlements. Even at the low rate at which it
generally sells, a revenue of near four million of rupees, or about
half a million sterling, has been estimated as the government portion
of its annual produce.

According to the modes of cultivation by which it has been reared, this
grain is called _pári sáwah_, or _pári gága_; corresponding, with some
exceptions, to the _pádi sáwah_, and _pádi ládang_ of Sumatra. In the
western, and particularly the _Súnda_ districts, the term _gága_ is
changed for _típar_, the term _gága_, in these districts, being only
occasionally applied to the grain which is cultivated on newly cleared
mountainous spots.

The lowland and the mountain rice, or more correctly speaking, the
rice raised in dry lands and the rice raised in lands subjected to
inundation, are varieties of the same species (the oriza sativa of
Linnæus) although both of them are permanent: but the rice planted
on the mountainous or dry ground does not thrive on irrigated lands;
nor, on the contrary, does the _sáwah_ rice succeed on lands beyond
the reach of irrigation. The mountain rice is supposed to contain in
the same bulk more nourishment than the other, and is more palatable;
but its use is limited to the less populous districts of the island,
the greater proportion of the inhabitants depending exclusively on the
produce of the _sáwahs_, or wet cultivation, for their support.

Stavorinus asserts, that the mountain rice is not so good as that
of the low lands. Mr. Marsden informs us, on the contrary, that the
former brings the higher price, and is considered of superior quality,
being whiter, heartier, and better flavoured grain, keeping better,
and increasing more in boiling. "The rice of the low lands," he says,
"is more prolific from the seed, and subject to less risk in the
culture; and on these accounts, rather than from its superior quality,
is in more common use than the former." In general, the weightiest
and whitest grain is preferred; a preference mentioned by Bontius,
who includes in the character of the best rice its whiteness, its
clearness of colour, and its preponderating weight, bulk for bulk.
Dr. Horsfield conceives that Stavorinus formed his opinion in the
low northern maritime districts of Java, and Mr. Marsden from a more
extensive observation. Many intelligent natives state, that they
prefer the mountain rice when they can procure it, on account of its
whiteness, strength, and flavour; and that they are only limited in
its use, by the impossibility of raising as much of it as can satisfy
the general demand, all the mountain or dry rice not being sufficient
to feed one-tenth of the population. In less populous countries, as in
many parts of Sumatra, the inhabitants can easily subsist the whole
of their numbers exclusively on mountain rice, or that produced on
_ládangs_, which are fields reclaimed from ancient forests for the
first time, and from which only one crop is demanded. The grain here,
as in the mountain rice of Java, is highly flavoured and nutritious;
but in countries where the population is crowded, where a scanty crop
will not suffice, and where a continued supply of new land cannot be
obtained, the peasantry must apply their labour to such grounds as
admit of uninterrupted cultivation, and renew their annual fertility
by periodical inundations, even although the produce is not so highly
prized.

In the _sáwahs_ of Java the fields are previously ploughed, inundated,
and laboured by animals and hoeing, until the mould is converted into
a semifluid mire: they then are considered fit to receive the young
plants. No manure is ever used. Oil-cakes (_búngkil_), which are by
some writers supposed to be used for this purpose generally, are only
employed in the gardens about Batavia. One of the chief characteristics
of the soil on Java, is an exemption from the necessity of requiring
manure: on the _sáwah_ lands, the annual inundation of the land is
sufficient to renovate its vigour, and to permit constant cropping for
a succession of years, without any observable impoverishment.

In the cultivation of the _sáwahs_, the plants are uniformly
transplanted or removed from their first situation. In those of _tégal_
or _gága_, they grow to maturity on the same spot where the seed was
originally deposited, whether this be on high mountainous districts,
or on low lands, the distinction of _sáwah_ and _gága_ depending
exclusively not upon the situation of the field, but in the mode of
culture, whether wet or dry.

In raising rice in the _sáwahs_, inundation is indispensable till it is
nearly ripe. The seed is first sown on a bed prepared for the purpose,
about one month before the season for transplanting it, and the plant
is during that time termed _bíbit_. Two methods are in use. According
to the first, called _úrit_, the ears of _pári_ are carefully disposed
on the soft mud of the seed bed; in the second, called _ng'éber_, the
separated seeds are thrown after the manner of broadcast in Europe. In
by far the greatest portions of the island, the ground is prepared,
the seed sown, and the plant removed, during the course of the rainy
season, or between the months of November and March. In situations
where a constant supply of water can be obtained from springs,
rivulets, or rivers, two crops are produced in the course of twelve or
fourteen months; but the advantage of double cropping, which exhausts
the soil without allowing it time to recover, has been considered as
very questionable. If in some situations commanding a supply of water,
the earth is allowed to rest after the preceding harvest, during the
latter end of the rainy season, and the transplantation made in the
months of June and July, it generally yields more profitable crops than
the common method of working the _sáwah_. This, which is termed _gádu_
by the natives, has been recommended by the experience of European
planters.

Irrigation is exclusively effected by conducting the water of rivers
and rivulets from the more or less elevated spots in the vicinity,
and in this respect, differs materially in its process from that of
Bengal, for although considerable labour and ingenuity are exercised in
detaining, regulating, and distributing the supply, by means of dams,
called _bandáng'ans_, no machinery whatever is employed in raising
water for agricultural purposes in any part of the island.

The rice grown on _sáwahs_, is of two kinds, _pári génja_ and _pári
dálam_. In the former, the harvest takes place four months after the
transplantation; in the latter, six months. _Pári génja_ having the
advantage of a quicker growth, is therefore often planted when the
rainy season is far advanced. _Pári dálam_ is more prolific, and
yields a grain of superior quality, comprising those varieties in which
the ears are longer and more compound. The varieties of each kind are
distinct and permanent.

The subvarieties are very numerous, amounting, with those of _kétan_,
to more than a hundred. _Kétan_ is a distinct variety, with very
glutinous seeds, seldom employed as an article of food, except in
confections, cakes, and the like. Of the varieties of the _pári
génsha_, _mentik_ and _anchar bántap_ are preferred. Of the _pári
dálam_, those of _krentúlan_ and _súka nándi_ are most esteemed, being
remarkably well flavoured and fit for keeping. _S'lámat jáwa_ yields
also rice of good quality. The bearded kinds of _pári_ are always
preferred for keeping, as the grains do not readily fall off. Near
_Súra-kérta_, the principal native capital, close to the site of the
former capital _Kérta-súra_, there is a peculiar tract inundated by
water from a fountain at _Píng'gíng_, which is said to produce a grain
of very superior flavour, from which the table of the _Susuhúnan_
is supplied. _Súka nándi_ is the kind uniformly preferred for these
plantations.

For _pári gága_, whether in high or low situations, the ground is
prepared by ploughing and harrowing, and the seed is planted after the
manner called setting in some parts of England. The holes are made
by pointed sticks, called _pónchos_, and into each hole two seeds
are thrown. Only careless husbandmen, or those who cannot procure
the requisite assistance in their labour, sow by broadcast. In high
situations the earth is prepared before the rains commence: the seed
is sown in the months of September or October, and the harvest takes
place in January and February following. _Gágas_ of low situations are
planted about a month after the harvest of the _sáwah_ is got in, and
frequently receive temporary supplies of water from a neighbouring
rivulet. In high situations, to which water cannot be carried, they are
sufficiently moistened by the first rains of the season. During their
growth, they receive several hoeings from the careful husbandman.

As the grain ripens, an elevated shed is frequently erected in the
centre of a plantation, within which a child on the watch touches,
from time to time, a series of cords extending from the shed to the
extremities of the field, like the radii of a circle, and by this cheap
contrivance, and an occasional shout, prevents the ravages of birds,
which would otherwise prove highly injurious to the crops. These little
elevated sheds in the interior, and particularly in the district of
_Bányumás_, are very neatly constructed of matting.

The reapers are uniformly paid, by receiving a portion of the crop
which they have reaped: this varies in different parts of the island,
from the sixth to the eighth part, depending on the abundance or
scarcity of hands; when the harvest is general through a district,
one-fifth or one-fourth is demanded by the reaper. In opposition to so
exorbitant a claim, the influence of the great is sometimes exerted,
and the labourer is obliged to be content with a tenth or a twelfth.

The grain is separated from the husk by pounding several times
repeated. The first operation is generally performed in wooden troughs,
in the villages near which it grows, and before it is brought to
market. The _pári_ being thus converted into _bras_ or rice, afterwards
receives repeated poundings, according to the condition or taste of the
consumer.

With the exception of the rice raised in _sáwahs_, all other produce
is cultivated on dry grounds, either on the _sáwah_ fields during the
dry season, or on _tégal_ land, at all times exclusively appropriated
to dry cultivation. The principal article next to rice, as affording
food to man, is maize or Indian corn, termed _jágung_. It is general in
every district of Java, but is more particularly an object of attention
on _Madúra_, where, for want of mountain streams, the lands do not
in general admit of irrigation. In the more populous parts of Java,
likewise, where the _sáwahs_ do not afford a sufficient supply of rice,
the inhabitants have lately had recourse to the cultivation of maize.
It is now rapidly increasing in those low ranges of hills, which, on
account of the poverty of the soil, had hitherto been neglected, and is
becoming more and more a favourite article of food. In the more eastern
districts, it is procured from the inhabitants of _Madúra_ in exchange
for rice. It is generally roasted in the ear, and in that state is
exposed while hot for public sale; but it is never reduced to flour, or
stored for any considerable time.

The _zea maize_, or common _jágung_, is a hardy plant, and grows on
any soil. In common with every other production of Java it thrives
there most luxuriantly; nor is there any reason to believe, that
the Javan soil is less adapted to it than that of Spanish America,
where Humboldt estimates its produce at a hundred and fifty fold. It
is planted in fertile low lands in rotation with rice, and in high
situations without intermission, often forming in the latter the chief,
if not the only, support of the inhabitants. There are three different
kinds, distinguished from each other by their respective periods of
ripening. The first kind requires seven months, and is a large rich
grain; the second takes only three, and is of inferior quality; and the
third, which seems valuable only on account of its rapid growth, ripens
in forty days, but has a poor small grain. They may be planted at all
seasons of the year; and of the two inferior kinds, several crops are
often raised from the same ground within the year.

Of other cerealia, the _jágung chántel_ is raised very partially
in particular districts, at no great distance from the capitals of
the interior, and mostly for the purpose of preparing from it, by
fermentation, a liquor sometimes drunk by the natives; as a general
article of food it cannot be enumerated. The _jáwa-wút_ and _jáli_
are still more confined in their use; although the natives have a
tradition, that on the first arrival of the Indian colonists on
Java, the former was the only grain found on the island: it yields a
pleasant pulp, and is made into several articles of confectionary. As
a principal article of food, or a substitute for rice, Indian corn can
alone be considered.

In times of scarcity, the natives make use of various kinds of the
plantain (_musa_), also the yam (_ubi_ of the Malays, and _uwi_ of
the Javans), the sweet potatoe, _katélo_ (convolvulus batatas), the
varieties of which are described in one of the early volumes of the
Batavian Transactions, and a number of leguminous vegetables, the
various kinds of beans (_káchang_), together with a species of grass
with minute yellow seeds, called _túton_, which in ancient times is
said to have formed a principal article of food, and the dried leaves
of some other plants; but, happily, these times seldom occur, and the
use of the _jágung chántel_ and _jáwa-wút_, as well as of the various
roots and leguminous vegetables to which I have alluded, is too limited
to produce any sensible effects on the inhabitants. Those natives who
make use of the Indian corn exclusively, inhabit the highest districts,
where the purity of the atmosphere counteracts any injury which their
health might otherwise sustain from the want of rice.

From the _áren_ (sagurus rumphii), which grows abundantly in many parts
of Java, a substance is prepared, similar in all respects to the true
sago of the Eastern Islands. It is particularly useful in times of
scarcity, when large numbers of these valuable trees are felled, for
the purpose of collecting the pith. The sap yields an excellent sugar
of a dark colour, in common use with the natives. The wine or _túwak_
(toddy) prepared from it is superior to that obtained from most other
palms.

A very agreeable pulp is prepared from the pith of this tree, pounded
with water, and exposed one night to spontaneous evaporation: it is
eaten with palm sugar, and found by no means unpleasant by Europeans.
The tuberous roots of a species of curcuma, _tému láwak_, grated and
infused in water, yields a similar pulp. Both are denominated _pátí_,
and daily offered for sale along the roads and in the interior.

All the varieties of the cocoa-tree, noticed on Sumatra, are to be
found on Java, where its quicker and more luxuriant growth is accounted
for by the superiority of soil. The principal varieties of the
cocoa-nut are enumerated in one of the early volumes of the Batavian
Transactions.

Of the oil-giving plants there are many. The _káchang góring_ of the
Malay countries, or, as it is indifferently termed by the Javans,
_káchang chína_, _pénden_, or _tána_, is cultivated almost exclusively
for the purpose of obtaining its oil, near the capitals of the
principal districts, both central and maritime. It requires a very
strong soil for its support, and as the cultivation is profitable,
the lands which produce it yield high rents. It is never employed as
an article of food by itself; but what remains of it after the oil is
expressed, forms an ingredient for the seasoning of rice, in one of
the common dishes of the natives. The oil is obtained by grinding the
seeds between two grooved cylinders, and then separating it either
by expression or boiling. The former is chiefly used by the Chinese,
and yields as a refuse the oil-cakes, which I formerly observed were
employed as manure in some of the gardens near Batavia. Where these
cylinders are not in use, the following mode is adopted: the nut
having been taken from the ground, is dried by exposure to the sun
for a few days; after which the kernel is extracted, and reduced,
by successive beatings in the Javan _lésung_ or mortar, to a grain
sufficiently small to pass through a sieve; it is then boiled by steam,
and having been allowed to cool for twenty-four hours, is put into a
basket, and in that state placed between two oblong planks, which,
being joined together at one extremity, are forced to meet at the
other, on the principle of a lemon-squeezer. The oil exuding from the
interstices of the basket is caught on an ox's hide, placed below to
convey it to an earthen receiver.

The _járak_, or palma christi, is cultivated in nearly the same manner
as maize, and thrives on similar soils: from this plant is obtained
most of the oil for burning in lamps. In extracting the oil from this
as well as from the cocoa-nut, various processes are employed, most
of which tend to accelerate the rancidity of the oil. A pure cold
drawn oil is not known. In the cocoa-nut, if the oil is obtained by
expression, the broken nuts from which it is made are exposed till
putrefaction commences. In other cases they are grated, and water being
poured upon them, the parts mixed with it form _sánten_, a white milky
fluid, which is evaporated till the oil alone remains. As this process
requires much time and fuel, a more economical method is often resorted
to: the milky fluid is left exposed for a night, when the oily parts
rise to the top, and being separated from the water are purified by a
very short boiling.

Of the sugar-cane, or according to the native term, _tébu_ (the name
by which it is designated, not only on Java, but throughout the
Archipelago), there are several varieties. The dark purple cane,
which displays the greatest luxuriance, and shoots to the length of
ten feet, is the most highly prized. By the Javans the sugar-cane is
only cultivated to be eaten in an unprepared state, as a nourishing
sweetmeat. They are unacquainted with any artificial method of
expressing from it the saccharine juice, and, consequently, with
the first material part of the process by which it is manufactured
into sugar. Satisfied with the nourishment or gratification which
they procure from the plant as nature presents it, they leave the
complicated process to be conducted exclusively by the Chinese.

The cane, as in the West Indies, is propagated by cuttings of about a
foot and a half long, which are inserted in the ground in an upright
direction, previously to the setting in of the rains. The Chinese
occasionally use oil-cake for enriching the lands; but where the plant
is only raised for consumption in its fresh state, no manure whatever
is thought requisite; and a good soil, without such preparation, will
yield three or four crops in succession.

The cane is extensively cultivated for the juice in the vicinity of
Batavia, where there are numerous manufactories, principally owned by
the Chinese. It is also cultivated for this purpose in considerable
tracts at _Júpara_ and _Pasúruan_, and partially in other districts
of the eastern provinces, where mills are established for expressing
it. Previous to the disturbances in _Chéribon_, sugar likewise was
manufactured in that district in considerable quantities, and furnished
an important article of export.

The coffee-plant, which is only known on Java by its European
appellation, and its intimate connexion with European despotism, was
first introduced by the Dutch early in the eighteenth century, and
has since formed one of the articles of their exclusive monopoly. The
labour by which it is planted, and its produce collected, is included
among the oppressions or forced services of the natives, and the
delivery of it into the government stores, among the forced deliveries
at inadequate rates. Previously to the year 1808, the cultivation of
coffee was principally confined to the _Súnda_ districts. There were
but comparatively few plantations in the eastern districts, and the
produce which they were capable of yielding did not amount to one-tenth
part of the whole; but, under the administration of Marshal Daendels,
this shrub usurped the soil destined for yielding the subsistence of
the people; every other kind of cultivation was made subservient to
it, and the withering effects of a government monopoly extended their
influence indiscriminately throughout every province of the Island.

In the _Súnda_ districts, each family was obliged to take care of
one thousand coffee plants; and in the eastern districts, where new
and extensive plantations were now to be formed, on soils and in
situations in many instances by no means favourable to the cultivation,
five hundred plants was the prescribed allotment. No negligence could
be practised in the execution of this duty: the whole operations of
planting, cleaning, and collecting, continued to be conducted under
the immediate superintendance of European officers, who selected the
spot on which new gardens were to be laid out, took care that they were
preserved from weeds and rank grass, and received the produce into
store when gathered.

A black mould intermixed with sand, is considered the best soil for
the coffee plant. In selecting a situation for the gardens, the steep
declivities of mountains, where the plant would be endangered either
by the too powerful heat of the sun or an entire want of it, or where
torrents in the rainy season might wash away the rich earth necessary
for its growth, are avoided. The best situation for them is usually
considered to be in the vales along the foot of the high mountains, or
on the gentle declivities of the low range of hills, with which the
principal mountains are usually skirted; and it is found that, _cæteris
paribus_, the greater is the elevation of the garden, the longer is the
period of its productiveness, and the finer is the berry.

Having selected a proper spot for the garden, the first operation is
to clear the ground of trees, shrubs, and the rank grass or reeds, the
latter of which, termed _galúga_, are often found in these situations,
and generally indicate a rich soil. In clearing the ground, it is the
practise to collect together into heaps, and burn the trees, roots,
and other rubbish found on it, the ashes of which serve to enrich
the soil: when the trees are very large, the heavy labour of rooting
them up is avoided, and the trunks being cut about five feet from the
ground, are left in that state to rot, and in their gradual decay still
further to enrich the land. As soon as the ground is thus cleared, it
is levelled by three or four ploughings at short intervals, and laid
out to receive the plants. A fence is planted round them, about twelve
feet from their outer row, generally of the _júrak_, or palma christi,
intermixed with either the _dádap_, or the silk cotton tree; and, in
low situations, outside of this a ditch is dug to carry off the water.
These operations commence in August or September, and by the time the
ground is in perfect readiness for planting, the heavy rains are nearly
over. It then only remains to select the young plants, and prepare the
_dádap_ which is intended to shade them.

Of the _dádap_ tree there are three kinds; the _seráp_, _dóri_, and
_wáru_: but the first is preferred on account of the greater shade
it affords. It is propagated by cuttings, and in selecting them for
the coffee plantations, care is had that they are taken from trees at
least two or three years old, and that they be three or four feet long,
of which one foot at least must be buried in the ground. After the
_dádaps_ are planted, holes are dug, from a foot and a half to two feet
deep, for the reception of the coffee plant, which is then removed from
the seed place or nursery, and transplanted into the gardens.

In coffee gardens of four or five years old, are found quantities of
young plants, that have sprung up spontaneously from the ripe berries
dropping off the trees, and when these can be obtained about fourteen
inches long, of a strong healthy stem, large leaves, and without
branches, they are preferred to others: but as the plants thus procured
are seldom found in sufficient quantities, nurseries for rearing them
are formed as follows: When the berries are allowed to remain on the
shrub after maturity, they become black and dry: in this state they
are plucked, and sown in seed beds lightly covered with earth: as soon
as two small leaves appear, the plants are taken from the bed, and
transplanted, about a foot asunder, under the cover of sheds prepared
for that purpose; in about eighteen months, these plants are fit for
removing into the garden or plantation where they are destined to
yield their fruit. In taking the young plant up, the greatest care is
necessary not to injure the roots, especially the tap root, and with
this view it is generally removed with as much earth attached to it
as possible. This precaution has the additional advantage of not too
suddenly bringing the plant in contact with a new soil.

The plantations are generally laid out in squares. The distance between
each plant varies according to the fertility of the soil: in a soil not
considered fertile, a distance of six feet is preserved, and in each
interval is a _dádap_ tree for the purpose of affording shade; but in a
rich soil, where the plant grows more luxuriantly, fewer _dádaps_ are
necessary, and the plants are placed at a greater distance from each
other.

On Java a certain degree of shade seems necessary to the health of
the coffee-plant, especially in low situations and during its early
age; and the _dádap_ is found better calculated for affording this
protection than any other shrub in the country. It is a common saying,
that where the _dádap_ flourishes, there also will flourish the coffee:
but they are not always constant or necessary companions; for in high
lands many of the most flourishing gardens are to be observed with
very few _dádaps_. The coffee tree yields fruit for a period of twenty
years, yet in the low lands it seldom attains a greater age than nine
or ten years (during six or seven of which only it may be said to
bear), and the fruit is comparatively large and tasteless.

About the end of the rainy season, such coffee plants and _dádaps_ as
have not thriven are replaced by others, and the plantations cleaned:
this latter operation, in gardens well kept, is generally performed
three or four times in the year: but the tree is never cut or pruned,
and is universally allowed to grow in all its native luxuriance. In
this state, it often in favoured situations attains the height of
sixteen feet, and plants of not less than eight inches broad have
frequently been procured from the trunk. The general average produce of
a coffee-tree is not estimated at much more than a _káti_, or a pound
and a quarter English, notwithstanding some yield from twenty to thirty
_kátis_.

There does not appear to be any fixed or certain season for the coffee
to arrive at maturity. In the _Súnda_ districts the gathering usually
commences in June or July, and it is not till April that the whole
crop is delivered into store. The season, however, generally gives
what is termed three crops; of which the first is but small, the
second the most abundant, and the third, being what is left to ripen,
may be considered rather as a gleaning. When the berries become of a
dark crimson colour, they are plucked one by one, with the assistance
of a light _bámbu_ ladder or stage, great care being taken not to
shake off the blossoms which are still on the tree, or to pluck the
unripe fruit. The women and children usually collect the crop, while
the husband is elsewhere engaged in harder labour. Attached to every
principal village, near which there are coffee plantations of any
extent, there is a drying-house, to which the newly gathered coffee is
brought: it is there placed on hurdles, about four feet from the floor,
under which a slow wood fire is kept up during the night. The roof of
the drying-house is opened in the mornings and evenings, to admit the
air, and the berries are frequently stirred to prevent fermentation. As
the heat of the sun is considered prejudicial, the roof of the house
is closed during the day. This operation is repeated till the husk is
quite dry. The berries dried in this way are small, and of a sea green
or greyish colour, and are supposed to acquire a peculiar flavour from
the smoke, although it does not appear that any particular kind of wood
is used for fuel. When dried in the sun, the bean becomes of a pale
bleached colour, is larger, specifically lighter, and more insipid to
the taste than the former. The most common mode of freeing the bean
from the husk is, to pound the berries when dry in a bag of buffalo's
hide, great care being taken not to bruise the bean. A mill of simple
construction is sometimes used, but is not found to answer so well. The
coffee being then separated from the husk, is put into bags or baskets,
and kept on raised platforms till the season of delivery, when it is
carried down to the storehouse, sometimes by men, but generally on the
backs of buffaloes and mares, in strings of fifteen hundred or two
thousand at a time.

In the _Súnda_ districts there have been, for many years past, three
principal depôts for receiving the coffee from the cultivators; viz.
at _Buitenzorg_, _Chikàn_, and _Karang-sámbang_. From _Buitenzorg_ it
is either sent direct to Batavia by land in carts, or by the way of
_Linkong_, whence it is forwarded in boats by the river _Chi-dáni_.
From _Chikàn_ the coffee is sent in boats down the river _Chi-táram_,
and thence along the sea-coast to Batavia. From _Karang-sámbang_ it is
sent down the river _Chi-mánok_ to _Indra-máyu_, where it is received
into extensive warehouses, and whence it is now generally exported for
the European market.

Under this system, the _Súnda_ districts were estimated to afford an
annual produce of one hundred thousand _píkuls_ of one hundred and
thirty-three pounds and a quarter each, and it was calculated that
the young plantations in the eastern districts, when they should come
into bearing, would produce an equal quantity; but in this latter
quarter, many of the gardens had been fixed on ill-judged spots, and
the inhabitants were averse to the new and additional burden which
this cultivation imposed upon their labour. Had the system, therefore,
even been persevered in, and enforced by a despotic authority, it is
questionable, whether the quantity anticipated in the above estimate,
or even one half of it, would have been obtained from the eastern
districts. The _Súndas_ living in an inland and mountainous country,
and having been long accustomed to the hardship of the coffee culture,
are less sensible of its pressure than the rest of their countrymen:
time and habit have reconciled them to what was at first revolting,
and what must always be considered as unjust; their modes of life,
their arts, their domestic economy, and other social habits, have all
adapted themselves to a species of labour, which was at first forced
upon them; and a state of servitude, which the philosopher would
lament as a degradation, is scarcely felt to be a grievance by them.
Instances, however, are not wanting, in which the usual measure of
exaction having been surpassed, they have been awakened to a sense of
their wretchedness. A government of colonial monopolists, eager only
for profit, and heedless of the sources from which it was derived,
sometimes subjected its native subjects to distresses and privations,
the recital of which would shock the ear of humanity. Suffice it to
say, that the coffee culture in the _Súnda_ districts has sometimes
been so severely exacted, that together with the other constant and
heavy demands made by the European authority on the labour of the
country, they deprived the unfortunate peasants of the time necessary
to rear food for their support. Many have thus perished by famine,
while others have fled to the crags of the mountains, where raising a
scanty subsistence in patches of _gánga_, or oftener dependent for it
upon the roots of the forest, they congratulated themselves on their
escape from the reach of their oppressors. Many of these people, with
their descendants, remain in these haunts to the present time: in their
annual migrations from hill to hill, they frequently pass over the
richest lands, which still remain uncultivated and invite their return;
but they prefer their wild independence and precarious subsistence,
to the horrors of being again subjected to forced services and forced
deliveries at inadequate rates.

It is difficult to say what was the recompense received by the
cultivator previous to the year 1808. The complicated system of
accounts which then prevailed, seemed only calculated to blind the
government, and to allow the European commissary to derive an income of
from eighty to one hundred thousand dollars (25,000_l._ per annum), at
the expence of the authorities by whom he was employed, and the natives
whom he oppressed. This, in common with most of the establishments on
the island, underwent a revision in the time of Marshal Daendels; and
it was then directed, that the cultivators should receive on delivery
at the storehouses, three rix-dollars copper for each mountain _píkul_
of two hundred and twenty-five pounds Dutch, being little more than
one dollar per hundred weight, or one half-penny per pound. This same
coffee was sometimes sold at Batavia, within fifty miles of the spot
where it was raised, at twenty Spanish dollars the hundred weight, and
has seldom been known to bring in the European market less than eleven
pence the pound. This, however, was deemed a liberal payment by the
Dutch, though in some cases it had been transported over sixty miles
of an almost impassable country, where two men are required to carry a
hundred-weight of coffee, on their shoulders, at an expence of labour
which one would suppose at least equal to this remuneration.

Under the administration of the British government, the free
cultivation of coffee, in common with that of all other articles, was
permitted to the inhabitants of Bantam, _Chéribon_, and all the eastern
districts; and at the time when the island was again ceded to the
Dutch, arrangements were in progress for extending the same provision
throughout the _Súnda_ districts, under a conviction, that the quantity
produced would not be less under a system of free cultivation and free
trade, than under a system in which it was found necessary, as one of
the first acts of European authority, to compel the native princes to
direct "the total annihilation of the coffee culture within their
dominions," and to secure by treaty with them the destruction and
confiscation of all coffee found in the hands of the natives[46]. A
considerable portion of the peasantry, as already observed, have long
been accustomed to the cultivation, and it is owing to their skill and
experience, as much as to any direct superintendence or interference
of the European officers (who generally derive their information from
the native chiefs, and have little more to do, than occasionally to
ride through the garden with a pompous suite, keep the accounts, and
examine the coffee as it is received), that the coffee has so long
been furnished for the European market; the experience obtained in
the eastern districts, during the last three years, proves at least
that coercive measures are unnecessary. There are many parts of Java,
particularly the _Príang'en_ regencies, where the soil is peculiarly
and eminently adapted to the cultivation; and although it is difficult
yet awhile to fix the exact rate at which the coffee might be produced
under a free system, it may be calculated to be raised for exportation
at about forty shillings per hundred weight.

Of the quality of the Javan coffee, in comparison with that of other
countries, it may be observed, that during the last years, it has
invariably maintained its price in the European market in competition
with that of Bourbon, and rather exceeded it, both of them being higher
than the produce of the West Indies. During the last years of the
British administration on Java, and after the opening of the European
market again afforded a demand, about eleven millions of young coffee
shrubs were planted out in new gardens.

Pepper, which at one time formed the principal export from Java, has
for some time ceased to be cultivated to any considerable extent. It
was principally raised in Bantam, and the dependencies of that province
in the southern part of Sumatra; and in the flourishing state of the
monopoly, these districts furnished the Dutch with the chief supply for
the European market.

But the system by which it was procured was too oppressive and
unprincipled in its nature, and too impolitic in its provisions, to
admit of long duration. It was calculated to destroy the energies of
the country, and with them, the source from whence the fruits of this
monopoly proceeded. In the year 1811, accordingly, neither Bantam nor
its dependencies furnished the European government with one pound of
this article.

That pepper may be produced on Java, and supplied at a rate equally
moderate with that at which other productions requiring similar care
are furnished, cannot admit of a doubt, and this reasonable price
may be estimated at about six or seven Spanish dollars (thirty to
thirty-five shillings) the píkul. The plant grows luxuriantly in
most soils, and when once reared requires infinitely less care and
labour than coffee. The cultivation of it on Sumatra and Prince of
Wales' Island having been so accurately and minutely described by Mr.
Marsden and Dr. Hunter, it would be unnecessary here to detail the
system followed on Java, as it is in most points the same. The only
peculiarity regarding it which may deserve notice is, that on this
island the plant is allowed to grow to a much greater size, entwining
itself round the cotton trees, frequently to the height of fifty and
sixty feet.

Indigo, called _tom_ by the Javans, and by the _Súndas tárum_, is
general, and raised in most parts of the island. The indigo prepared
by the natives is of an indifferent quality, and in a semifluid state,
and contains much quick-lime; but that prepared by Europeans is of very
superior quality.

An inferior variety, denominated _tom-ménir_, having smaller seeds,
and being of quicker growth, is usually planted as a second crop in
_sáwahs_, on which one rice crop has been raised. In these situations,
the plant rises to the height of about three feet and a half. It is
then cut, and the cuttings are repeated three, or even four times,
till the ground is again required for the annual rice crop. But the
superior plant, when cultivated on _tégal_ lands, and on a naturally
rich soil, not impoverished by a previous heavy crop, rises in height
above five feet, and grows with the greatest luxuriance. The plants
intended for seeds are raised in favoured spots on the ridges of the
rice fields in the neighbourhood of the villages, and the seed of one
district is frequently exchanged for that of another. That of the rich
mountainous districts being esteemed of best quality, is occasionally
introduced into the low lands, and is thought necessary to prevent
that degeneration, which would be the consequence of cultivating for
a long time the same plant upon the same soil. In the province of
_Matárem_, where indigo is most extensively cultivated, it is sold in
the market in bundles, as low as eight-pence the píkul weight; but in
the vicinity of _Semárang_, and in districts where it is not produced
in great abundance, it bears an advance upon this price of fifty per
cent.

The climate, soil, and state of society on Java, seem to offer peculiar
advantages to the extensive cultivation of this plant; and under the
direction of skilful manufacturers, the dye stuff might form a most
valuable and important export for the European market. The periodical
draughts and inundations, which confine the cultivation and manufacture
in the Bengal provinces to a few months in the year, are unknown in
Java, where the plant might, in favoured situations, be cultivated
nearly throughout the whole year, and where at least it would be
secure of a prolonged period of that kind of weather, necessary for
the cutting. The soil is superior, and a command of water affords
facilities seldom to be met with elsewhere; while, from the tenure on
which the cultivators hold their land, and the state of society among
them, advances on account of the ensuing crop, which in Bengal form so
ruinous a part of an indigo concern, are here unnecessary, and would be
uncalled for.

The dye (_níla_ blue) is prepared by the natives in a liquid state, by
infusing the leaves with a quantity of lime: in this state it forms
by far the principal dye of the country. Besides the quantity of it
consumed within the island, it is sometimes exported to neighbouring
countries by native traders, and sold at the rate of from a dollar and
a half to three dollars the _píkul_, according as the plant may be in
abundance or otherwise.

It is impossible to form any idea of the rate at which this species of
dye can reasonably be manufactured for the European market, from the
prices paid by the Dutch, both because the article was one of those
classed by them under the head of forced deliveries, and because the
regents, who were entrusted with its exclusive management, not fully
understanding the process of making it, conducted it always in a very
expensive way, and were frequently exposed to entire failures.

The cotton of the country, distinguished by the name of _kápas jáwa_,
is a variety of the gossypium herbaceum; but it is inferior to that
generally cultivated on the Indian continent, which is also found on
Java, and called by the Javans _kápas múri_. The plant of the former
differs from the latter, in having a smaller stem, and in yielding a
material, both of coarser fibre and in less quantity. There is a third
variety, with a subarborescent stem, called _kápas táhon_, which is
very scarce. Trials remain to be made, to determine how far the culture
of the Indian cotton might be extended, so as to supersede the Javan
cotton. The inferior kind, which forms the principal, and indeed with
the mass of the people the only material for clothing, is cultivated in
almost every part of the island. The soil, however, is not considered
as universally favourable to its growth: many of the low lands,
consisting of a clay, which bursts in the dry season, are unfit for it;
and on several of the more fertile districts, where the plant itself
flourishes, little cotton is obtained from it: the declivities of the
hills, in which the mountain rice is raised, yield in general the best
and most abundant supply. At present, scarcely a sufficient quantity is
produced on the island to employ the female part of the inhabitants;
and one district often depends upon another for the principal part of
what it uses. The cotton of _Bányumás_ is exported to _Bágalen_, to
_Tégal_, and the western parts of _Matárem_, where it is manufactured;
the environs of _Wong'go_, _Adi-langú_, and other places towards the
southern hills, supply both the capitals in the interior; _Kediri_,
_Pranárága_, and the vicinity, likewise furnish considerable quantities
for other parts of the island. In the _Súnda_ districts, the principal
supply is received from the east and west _Jámpang_. The culture of
cotton, and the manufacture of yarn, are in some degree promoted by an
ancient custom, which imposes on every householder or village a certain
contingent of cotton yarn for the sovereign, or for the person who
holds the land on his account: this custom is called _panyúmpleng_. The
chiefs on Java, and particularly on _Báli_, frequently wear a skein
of cotton yarn entwined round the handle of the kris; a custom which
sufficiently indicates the respect paid to this species of cultivation.

The Javan cotton is a hardy plant, which grows to about the height of
a foot and a half. It is generally planted on the _sáwahs_ after the
reaping of the rice crop, and yields the cotton in less than three
months. The Indian cotton grows to a larger size, and produces a
material of an infinitely superior quality; but it is more delicate in
its nature, must be watched with greater care, and requires a month
longer to attain to maturity. Cotton cultivated on _tégal_, or dry
land, is considered as generally better than that raised as a second
crop on _sáwah_; and this mode of cultivation has been adduced as the
cause of the superiority ascribed to the cotton of _Bâli_, and other
more eastern islands.

Tobacco,[47] termed by the natives _tombáku_, or _sáta_, is an
article of very general cultivation, but is only extensively raised
for exportation in the central districts of _Kedú_ and _Bányumás_:
as it requires a soil of the richest mould, but at the same time not
subject to inundations, these districts hold out peculiar advantages
to the tobacco-planter, not to be found on the low lands. For internal
consumption, small quantities are raised in convenient spots every
where; but the most eastern districts and _Madúra_ are principally
supplied from _Púgar_. Bantam receives its supply from _Bányumás_, by
means of native traders from _Pakalúngan_ visiting that port in small
craft. The produce of _Kedú_ is conveyed by men to _Semárang_, the
great port of exportation.

In _Kedu_ it forms, after rice, by far the most important article
of cultivation; and, in consequence of the fitness of the soil, the
plant grows to the height of from eight to ten feet, on lands not
previously dressed or manured, with a luxuriance seldom witnessed in
India. Cultivated here alternately with rice, only one crop of either
is obtained within the year; but after the harvest of the rice, or
the gathering of the tobacco-leaves, the land is allowed to remain
fallow, till the season again arrives for preparing it to receive the
other. The young plant is not raised within the district, but procured
from the high lands in the vicinity; principally from the district of
_Káli-béber_, on the <DW72> of the mountain _Díeng_ or _Práhu_, where it
is raised and sold by the hundred to the cultivators of the adjoining
districts. The transplantation takes place in the month of June, and
the plant is at its full growth in October.

Wheat has been introduced by the Europeans, and cultivated with success
to the extent required by the European population. It thrives in many
parts of the interior of the country: it is sown in May, and reaped in
October; and, where the cultivation has been left to the Javans, the
grain has been sold at the rate of about seven rupees the _píkul_.

Potatoes have been cultivated during the last forty years, in elevated
situations, near all the principal European establishments, and are
reckoned of a quality superior to those ordinarily procured in Bengal
or China. Few of the natives, however, have as yet adopted them as a
common article of food. Besides potatoes, most of the common culinary
vegetables of Europe are raised in the gardens of the Europeans and
Chinese. It must be confessed, however, that they degenerate, if
perpetuated on the soil without change; and that their abundance and
quality depends, in a great measure, on the supplies of fresh seed
imported from Europe, the Cape, or other quarters.

Having now given an account of the different kinds of produce raised
within the island, and the arts of husbandry practised by the natives,
I shall conclude this short sketch of Javan agriculture by an account
of the tenure of landed property, the rights of the proprietor and
tenant, the proportion of the produce paid for rent, the division of
farms among the inhabitants of villages, and the causes that have
obstructed or promoted agricultural improvements.

The relative situation, rank, and privileges of the village farmer and
the native chief in Java, correspond in most instances, with those
of the Ryot and Zemindar of Bengal; but the more frequent and more
immediate interference of the sovereign, in the former case, with any
tendency to established usage or prescriptive claim, has left no room
for that difference of opinion, concerning proprietary right, which
exercised the ingenuity of the highest authorities in the latter. In
Bengal, before the introduction of the permanent revenue settlement,
there were usages, institutions, and established modes of proceeding
with regard to landed estates, that rendered it doubtful in which of
the three parties more immediately interested, the proprietary right
should finally and lawfully be settled. The claim of the Ryot to
retain the land which he cultivated, so long as he paid the stipulated
contribution, seemed to raise his character above that of an ordinary
tenant removeable at pleasure, or at the conclusion of a stipulated
term. The situation of the Zemindar, as the actual receiver of the
rents, standing between the sovereign and the cultivator, although
merely for the purpose of paying them over with certain deductions to
the sovereign, and his frequently transmitting the office with its
emoluments to his children, although held only during pleasure, gave
his character some affinity to that of an European landholder. And
lastly, the sovereign himself, who ultimately received the rents, and
regulated them at his pleasure, and removed both Zemindar and Ryot, in
case of negligence or disobedience, was arrayed with the most essential
attributes of proprietary right, or at least exercised a power that
could render any opposite claims nugatory. Thus the Ryot, the Zemindar,
and the Sovereign, had each his pretensions to the character of
landholder. After much cautious inquiry and deliberate discussion on
the part of our Indian government, the claims of the Zemindars, rather
perhaps from considerations of policy than a clear conviction of their
superior right, were preferred. In Java, however, except in the cases
of a few alienated lands and in the _Súnda_ districts, of which more
will be said hereafter, no such pretensions are heard of, as those
which were advocated on the part of the Zemindars of western India;
although inquiries to ascertain the equitable and legitimate rights of
all classes of the people, were known to be in progress, and a plan
was declared to be in contemplation for their permanent adjustment.
From every inquiry that was instituted under the British government,
and every fact that was presented to the view of its officers, it
appeared that, in the greatest part of the island, in the eastern and
middle districts, and in short in those provinces where rent to any
considerable amount was attainable, there existed no proprietary right
between that of the sovereign and that of the cultivator, that the
government was the only landholder.

There are lands, indeed, which contribute nothing to the state, some
on which the cultivator pays no rent whatever, and others of which the
rent remains in the hands of his immediate superior; but the manner
in which individuals acquire, and the tenure by which they hold such
lands, form illustrations and proofs of the proprietary right of the
sovereign. As his resources arise almost entirely from the share of
produce which he exacts, and as he considers himself invested with an
absolute dominion over that share, he burthens certain villages or
estates with the salaries of particular officers, allots others for
the support of his relatives or favourites, or grants them for the
benefit of particular charitable or religious institutions; in the same
manner as, before the Consolidation Act in this country, the interest
of particular loans were fixed upon the produce of specific imposts.
Here the alienation shews the original right: the sovereign renounces
the demand to which he was entitled; he makes no claim upon the farmer
for a share of the crop himself, but orders it to be paid over to
those whom he thus appoints in his place, so far as the gift extends.
With the exception of the _Súnda_ districts, as already stated, and
a comparatively inconsiderable portion of land thus alienated on
different conditions, the proprietary right to the soil in Java vests
universally in the government, whether exercised by native princes or
by colonial authority, and that permanent and hereditary interest in it
so necessary to its improvement, those individual rights of property
which are created by the laws and protected by the government, are
unknown. With these exceptions, neither law nor usage authorizes the
oldest occupant of land in Java to consider the ground which he has
reclaimed from waste, or the farm on which he has exerted all his
industry, as his own, by such a tenure as will enable him, and his
successors for ever, to reap the fruits of his labour. He can have
gained no title, even to a definite term of occupancy, but from the
capricious servant of a capricious despot, who himself is not legally
bound by his engagement, and whose successor is not even morally bound
by it.

As a matter of convenience, the same cultivator may continue to occupy
the same portion of land for life, and his children, after his decease,
may inherit the ground which he cultivated, paying the dues to which he
was liable. The head of a village, whether called _Búkul_, _Peting'gi_,
or _Lúrah_, may be continued in the collection of the village rents
for life, and may be succeeded in office by his heirs; the superior
officer, or _Demáng_, with whom he accounts, may likewise hold his
situation for a long period, and transmit it to his family; but none of
them can stand in the possession against the will of their immediate
superior, or of the sovereign, by any claim of law or custom.

Little of the revenue collected from the occupants is transmitted to
the government treasury; the greatest part of that which is raised, and
which, in other countries, would come into the hands of government,
for subsequent distribution among its servants and the support of its
various establishments, is intercepted in its progress by those to
whom the sovereign immediately assigns it. The officers of police, of
justice, of the prince's household, and, in short, public servants of
all classes, from the prime minister down to the lowest menial, are
paid with appropriations of the rent of land.

To this general principle of Javan law and usage, that the government
is the only landholder, there are exceptions, as I mentioned before,
in some districts of the island. These are chiefly in the districts
inhabited by the _Súndas_, who occupy the mountainous and woody country
in the western division of the island. Among them, private property
in the soil is generally established; the cultivator can transmit his
possession to his children: among them, it can be subdivided, without
any interference on the part of a superior; the possessor can sell
his interest in it to others, and transfer it by gift or covenant.
He pays to his chief a certain proportion of the produce, in the
same manner as the other inhabitants of Java; because, in a country
without trade or manufactures, labour or produce is the only shape
in which he can contribute to support the necessary establishments of
the community. So long as he advances this tribute, which is one-tenth
or one-fifth of the gross produce, he has an independent right to the
occupancy of his land, and the enjoyment of the remainder. The reason
why the landed tenure of these districts differs, in so important a
particular, from that of the most extensive and valuable part of the
island, may perhaps be explained from their nature, without resorting
to any original difference in the laws of property, or the maxims of
government. Where the population is small in proportion to the extent
of soil, and much land remains unoccupied, the best only will become
the subject of demand and appropriation. The latter alone is valuable,
because it yields great returns for little labour, and therefore offers
inducements to engage in its cultivation, in spite of many artificial
disadvantages: it alone can afford a desirable surplus, after
maintaining the hands that call for its fertility, and consequently
tempts power to reserve unalienated the right to this surplus. On the
other hand, when waste ground is to be reclaimed, when forests or
jungle are to be cleared, or when a sterile and ungrateful spot is
to be cultivated, the government have less interest in reserving the
surplus, and must offer superior inducements of immunity, permanency,
or exemption, to lead to cultivation. On this principle, the tenure
of land in the _Súnda_ districts, and on some parts of the coast,
may be accounted for. It may be concluded, that many of these lands
were reclaimed from waste by the present occupiers or their immediate
predecessors, and their rights to possess them, which is similar to
that which the discoverer of an unappropriated field, forest, or
mine would have, by nature, to as many of their products as he could
realize by his labours, has not been crushed or interfered with by
the sovereign; a forbearance, probably, more to be attributed to
motives of prudence than to the restraint of law. Nearly coincident
with this conclusion is the supposition which assumes, that before
the introduction of the Mahomedan system, and the encroachments of
despotic sovereigns, all the lands on the island were considered as the
property of those who cultivated them; but that, as the value of the
most fertile spots became more apparent, while the labour which had
been originally expended in clearing them, and constituted the title to
their original occupancy, was gradually forgotten, the government found
inducements and facilities to increase its demands, and thus became
possessed of the rights of some by violence, while it rendered those
of all unworthy of being preserved. The land tenures of the _Súnda_
districts, according to this hypothesis, are only wrecks of the general
system, which have been protected against encroachment, because they
did not so powerfully invite rapacity. Whatever truth there may be
in this opinion, the fact is undoubted, that in the mountainous and
less fertile districts of Java, and in the island of _Báli_, where the
Mahomedan sway has not yet extended, individual proprietary right in
the soil is fully established, while in that portion of Java where the
Mahomedan rule has been most felt, and where proprietary right amounts
to the greatest value, it vests almost exclusively in the sovereign.

The situation, however, of the cultivator in the Sunda districts, who
is a proprietor, is not much more eligible than that of the tenant of
the government: he may, it is true, alienate or transfer his lands,
but while he retains them, he is liable to imposts almost as great as
they can bear; and when he transfers them, he can therefore expect
little for surrendering to another the privilege of reaping from his
own soil, what is only the average recompense of labour expended on
the estate of another. The Revenue Instructions, therefore, bearing
date the 11th February 1814, and transmitted from the local government
to the officers intrusted with the charge of the several provinces
subject to its authority, lay down the following general position: "The
nature of the landed tenure throughout the island is now thoroughly
understood. Generally speaking, no proprietary right in the soil is
vested in any between the actual cultivator and the sovereign; the
intermediate classes, who may have at any time enjoyed the revenues of
villages or districts, being deemed merely the executive officers of
government, who received these revenues from the gift of their lord,
and who depended on his will alone for their tenure. Of this actual
proprietary right there can be no doubt that the investiture rested
solely in the sovereign; but it is equally certain, that the first
clearers of the land entitled themselves, as a just reward, to such a
real property in the ground they thus in a manner created, that while
a due tribute of a certain share of its produce was granted to the
sovereign power for the protection it extended, the government, in
return, was equally bound not to disturb them or their heirs in its
possession. This disposal of the government share was thus, therefore,
all that could justly depend on the will of the ruling authority;
and consequently, the numerous gifts of land made in various periods
by the several sovereigns, have in no way affected the rights of the
actual cultivators. All that government could alienate was merely its
own revenue or share of the produce. This subject has come fully under
discussion, and the above result, as regarding this island, has been
quite satisfactorily established." It is remarked, in a subsequent
paragraph of the same instructions, "that there have been, it is known,
in many parts of the country, grants from the sovereign of lands in
perpetuity, which are regularly inheritable, and relative to which
the original documents still exist. Of these, some have been made for
religious purposes, others as rewards or provision for relatives or
the higher nobility. These alienations, as far as it was justly in the
power of the sovereign to make, must certainly be held sacred; but
their extent should be clearly defined, that the rights of others be
not compromised by them. The government share, when granted, will not
be reclaimed; but the rights of the cultivator must not be affected
by these grants. Such proprietors of revenue, as they may be termed,
shall in short be allowed to act, with regard to the cultivators on
their estates, as government acts towards those on its own lands,
that is, they shall receive a fixed share of the produce, but whilst
that is duly delivered, they shall neither exact more nor remove any
individual from his land." It is remarked by Major Yule, the British
resident, in his Report on Bantam, that there, "all property in the
soil is vested exclusively in the hands of the sovereign power; but
in consequence of its having been long customary to confer grants of
land upon the different branches of the royal family, and other chiefs
and favourites about court, a very small portion was left without some
claimant or other. The _púsákas_ granted to the relations of the
Sultan were considered as real property, and sometimes descended to the
heirs of the family, and at others were alienated from it by private
sale. To effect a transfer of this nature, the previous sanction of the
Sultan was necessary, after which the party waited on the high priest,
or _Mangku-bumi_, who made the necessary inquiries, and delivered the
title deeds to the purchaser, in which were specified the situation,
extent, boundaries, and price of the land sold. A register of sales
was kept by the priests, the purchaser paying the fees; and it rarely
occurred that lands sold in this manner were ever resumed by the
crown, without some adequate compensation being made to the purchaser.
_Púsákas_ given to chiefs for services performed, were recoverable
again at pleasure, and always reverted to the crown on the demise of
the chief to whom they had been granted: in all other respects, the
same privileges were annexed to them as to the former. The holders of
_púsáka_ lands were very seldom the occupants; they generally remained
about the court, and on the approach of the rice harvest deputed
agents to collect their share of the crop. They do not let their
lands for specific periods. The cultivators are liable to be turned
out at pleasure, and when ejected, have no claims to compensation
for improvements made while in possession, such as water-courses, or
plantations of fruit trees made by themselves or their parents."

"We must make a distinction," say the Dutch Commissioners appointed to
investigate this subject in 1811, "between the _Príangén_ regencies,
the province of _Chéribon_, and the eastern districts. Throughout the
whole extent of the _Príangen_ regencies exists a pretended property
on uncultivated lands, on which no person can settle without the
consent of the inhabitants of that _désa_, or village. In the _sáwah_
fields, or cultivated lands, every inhabitant, from the Regent down to
the lowest rank, has a share, and may act with it in what manner he
pleases, either sell, let, or otherwise dispose of it, and loses that
right only by leaving the village in a clandestine manner.

"In the province of _Chéribon_, according to the ancient constitution,
each district and _désa_, like the _Príangen_ regencies, has its own
lands; with the difference, however, that whilst those regencies are
considered as belonging to villages and individuals, here the villages
and lands are altogether the pretended property of the chiefs, or of
the relations or favourites of the Sultans, who even might dispose of
the same, with one exception, however, of that part allotted to the
common people. Sometimes the Sultans themselves were owners of _désas_
and chiefs of the same; in which case the inhabitants were better
treated than in the former instances. If an individual thought himself
wronged by the chief, who either sold, hired out, or otherwise disposed
of his lands, he took his revenge, not on that chief, but on the person
who held possession of the property. To corroborate this statement it
may be mentioned, that the lands in the district of _Chéribon_ were for
the most part farmed out to Chinese, who increased their extortions
in proportion as the chief raised his farm or rent, and thus almost
deprived the common people of all their means.

"On the north-east coast of the eastern districts, no person can be
called a proprietor of rice fields or other lands: the whole country
belongs to government, and in this light do all the Regents consider
it. The rice fields of a regency are divided among the whole of the
population: in the division the chiefs have a share, according to their
rank, occupations, or taxes they are paying.

"The chief enjoys his lands as long as he holds his station; the
common people for a year only, when it falls to the share of another
inhabitant of the _désa_, or village, that all may reap a benefit from
it in turn. The ideas of the Javans concerning tenures, thus appear to
be of three kinds: in the _Súnda_ division they consist in allotting
to the villages of uncultivated, and to individual persons of certain
portions in the cultivated or sáwah fields: in _Chéribon_, the sultans
and chiefs, as well as the common people, assert pretensions to similar
allotments: in the eastern districts, on the contrary, nobody pretends
to the possession of land; every one is satisfied with the regulation
laid down, but if a man's share is withheld, he is apt to emigrate. No
person considers himself bound to servitude. The Javans, however, in
the _Príang'en_ regencies, in _Chéribon_, and in the eastern districts,
pretend to have an unquestionable right to all the fruit trees and
_síri_ plants, at or near their _kámpung_ or _désa_."

"There is not," says Mr. Knops, another of the Dutch Commissioners,
"a single Javan, who supposes that the soil is the property of the
Regent, but they all seem to be sensible that it belongs to government,
usually called the sovereign among them; considering the Regent as a
subject like themselves, who holds his district and authority from
the sovereign. His idea of property is modified by the three kinds
of subjects to which it is applied: rice fields, _gâgas_, and fruit
trees. A Javan has no rice fields he can call his own; those of which
he had the use last year will be exchanged next year for others. They
circulate (as in the regency of _Semárang_) from one person to another,
and if any one were excluded, he would infallibly emigrate. It is
different with the _gágas_, or lands where dry rice is cultivated: the
cultivator who clears such lands from trees or brushwood, and reclaims
them from a wilderness, considers himself as proprietor of the same,
and expects to reap its fruits without diminution or deduction. With
regard to fruit trees, the Javan cultivator claims those he has planted
as his legal property, without any imposts: if a chief were to trespass
against this right, the village would soon be deserted. The Javan,
however, has not, in my opinion, any real idea of property even in his
fruit trees, but usage passes with him for a law. All dispositions made
by the chief, not contrary to custom or the _ádat_, are considered as
legal, and likewise all that would contribute to ease the people, by
lessening or reducing the capitation tax, the contingent, the feudal
services, in short all the charges imposed upon them. A different
system would be contrary to custom. Whatever favours the people is
legal, whatever oppresses them is an infraction of the custom."

The tenure of land in the native provinces is the same generally as
in the eastern districts. Thus stands the question with regard to the
proprietary right to the soil in Java; but it is of more consequence
in an agricultural point of view, and consequently more to my present
purpose, to inquire how that right is generally exercised, than in
whom it resides. Though the cultivator had no legal title to his lands,
there might still be such a prevalent usage in favour of his perpetual
occupancy, as would secure him in the enjoyment of his possession,
and enable him to reap the fruits of his industry equally with the
protection of his positive law.

But unfortunately for the prosperity of the people, this was far from
being generally the case. The cultivator had little security for
continued occupancy, but the power, on his part, of enduring unlimited
oppression without removing from under it, or the interest of his
immediate superior in retaining a useful slave; and as he could not
expect to reap in safety the fruits of his industry, beyond the bare
supply of his necessities, he carried that industry no farther than
his necessities demanded. The sovereign knew little about the state of
his tenantry or the conduct of his agents, and viewed the former only
as instruments to create the resources, which the latter were employed
to collect or administer. All his care was to procure as much from the
produce of the soil and industry of his subjects as possible, and the
complaints of the people, who suffered under the exactions of these
chiefs, were intercepted on their way to the throne, and perhaps would
have been disregarded had they reached it. The sovereign delegates his
authority over a province of greater or less extent, to a high officer
called _Adipáti_, _Tumúng'gung_, or _Ang'ebái_, who is himself paid
by the rent of certain portions of land, and is responsible for the
revenues of the districts over which he is appointed. He, in his turn,
elects an officer, called _Demáng_ or _Mántridésa_, to administer the
subdivisions or districts of the province, to appoint the chiefs, and
to collect the rents of several villages. The village chief, _Búkul_,
_Lúrah_, or whatever designation he bears in the different parts of
the island, thus appointed by his immediate superior, is placed in
the administration of the village, required to collect the government
share of the crop from the cultivator, and to account for it to the
_Demáng_. In some provinces, the village elects its own chief, called
_Petíng'gi_, who exercises similar functions with the _Búkul_ appointed
by government, as will be afterwards more particularly observed in
the account of the native administration. As all the officers of
government, of whatever rank, are paid their salaries in the produce
of the land, the _Búkuls_ and the _Demángs_ become responsible for the
share of the appropriations of villages to this account, as much as
if it went into the government treasury. They are themselves paid by
the reservation of a certain share of what they collect, and of course
are always ready to please their employers, and to increase their own
emoluments, by enforcing every practicable exaction. Every officer
has unlimited power over those below him, and is himself subject to
the capricious will of the sovereign or his minister. When the Regent
makes any new or exorbitant demand upon those whom he immediately
superintends, they must exact it with an increased degree of rigor over
the chiefs of villages, who are thus, in their turn, forced to press
upon the cultivator, with the accumulated weight of various gradations
of despotism.

The _Búkul_, or the _Petíng'gi_ is the immediate head of the village,
and however much his authority is modified in particular districts,
has always extensive powers. To the cultivators, he appears in the
character of the real landholder, as they have no occasion to look
beyond him to the superior, by whom he is controlled. He distributes
the lands to the different cultivators on such shares, and in such
conditions, as he pleases, or as custom warrants, assesses the rents
they have to pay, allots them their village duties, measures the
produce of their fields, and receives the government proportion. He
sometimes himself cultivates a small portion of land, and in so far
is regarded only as a tenant, like the rest of the villagers. He is
accountable for all the collections he realizes, with the reservation
of a fifth part for his trouble, which share must be viewed merely
as the emoluments of office, and not as the rent of the landlord, or
the profits of a farmer. He sometimes holds his situation immediately
of the sovereign, or by the election of the cultivators; but more
generally from the intermediate agent of government, whom I have
mentioned above, to whom he is accountable for his receipts. By his
superior he may be removed at pleasure; although the local knowledge
and accumulated means, which are the consequence of the possession of
office, generally insure its duration to his person for a considerable
period, or as long as his superior himself retains his power.

The lands which he superintends and apportions range from six or seven
to double that number of _jungs_, or from forty or fifty to an hundred
acres English, and these are divided among the inhabitants of his
village, generally varying from about two acres to half an acre each.
That this minute division of land takes place, may be shewn from the
surveys made under the British government in the eastern provinces,
which nearly resemble those under the dominion of the native princes,
and consequently may be taken as indicating the general state of the
island. The inhabitants in the agricultural districts of the residency
of _Surabáya_ amount in all to 129,938: these compose 33,141 families,
of which 32,618 belong to the class of cultivators, and 523 belonging
to other professions pay only a ground rent for their houses. The area
of the province contains about twelve hundred square miles, or 34,955
_jungs_, about 20,000 only of which are cultivated, so as to become of
any consequence in the division of lands among the villages, the number
of which amount to 2,770. By a calculation founded on these data, it
would appear, that each village averages about twelve families, that
a family falls considerably short of the average of four, and that a
little more than seven _jungs_ are allotted to a village. In _Kedú_ the
population amounts to 197,310, the number of villages to 3879, and the
quantity of cultivated land to 19,052 _jungs_; so that in this province
there are about five _jungs_ attached to a village; and a village is
inhabited by fifty-one souls, or about twelve or thirteen families.
In _Grésik_, the number of villages amount to 1396, the quantity of
cultivated land to 17,018 _jungs_, and the population to 115,442
souls. In _Probalíng'o_ and _Besúki_, the numbers are--of inhabitants,
104,359; of villages, 827; of cultivated land, 13,432 _jungs_. In these
two last the proportions vary, the number of _jungs_ to a village in
the former being more than twelve, and of inhabitants more than eighty,
or about twenty families; and in the latter, the proportion is more
than one hundred and twenty souls to a village possessed of more than
sixteen _jungs_ of land. It would be superfluous to state any more
examples. In different parts of the island, there are variations within
certain limits; but the quantity of land occupied by one cultivator
seldom exceeds a _báhu_, (or the quarter of a _jung_), although
the quantity occupied by a village, as will be seen by the above
instances, varies from five to sixteen, according to the extent of the
population.

The land allotted to each separate cultivator is managed by himself
exclusively; and the practice of labouring in common, which is usual
among the inhabitants of the same village on continental India, is
here unknown. Every one, generally speaking, has his own field, his
own plough, his own buffaloes or oxen; prepares his farm with his
own hand, or the assistance of his family at seed-time, and reaps
it by the same means at harvest. By the recent surveys, when every
thing concerning the wealth and the resources of the country became
the subject of inquiry, and means were employed to obtain the most
accurate information, it was ascertained, that the number of buffaloes
on that part of the island to which these surveys extended, was nearly
in the proportion of one to a family, or a pair to two families; and
that, including the yokes of oxen, which are to those of buffaloes as
one to three, this proportion would be very much exceeded. In some
provinces, more exclusively devoted to grain cultivation, the number of
ploughs, and of course oxen or buffaloes, nearly amounts to one to a
family. In other cases, where they fall much short of this proportion,
a considerable part of the inhabitants must be engaged in labours
unconnected with agriculture, or the cultivators must be engaged in
rearing produce, where the assistance of those animals is not required.
Thus in _Japára_ and _Jawána_, where the number of inhabitants is
103,290, or about twenty-six thousand families, the number of ploughs
amount to 20,730, and of buffaloes to 43,511; while in the Batavian
Regencies, where the coffee culture employs a considerable part of the
inhabitants, the number of families is about sixty thousand, and of
ploughs only 17,366. The lands on Java are so minutely divided among
the inhabitants of the villages, that each receives just as much as can
maintain his family and employ his individual industry.

    "A time there was, ere England's griefs began,
    When ev'ry rood of ground maintain'd its man;
    For him light labour spread her wholesome store,
    Just gave what life requir'd, and gave no more:
    His best companions, innocence and health;
    And his best riches, ignorance of wealth."

But situated as the Javan peasantry are, there is but little
inducement to invest capital in agriculture, and much labour must be
unprofitably wasted: as property is insecure, there can be no desire
of accumulation; as food is easily procured, there can be no necessity
for vigorous labour. There exists, as a consequence of this state of
nature and of the laws, few examples of great affluence or abject
distress among the peasantry; no rich men, and no common beggars. Under
the native governments and the Regents of the Dutch Company, there
were no written leases or engagements binding for a term of years; nor
could such contracts well be expected to be formed with an officer, who
held his own place by so unstable a tenure as the will of a despot.
The cultivator bargained with the _Búkul_ or _Petíng'gi_ for a season
or for two crops, had his land measured off by the latter, and paid a
stipulated portion of the produce either in money or in kind. When the
crop had arrived at maturity, the cultivator, if his engagement was for
so much of the produce in kind, cut down his own share, and left that
of the landlord on the ground.

The proportion of the crop paid as rent varied with the kind of land,
or produce, and the labour employed by the cultivator. In the _sáwah_
lands, the share demanded by the landlord rarely exceeded one-half,
and might fall as low as one-fourth, according as the quality of the
soil was good or bad, or the labour employed in irrigating or otherwise
preparing it was greater or less. In _tégal_ lands, the rent paid
varied from one-third to one-fifth of the produce; a diminution to
be attributed to the uncertainty of the crop, and the necessity of
employing more labour to realize an equal produce than on the other
species of cultivation. In cases where there was a second crop of less
value than the principal rice or maize crop, no additional demand was
made upon the additional grain reaped by the farmer.

If such rates had been equitably fixed, after a deliberate estimate of
the proportion between the labour of the cultivator and his produce,
and if from the best kind of _sáwah_ no more than the half had been
required, with a scale of rents diminishing as labour increased or the
soil deteriorated, the peasant could have had no reason to complain of
the exactions of government A _jung_ of the best _sáwah_ lands will
produce between forty and fifty _ámats_ of _pári_, each _ámat_ weighing
about one thousand pounds. Suppose a cultivator occupied a quarter
of a _jung_ of such land, he would reap ten _ámats_, or ten thousand
pounds of _pári_, and allowing a half for the government deduction,
would still retain five thousand pounds, which is equal to about eight
quarters of wheat. The best _sáwah_ lands return about forty-fold;
_sáwah_ lands of the second quality yield from thirty to forty _ámats_
the _jung_; and they are considered of inferior quality when they yield
less than thirty. From these last, two-fifths or one-third was required
as the landlord's share. _Tégal_ lands were assessed at one-third, one
fourth, or one-fifth of their produce, according to their quality, and
their produce in value is about a fourth of _sáwah_ lands of the same
relative degree in the scale. In Bengal, according to Mr. Colebrooke's
excellent account of its husbandry, "the landlord's proportion of the
crop was one-half, two-fifths, and a third, according to the difference
of circumstances." The value in money of a crop of rice grown on a
_jung_ of the best land under the wet cultivation, may amount to one
hundred and sixty Spanish dollars; and on a _báhu_ (the space occupied
by an individual cultivator), forty dollars. I formerly stated the
price of the implements of husbandry, the price of buffaloes or oxen,
the expence of building a house, and providing it with the necessary
furniture. The whole farming stock of a villager may be purchased for
about fifteen or sixteen dollars, or for little more than a third part
of the produce of his land in one year. The price of labour, the price
of cattle and of grain, as well as the fertility of the soil, varies in
different parts of the island; but, in general, it may be laid down as
an indisputable proposition, that from the natural bounty of the soil,
the peasantry might derive all the means of subsistence and comfort,
without any great exertion of ingenuity, or any severity of toil, if
their government made no greater demand than the shares stated above.

But besides the rent which the cultivator paid for his land, he was
liable to many more grievous burdens. The great objection to a tax
levied on land, and consisting in a certain share of its produce,
arises from the effect that it has in obstructing improvements; but
there were other imposts and contributions exacted from the peasantry,
which were positively and immediately oppressive. A ground-rent for
houses, called _pachúmplang_, was prevalent over many parts of the
island, amounting in the provinces subject to the native princes,
to one-sixth or seventh of a dollar for each dwelling or cottage.
The cultivator, in some parts of the country, instead of paying this
tax, was obliged to pay for his fruit trees. In some districts there
was a capitation tax; arbitrary fines were levied in others, and
contributions on the birth or marriage of the children of the superior,
regent, or the prince. There were several charges made on the villages,
that had a more immediate reference to their own advantage, but which
nevertheless were felt as burdens; such as contributions for the repair
of roads, of bridges, for the making or repair of water-courses, dams,
and other works necessary for irrigation. Demands on the inhabitants
for charitable and religious objects or institutions are universal,
though not very oppressive. Every village has its priest, who depends
upon the contributions of the peasantry for his support, receiving so
much rice or _pári_ as his salary. The taxes on the internal trade
of the country extended to every article of manufacture, produce, or
consumption, and being invariably farmed out to Chinese, who employed
every mode of extortion that their ingenuity could invent, or the
passive disposition of the people would allow them to practice,
constituted an inexhaustible source of oppression: to these we may add
the feudal services and forced deliveries required under the Dutch
government.

The following observations extracted from two reports, the one
on _Bantam_, at the western side of the island, and the other on
_Pasúruan_, almost at its other extremity, were unhappily by no
means inapplicable to the greatest part of the intermediate space,
and contain by no means an exaggerated representation. "The holders
of _púsaka_ lands in _Bantam_ were very seldom the occupants; they
generally remained about court, and on the approach of the _pári_
harvest deputed agents to collect their share of the crop. But what
proportion their share would bear to the whole produce does not appear
to be well defined: it is by one stated at a fifth, and by some (which
I suspect to be nearest the truth) at as much as the cultivator could
afford to pay, the agents of the proprietors being the judges of the
quantity. The proprietors of the _púsakas_ have also a claim to the
services of the cultivators: a certain number of them are always in
attendance at the houses of their chiefs, and on journies are employed
in carrying their persons and baggage. The lands not _púsaka_ used to
pay the same proportion of produce to the Sultan as the others did to
the proprietors; but the cultivators of the royal dominions laboured
under greater disadvantages than the others. Every chief or favourite
about court had authority to employ them in the most menial offices;
and chiefs possessing _púsakas_, often spared their own people and
employed the others. The Sultan always had a right to enforce the
culture of any article which he thought proper to direct; and, in such
cases, a price was paid upon the produce, which was generally very
inadequate to the expences."

"It may be very desirable," says Mr. Jourdan, in his report on the
completion of the settlement of _Pasúruan_, "that I should mention
a few of the oppressions from which it is the object of the present
system to relieve the people. I cannot but consider the greatest of
these, the extent of the personal service demanded, not only by the
_Tumúng'gung_ and his family, but the _Mántris_ and all the petty
chiefs, who had trains of followers that received no stipendiary
recompence. These added to the individuals employed in the coffee
plantations (to which they appear peculiarly averse), in beating out
the rice for the contingent, in cutting grass for and attending the
_jáyang sekárs_, post carriage and letter-carriers, may be calculated
to have employed one-fifth of the male population of the working men.
Another great source of exaction was the large unwieldy establishment
of _jáyang sekárs_, and police officers: the former were liberally
paid, the latter had no regular emoluments. Both these classes,
however, quartered themselves freely in whatever part of the country
their functions demanded their attendance. This was equally the case
with any of the Regent's family or petty chiefs who travelled for
pleasure or on duty. Whatever was required for themselves and their
followers, was taken from the poor inhabitants, who have now been so
long accustomed to such practices, that they never dare to complain
or to remonstrate. The European authority did not escape the taint of
corruption. Monopolies, unpaid services, licences, forced or at least
expected presents, were but too common even in the best times, and must
have contributed to estrange the affections and respect of the natives
from that power which should have afforded them protection. From this
faint sketch it will be deduced, that while the men of rank were living
in pampered luxury, the poor provincials were suffering penury and
distress."

The Dutch Company, actuated solely by the spirit of gain, and viewing
their Javan subjects with less regard or consideration than a
West-India planter formerly viewed the gang upon his estate, because
the latter had paid the purchase money of human property which the
other had not, employed all the pre-existing machinery of despotism,
to squeeze from the people their utmost mite of contribution, the last
dregs of their labour, and thus aggravated the evils of a capricious
and semi-barbarous government, by working it with all the practised
ingenuity of politicians, and all the monopolizing selfishness of
traders.

Can it therefore be a subject of surprize, that the arts of agriculture
and the improvement of society, have made no greater advances in Java?
Need it excite wonder, that the implements of husbandry are simple;
that the cultivation is unskilful and inartificial; that the state
of the roads, where European convenience is not consulted, is bad;
that the natural advantages of the country are neglected; that so
little enterprize is displayed or capital employed; that the peasant's
cottage is mean, and that so little wealth and knowledge are among
the agricultural population; when it is considered, that the occupant
of land enjoys no security for reaping the fruits of his industry;
when his possession is liable to be taken away from him every season,
or to suffer such an enhancement of rent as will drive him from it;
when such a small quantity of land only is allowed him as will yield
him bare subsistence, and every ear of grain that can be spared from
the supply of his immediate wants, is extorted from him in the shape
of tribute; when his personal services are required unpaid for, in
the train of luxury or in the culture of articles of monopoly; and
when, in addition to all these discouragements, he is subject to other
heavy imposts and impolitic restraints? No man will exert himself,
when acting for another, with so much zeal as when stimulated by his
own immediate interest; and under a system of government, where every
thing but the bare means of subsistence is liable to be seized, nothing
but the means of subsistence will be sought to be attained. The Dutch
accuse the Javans of indolent habits and fraudulent dispositions; but
surely the oppressor has no right to be surprized, that the oppressed
appear reluctant in his service, that they meet his exactions with
evasion, and answer his call to labour with sluggish indifference.

The mode of dividing land into minute portions is decidedly favourable
to population, and nothing but those checks to the progress of
agriculture, to which I have referred, could have limited the
population of Java to numbers so disproportioned to its fertility, or
confined the labours of the peasantry to so small a space of what would
reward their industry with abundance. The cultivated ground on the
Island has already been estimated at an eighth part of the whole area.
In _Probolíng'o_ and _Besúki_, the total number of _jungs_ of land
amount to 775,483, the total of land capable of superior cultivation
174,675 _jungs_, while the space actually cultivated amounts only to
13,432 _jungs_. In _Rembáng_, the land belonging to villages is about
40,000 _jungs_, and not the half of that quantity is under cultivation.
In _Pasúruan_, the same appearances are exhibited. From this last
district the Resident's report on the settlement states, as a reason
for his assessing the same rent on all the land, "that the cultivated
part bearing so small a proportion to the uncultivated, the inhabitants
have been enabled to select the most fruitful spots exclusively:
hence arises the little variety I have discovered in the produce."
_Chéribon_, Bantam, the _Priang'en_ regencies, the eastern corner of
the Island, the provinces under the native governments, and in short
the greatest and most fertile districts, furnish striking illustrations
of this disproportion between the bounty of nature and the inefficient
exertions of man to render her gifts available, to extend population,
and to promote human happiness; or rather they supply an example of
unwise institutions and despotic government, counteracting the natural
progress of both.

When the British arms prevailed in 1811, the attention of government
was immediately turned to the state and interests of its new subjects.
It saw at once the natural advantages of the Island and the causes
which obstructed its prosperity, and it determined to effect those
changes which, having succeeded in Western India, and being sanctioned
by justice and expediency, were likely to improve those advantages and
to remove those obstructions. In consequence of the instructions of
Lord Minto, the Governor-General, who was present at the conquest, and
took a great interest in the settlement of the Island, no time was lost
to institute inquiries and to collect information on the state of the
peasantry, and the other points, the knowledge of which was necessary,
before any attempt to legislate could be wisely or rationally made. The
following principles, laid down by his Lordship, were those on which
the local government acted.

"Contingents of rice, and indeed of other productions, have been
hitherto required of the cultivators by government at an arbitrary
rate: this also is a vicious system, to be abandoned as soon as
possible. The system of contingents did not arise from the mere
solicitude for the supply of the people, but was a measure alone of
finance and control, to enable government to derive a revenue from
a high price imposed on the consumer, and to keep the whole body of
the people dependent on its pleasure for subsistence. I recommend a
radical reform in this branch to the serious and early attention of
government. The principle of encouraging industry in the cultivation
and improvements of lands, by creating an interest in the effort and
fruits of that industry, can be expected in Java only by a fundamental
change of the whole system of landed property and tenure. A wide field,
but a somewhat distant one, is open to this great and interesting
improvement; the discussion of the subject, however, must necessarily
be delayed till the investigation it requires is more complete. I shall
transmit such thoughts as I have entertained, and such hopes as I have
indulged in this grand object of amelioration; but I am to request
the aid of all the information, and all the lights, that this Island
can afford. On this branch, nothing must be done that is not mature,
because the exchange is too extensive to be suddenly or ignorantly
attempted. But fixed and immutable principles of the human character
and of human association, assure me of ultimate, and I hope not remote
success, in views that are consonant with every motive of action that
operate on man, and are justified by the practice and experience of
every flourishing country of the world."

In compliance with these instructions, the object of which was embraced
with zeal by the local government, to whom his lordship entrusted the
administration of the Island, a commission was appointed, under the
able direction of Colonel Mackenzie, to prosecute statistic inquiries;
the results of which, as corrected and extended by subsequent surveys,
will frequently appear in the tables and statistic accounts of this
work. The nature of the landed tenure, and the demand made upon
agriculture, in all the shapes of rent and taxes, were ascertained; the
extortions practised by the Dutch officers, the native princes, the
regents, and the Chinese, were disclosed; the rights of all classes, by
law or usage, investigated; the state of the population, the quantity
and value of cultivated land, of forests, of plantations of cotton
and coffee, the quantity of live stock, and other resources of the
country subject to colonial administration, inquired into and made
known. The result of these inquiries, with regard to landed tenure, I
have given above; and, as it will be seen, it was such as opposed the
rights of no intermediate class between the local government and the
beneficial changes it contemplated in behalf of the great body of the
people. After attaining the requisite information, the course which
expediency, justice, and political wisdom pointed out was not doubtful,
and coincided (as in most cases it will be found to do) with the track
which enlightened benevolence, and a zealous desire to promote the
happiness of the people would dictate.

The peasant was subject to gross oppression and undefined exaction:
our object was to remove his oppressor, and to limit demand to a fixed
and reasonable rate of contribution. He was liable to restraints
on the freedom of inland trade, to personal services and forced
contingents: our object was to commute them all for a fixed and
well-known contribution. The exertions of his industry were reluctant
and languid, because he had little or no interest in its fruits: our
object was to encourage that industry, by connecting its exertions with
the promotion of his own individual welfare and prosperity. Capital
could not be immediately created, nor agricultural skill acquired; but
by giving the cultivator a security, that whatever he accumulated would
be for his own benefit, and whatever improvement he made, he or his
family might enjoy it, a motive was held out to him to exert himself
in the road to attain both. Leases, or contracts for fixed rents for
terms of years, in the commencement, and eventually in perpetuity,
seemed to be the only mode of satisfying the cultivator, that he would
not be liable, as formerly, to yearly undefined demands; while freedom
from all taxes but an assessment on his crop, or rather a fixed sum
in commutation thereof, would leave him at full liberty to devote the
whole of his attention and labour to render his land as productive as
possible.

In conformity with these views, an entire revolution was effected
in the mode of levying the revenue, and assessing the taxes upon
agriculture. The foundation of the amended system was, 1st. The
entire abolition of forced deliveries at inadequate rates, and of
all feudal services, with the establishment of a perfect freedom in
cultivation and trade: 2d. The assumption, on the part of government,
of the immediate superintendence of the lands, with the collection of
the resources and rents thereof: 3d. The renting out of the lands so
assumed to the actual occupants, in large or small estates, according
to local circumstances, on leases for a moderate term. In the course of
the following years (1814 and 1815) these measures were carried into
execution in most of the districts under our government, with a view to
the eventual establishment of a perpetual settlement, on the principle
of the _ryotwar_, or as it has been termed on Java, the _tiáng-álit_
system.

The principles of land rental and detailed settlement were few and
simple[48]. After mature inquiry, no obstacle appeared to exist,
either in law or usage, to the interference of government, in
regulating the condition of the peasantry; and it was resolved,
therefore, that it should take into its own hands the management of
that share of the land produce which was allowed to be its due, and
protect the cultivator in the enjoyment and free disposal of the
remainder. The undue power of the chiefs was to be removed, and so far
as they had a claim for support, founded either on former services or
deprivation of expected employment, they were to be remunerated in
another way. The lands, after being surveyed and estimated, were to be
parcelled out among the inhabitants of the villages, in the proportions
established by custom or recommended by expediency. Contracts were to
be entered into with each individual cultivator, who was to become the
tenant of government, and leases specifying the extent and situation
of their land, with the conditions of their tenure, were to be granted
for one or more years, with a view to permanency, if at the end of
the stipulated term, the arrangement should be found to combine
the interest of the public revenue with the welfare and increasing
prosperity of the occupant. If that was not the case, room was thus
left for a new adjustment, for a reduction of rate, or for any change
in the system which might adapt it more to the interests and wishes of
the people, without prejudice to the rights of government.

This experiment hazarded nothing, and held out every prospect of
success; it committed no injustice, and compromised no claim. The
peasantry could not suffer, because an assessment less in amount, and
levied in a less oppressive manner than formerly (all rents, taxes,
and services included), was required of them: the chiefs could not
complain, because they were allowed the fair emoluments of office,
and only restrained from oppressions which did not so much benefit
themselves as injure their inferiors. Most of the latter were not only
allowed an equivalent for their former income, but employed in services
allied to their former duties,--the collection of the revenue, and the
superintendence of the police. As the cultivator had acquired rights
which the chief could not violate, as the former held in his possession
a lease with the conditions on which he cultivated his farm, no
infringement of which could be attempted on the part of the latter with
impunity, no evil could result from employing the chiefs in collecting
the revenue of districts, while, from their practical knowledge of
the habits and individual concerns of the peasantry, of the nature
of the seasons and the crops, they were the fittest persons for the
office. For these services it seemed most expedient to pay them, either
by allowing them a certain percentage on their collections, or by
allotting them portions of land rent free. The village constitution
(which will be more particularly noticed in treating of the
institutions of the country) was preserved inviolate; and the chiefs or
head men of the villages, in many instances elected by the free will
of the villagers, were invariably continued in office as the immediate
collectors of the rents, and with sufficient authority to preserve the
police, and adjust the petty disputes that might arise within them; the
government scrupulously avoiding all unnecessary interference in the
customs, usages, and details of these societies.

In looking at the condition of the peasantry, and in estimating the
fertility of the soil, the wants of the people, and the proportion of
produce and industry that they formerly were accustomed to pay for
supporting the establishments of government, it was thought reasonable
to commute all former burdens into a land rent on a fixed principle;
all _sáwah_ lands being estimated by the _pári_, or unhusked rice,
they could produce, and all _tégal_ lands by their produce in maize.
The following (as stated in the eighty-third article of the Revenue
Instructions) was considered as the fairest scale for fixing the
government share, and directed to be referred to, as much as possible,
as the general standard:

                            For _Sáwah_ Lands.

  1st sort  One-half  of the estimated produce.
  2d do.    Two-fifths             ditto.
  3d do.    One-third              ditto.

                            For _Tégal_ Lands.

  1st sort  Two-fifths  of the estimated produce.
  2d do.    One-third              ditto.
  3d do.    One-fourth             ditto.

"Government," it is said in the eighty-fifth section, "think it
necessary to declare explicitly, that they will be satisfied when
the land revenue shall be productive to them in these proportions,
determining at no future period to raise the scale; so that the
inhabitants, being thus exactly acquainted with what will form the
utmost demand on them, and resting in full confidence that government
will not exact any thing further, may in that security enjoy their
possessions in undisturbed happiness, and apply their utmost industry
to the improvement of their lands; assured that, while they conduct
themselves well, that land will never be taken from them, and that the
more productive they can render it, the more beneficial it will be for
themselves."

The government share might either be received in money or in kind from
the _sáwah_ lands; but the _tégal_ produce, though estimated in maize,
was always, if possible, to be commuted into money at the lowest price
in the market; and as cultivators generally held portions of both, this
rule, it was conceived, could not be considered generally as a hardship.

In the first settlement, leases were only granted for a year, or at
the utmost three years, and were given to intermediate renters; but in
the more detailed settlement of 1814, after sufficient information had
been collected on the state of the country, government determined to
act directly with the individual cultivator, and to lay the foundation
of a permanent system. By this latter period, the experiments have been
tried to a certain extent, and had succeeded beyond the most sanguine
expectation. Difficulties met us in the way, but they were by no means
insurmountable; there were at first imperfections in the system, but
they did not affect its principle, and were easily removed. By the
zeal, the ability, and industry of the various officers entrusted with
the execution of the duty, whatever was practicable in furtherance of
the object in which they felt deeply interested, was accomplished. In
the course of the years 1814 and 1815, the new system was introduced
into _Bantam_, _Chéribon_, and the eastern districts, over a population
of a million and a half of cultivators, not only without disturbance
and opposition, but to the satisfaction of all classes of the natives,
and to the manifest increase of the public revenue derivable from land.
In several journies which I undertook into the different provinces,
for the purposes of examining in person the effect of the progressive
system of reform which I had the happiness to introduce, and of lending
the sanction of official authority to such modifications of it as
local circumstances might render advisable, I was a pleased spectator
of its beneficial tendency, and of the security and satisfaction it
universally diffused. The cultivator, protected against all vexatious
exactions, and no longer at the beck of a tyrannical chief who made
unlimited demands upon his personal services, was beginning to feel
additional stimulants to his industry, to acquire a superior relish
for property, and to acknowledge that government and power were not
always the enemies of the lower ranks of society, or as they modestly
call themselves, _the little people (tiang-halit)_. The British
administration of Java, with all its agents, having watched the
progress of the amended system at first with vigilant anxiety, at last
saw it nearly completed with success, and rejoiced in its beneficial
operation on the prosperity, improvement, and happiness of the people.
During the two years that we retained possession of the island, after
the greatest part of its arrangements were carried into effect, we had
daily proofs of the amelioration they were producing. The cultivation
was extending, the influence of the chiefs appeared to be progressively
weakening, and the number of crimes, both from the superior industry
of the people now become interested in the result of their labours,
and from the contented tranquillity produced by an increase of the
means of subsistence, as well as from the amended system of police
(mentioned in another part of this work), was gradually diminishing.
Without troubling the reader with further details, I may mention that,
in the beginning of December 1815, a few months before I left the
island, not satisfied with my own observation or the vague report of
others, I circulated specific queries to the different residents, on
the comparative state of cultivation in the different provinces, before
the introduction of the detailed settlement, and at the latest date
to which an answer could be returned, and on the comparative number
of crimes at the same two periods, and the return was as gratifying
to humanity and benevolence as it was corroborative of the opinions
previously formed. I shall quote a few extracts from these reports. The
Resident at _Chéribon_ "cannot, from certain data, tell what progress
has been made in extending the cultivation of that province, but thinks
it has been considerable;" and adds, "I have no doubt but that a few
years of the amended system of government would render the district
of _Chéribon_, so notorious for crimes, one of the most flourishing
and valuable in any part of the island." The Resident of _Tégal_ is
nearly in similar circumstances with regard to authentic documents,
but gives a very favourable opinion, both with regard to the increase
of industry and the reduction of crimes. The return from _Kedú_ is
more definite: it states a positive increase of _tégal_ land to the
amount of thirty-six _jungs_, but a much greater increase of produce
from improved culture. The revenue afforded a sufficient proof of the
latter fact. The same favourable account is given of the state of
police and the diminution of crime. No data are given in the report
from _Pakaláng'an_ to ascertain the additional quantity of rice lands
brought into cultivation; but an opinion is expressed, that it has
increased; and an assurance is afforded, that the culture of indigo
and tobacco has sensibly extended. As an evidence that the means of
subsistence are raised in greater abundance than formerly, their price
has very considerably diminished.

A commission which was appointed to inquire into the state of the
revenue, report from _Japára_ the great facility there was in
collecting the revenue under the amended system, and certify its
beneficial effects in extending cultivation, securing tranquillity,
promoting industry, and diminishing crimes. The same commission
conclude their report of _Grésik_ with similar assurances of the happy
results of the revenue, and judicial arrangements for the prosperity
of that province. The Resident of _Rembáng_ gives an increase of
cultivation of fifty-two _jungs_ of _sáwah_ and about thirteen of
_tégal_ land, and accounts for the smallness of this increase from
the comparative sterility of the soil, and the precarious supply of
water. Indigo had not increased, but tobacco had to a great degree. The
vigilance of the police, and the ameliorating effects of the revenue
settlement, are seen, it is said, in the improved state of morals. In
_Surabáya_ it is stated, that during the time the amended system had
been in action, there had been an increase of three hundred and twenty
government _jungs_, making upwards of two thousand English acres. In
the residency of _Pasúruan_ there is an increase of cultivation to
the amount of three hundred and six _jungs_: this, however, does not
comprehend the whole advantage that the new system produced in that
province, for industry had been so much promoted by it, as to obtain
two crops within the year, on many of the lands where the cultivator
was formerly content with one. It is needless to enter into any further
particulars, to shew the advantages of the regulations adopted with
regard to the settlement of the landed revenue.

By a steady adherence to a system which, even in its origin, was
productive of such fruits, by continuing to the peasant the protection
of laws made for his benefit, by allowing full scope to his industry,
and encouraging his natural propensity to accumulate, agriculture on
Java would soon acquire a different character: it would soon become
active and enterprising; there would soon be created a difference
in farms and in the circumstances of individuals; capital would be
fixed and augmented in the hands of the skilful and the industrious
among the cultivators; the idle and the indifferent would relinquish
their possessions in their favour; roads, intercourse, and markets
would be increased, the organization of society would be changed,
and an improved race would shew themselves, in some measure, worthy
of the most fertile region of the globe. What Egypt and Sicily were
in different ages to the south of Europe, Java might become to the
south of Asia and the Indian Archipelago. From the exertion with which
the British government endeavoured to lay the foundation of such
improvements, at first amid the embarrassments of a recent conquest,
and latterly with the prospect of only an intermediate possession; from
the attachment it cherished for a people whose gratitude it deserved
and acquired, and from the interest that every friend of humanity must
feel in the anticipation of seeing this highly favoured island, the
metropolis, the granary, and the centre of civilization to the vast
regions between the coast of China and the Bay of Bengal, it might
have been expected, that those who were instrumental in introducing
the late arrangements, should watch with peculiar anxiety the first
movements of the power to which the colony was transferred, and should
look into the regulations for its Indian empire for the support, or
the death-blow, of the most animating hopes. It must therefore be
with peculiar satisfaction that we see, with regard to the freedom of
cultivation, the Dutch government sanctions what we had done, and gives
our regulations permanency by embodying them in its colonial policy.
In articles seventy-eight and seventy-nine of the fundamental laws for
the civil, judicial, and mercantile administration of India[49], we
find the following enactments. "The free cultivation of all articles of
produce which may be raised in the possessions of the state in India,
is granted to the inhabitants of these possessions; with the exception
of cloves, nutmegs, and opium, and without prejudice to the regulations
which might be adopted concerning the contingents and forced
deliveries, which on a resumption of these possessions out of the hands
of the English, will be found to be continued in force. All the fruits
of cultivation raised within the possessions of the states beyond the
forced deliveries, and every kind of produce not comprehended under
the exceptions mentioned above, are to be the lawful property of the
cultivator. The free unrestrained disposal thereof belongs to him of
right, as soon as the land rent assessed thereon, either in kind or
money, shall be paid. It is the duty of the Indian administration to
maintain him in these rights." Let him be maintained in those rights,
and the Dutch government will realize a revenue far beyond the amount
of their former assessments, without, as formerly, disgracing the
Europeans in the eyes of the Asiatic, by their weakness, corruption,
and injustice.

FOOTNOTES:

[46] See Treaties of the Dutch with the Native Princes.

[47] This article has never been a contingent or forced delivery with
the Dutch; and its extensive cultivation in the district of Kedu
gives a proof of what the natives will do if not interfered with by
European monopoly. The _Kedú_ is, in consequence of this cultivation,
by far the richest province in the island, giving an annual revenue
to the government, in money, of half a million of rupees. This
important district was never subjected to the Dutch government: it was
transferred to the British in 1812, and immediately fell under the
Revenue System.

[48] These principles were contemplated as just and practicable by a
Dutch authority (Van Hogendorp) who resided on Java, and criticized
freely the measures of administration, as will appear from the
following extracts from a work, which only came into my possession
subsequently to the introduction of the new system by the British
government. "Property of the soil must be introduced by granting all
the cultivated lands to those who have hitherto cultivated them, or,
in other words, to the common Javans. All the rice fields belonging
to each _désa_ should be distributed among its inhabitants, and the
gardens or spots of ground in which their cottages stand, should
also, in future, be their personal property. Correct registers hereof
should be kept, and certificates given to the different owners. Who
can produce a better and nearer right to the personal possession of
the land, than he who has cultivated and made it productive? And is
there a country in the world where the natives are happy, free, and
well settled, without having a property in the soil? Our own country,
and all the kingdoms of Europe, afford the most direct proofs of this:
they flourish in proportion as property is more or less secure and
equally divided among the inhabitants of each. All Europe groaned under
the feudal system of government: all Europe has freed itself from it;
but by various means and in different degrees. Why, therefore, can
similar changes not be brought about on Java? Every thing urges us to
make them, and the results must be important and most advantageous
to us. Java is alone able to relieve our commonwealth from all its
difficulties.

"In order to collect a land-tax properly, a general and correct survey
should, in the first instance, be effected in all the districts
belonging to us, according to an established land measure, to be
introduced generally throughout Java; for this is, at present, very
irregular. All the lands should then be divided into three classes,
first, second, and third class, according to the proportionate
fertility of the soil, and according to the same proportion the
land-tax should be established. I am very ready to admit, that this
will naturally be difficult and troublesome; but what system of
government is exempt from these inconveniences? and particularly in
this country, where it is necessary to effect a radical change and
reform, in order to produce any beneficial results? But with diligence,
zeal, and deliberation, all difficulties may be overcome; and even
should the survey not be exactly correct in the first instance, it
might be improved from year to year. The word _jung_ is now used by
the Javans for a certain measure of land; but this differs so much in
different districts, that it is impossible to ascertain how many square
roods of land a _jung_ ought to contain. The name might be retained,
however, after having found by experience how many square roods, in
general or on an average, are contained in a _jung_, the proportion
might be once for all established, introduced throughout the island,
and fixed as the regular land measure of the country. It would be
difficult, and as yet unnecessary, to calculate how many _jungs_ of
land our territories on Java contain, and how much might be collected
as a land-tax from each _jung_, in order to ascertain what this tax
would amount to. I think it should be taken as a principle, that the
land-tax can and ought to produce as much as the head-money, (namely,
a rix-dollar per head): the land-tax would then yield an annual and
certain income of at least two millions and a half of rix-dollars.
Every spot of cultivated ground being measured and settled to which
class it belongs, every owner will correctly know, how much he must
pay for land-tax annually, and be completely at liberty to plant his
land with whatever he may prefer, and may conceive most conducive to
his advantage. I am of opinion, that during the first years it would
be difficult, on account of the scarcity of specie, or rather its
absence from circulation, to collect the land-tax; but, in the same
way as with the head-money, it would be expedient, in the first years,
to be somewhat indulgent in the collection, or else to receive produce
in lieu of money, which might be done in this tax better than the
capitation. But after five years of good administration, I am certain
that the land-tax would be fully and without difficulty collected."

[49] Dated 1815.

CHAPTER IV.

  _Manufactures--Handicrafts--Bricks--Thatch--Mats--Cotton--Cloths--
    Dyes--Tanning--Ropes--Metals--Road and
    Ship-building--Paper--Salt--Saltpetre Works--Gunpowder,
    &c.--Felling and Transporting of Teak Timber--Fisheries._

It is here proposed to state the progress made by the Javans in a few
of the common arts and handicrafts, and in one or two of the more
extensive manufactures; their docility in working under European
direction, and some other observations, which could not be so
appropriately placed in any other part of this work. I have already
had occasion to notice the limited skill and simple contrivances with
which they carry on the labours of agriculture, and prepare the produce
of the soil for consumption, in the various ways that their taste or
their habits require. In a country like Java, where the structure of
society is simple, and the wants of the people are few, where there
is no accumulation of capital and little division of professions, it
cannot be expected that manufacturing skill should be acquired, or
manufacturing enterprize encouraged, to any great extent. The family of
a Javan peasant is almost independent of any labour but that of its own
members. The furniture, the clothing, and almost every article required
for a family, being prepared within its own precincts, no extensive
market of manufactured commodities is necessary for the supply of the
island itself; and for foreign trade, the produce of their soil is more
in demand than the fruits of their skill or industry. In a country
where nature is bountiful, and where so much of her bounty can be
collected with so little labour to pay for manufactures from abroad,
there is but little encouragement to withdraw the natives from the
rice field, the forest, or the coffee-garden, to the loom, the forge,
or the workshop; and it is not in this respect, certainly, that a
change of their habits would be beneficial. This short notice of Javan
manufactures, therefore, must be very limited, both in the number of
the articles that it embraces, and in the importance that Europeans may
attach to them: for Java can neither send us porcelain, like China; nor
silks, shawls, and cottons, like Western India. To a nation, however,
so much accustomed as we are to the exertions of manufacturing skill
and perfection of manufacturing machinery, it may not be uninteresting
to see the simple means, by which a half-civilized people accomplish
the objects which we attain by such expeditious and ingenious
processes. The most experienced naval architect may be interested by
the manner in which a savage scoops his canoe.

The Javans have names in their language for most of the handicrafts.
The following enumeration of terms applied to trades and professions
will shew the extent to which the division of labour is sometimes
carried, while the foreign extraction of some of them may, perhaps,
serve to point out the source whence they were derived.

   1.  _Pándi_ or _émpu_                  Iron-smith and cutler.
   2.  _Túkang-káyu_, or _mergóngso_      Carpenter.
   3.  _Meráng'gi_ or _túkang-weróngko_   Kris-sheath maker.
   4.  _Túkang úkir_                      Carver.
   5.  ---- _déder_                       Spear-shaft maker.
   6.  ---- _lámpet_                      Mat maker.
   7.  ---- _bábot_                       Turner.
   8.  ---- _bóto_                        Brush maker.
   9.  ---- _wátú_ or _jelog'ro_          Stone-cutter.
  10.  ---- _lábur_                       Lime maker.
  11.  ---- _nátah wáyang_                Wayang maker.
  12.  ---- _génding_                     Musical instrument maker.
  13.  ---- _kemíng'an_                   Brazier.
  14.  _Sayáng_, or _túkung-tambógo_      Coppersmith.
  15.  _Kemásan_, or _tukáng-mas_         Goldsmith.
  16.  _Kúndi_                            Potter.
  17.  _Túkang árá_                       Distiller.
  18.  ---- _jílid_                       Bookbinder.
  19.  ---- _ténun_                       Weaver.
  20.  ---- _bátik_                       Cotton printer.
  21.  ---- _médal_                       Dyer.
  22.  _Túkang léng'o_                    Oil maker.
  23.  ---- _nióro-wédi_                  Diamond cutter.
  24.  ---- _delúwang_                    Paper manufacturer.
  25.  ---- _pándom or gírji_             Tailor.
  26.  ---- _súlam_                       Embroiderer.
  27.  ---- _jáit_                        Sempstress.
  28.  ---- _súng'ging_                   Draftsman.
  29.  ---- _chát_                        Painter.
  30.  ---- _pásah_                       Tooth filer.

I shall proceed to describe a few of the manufactures of the island,
without attending much to the order in which it might be proper to
arrange them. The construction of a habitation is among the first
and most necessary arts of uncivilized man, as the perfection of
architecture is one of the most convincing proofs and striking
illustrations of a high state of refinement. I have already described
the hut of the peasant, and have mentioned that it is generally
constructed of wood. Such structures suit the climate of the country,
and save the labour of the people; but they are not rendered necessary
by an ignorance of more durable materials.

Bricks are manufactured in almost every part of the island, being
generally employed in the better sort of buildings, not only by
Europeans and Chinese, but by the natives of rank. The quality of the
clay varies greatly in different districts. It is all obtained from the
decomposition of the basaltic stones, and possesses different degrees
of purity, according to the proportion and nature of the other earths
which are adventitiously mixed with it. In some parts of the island it
is very pure, and might be advantageously employed in the manufacture
of porcelain; but the natives are unacquainted with the principles of
this art: some instruction in the glazing of their pottery would be of
very general benefit. They are unacquainted with the process of making
glass.

Cut stones are, at present, but rarely used by the Javans, and
stone-cutting is almost exclusively performed by the Chinese. But
although the Javans do not, at present, possess or practice any
considerable skill in this art, the extensive remains of edifices
constructed in stone, and of idols carved from the same materials,
afford abundant testimony that the arts of architecture, sculpture,
and statuary in stone, at one period reached to a very high pitch on
Java. As, however, these arts have long been lost to the Javans, the
consideration of them rather falls within the department of antiquities
than that which we are now upon.

In the vicinity of _Grésik_ there are several hills composed of a soft
white stone, which hardens on exposure to the air. Stones are here
cut in the quarry into regular squares of various sizes, from that of
a brick to the largest tomb-stone. They are principally required for
the latter purpose, and in the cemeteries of _Grésik_ and _Madúra_ the
inscriptions upon them are very neatly executed. Beyond this, the skill
of the natives in stone-cutting does not at present pretend.

The covering of the native houses is generally of thatch. In the
maritime districts, _átap_, or thatch, is made almost exclusively
from the leaves of the _nípa_ or _búyu_. In the preparation, the
leaflets separated from the common petiol are employed. Being doubled,
they are attached close to each other on a stick of three feet in
length, and when thus arranged are placed on the roof, like shingles
or tiles. The leaves of the _gébang_, on account of their fan-like
form, are differently arranged: they constitute large mats, which are
chiefly employed for sides of houses or for composing temporary sheds,
but they are too large and brittle to form durable _átap_. In the
interior districts, where _nípa_ does not grow, the houses are almost
uniformly thatched with a species of long grass called _alang-alang_
(the _lálang_ of the Malay countries). Near large forests, where bámbu
abounds, the natives cover their houses with this reed. The leaflets
of the cocoa-nut cannot be made into thatch, but wherever the sago and
_nípa_ grow, it is made from their leaflets.

An article of household furniture in use among all classes, and
displaying in some cases considerable beauty and delicacy of execution,
is matting. Mats are made from several species of pandanus, from a kind
of grass called _mándong_, and from the leaves of various palms. A
species of the latter affords the most common kinds, coarser and less
durable than others, as well as bags (straw sacks) resembling coarse
mats: the leaves being divided into laminæ, about one line in breadth,
are woven in the same manner and on the same frames as coarse linen.
These fibres, called _ágel_, are sometimes manufactured into twine,
which possesses but little strength. The mats or bags, called _károng_,
are much inferior to the gunny-bags of India.

The coarsest kinds of mats, employed chiefly by the lower class, are
called in the central districts _klóso bóngko_; those prepared from
grass, _klóso mándong_; and the others, _klóso psántrem_ (from the
place where they are made). The materials of all these are plaited by
hand. The _klóso psántrem_ are of superior quality, and in use through
the central and eastern parts of the island; especially among the
natives of the first class, with whom they constitute the principal
furniture of the dwelling-house. A person of the highest rank aspires
to no luxury, more delicate or expensive in this way, than the
possession of a bed composed of mats from _psántrem_.

A kind of umbrella hat worn by the common people, and universal in the
Súnda districts denominated _chápeng_, is also manufactured in this
manner, principally from _bámbu_, dyed of various colours, which being
shaped in the form and of the size of a large wash-hand basin worn
reversed, is rendered impervious to the wet by one or more coverings of
varnish.

A great part of the manufacturing ingenuity of every people must be
displayed in collecting the materials, or arranging the fabrics of
those articles of clothing, required for protection, decency, or
ornament. Whether these materials are derived from the fleece, the fur,
or the feathers of the larger animals, from the covering of an insect,
the bark of a tree, or the down of a shrub, they have to undergo
several laborious and expensive processes before they are fit for use;
and in conducting these processes, or forming machinery for rendering
them more expeditious, complete, and easy, the superior manufacturing
skill of one nation over another is chiefly evinced. The sheep on Java,
as in all tropical climates, loses its fleece before it can be used
with advantage. The silk-worm has never succeeded, although no reason
can be given why it should not, and therefore the chief material of
Javan clothing is cotton.

Cotton, in its rough state, is called _kápas_, and when cleaned
_kápok_. The process of separating the seeds is performed by means of
a _gilíng'an_, which is a roller, consisting of two wooden cylinders
revolving in opposite directions, between which the fibre is made to
pass. This operation is very tedious, two days being necessary for
one person to clean a _káti_, equivalent to a pound and a quarter
English. After the separation of the seed, it is _géblek_, or beaten
with a rattan, and _píndi_ or picked. The finer sort is then bowed
after the Indian manner; this operation is called _wusóni_. The cotton
thus prepared is afterwards pulled out and drawn round a stick, when
it is called _púsuh_. To perform the process upon a single _káti_ will
employ one person about two days. The cotton is now ready for spinning
(_'ngánti_), and requires ten additional days' labour of one person, to
convert the small quantity above mentioned into yarn, when the result
is found to be three _tukal_, or hanks, of the ordinary kind.

Previous to the operation of weaving, the yarn is boiled, and
afterwards dressed and combed with rice-water. When dry, it is wound
round a sort of reel, termed _'íngan_, and prepared for weaving. These
are the last operations it undergoes till it is put into the hands of
the weaver, and requires, in ordinary circumstances, three days for
its completion. Four days are required even by an expert weaver, and
five or six by an ordinary one, to manufacture a _sárong_, or piece of
cloth, a fathom and a half long and five spans broad (equal to three
square handkerchiefs of the ordinary size worn on the head). The cloths
thus prepared, while uncoloured, are distinguished by the term _láwon_.

The spinning-wheel is termed _jántra_, and the spindle _kísi_. The
loom, with all its apparatus, is called _ábah ábah tenún_, the shuttle
_trópong_, the woof _máni_, and the warp _pákan_. Both machines
resemble those described on the continent of India, but are neater
and much better made: the loom especially is more perfect: the
weaver, instead of sitting in holes dug in the ground, invariably
sits on a raised flooring, generally in front of the house, her legs
being stretched out horizontally under the loom. The price of the
spinning-wheel varies from less than half a rupee to a rupee, and
that of the loom from a rupee to a Spanish dollar. The operations of
spinning and weaving are confined exclusively to the women, who from
the highest to the lowest rank, prepare the cloths of their husbands
and their families.

 cottons (_járit_) are distinguished into _lúri_ or _lúri
gíng'gang_, those in which the yarn is dyed previously to weaving; and
_bátik_, those which are dyed subsequently. The process of weaving the
former is similar to that of the gingham, which it resembles, and need
not therefore be detailed; but the latter, being peculiar to Java, may
deserve a more particular description.

The cloths termed _bátik_ are distinguished into _bátik látur púti_,
_bátik látur írang_, or _bátik látur bang_, as the ground may be either
white, black, or red. The white cloth is first steeped in rice water,
in order to prevent the colour with which the patterns are intended
to be drawn, from running, and when they are dried and smoothed
(calendered), commences the process of the _bátik_, which gives its
name. This is performed with hot wax in a liquid state, contained
in a small and light vessel, either of copper or silver, called
_chánt-ing_,[50] holding about an ounce, and having a small tube of
about two inches long, through which the liquid wax runs out in a small
stream. This tube, with the vessel to which it is attached, being fixed
on a stick about five inches long, is held in the hand, and answers
the purpose of a pencil, the different patterns being traced out on
both sides of the cloth with the running wax. When the outline of the
pattern is thus finished, such parts of the cloth as are intended to
be preserved white, or to receive any other colour than the general
field or ground, are carefully covered in like manner with the liquid
wax, and then the piece is immersed in whatever  dye may be
intended for the ground of the pattern. To render the colour deeper,
cloths are occasionally twice dipped. The parts covered with wax resist
the operation of the dye, and when the wax is removed, by being steeped
in hot water till it melts, are found to remain in their original
condition. If the pattern is only intended to consist of one colour
besides white, the operation is here completed; if another colour is
to be added, the whole of the first ground, which is not intended to
receive an additional shade, is covered with wax, and a similar process
is repeated.

In order to render the dye fixed and permanent for the scarlet or
blood-red colour, the cloth is previously steeped in oil, and after
five days washed in hot water, and prepared in the usual way for the
_bátik_. In the ordinary course, the process of the _bátik_ occupies
about ten days for common patterns, and from fifteen to seventeen for
the finer and more variegated.

A very coarse kind of cloth, which serves for curtains or hangings,
is variously clouded, and covered sometimes with rude figures, by the
art of colouring the yarn, so as to produce this effect when woven.
For this purpose, the strands of the yarn being distributed in lengths
equal to the intended size of the cloth, are folded into a bundle,
and the parts intended to remain white are so tightly twisted round
and round, that the dye cannot penetrate or affect them. From this
party- yarn the designed pattern appears on weaving. The cloths
so dyed are called _gebér_.

The sashes of silk, called _chíndi_, are dyed in this manner, as well
as an imitation of them in cotton, called _jóng'grong_.

Of the several kinds of  cottons and silks there is a very
great diversity of patterns, particularly of the _bátik_, of which
not less than a hundred are distinguished by their appropriate names.
Among these are the patterns exclusively worn by the sovereign, termed
_bátik párang rúsa_, and _bátik sáwat_, and others which designate the
wearer, and are more or less esteemed, as well on this account as their
comparative beauty of design and execution.

With the exception of blue and scarlet or blood-red, all the dyes of
the inhabitants are liable to fade, and the processes offer nothing
worthy of investigation or remark.

In dying blue, indigo, the palm wine of the _áren_, and various
vegetable acids are employed.

Black is obtained from an exotic bark called _tíng'i_, and the rind of
the _mangustin_ fruit. In making the inferior infusion for this and for
various other dyes, the chaff of rice, called _meráng_, is employed.

In dying green, a light blue is first induced, which is afterwards
converted into the requisite hue, by infusion in a decoction of
_tegráng_ (an exotic wood), to which blue vitriol is added.

_Tegráng_ alone affords a yellow colour, and generally is qualified by
receiving the addition of some bark of the _nángka_ and _plem-dodól_.

A beautiful and lasting scarlet and blood-red is obtained from the
roots of the _wóng-kudu_. The yarn or cloth is first boiled in the
oil of _wijen_ or _kamíri_: being washed in a decoction of _meráng_
or burnt _pári_ chaff, it is dried, and subsequently immersed in
an infusion of the roots of _wóng-kudu_, the strength of which is
increased by the addition of the bark _jírak_, a variety of the
fruit _kepúndung_. In the preparation of this dye, the roots of the
_wóng-kudu_ are bruised and well mixed with water, which is then boiled
until it is reduced to one third, when it is fit for use. No light red
or rose colour of durability is produced by the Javans: they employ for
this purpose the _kasomba kling_.

In several of the maritime districts, the _Maláyus_ impart a beautiful
crimson colour to silk, by means of the _gúmlak tembálu_ or _embálu_,
but with this Javans are unacquainted.

The _kápas jáwa_, or Java cotton, in its raw and uncleaned state costs
from about three halfpence to three pence the _káti_, according to
its quality, and the _kápas múri_ from six to eight pence. The price
of each advances sometimes fifty per cent. beyond this, when the
production is scarce or out of season.

A _káti_ of uncleaned Java cotton is calculated to produce two and a
half _túkul_ or hanks of coarse, and three and a half hanks of fine
yarn; and a _káti_ of _kápas múri_, five hanks of the latter. The value
of the former is from three to four pence, and of the latter from seven
to ten.

Three hanks and a half of coarse yarn, and from five to nine of fine,
make one _sárong_, or three head handkerchiefs, the price of which,
undyed, is from half a rupee to four Spanish dollars; if dyed, the
_ging'ams_ bring from one rupee to four Spanish dollars, and the
_bátik_ from a rupee and a half to six Spanish dollars for the same
quantity.

Another kind of  cottons, in imitation of the Indian chintz, is
also prepared; but it is not held in much estimation, on account of the
superiority of the foreign chintzes imported, and the uncertainty of
the colours, which the natives allege will not stand in the same manner
as those which have undergone the process of the _batîk_, frequently
fading in the second washing. In these cloths, the patterns being
carved on small wooden blocks are stamped as in India. They serve as
coverlids, and are employed as a substitute for the Indian palempore,
when the latter is not procurable. The price is about four rupees.

The natives of Java, like those of every other country, must have been,
from the earliest times, in the habit of manufacturing various articles
of leather; but the art of rendering it more compact, more tough, and
more durable, by the application of the tanning principle, has been
acquired only by their connexion with Europeans. They now practice it
with considerable success, and prepare tolerable leather in several
districts. There are two trees of which the bark is particularly
preferred for tanning; one in the maritime districts, the other in the
interior. These, with some others which are occasionally added, contain
very large quantities of the tanning principle, which makes excellent
leather in a short space of time. Of this native article, boots, shoes,
saddles, harness, &c. are made in several parts of the island; but in
the greatest perfection at _Súra-kérta_, where the prices are moderate,
and the manufacture extensive and improving. Neither the leather nor
the workmanship of these articles is considered much inferior to what
is procured at Madras and Bengal. The prices are moderate: for a pair
of shoes half a crown, for boots ten shillings, for a saddle from
thirty to forty shillings, and for a set of harness for four horses
from ten to twelve pounds.

Neither flax nor hemp is cultivated for the purposes of manufacture.
The latter is sometimes found in the gardens of the natives of
continental India, particularly at Batavia, who employ it only to
excite intoxication; but the island affords various productions, the
fibrous bark of which is made into thread, ropes, and other similar
articles. These are, with one or two exceptions, never cultivated, and
when required for use, may be collected in sufficient quantity on spots
where they are of spontaneous growth. A particular account of these has
already been given in the first chapter, when describing the vegetable
productions of the island.

To enable rope or cord which is often exposed to water or moisture, as
fishing-nets, cables, and the like, to resist its influence, the sap
exuding from various trees is employed.

No manufactures are calculated to show more clearly the extent to
which the arts of life are carried in a country, than those in which
the metals are used. Without the knowledge of iron, our dominion
over nature would be very limited; as may be seen in the case of the
Americans at the discovery of the western hemisphere. The manufacture
and use of iron and steel has been known over the Eastern Islands,
as well as in the western world, from time immemorial. The various
iron implements of husbandry, the common implements and tools, the
instruments and military weapons now in use among the natives of these
regions, are fabricated by themselves. The importance and difficulty of
the art may be gathered from the distinction which the knowledge and
practice of it conferred.

The profession of a smith is still considered honourable among the
Javans, and in the early parts of their history, such artizans held
a high rank, and were largely endowed with lands. The first mention
made of them is during the reign of the chiefs of _Pajajáran_, in the
eleventh century. On the decline of that empire they went over, to
the number of eight hundred families, to _Majapáhit_, where they were
kindly received, and a record is preserved of the names of the head
master-smiths. On the destruction of that empire in the fifteenth
century, they were dispersed, and settled in different districts of
the island, where their descendants are still discoverable. They are
distinguished by the term _Pándi_.

Iron is cast in small quantities of a few ounces, and used occasionally
for the point of the ploughshare. The metal is rendered fluid in about
half an hour: charcoal is invariably used, and the operation is termed
_sing'i_ or _chitak_.

The bellows, which is peculiar, and believed to have been in use at
the time of _Pajajáran_ and _Majapáhit_, and of which a representation
sculptured in stone was found in the recently discovered ruins at
_Suku_ (which bear date in the fourteenth century of the Javan æra),
appears to be the same as that described by Dampier[51], in his account
of _Majindánao_ and the neighbouring islands. "Their bellows," says
this faithful and intelligent traveller, "are much different from ours.
They are made of a wooden cylinder, the trunk of a tree, about three
feet long, bored hollow like a pump, and set upright on the ground, on
which the fire itself is made. Near the lower end there is a small hole
in the side of the trunk next the fire, made to receive a pipe, through
which the wind is driven by a great bunch of fine feathers fastened
to one end of the stick, which closing up the inside of the cylinder,
drives the air out of the cylinder through the pipe. Two of these
trunks or cylinders are placed so nigh together, that a man standing
between them may work them both at once, alternately, one with each
hand." This account so exactly corresponds with the Javan bellows, that
no further description is necessary. The Chinese bellows are partially
used. The wages of a man skilled in iron-work are sometimes as high as
a rupee a day.

Cutlery of every description is made by the smith. The most important
manufacture of this kind is the _krís_, or dagger, of the peculiar form
well known to be worn by all the more civilized inhabitants of the
Eastern Islands.

The price of a _krís_ blade, newly manufactured, varies from half
a rupee to fifty dollars; but the same _krís_, if it is of good
character, and if its descent can be traced for three or four
generations, is frequently prized at ten times that sum. A _pándi_
employed to manufacture a good _krís_ blade, if the materials are
furnished, is paid three dollars for the job.

The manufacture of sheaths or scabbards (_sárong_) for the krís
constitute an exclusive profession; and the manufacturers are called
_túkang meráng'gi_, or _mergóngso_. These men attend at the public
market, where they occupy a particular quarter, in which may be seen
people employed in the finishing or repair of every part of the
mounting necessary for this instrument; some upon the handle, others
upon the sheath; some in applying the paint and lacquer, others
attending with a preparation of acids and arsenic for cleaning the
blade, and bringing out the appearance of the _pámur_, a white metal
obtained from _Biliton_ and Celebes, which is worked up with the iron,
in order to produce the damasked appearance of the blade.

Copper is manufactured into the kettles and pots employed by the
natives for cooking; most of the other domestic vessels are of brass,
which is manufactured into various other articles, from the smallest,
such as buttons, ear-studs, and other ornaments, in imitation of the
gold patterns, to brass guns of considerable calibre, employed for
the defence of small vessels. A very extensive foundery of this kind
is established at _Grésik_. From the specimen of the casts in brass,
copper, &c. which are occasionally dug up near many of the ruinous
temples sacred to the ancient worship of the country, we may assert,
that great proficiency was once attained in this art: like that,
however, of stone-cutting, it has very much declined.

Gold and silver, as is well known, are wrought by the natives of the
Eastern Islands into exquisite ornaments; and the Javans are by no
means behind their neighbours, the Sumatrans, in the knowledge of this
manufacture. They do not, however, usually work the gold into those
beautiful filigree patterns, described as common among the _Maláyus_ on
Sumatra, nor is their work generally so fine.

Diamond-cutters, and persons skilled in the knowledge of cutting
precious stones, are also to be found in the principal capitals.

Carving in wood is followed as a particular profession, and the Javans
may be considered as expert in all kinds of carpenter's work, but
more particularly in cabinet-work. They imitate any pattern, and the
furniture used by the Europeans in the eastern part of the Island is
almost exclusively of their workmanship. Carriages and other vehicles
are also manufactured by the natives after the European fashion.

Boat and ship-building is an art in which the Javans are tolerably well
versed, particularly the former. The latter is confined principally
to those districts in which the Europeans have built ships, for the
Javans have seldom attempted the construction of square-rigged vessels
on their own account. The best carpenters for ship-building are found
in the districts of _Rembáng_ and _Grésik_, but small native vessels
and boats are continually constructed by the natives in almost every
district along the north coast.

When the quantity of teak timber, and the advantages of Java in respect
of ports and harbours, are considered, the most flattering prospects
are held out, that this Island may, in time, be able to supply
shipping to an increasing commerce of its own, and perhaps aid the
dock-yards of other states.

Among the articles, the making of which may be interesting to
Europeans, from the difference of the materials used or the process
employed, is that of paper. The paper in common use with the Javans
is prepared from the _glúga_ (morus papyrifera) which is cultivated
for this purpose, and generally called the _delúwang_, or paper tree.
Having arrived at the age of two or three years, the young trees are
cut while the bark easily peels off, and the fragments are portioned
about twelve or eighteen inches in length, according to the intended
size of the paper. These fragments are first immersed in water about
twenty-four hours, in order that the epidermis may be separated; this
being effected, the fibrous tissue of the inner bark is rendered soft
and tractable by soaking in water, and by long and repeated beating
with a piece of wood. During the intervals of this process, the
fragments of the bark are piled in heaps in wooden troughs, and the
affusion of fresh water is repeated till all impurities are carried
off. The separate portions, which are about two or three inches broad,
are then attached to each other on a plane surface, generally formed by
the trunk of a plantain tree, and the union of the fibres is finally
effected by continued beating. The quality of the paper depends upon
the care employed in the preparation, and on the frequent affusion of
fresh water. By applying successive layers to the spots which are bare
from the defect of the fibres, and beating them till they unite, an
uniform thickness is attained. The paper which is intended for writing
is momentarily immersed in a decoction of rice, and rendered smooth and
equal, by being rubbed to a polish on a plane surface. Such paper as is
intended for common domestic purposes, for packing goods, &c. does not
require this operation: in this the fibrous contexture of the bark is
quite obvious; it much resembles a species of paper brought from Japan,
and manufactured from the same tree, and was formerly employed instead
of cloth by the poorer inhabitants. The process of manufacturing is
strikingly like that in use among the inhabitants of the South Sea
Islands, for the preparation of their cloth. The culture of this plant,
as well as the manufacture of paper, is chiefly confined to particular
districts, where it forms the principal occupation of the priests, who
gain a livelihood by it.

Large quantities of a coarse and homely sugar, distinguished by the
name of Javan sugar, are prepared from the cocoa-nut, _áren_, and other
palms. The average quantity of liquor extracted from one of these trees
during a day and night, is about two quarts, and this is estimated to
give from three to four ounces of sugar. The trees begin to yield it
at about six or seven years of age, and continue to do so for ten or
twelve years. The process of preparing the sugar is extremely simple:
it consists merely in boiling the liquor in an earthen pot for a few
hours, and afterwards pouring it into small cases made of leaves
and prepared for the purpose, in which, when cool, it attains a due
consistence.

Sugar from the cane is manufactured by the Chinese alone; the process
followed resembles that of the West Indies. The juice is expressed
between two rollers, sometimes turned by a water-wheel; but in all
cases the machinery is rude and imperfect. The quality of the sugar
made on Java is considered to be equal to that of Manilla and the West
Indies: it contains as much of the saccharine principle as the latter,
and is brought to a drier state. It differs from the sugar of Bengal,
as much in its quality as in the mode of preparing it, but can be
brought to market at about the same price. Considerable quantities are
sent to the Malabar coast, but the principal exportation is to Japan
and Europe.

The manufactory of Batavian arrack, the superior quality of which
is well known, is also conducted by the Chinese: the process is as
follows: About seventy pounds of _kétan_ (glutinous rice) is heaped
up in a small vat; round this heap or pile one hundred cans of water
are poured, and on the top twenty cans of molasses. After remaining
two days in this vat, the ingredients are shifted to a larger vat
adjoining, when they receive the addition of four hundred cans of water
and one hundred cans of molasses.

Thus far the process is carried on in the open air. In a separate vat
within doors, forty cans of palm wine or toddy from the cocoa-nut tree,
are immediately mixed with nine hundred cans of water and one hundred
and fifty cans of molasses. Both preparations being allowed to remain
in this state for two days, the former of these preparations is carried
to a still larger vat within doors, and the latter being in a vat
placed above, is poured upon it, through a hole bored for the purpose
near the bottom. In this state the preparation is allowed to ferment
for two days, when it is poured into small earthen jars, containing
about twenty cans each, in which it remains for the further period of
two days: it is then distilled.

The liquor drops into a tin vessel under ground, from whence it is
ladled into receiving vessels. This is the third or common sort of
arrack, which by a second distillation in a smaller still, with the
addition of a small quantity of water, becomes the second sort, and
by a third distillation, what is called the first sort. The third or
common sort is called by the Chinese _síchew_, the second _tánpo_, and
the first _kíji_, the two latter being distinguished as arrack _ápi_.
When cooled, it is poured into large vats in the storehouses, where it
remains till it is convenient to put it into casks.

The whole process, therefore, to the completion of the first sort, does
not require more than ten days, six hours being sufficient for the
original preparation to pass through the first still. The receivers of
the stills are of copper, and the worm consists of about nine turns of
Banka tin.

The proof of sufficient fermentation is obtained by placing a lighted
taper about six inches above the surface of the liquor in the
fermenting vat; if the process is sufficiently advanced, the fixed air
rises and extinguishes the light.

To ascertain the strength of the spirit, a small quantity of it is
burnt in a saucer, and the residuum measured. The difference between
the original quantity and the residuum gives the measure of the alcohol
lost.

Among the most important manufactures of Java, both viewed in its
relation to the comforts of the inhabitants and the interests of
the revenue, is that of salt. In almost every country it is an
indispensable commodity, but particularly where the people subsist on
a vegetable diet, as in India and the Eastern Islands; and wherever
government has seen it necessary, it has been converted into a source
of taxation.

Nearly the whole of the north-east coast of Java and _Má-dúra_ abounds
with places well calculated for its manufacture, and unfit for any
other useful purpose. The quantity already manufactured has for many
years exceeded the demand, both for home consumption and exportation,
and might be increased almost _ad libitum_.

On Java the principal salt-pans are situated at _Pákis_, in the
vicinity of Batavia; at _Bantam_, _Chéribon_, _Tégal_; at _Wédong_ and
_Bráhang_, in the _Semárang_ districts; at _Paradési_, in _Rembáng_;
at _Sedáyu_, _Grésik_, and _Simámi_; on _Madúra_, at _Sámpang_,
_Pamákasan_, and _Súmenap_. Salt is also manufactured at several places
along the south-coast, but of inferior quality, and by a different
process. About two hundred tons are annually procured in the interior,
from the _Blédegs_, as already described. The principal supply,
however, is from the north-coast, where the quality of the salt, and
the facility with which it can be manufactured, give it a decided
advantage in demand and cheapness.

The process of manufacturing the salt on the north-coast is very
simple, and depending on evaporation by the heat of the sun alone,
may be favourably contrasted with the comparatively expensive process
adopted in the Bengal provinces. Reservoirs are filled from the sea
at high tide, and in them the water is allowed to remain for several
days; this being found necessary to prevent the salt from being bitter.
It is then conveyed by means of canals and sluices to the pans, which
are distributed in compartments and banked in, so as to contain the
sea-water, much in the same manner as the rice fields. If the weather
be dry and the sun clear, five days are found sufficient for the
process of evaporation in the pans; after which the salt is collected
together in heaps, where it usually remains five days longer before it
is brought into store.

Under the Dutch government, the manufacture of salt was fanned out
to Chinese as an exclusive privilege; and to these farms, under the
plea of enabling the farmer to command a sufficient number of hands
for conducting his undertaking, and enabling him to make his advances
to government, extensive tracts of rice land were attached, over
the population of which the farmer was allowed unlimited authority.
By a continued extension of these tracts, a population far more
numerous than the work at the salt-pans required was wrested from the
administration of the regents and transferred to the Chinese: as they
found their advantage in renting out the rice-fields, and employing the
people in the transport of goods and other laborious offices of the
country, the farms of course sold for more money. Under this system, it
is difficult to say what was the actual cost of the salt to the farmer:
the manufacturers were partly remunerated in land and partly in money,
and the mode varied in every district; but this remuneration seldom
amounted to more than a bare subsistence.

It was the practice of these farmers-general to underlet to other
Chinese the privilege of selling salt, supplying them with the article
at a certain rate, and these under-farmers sold the salt again to the
petty retailers in the public markets at an advanced price. The price
of the salt, after passing through the hands of the farmers, varied
not only according to the distance from the place of manufacture, but
according to the capital and speculation of the under-farmer; if he
adopted the liberal system of obtaining small profits upon a large
sale, the market was abundantly supplied at a low rate; but if, on
the contrary, he traded on a small capital, and enhanced the price by
insufficiently answering the demand, the price became proportionally
exorbitant. In some places, as at _Salátiga_ and _Ung'arang_, through
which the salt was transported by inland carriage to the populous
districts of the interior, the price was sometimes as high as one
hundred and twenty, and even one hundred and forty Spanish dollars per
_kóyan_, while along the coast, as at _Chéribon_ and _Surabáya_, it was
as low as thirty, and at _Grésik_ twenty-five. The average in the year
1813, when the farming system was abolished, may be taken, one district
with another, at about fifty-seven Spanish dollars the _kógan_, or
rather less than thirty dollars per ton.

The quantity usually calculated for the annual consumption of Java
and _Madúra_, including about one thousand _kóyans_ estimated to be
manufactured in the native provinces, is sixteen thousand _kóyans_,
or thirty-two thousand tons. Under the arrangements now adopted for
the manufacture and sale of this article, the average rate at which
the manufacturers are paid is about six rupees the _kóyan_, including
the charges of transport to the depôts, and the sale price varies from
twenty-five to thirty-five Spanish dollars, according to the distance
from the principal depôts; an adequate supply by means of smaller
depôts is insured in every part of the country.

The salt of Java exported to the other islands of the Archipelago,
competes with that of Siam and the Coromandel coast, and generally
supersedes it, both on account of its quality and cheapness. The
exportation is free to all places except Bengal, where, on account of
its interference with the monopoly there established, it has, since
the conquest of Java, been found necessary to prohibit its importation
under penalty of confiscation.

The salt of the south coast being manufactured by a process which is
much more expensive than that employed on the north, and at the same
time being inferior in quality, it is only consumed in places which
the latter is prevented from reaching by the difficulty of conveyance
or inland tolls and prohibitions; and it has consequently been
calculated, that the north coast salt, if allowed to pass toll free
through the country, would in a short time supersede that from the
south altogether. The inferior quality of the latter is caused by the
quantity of the sulphate of magnesia it contains, which renders it by
its bitterness unpleasant for culinary purposes.

Of late years, the value of the manufacturing industry of the country
may be in some degree be appreciated from the assistance it has
afforded to the European government, when, in consequence of the war,
the importation of European articles had become insufficient for the
public service. Broad cloth not being procurable for the army, a kind
of coarse cotton cloth was manufactured by the Javans, with which the
whole army was clothed. At _Semárang_ were established five of these
manufactories, having seventy or eighty looms each. One or two of
them made cotton lace, and supplied the army agents with epaulets,
shoulder-knots, tassels, &c. There were likewise manufactures of cotton
stockings, tape, fringes, cartridge-boxes, sword-belts, saddles,
bridles, &c. and in short every thing that could be required for the
dress and accoutrements of both cavalry and infantry.

Under European superintendents were established saltpetre works,
powder-mills, foundries for shells, shot, anvils, &c. and manufactories
of swords and small arms; and when it is added, that the French
government found means, within the the resources of Java alone, to
equip an army of not less than fifteen thousand effective men, besides
a numerous militia in every district, and that, with the exception
of a few European superintendants in the more scientific works, all
the articles were manufactured and supplied by the natives, it is not
necessary to adduce any further proof of the manufacturing ability of
the country.

Saltpetre is obtained in many parts of the island, and gunpowder
has long been manufactured by the native inhabitants. A saltpetre
manufactory was established near _Grésik_, under the superintendance
of European officers, which it was calculated would furnish annually
two thousand _píkuls_ of that article to government, at the rate of
eight rix-dollars per _píkul_, or one hundred and thirty-three pounds
English. The importance of this establishment is manifest in the
following observations of Colonel Mackenzie.

"I considered that one day would be usefully employed in viewing the
saltpetre works, which a very few years back had been established here,
at the risk, and by the zeal and ingenuity of private individuals,
with the view of supplying this colony with that necessary ingredient
for gunpowder. The best sulphur is supplied from a mountain near the
straits of _Báli_. For further details of these mines; of the manner in
which the nitre is obtained, by an ingenious application of the latest
European improvements in chemistry; of the sulphureous crater of the
mountain, whence the sulphur, in its utmost purity, is supplied; of the
reports of the French engineers, last year, on the improvement of the
gunpowder of Java; of the wood selected for the best charcoal, and of
the present state of the manufactory and powder-mills at _Semárang_,
I must refer, at present, to several papers collected by me on this
subject, which may be usefully applicable to our manufactures of
gunpowder in India. Passing over these and other considerations, I
shall only observe, that of these mines, one of them is cut in caverns
into the soft white calcareous rock; and another, more regularly
designed, supported by pillars or masses of the native rock, covers
regularly formed beds of the native earth, which being impregnated with
the native nitre, saturated with the evacuation of the numerous bats
that haunt these caverns, and mixed with a compound of wood ashes,
supplies the liquid that is boiled in large kettles, and afterwards
left to cool and crystallize. The whole process is carried on, in a
regular manner, under the direction of the first executor of this
really grand work, who now resides at _Surabáya_[52]."

The labour of felling the teak trees and transporting the timber from
the forests, gives employment to a very considerable population, who
are distinguished from those employed in other avocations, by the
term of _blándong_ people, or foresters. The teak timber was formerly
delivered to the government as a contingent, by the regents of those
districts in which the principal forests were situated, the quantity
being regulated according to the supposed extent of the different
forests, and the means of cutting and transporting the wood. Previously
to the year 1808, the amount of this annual contingent was eight
thousand eight hundred beams of different sizes, according to the wants
of the public service, of which more than three thousand were delivered
from the central forests of _Rembáng_.

The cutting and dragging of the timber delivered in contingent was
performed by the inhabitants of the villages adjacent to the forests,
and the buffaloes required were left to be provided by the regents.
For this service, in the _Rembáng_ districts, four hundred cutters
and labourers, and four hundred and twelve pair of buffaloes, were
appropriated for the supply of three thousand one hundred beams
annually, a proportion which varied in the other districts, only
according to the distance of the forest from the timber yard on the
coast, where payment was made for timber on delivery, at the rate
of sixteen pence for cutting and conveying a beam of from eighteen
to twenty feet long and from nine to ten inches broad, forty-eight
stivers for a beam of from thirty-one to thirty-six feet long and from
thirteen to fifteen inches broad, and for others in proportion. This
was the regular and only payment made for the contingent timber; but
when the demands of government exceeded the fixed contingent, which was
generally the case, the excess was paid for at an advance of fifty per
cent. on these prices. Crooked and other timber for ship-building was
paid for at about the same rate, but calculated according to a fixed
table by the weight.

Under this system, the regents rented out many of the villages
adjoining the forests to individuals, and sold, on their own account,
such timber as was not of proper quality to be delivered to government.
As the demands of government increased, as well as those of the
European residents, who were many of them concerned in ship-building
and in the sale of timber, the forests near the coast were soon
exhausted of their best timber, and as it became necessary for the
cutters to go further into the interior, the labour and expense
increased, but without any corresponding recompense to them, for the
government never raised the price. Individuals, however, did so; and
the consequence was, that government finding no regulations they could
make for the internal management of the forests sufficient to ensure
them an adequate supply, were contented to believe that a greater
quantity than was actually furnished could not be cut without injury to
the forests; although, at that very time, the deliveries to individuals
in the eastern districts were estimated at not less than fifty or sixty
thousand beams per annum, the coast was lined with Java-built trading
vessels of every description, and these, as well as the rough timber,
were frequently sent for sale to a distant market.

In the year 1808, however, in common with all the other departments
on the island, this important one was newly organized by Marshal
Daendels, who placing the highest value on the forests, and determining
to prevent the abuses which had previously existed, removed all the
population which had formerly been engaged in the forests in the
different parts of the island from the controul of the native regent,
as well as the local European authority, and placed them, with the
villages and lands to which they were attached, under a separate board
or administration for the forest department. This change effectually
secured government in the monopoly, and succeeded in the prevention
of the abuses which had formerly existed: but in the degree that it
had this effect, it also operated to the serious injury of general
commerce and the domestic comfort of the inhabitants; for every one was
now obliged to buy the timber from government, at a high monopoly rate
fixed by general regulation, and the timber could only be obtained in
comparatively small quantities, seldom of the dimensions required, and
only at the fixed staples. Ship-building, and even boat-building, which
had before been carried to the greatest extent along the whole coast,
was discontinued, and the cottage of the native, which had formerly
cost a few rupees, now cost ten times the amount if built of desirable
materials.

Under the administration of the Board of Forest, whose residence
was fixed at _Semárang_, and who were altogether independent of the
local authorities, was now placed a population of nearly one hundred
thousand souls, exclusively devoted to the labours of the forests;
and as no revenue had been given up by the arrangement, and a small
annual delivery of iron, salt, and gunpowder, to the foresters, was
the only payment made, considerable profit was expected to result from
it to the government. It was found, however, after the establishment
of the British government, that the timber which had been cut, and of
which there was an immense quantity on hand, was not of a description
required for the building of coasting vessels, and could not compete
in Bengal with that of Pegu, without such a reduction in the monopoly
price, as added to the loss occasioned by so large a proportion of the
population, who were set apart for this duty and contributed nothing
else to the revenue, the extent of the establishment necessary to
enable the government to be the sole timber merchant, and the abuses
connected with it, would amount to more than all the profits that
had been calculated on. The coasting trade was perishing for want of
vessels, and the forest department was a losing concern. Under these
circumstances, it was judged expedient to include the population of
the _Blándongs_ in the general arrangements for the release of the
peasantry from feudal bondage, and the establishment of a fixed rent
from the land, in lieu of all services and payment formerly rendered.

The people who lived near the forests, and had long been in the habit
of cutting and dragging the timber, still however continued in this
employment, an annual contract being made with them for their services
in the forests, in remuneration for which a remission of rent was
granted. The largest and most valuable forests are, under this system,
reserved for the exclusive use of government; others of less value,
and the limits of which can be easily defined, have, in consideration
of a recognition of ten per cent. _ad valorem_ on the timber when
worked up, been thrown open to individuals engaged in ship-building,
who generally contract with the people of the adjoining villages, to
cut and deliver the timber at fixed prices: a mode which has also been
occasionally resorted to by government, especially for the inferior and
small kinds of timber, shingles, pipe staves, &c. which are allowed to
be cut in particular forests.

The industry which has been excited by opening these facilities in
procuring timber, and the impetus which it has afforded to trade, may
be estimated by this fact, that within the last few years have been
launched no less than ten to twelve square-rigged vessels, of from one
hundred and fifty to four hundred tons, and that many more of larger
dimensions were about to be built, when the restoration of the colony
was announced.

It need hardly be observed, that due precautions have been taken for
the preservation and renovation of the valuable forests, which so far
from being exhausted, are capable of supplying besides crooked and
compass timber for ship-building, forty or fifty thousand beams in the
year without injury. European overseers are appointed, and one general
superintendent is placed over the whole.

As illustrative of the importance attached to these forests by the
Dutch, and of the capabilities of the island for ship-building, it may
not be uninteresting to annex an extract from Mr. Hogendorp's appeal to
the authorities in Holland on this subject.[53]

The _Blandong_ people or foresters are generally employed in cutting
or in dragging timber during eight months out of the twelve, but they
are obliged to watch the forests the whole year through: they are
regularly relieved, and half the working men are at all times left
disposable for the rice fields. The _Blandong_ people have always
been accustomed to the work, and generally have their villages near
the principal forests. It is one of the advantages of the system of
contracting with the people for land payments, that in emergencies they
are willing to lend their own buffaloes to assist those of government
in dragging heavy timber, which could not be removed otherwise without
great expence, while their children at other times watch and attend the
cattle belonging to government. In short, the resources of the village
are at the disposal of government, for a land payment considerably less
than one-third of the expence of hired labourers, whom it would be
difficult to procure, and still more difficult, from the character of
the people, to retain in constant and unremitting employment.

Under the system of granting remissions of rent, it has been calculated
that in the districts of _Semárang_, where the assessment is
comparatively high, on account of the vicinity to a large capital, a
remission of eight rupees and a half, or about twenty shillings, being
the average amount paid annually by each cultivator, government obtains
a man's hard labour for six months of the year. But as the inhabitants
of the same village are generally accustomed to labour in the fields
alternately, and thus to assist each other, it has been found advisable
to make the remissions of rent for the _Blandongs_ to the village _as
a community_, in order to avoid the delay and endless vexation which
would ensue, in adjusting the petty claims of each individual.

In the maritime districts on the north-east side of the island, a very
large proportion of the population is employed in the fisheries, and
so moderate are the seasons, that except perhaps for a few days at the
change of the monsoon, they are seldom interrupted by the weather.

The sea fish is taken either by the net, in stakes (_wídi_), or
with the hook and line: the most considerable quantity is of course
procured by means of the two former, generally distinguished by the
term _máyang_, whence _práhu máyang_, fishing boat. The whole apparatus
of the hook and line is called _pánching_, the usual term for angling
among the _Maláyus_. The fishing-boats quit the shore at about three
or four o'clock in the morning, and are driven out by the land breeze
beyond sight before daylight. At about noon they are seen returning
with the sea-breeze, and generally reach the shore by two in the
afternoon. The stakes along the whole of the northern coast, wherever
the banks and projecting land admit, are very extensive: they are
often fixed in several fathom water, and constitute a very important
property. They are usually closed in the night.

Nets are principally made of _rámi_, though sometimes of _gadáng'an_,
and even of cotton. They are steeped in an infusion, which not only
darkens their colour, but is considered essentially to contribute to
their strength. Fish that is not eaten or disposed of while fresh,
is salted and dried in the sun, or smoke-dried at a short distance
from a fire, and in that state forms an extensive article of internal
commerce. Besides the abundance of fish thus obtained from the sea,
extensive tracts of country, salt marshes, and inlets of the sea,
have in several parts of the island been converted into fish-ponds
(_támba_). These ponds are to be found in most of the low maritime
districts: those at _Grésik_, which are the most extensive, appear
to have been first established during the visit of one of the early
Mahomedan princes of the island in the fifteenth century. The _bándeng_
is generally considered as the richest and highest-flavoured fish known
in these seas: the young fry are taken in the sea, and transferred to
these ponds, where they grow and fatten for seven months, when they are
fit for the table. An annual supply of young fish from the sea is found
necessary to keep up the stock in the tanks; and, whether from a desire
to raise the value of the fish so obtained in them, or otherwise, the
natives generally affirm, that the fish rarely attains its full size
in the sea. The extent and value of these nurseries for the fish may
be estimated from the rent paid for those at _Grésik_, which are the
property of government.

The river fish are taken by a variety of methods: one is to throw a
number of branches of trees into a deep part of the river; here the
fish collect: they are then surrounded by stakes, or the branches are
taken out, and the fish easily caught; this method is termed _rúmpon_.
_Bámbu_ fences are sometimes thrown across the rivers at night, and
so constructed that the fish are easily entrapped as they pass down
the stream: this method is called _pásang wádong_. The rivers and
ponds are frequently dragged by nets of different sizes. The _coculus
indicus_, and other intoxicating drugs, are sometimes thrown into
the river, after which the fish are found floating on the surface
and easily taken; this method, termed _túba_, is prohibited on large
rivers: when the fish are afterwards driven down the river by a number
of men into a snare laid below, the usual term is _jámprong_. In the
western districts, a fishing party of this description affords a
very favourite amusement on great occasions. A time is selected when
the river is moderately low; temporary stands made of the trunks of
small trees or stout _bámbus_ are then thrown across, each consisting
of three piles, fastened together at the top and expanding below,
the bottoms being pointed so as to fix in the ground. On a small
stage on each, just above the surface of the water, are piled a few
stones, by which they are steadied while the current is allowed a
free course below. The piers or stages thus formed, answer well for
the construction of a temporary bridge over the rocky or stony bed
of the most irregular river. A coarse matting, made of _bámbu_ or
some other material, is then carried from one to the other, so as to
shut the current in within a narrow space, across which a temporary
platform and shed is thrown, with a sloping floor rising above the
surface of the water, to where the party is assembled. The drug having
been thrown into the river, a considerable distance higher up several
hundred people now enter the river, and driving the half-intoxicated
fish before them, they come floundering one after the other on the
_bámbu_ stage, to the no small amusement of the party collected, fish
of a considerable size literally jumping into their laps. On these
occasions, when the entertainment is given to Europeans, a great
concourse of people attend, a feast is prepared, and the wild and
antic music and dance of the mountaineers, performing on the _ánklang_
and rude drum, give great peculiarity and zest to the amusement. Fish
are sometimes struck at night by torch light, both at sea and in the
rivers; but this method is not very general.

Pearls are obtained in the vicinity of _Bányuwáng'i_, where the
privilege of fishing for them is farmed out by the year, as well as in
the vicinity of _Núsakambáng'an_, on the south side of the island; but
they are generally of the description called seed pearls, and of little
value.

FOOTNOTES:

[50] These vessels for large patterns are sometimes made of the
cocoa-nut shell, and then hold a proportionally larger quantity.

[51] Dampier's Voyage, vol. ii.

[52] Journal of Colonel Mackenzie, 1812.

[53] "Batavians! be amazed! hear with wonder what I have to
communicate. Our fleets are destroyed, our trade languishes, our
navigation is going to ruin--we purchase with immense treasures, timber
and other materials for ship-building from the northern powers, and
on Java we leave warlike and mercantile squadrons standing with their
roots in the ground. Yes, the forests of Java have timber enough to
build a respectable navy in a short time, besides as many merchant
ships as we require. Hemp would grow as well as in Bengal, and as
labour is as cheap in Java, we may consequently presume that it would
require little trouble to establish manufactures of canvas and cordage
there in a short time. But, at any rate, Java already produces at
a very low price cayar and gamuti cordage, which answers very well
for cables, hawsers, and rigging. To build ships at Java for the
mother country, it is only necessary to send out skilful and complete
master-builders with a few ship carpenters; for common workmen are
to be had on Java in numbers, and at a very low rate, as a good Java
carpenter may be hired at five stivers a day. The principal objection
that could be made is, that the shores of Java being very flat and
level, are not well adapted for building, and still less for launching
ships of heavy burthens, but this difficulty may be easily overcome: on
the islands before Batavia, and particularly Brunt and Cooke's Island,
wharfs, or even docks, may be constructed at little expence. The same
may be observed of one of the islands off <DW61>ára and at Grésik, besides
many other places in the eastern division, in the harbour which is
formed by the island of Madúra, and which is sheltered from every wind.

"The resident of Rembáng, and sometimes of Jawána, are almost the
only Europeans who build ships, for it is too difficult and dangerous
for others to undertake it, under the arbitrary government at present
existing in Java, under which nothing can flourish or succeed. But
the Chinese, who are favoured in every thing, are well aware how to
turn this also to their own advantage, and to build a great number of
vessels all along the coast, from fifteen to two hundred tons burthen,
for which they get the timber almost for nothing, by means of renting
the forest villages. It is easy to imagine, how these avaricious
bloodsuckers use the forests, and manage to get all they can out of
them. In spite of all this, however, the forests of Java grow as
fast as they are cut, and would be inexhaustible under good care and
management.

"At Bombay, Surat, and Demaun, and other places along the coast of
Malabar, at Bengal, and at Pegu, the English build many large and fine
ships, which last a length of time, especially those of Bombay and
Malabar built, although I believe the wood produced there, however
good, is not equal to the teak of Java."

CHAPTER V.

  _Commerce--Advantageous Situation of Java for Commercial
    Intercourse--Importance of Batavia in particular--Native
    Trade--Roads and Inland Carriage--Markets--Influence of the
    Chinese--Coasting Trade--Exports and Imports--Trade with
    the Archipelago--China--Kamtschatka--Western India--Europe,
    &c.--Dutch Commercial Regulations--State of the Eastern
    Islands--Advantages which they possess--Causes of the Depression
    of the Nations and Tribes which inhabit them--Japan Trade._

From the importance which the Dutch, in the days of their greatness,
attached to their East-India commerce, of which Batavia was the
emporium, and the importance which this commerce conferred upon them,
from the desire excited in the other nations to obtain a share in
its advantages, and the crimes committed to maintain its undivided
monopoly, some idea may be formed of its magnitude and value. When
the French troops, in the summer of 1672, under Louis XIV. had
overrun the territory of Holland, with the rapidity and irresistible
force of the sea after bursting the <DW18>s, the Republic formed the
magnanimous resolution of transporting its wealth, its enterprise, and
its subjects to another hemisphere, rather than submit to the terms
of the conqueror, and fixed upon Batavia, already the seat of its
eastern commerce, as the capital of its new empire. They could have
found shipping in their own ports for the transport of fifty thousand
families; their country was inundated with the ocean, or in possession
of the invader; their power and political importance consisted in their
fleets and colonies; and having been accustomed to maintain their naval
superiority by the fruits of their eastern trade, and to buy the corn
of Europe with the spices of the Moluccas, they would have felt less
from a removal of their seat of empire from the north of Europe to the
south of Asia, than any people who ever contemplated a similar change;
while, at the same time, the very project of such an extraordinary
emigration, and the means they had of carrying it into effect, give
us the highest ideas of the independent spirit inspired by their free
government, and of their commercial prosperity, derived, in a great
degree, from their eastern establishments and connexions.

The same advantages which the Europeans derived from the navigation of
the Mediterranean, the inhabitants of the Malayan Archipelago enjoyed
in a higher degree; and it cannot be doubted, that among islands
lying in smooth and unruffled seas, inviting the sail or oar of the
most timid and inexperienced mariner, an intercourse subsisted at a
very early period. To this intercourse, and to the fertility of the
soil of Java, which soon rendered it an agricultural country, must be
attributed the high degree of civilization and of advancement in the
arts, which, from the monuments of its progress which still exist,
there is every reason to believe it once attained. In short, to adopt
the expressions of Dr. Adam Smith, when speaking of a very different
country[54], Java, "on account of the natural fertility of its soil,
of the great extent of its sea-coast in proportion to the whole of
the country, and of the number of its navigable rivers, affording the
conveniency of water carriage to some of its most inland parts, is
conveniently fitted by nature to be the seat of foreign commerce, of
manufactures for sale to the neighbouring countries, and of all the
improvements which these can occasion."

But though there can be little doubt that Java very early emerged from
barbarism, and rose to great commercial prosperity, to determine the
precise time at which these events took place is perhaps impossible;
and to approach the solution of the question would involve an inquiry
that will be better reserved till we come to treat of its languages,
institutions, and antiquities. If, in the consideration of these
topics, it should be made to appear, that, in very remote ages, these
regions were civilized from Western India, and that an extensive
Hindu empire once existed on Java, it will be reasonable to infer a
commercial intercourse still earlier than the communication of laws and
improvement.

In the remarkable account of the rich commodities conveyed to ancient
Tyre, it would appear that there were many articles the peculiar
produce of the Malayan States; and in that given by Strabo of the
importations into Egypt, cloves, which we know to be the exclusive
produce of the Moluccas, are expressly mentioned. The same taste for
the fine kinds of spices, and the same desire to obtain them, which
prompted European nations successively to make themselves masters of
these islands, must in all probability have operated, in a very remote
period, on the merchants of Hindustan, and even of countries lying
farther to the westward, who had already found their way into the gold
regions; and if the hypothesis, which places Mount _Ophir_ on Sumatra
or the peninsula of Malacca, cannot be maintained, it will at any rate
be admitted, that previously to the discovery of America, no country
was known more rich in gold than the Malayan Islands, and that, on that
account, they were peculiarly attractive to foreigners, who could not
be supplied from any other quarter.

The Arabs, it is known, had in the ninth century, if not long
previously, made themselves acquainted with these countries; and the
Chinese, if we may trust the Javan annals, had visited Java at the same
period. According to Kempfer, the _Maláyus_ in former times had by far
the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented, with their vessels,
not only all the coasts of Asia, but even ventured to the shores of
Africa, and particularly to the great island of Madagascar; "for,"
adds this author, "John de Barros in his Decades, and Flaccourt in his
History of Madagascar, assures us, that the language spoken by the
inhabitants of that large African island is full of Javan and Malayan
words: subsisting proofs of the commerce with these two nations, about
two thousand years ago the richest and most powerful of Asia, had
carried on with Madagascar, where they had settled in great numbers."

Whatever credit we may attach to these statements and inferences,
respecting the commerce of these islands before they were visited by
Europeans in the fifteenth century, it is certain that, at this period,
an extensive trade was established at Malacca, Acheen, and Bantam, then
the great emporiums of the Eastern Archipelago. Hither the rich produce
of Sumatra, Borneo, and the Moluccas, was conveyed in the small trading
craft of the country, and exchanged for the produce of India and
China. These ports were then filled with vessels from every maritime
state of Asia, from the Red Sea to Japan. The Portuguese, who preceded
the Dutch in India, and who had fixed upon _Goa_, on the coast of
Malabar, as the capital of their eastern settlements, selected Malacca
as the most convenient station for conducting and protecting their
trade with the islands, and erected it into a secondary capital. The
Dutch finding this desirable station pre-occupied, and being foiled in
their attempts to dislodge their rivals, first established a commercial
settlement at Bantam, and subsequently subdued by force of arms the
neighbouring province of _Jákatra_, (or _Jokárta_), on which, as will
be afterwards mentioned, they built the fortress, the city, and the
port of Batavia.

Nor was it without reason that they selected this spot for the capital
of their new empire. "What the Cape of Good Hope is," says Adam Smith,
"between Europe and every part of the East Indies, Batavia is between
the principal countries in the East Indies. It lies upon the most
frequented road from Hindustan to China and Japan, and is nearly about
midway on that road. Almost all the ships, too, that sail between
Europe and China, touch at Batavia; and it is, over and above all this,
the centre and principal mart of what is called the country trade of
the East Indies, not only of that part of it which is carried on by
Europeans, but of that which is carried on by the native Indians, and
vessels navigated by the inhabitants of China and Japan, of Tonquin, of
Malacca, of Cochin China, and the Island of Celebes, are frequently to
be seen in its port. Such advantageous situations have enabled these
two colonies to surmount all the obstacles which the oppressive genius
of an exclusive company may have occasionally opposed to their growth:
they have enabled Batavia to surmount the additional disadvantage, of
perhaps the most unwholesome climate in the world."

It would be as difficult to describe in detail the extent of the
commerce enjoyed by Java[55], at the period of the establishment of
the Dutch in the eastern seas, as it would be painful to point out how
far, or to show in what manner, that commerce was interfered with,
checked, changed in its character, and reduced in its importance,
by the influence of a withering monopoly, the rapacity of avarice
armed with power, and the short-sighted tyranny of a mercantile
administration. To convey an idea of the maritime strength of the
native princes anterior to this date, as giving a criterion by which
to judge of the trade of their subjects, it may be sufficient to state
that warlike expeditions, consisting of many hundred vessels, are often
reported to have been fitted out against Borneo, Sumatra, and the
peninsula. In the art of ship-building, however, they do not appear to
have advanced beyond the construction of that sort of vessel adapted to
the navigation of their own smooth seas, and now to be met with in all
their ports and harbours; nor do they seem to have had any knowledge
of maritime geography beyond the shores of their own Archipelago,
and the information which they gained from the reports of the Arabs,
or the traditions of their own more adventurous ancestors. This
circumstance would lead us to infer that the trade of Java was carried
on chiefly in foreign vessels, and through the enterprize of foreign
adventurers. The habits of the people had become agricultural; they
had nearly deserted an element which they had no powerful temptation
to traverse, and on which they could reap little, compared with what
they could draw from the fertility of their own territory. Leaving
therefore their ports to be filled, and their commodities to be carried
away by the _Maláyus_, the _Búgis_, the Indians, the Chinese, and
the Arabs, they for the most part contented themselves with enjoying
the advantages of a trade, in which they incurred no chance of loss;
and thus, though their own country yielded neither gold nor jewels,
they are said to have been plentifully supplied with these and other
valuable articles on their own shores, in exchange for the produce of
their tranquil industry and their fertile soil. This kind of traffic
was almost entirely annihilated, or at least very much diverted from
its ancient course, by the restrictive system of Dutch colonial policy.
Some branches of it were, it must be allowed, partially encouraged by
the influx of European capital and the demand for particular articles
which bear a high price in the European market; but this was an
inadequate compensation for the loss of that commerce, which may be
said to be as much the growth of the country as any of its indigenous
plants. In order to show to what insignificance it was reduced under
Dutch oppression, and what tendency it has to improve under a better
system, it is only necessary to compare its state during the latter
years of the Dutch government, before the blockade, and afterwards
during the short interval of British administration. For the first
of these purposes, I have drawn, in the introduction to this work, a
short sketch of the condition of the Dutch East India Company, for a
considerable period previous to our arrival; and I now proceed to give
some account of the external and internal trade of Java, as it existed
at the time when we restored it to its former masters.

The extent of this commerce, since the establishment of the British
government, and since a greater freedom of trade has been allowed,
may, for a want of a better criterion, be estimated from the amount
of tonnage employed since the beginning of the year 1812, at which
period the operations of the military expedition had ceased, and the
transports were discharged.

In the year 1812, the number of square-rigged vessels which entered the
port of Batavia amounted to 239, and their aggregate tonnage to 48,290
tons, and in the same year the native craft amounted to 455 vessels, or
7,472 tons, or together 55,762 tons. The quantity cleared out during
the same year was 44,613 tons of shipping, and 7,762 of native craft,
making together 52,375.

In the year 1813, the number of square-rigged vessels was 288, and the
tonnage 51,092, the native craft amounting to 796 vessels, or 13,214
tons, or together 64,306 tons.

In 1814, three hundred and twenty-one ships, or 63,564 tons, cleared
out with 568 native vessels, or 9,154 tons, shewing the total tonnage
of Batavia during this year to have amounted to 72,718 tons.

The returns for the following year have not been received, but they are
estimated to exceed either of the two former years, and not to have
fallen much short of one hundred thousand tons; and it may be noticed,
that during one year after the first accounts were received of the
successes of the allied armies against France, no less than thirty-two
ships, measuring fifteen thousand tons, cleared out, and carried
cargoes, the produce of Java, to the London market.

The average annual tonnage which cleared out from the port of
_Surabáya_, for the three last years, amounted to about thirty thousand
tons, and the native tonnage trading to the neighbouring port of
_Grésik_ is estimated to have even exceeded that quantity.

At the small port of _Súmenap_, situated at the east end of _Madúra_,
which is a principal resort for the native trade, the tonnage which
cleared out was

            _Small prahus and vessels._  _Tonnage._
  For 1812         3,765                   15,230
      1813         4,752                   33,769

And the estimated value of the same,

               _Imports._       _Exports._
  For  1812  Rupees  625,628  Rupees  396,820
       1813          740,080          492,020[56].

The value of the imports and exports of _Semárang_, on which duties
were actually collected at that port, were

               _Imports._       _Exports._
  For  1812  Rupees  555,044  Rupees  167,101
       1813        1,530,716          985,709
       1814          686,330          549,038

The native tonnage which cleared from _Rembáng_ was as follows:

  In  1812    862  vessels  or  8,058  tons.
      1813  1,095  ditto        8,657
      1814  1,455  ditto       12,935

The trade from the other minor ports was inconsiderable, the effect of
the regulations passed in 1813 being yet hardly felt. From _Pakalúngan_
the tonnage which cleared was for 1812, 5,962 tons, and for 1813, 4,679
tons, the imports being about 150,000 rupees, and the exports 300,000
rupees in each year; from _Tégal_ for 1812, 2,445 tons, and for 1813,
1,926 tons, the imports being about 50,000, and the exports about
60,000 rupees in each year.

The amount of tonnage which touched at _Anyer_, on the way through the
Straits of _Súnda_, to and from Europe, Africa, and America, was

  In  1812   73  ships  29,450
      1813   73         37,546
      1814  125         56,942

By an official return made in March 1816, it appears that the total
quantity of tonnage in vessels boarded on their passage through the
Straits of _Súnda_, amounted in 1812 to 45,000 tons; in 1813, to 56,000
tons; in 1814, to 64,000 tons; and in 1815, to 130,000 tons; to which,
adding a third for vessels which passed without being boarded, the
whole amount of tonnage for these four years, would be 390,000, the
quantity in the fourth of these years being nearly triple that of the
first.

The commerce of Java may be considered under the two general divisions
of the native and the European, the former including the internal and
coasting trade, with that of the Malayan Archipelago in general; the
latter comprehending that carried on by Europeans and Americans with
India, China and Japan, Africa, America, and Europe.

Java has already been described as a great agricultural country. It has
long been considered as the granary of the Eastern Islands.

The southern coast is for the most part inaccessible, and seldom
visited by traders; but along the north coast there are no less than
thirteen principal ports, besides numerous other intermediate and less
considerable ones, frequented by native vessels at all seasons of
the year. Many of these are sheltered, and form safe harbours in all
weather, as _Bantam_, _Batavia_, _Rembáng_, _Grésik_, and _Surabáya_.
Even where the vessels lie in an open roadstead, the wind is seldom
sufficiently strong to render the anchorage unsafe. Several of the
rivers are navigable for many miles into the interior, and most of
them are capable of receiving native vessels into the heart of the
town, through which they generally run; but the rivers of Java, as
well as those of the eastern coast of Sumatra and the western coast
of Borneo, are for the most part obstructed at their entrance by
extensive bars, which preclude the admission of vessels of any very
considerable burthen. Piers have been run out in many places, to remedy
this inconvenience; but in consequence of the quantity of soil annually
carried down, the bars or banks are continually increasing, and in some
places, as at _Tégal_, have nearly blocked up the communication between
the rivers and the sea.

The produce and manufactures of the country are conveyed from one
district to another and to these maritime capitals, either by water
or land carriage. The principal navigable rivers to the westward, are
those which disembogue themselves below _Táng'ran_, _Kráwang_, and
_Indramáyu_, and the produce brought down by them is usually conveyed
to Batavia. To the eastward, the great _Sólo_ river, which is navigable
from _Súra-kérta_, affords, with the _Kedíri_, the principal and
only outlets from the native provinces by water towards the northern
coast. Down the former, which empties itself by several mouths, near
_Grésik_, into the great harbour of _Surabáya_, during the rains, large
quantities of the produce of the richest provinces of the interior
are conveyed. The boats employed, which are of considerable burthen,
return with cargoes of salt. This river runs through many valuable
teak forests, and consequently affords the means of easy transport for
the timber; an advantage which is also derived from several smaller
rivers on the northern coast, particularly in the neighbourhood of
the principal building yards. Facilities of the same kind are also
found at most of the sea ports, which are generally seated on rivers
passing through forests in the interior, down which timber required
for house-building and the construction of small craft is floated with
ease. An inland navigation is carried on to a considerable extent,
by means of small canals, in _Demák_ and some of the neighbouring
districts, where it is common, even during the harvest, at the driest
season of the year, to observe innumerable boats with their light
sails crossing an extensive, flat, and highly cultivated country and
traversing the corn-fields in various directions. In the rich and
fertile delta of _Surabáya_, the whole produce of the adjacent country
is conveyed by water carriage, generally on light rafts constructed of
a few stems of the plantain tree.

Goods not conveyed by water carriage, are usually carried on the
backs of oxen or horses, or on the shoulders of men and women, carts
not being generally used, except in the western districts, where
the population is thin, or in some of the more eastern districts,
particularly those recently under Chinese direction. The cart of the
western districts, termed _pedáti_, is of clumsy construction, running
on two large solid wheels, from five to six feet in diameter, and
from one to two inches broad, on a revolving axle, and drawn by two
buffaloes. It is the ordinary conveyance of goods to the capital,
within a range of about sixty miles from Batavia.

Few countries can boast of roads, either of a better description, or
of a greater extent, than some of those in Java. A high post road,
passable for carriages at all seasons of the year, runs from _Anyer_,
on the western side of Bantam, to within twenty miles of _Bányuwángi_,
the eastern extremity of the Island, being a distance of not less than
eight hundred English miles. Along this road, at intervals of less
than five miles, are regular post stations and relays of carriage
horses. A portion of it towards the west, which proceeded into the
interior, and passed over some high and mountainous tracts, was found
to occasion great delay and inconvenience to passengers, and to impose
an oppressive duty upon those inhabitants, who, residing in the
neighbourhood, were obliged to lend the use of their cattle, or the
assistance of their personal labour, to aid carriages in ascending
the steeps; this part of the line has therefore been abandoned, and
a new road has recently been constructed along the low lands, from
_Batavia_ to _Chéribon_, by which not only the former inequalities
are avoided, but a distance of fifty miles is saved. This route is
now so level, that a canal might easily be cut along its side, and
carried on nearly through all the maritime districts of the eastward,
by which the convenience of inland navigation might be afforded them,
for conveying the commodities continually required for the consumption
and exportation of the capital. Besides this main road from one
extreme to the other, there is also a high military road, equally well
constructed, which crosses the Island from north to south, leading
to the two native capitals of _Súra-kérta_ and _Yúg'ya-kérta_, and
consequently to within a few miles of the South Sea. Cross roads have
also been formed wherever the convenience or advantage of Europeans
required them; and there is no part of the Island to which the
access is less difficult. But it is not to be concluded, that these
communications contribute that assistance to agriculture or trade on
Java, which such roads would afford in Europe: their construction
has, on the contrary, in many instances, been destructive to whole
districts, and when completed by his own labour, or the sacrifice of
the lives of his neighbours, the peasant was debarred from their use,
and not permitted to drive his cattle along them, while he saw the
advantages they were capable of yielding reserved for his European
masters, that they might be enabled to hold a more secure possession
of his country. They were principally formed during the blockade of
the Island, and were intended to facilitate the conveyance of stores,
or the passage of troops necessary for its military defence. The
inhabitants, however, felt the exclusion the less, as good inferior
roads were often made by the side of these military roads, and
bye-roads branched off through all parts of the country, so that the
internal commerce met with no impediment for the want of direct or
convenient lines of communication.

Nor is it discouraged by the want of understood or established
places of exchange. Bazars or public markets (here called _pékan_)
are established in every part of the country, and usually held twice
a-week, if not oftener. The market days are in general regulated by
what are called _pásar_ days, being a week of five days, similar to
that by which the markets in South America appear to be regulated.
At these markets are assembled frequently some thousands of people,
chiefly women, on whom the duty devolves of carrying the various
productions of the country to these places of traffic. In some
districts, extensive sheds are erected for the accommodation of the
people; but, in general, a temporary covering of thatch, to shelter
them from the rays of the sun, is made for the occasion, and thought
sufficient. Where the market is not held within a town of considerable
size, the assemblage usually takes place under a large tree, in a spot
occupied from immemorial usage for that purpose. In these markets there
are regular quarters appropriated for the grain merchant, the cloth
merchant, venders of iron, brass, and copper ware, and dealers in the
various small manufactures of the country, as well as those of India,
China, and Europe. Prepared eatables of every kind, as well as all
the fruits and vegetables in request, occupy a considerable space in
the fair, and find a rapid sale. In the more extensive bazars, as at
_Sólo_, the _kris_ handle makers have their particular quarter, and in
an adjoining square, horses and oxen are exposed for sale.

Small duties are generally levied in these bazars, the collection of
which was formerly farmed out to Chinese; but it being found that
they exacted more than the settled or authorized rate, and that they
contrived, by means of the influence which their office conferred, to
create a monopoly in their own favour, not only of the articles of
trade but of many of the necessaries of life, that system has latterly
been relinquished wherever practicable, and government has taken the
management of that portion of the public revenue into its own hands. In
the bazars, accordingly, regulated under the immediate superintendence
of its officers, extensive sheds are built, and a small compensation
only is required for the use of them by those who there intend to
expose their goods for sale. This duty is collected at the entrance
into the market-place, and is taken in lieu of all other taxes or
customs whatever, formerly levied on the transit or sale of native
commodities. It is to be regretted, that this improvement had not been
extended to the native provinces, where every article of produce and
manufacture is still impeded in its progress through the country to
the place of consumption or export, by toll duties and other impolitic
exactions, and charged on its arrival there with heavy bazar duties, to
the discouragement of industry and enterprize, and the depression of
agriculture and trade, in a degree not compensated by a proportionate
benefit to the revenue[57].

Almost all the inland commerce, beyond what is thus carried on though
the medium of bazars, is under the direction of the Chinese, who,
possessing considerable capital, and frequently speculating on a very
extensive scale, engross the greater part of the wholesale trade, buy
up the principal articles of export from the native grower, convey them
to the maritime capitals, and in return supply the interior with salt,
and with the principal articles imported from the neighbouring islands,
or from foreign countries. The industry of the Javans being directed
almost exclusively to the cultivation of the soil, they are satisfied
if they can find an immediate market for their surplus produce; and the
Chinese, from their superior wealth and enterprize, offering them this
advantage without interfering with their habits, have obtained almost a
monopoly of their produce, and an uncontrolled command of their market
for foreign commodities.

The trade carried on by native vessels along the coast, with the
neighbouring islands, and with the peninsula of Malacca, has been
even more shackled than that placed under the impolitic restraints of
interior regulation; and if it exists now to any considerable extent,
it is owing only to the great natural advantages that attend it.
Independently of the dangers to which the peaceable unprotected trader
has so long been exposed, from the numerous pirates who infest the
Eastern Seas, and who for many years have been in the habit of annually
sweeping the coast of Java, the various restrictions, penalties, and
prohibitions established by the Dutch government, in order to insure
their own monopoly, closed all the minor ports against him.

Among these restrictions, none operated more forcibly to prejudice
the native trade than the rigid and enforced monopoly of the teak
timber; an article of produce with which Java abounds, and of which
the shipping of the Archipelago had, from time immemorial, been
principally constructed. The facilities for building and repairing
vessels along the coast, while the sale of timber was unrestricted,
not only allowed a more abundant supply of shipping at a cheap rate
for the convenience of the native trader, but attracted the beneficial
visits and the intercourse of foreigners, and encouraged a species of
trade, which under the recent system has been lost. The _Búgis_ and
Arabs of the different eastern ports, navigating in large vessels,
were induced to give them an annual repair on Java; and rather than
depart in ballast, frequently carried out cargoes, the profits of which
alone, independently of their refit, would not have been sufficient
to tempt them to the speculation. These adventurers not only imported
considerable quantities of gold-dust to defray the expence of their
repairs, but many other articles the produce of the Malayan islands;
for which they in return exported large quantities of salt and other
bulky commodities, which would otherwise hardly repay their freight.
In consequence of the stop put to this kind of intercourse, the
Malayan States were principally supplied with salt from Siam and the
Coromandel coast, or manufactured the article for themselves, while
an accumulating undemanded surplus for many years remained on Java
unsaleable. Of the nature of the restrictions under which the internal
commerce and the native trade in general were placed until lately, some
idea may be formed from the amount of the duties which were exacted at
_Chéribon_ prior to the introduction of the land revenue settlement[58].

These, with still heavier and more vexatious duties and exactions,
were levied on trade in other districts of the island. Constant
requisitions were made by the Dutch government for the services of
native vessels, at rates far below a just compensation to the owner,
and the native traders were forbidden to traffic in any of the articles
of Dutch monopoly; considerations which incline us rather to express
our surprize, that there should have been any native trade at all, than
that there should be so little as now exists.

The coasting trade is carried on in vessels belonging chiefly to
Chinese, Arabs, and _Búgis_ (natives of Celebes), and in smaller
Malayan _práhus_[59]. The enterprize of the Arabs, Chinese, and
_Búgis_ is very conspicuous. They are in general fair traders; and
Europeans acquainted with their several characters can rely on their
engagements, and command their confidence. Many of them, particularly
the _Búgis_, are possessed of very large capital.

By means of the coasting trade, the produce of the maritime and inland
districts is conveyed to _Batavia_, _Semárang_, and _Surabáya_, the
principal ports of consumption and exportation; and in return those
districts receive iron, steel, and other articles of foreign produce
and manufacture from abroad. The western districts being but thinly
inhabited, do not yield a sufficient supply for the consumption of
Batavia; and on this account, as well as its being the principal mart
of foreign commerce, the trade of the eastern districts is attracted
to it, in a higher degree than to any of the other great towns in
their own immediate neighbourhood: but owing to the unhealthiness of
the climate, the loss occasioned by the paper money, which the native
traders of other islands could never understand, and the various
vexations and impositions to which they were subjected, these latter
invariably prefer the more eastern ports of _Semárang_ and _Surabáya_,
or rather _Grésik_, in the immediate vicinity of the latter, which has
always been the principal establishment and residence of the Arabs.

The _Búgis_ import into Java from the other islands, Malayan camphor,
tortoise-shell, edible birds'-nests, bees'-wax, cloth called _sárongs_,
of a very strong texture, their own manufacture, and gold dust, which
they lay out in the purchase of opium, iron, steel, Europe chintzes
and broad cloth, and Indian piece goods, besides tobacco, rice, salt,
and other productions and manufactures of Java, with which they return
eastward during the favourable monsoon.

The Arabs navigate square-rigged vessels, from fifty to five hundred
tons burden. The Chinese also have many brigs, besides their peculiar
description of vessels called junks, as well as native-built _práhus_.
They extend their voyages to Sumatra, the Straits of Malacca, and
eastward as far as the Moluccas and Timor, collecting birds'-nests,
camphor, _bich de mar_, and other articles, making Java a grand depôt
for the produce of all the countries to which they resort. Throughout
the whole of Java, trade is usually conducted by the Chinese: many of
them are very rich, and their means are increased by their knowledge of
business, their spirit of enterprize, and their mutual confidence.

If a cargo arrives too extensive for the finances of one individual,
several Chinese club together, and purchase the goods, each dividing
according to his capital. In this manner a ready market is always open
at Java, without the assistance of European merchants, and strangers
are enabled to transact their business with little trouble or risk.

The objections which have been made to the political influence of the
Chinese and Arabs in the Eastern Islands, do not equally apply to them
as traders. In this last capacity, and subject to regulations which
prevent them from uniting the power of a chief with the temper of a
merchant, and despotism with avarice, their value cannot be too highly
rated. The persevering industry and speculative turn of the Chinese is
too well known to need description; and the Arab traders are here what
they are all over the world, keen, intelligent, and adventurous. The
_Búgis_ have long been distinguished among the Eastern Islands for the
extent of their speculations and the fairness of their dealing.

Java exports, for the consumption and use of the other islands of the
Archipelago, including the Malayan ports on the peninsula, rice, a
variety of vetches, salt, oil, tobacco, timber, Java cloths, brass
ware, and a variety of minor articles, the produce of her agriculture
and manufactures, besides occasionally, as the market admits, a
considerable quantity of European, Indian, and Chinese goods. Almost
the only articles for which Java is at present dependent on its
neighbours are _gúmbir_, imported from Lingen (_Ling'ga_) and Rhio,
where it is produced to the annual amount of from twenty to thirty
thousand _píkuls_,--and _pámur_, the metal used for damasking the
Javan _krís_, of which a small quantity is imported from _Biliton_
and _Célebes_, where alone it is found. The following articles,
the exclusive produce of the Eastern Islands, are collected at its
principal ports, for re-exportation to India, China, and Europe: tin,
from _Bánka_; gold-dust, diamonds, camphor, benjamin and other drugs,
edible birds'-nests, _bich de mar_, rattans, bees'-wax, tortoise-shell,
and dyeing woods, from Borneo and Sumatra; sandal and other fine woods,
nutmegs, cloves and mace, coarse, wild and damaged spices, _káyu-púti_
and other pungent oils, from the Moluccas; horses and sapan wood, from
_Sumbáwa_; _Búgis_ cloths, and many collections for the Chinese market,
from Célebes. Cloths are also sometimes imported from _Báli_, and
pepper is collected at _Bánjermásin_, on Borneo, and from several of
the Malayan states.

The tin brought to Java is almost exclusively from the mines of
_Bánka_. This metal is also exported from several of the other islands,
and from the peninsula of Malacca, whence these countries have been
considered the _Temala_ of Ptolemy, _timáh_ being the Malayan word for
tin; but the quantity obtained from all other sources falls far short
of what is procured on _Bánka_, which exports to the annual amount of
thirty thousand _píkuls_, or nearly forty thousand cwt. of this metal.
The mines on _Bánka_ are worked by Chinese, who deliver the metal into
the government stores in slabs, at the rate of about eight Spanish
dollars the _píkul_, of one hundred and thirty-three pounds and a
quarter.

A very extensive branch of trade is carried on by a direct
communication between Java and China, entirely upon Chinese capital,
in a description of vessels called junks. From eight to ten of these
vessels arrive annually from Canton and Amoi, with cargoes of teas,
raw silk, silk piece goods, varnished umbrellas, iron pots, coarse
china-ware, sweetmeats, nankeen, paper, and innumerable minor articles,
particularly calculated for the Chinese settlers. They are from three
to eight hundred tons burthen, and sail at stated periods, generally
reaching Batavia with the north-east monsoon, about the month of
January. Of all the imports from China, that which produces the most
extensive effects on the commercial and political interests of the
country is the native himself: besides their cargoes, these junks bring
a valuable import of from two to five hundred industrious natives
in each vessel. These emigrants are usually employed as coolies or
labourers on their first arrival; but, by frugal habits and persevering
industry, they soon become possessed of a little property, which they
employ in trade, and increase by their prudence and enterprize. Many of
them, in course of time, attain sufficient wealth to render themselves
independent, and to enable them to remit considerable accumulations
yearly to their relations in China. As these remittances are generally
made in the valuable articles, such as birds'-nests, Malayan camphor,
_bich de mar_, tin, opium, pepper, timber, leather hides, indigo, gold
and silver, the return cargoes of these vessels amount to an almost
incredible value.

The quantity of edible birds'-nests alone, annually exported from Java
to China on vessels of this description, is estimated at not less than
two hundred _píkuls_, of which by far the largest proportion is the
produce of the Javan rocks and hills. It is well known that these are
the nests of a species of swallow (hirundo esculenta) common in the
Malayan islands, and in great demand for the China table. Their value
as a luxury, in that empire, has been estimated on importation to be
weight for weight equal with silver. The price which these nests of the
best quality have of late years brought in the Canton and Amoi market,
has been forty Spanish dollars per _káti_, of rather more than a pound
and a quarter English. They are usually classed into first, second,
and third sorts, differing in price from forty to fifteen Spanish
dollars, and even to ten and less for the most ordinary. The price in
the Batavian market rises as the period for the departure of the junks
approaches; but as the principal produce of Java is still a monopoly
in the hands of government, it is difficult to fix the price at which
they might be sold under other circumstances. Generally speaking,
however, they sell throughout the Eastern Islands considerably lower
than they are calculated to do in China, which may be accounted for by
the perishable nature of the commodity, and the great care necessary to
preserve them from the damp, as well as from breakage. On this account,
they are seldom bought by European traders. Birds'-nests consigned by
the Javan government to the Canton factory in 1813, sold to the amount
of about fifty _píkuls_, at an average rate of about twenty dollars per
_kati_: but this was at a period when the China markets were unusually
low.

The quantity of birds' nests obtained from the rocks called _Kárang
bólang_, on the southern coast of Java, and within the provinces
of the native princes, is estimated, one year with another, at a
hundred _píkuls_, and is calculated to afford an annual revenue to
the government of two hundred thousand Spanish dollars. The quantity
gathered besides by individuals, on rocks and hills belonging to them,
either in private property or held by farm from the government, in
other parts of the island, may amount to fifty _píkuls_; making the
extent of this export not less than one hundred and fifty _píkuls_,
besides the amount of the collections from the other islands of the
Archipelago.

In the Malayan islands in general, but little care is taken of the
rocks and caverns which produce this dainty, and the nests procured are
neither so numerous nor so good as they otherwise would be. On Java,
where perhaps the birds are fewer, and the nests in general less fine
than those to be met with in some of the more Eastern Islands, both
the quantity and quality have been considerably improved by European
management. To effect this improvement, the caverns which the birds are
found to frequent are cleansed by smoking and the burning of sulphur,
and the destruction of all the old nests. The cavern is then carefully
secured from the approach of man, the birds are left undisturbed to
form their nests, and the gathering takes place as soon as it is
calculated that the young are fledged. If they are allowed to remain
until eggs are again laid in them, they lose their pure colour and
transparency, and are no longer of what are termed the first sort. They
are sometimes collected so recently after their formation, that time
has not been given for the bird to lay or hatch her eggs in them, and
these nests are considered as the most superior; but as the practice,
if carried to any extent, would prevent the number of the birds from
increasing, it is seldom resorted to, where the caverns are in the
possession of those who have a permanent interest in their produce.
Much of their excellence and peculiar properties, however, depend on
the situation of the place in which they are formed. It has often been
ascertained, for instance, that the same bird forms a nest of somewhat
different quality, according as it constructs it in the deep recesses
of an unventilated and damp cavern, or attaches it to a place where the
atmosphere is dry, and the air circulates freely. The nature of the
different substances also to which they are fixed, seems to have some
influence on their properties. The best are procured in the deepest
caverns, (the favourite retreat of the birds), where a nitrous dampness
continually prevails, and where being formed against the sides of the
cavern, they imbibe a nitrous taste, without which they are little
esteemed by the Chinese. The principal object of the proprietor of a
birds'-nest rock is to preserve sufficient numbers of the swallows,
by not gathering the nests too often, or abstracting those of the
finer kinds in too great numbers, lest the birds should quit their
habitations and emigrate to a more secure and inaccessible retreat.
It is not unusual for a European, when he takes a rock under his
superintendence, after ridding it of the old nests and fumigating the
caverns, to allow the birds to remain undisturbed, two, three, or even
more years, in order that they may multiply for his future advantage.
When a birds'-nest rock is once brought into proper order, it will
bear two gatherings in the year: this is the case with the rocks under
the care of the officers of government at _Kárang bólang_.

In the vicinity of the rocks are usually found a few persons accustomed
from their infancy to descend into these caverns, in order to gather
the nests; an office of the greatest risk and danger, the best nests
being sometimes many hundred feet within the damp and slippery opening
of the rock. The gatherers are sometimes obliged to lower themselves by
ropes (as at _Kárang bólang_) over immense chasms, in which the surf of
a turbulent sea dashes with the greatest violence, threatening instant
destruction in the event of a false step or an insecure hold. The
people employed by government for this purpose were formerly slaves, in
the domestic service of the minister or resident at the native court.
To them the distribution of a few dollars, and the preparation of a
buffalo feast after each gathering, was thought sufficient pay, and
the sum thus expended constituted all the disbursements attending the
gathering and packing, which is conducted by the same persons. This
last operation is however carefully superintended by the resident, as
the slightest neglect would essentially deteriorate the value of the
commodity[60].

Although the Malayan camphor, which is the exclusive produce of Sumatra
and Borneo, is much stronger than the camphor from China, it has not
yet been considered an article of extensive export for the European
market. It is always, however, in the greatest demand in China, where
it is either consumed, or as has been supposed by some, it undergoes
a certain process previous to its re-exportation under a different
appearance. It is not known in what manner the China camphor for the
European market is prepared; and unless the Malayan camphor is used
in the composition, it seems difficult to account for the constant
demand for it in China, whence it is never re-exported in its original
state. Whatever value may be set on the Chinese camphor, that exported
from Japan is of a still superior quality, and more in demand for the
European market.

_Bich de mar_ is well known to be a dried sea slug used in the dishes
of the Chinese: it is known among the Malayan Islands by the name of
_trípang_, and collected on the shores of nearly all the islands of the
Archipelago. It usually sells in China at from ten to fifty dollars
per _píkul_, according to its quality, but being an article still
more perishable than the birds'-nests, and very bulky and offensive,
it seldom composes the cargoes of European vessels. It would be very
difficult to ascertain the average price, as it varies according to the
difficulties experienced in collecting it, and the immediate demand in
the market, for its perishable nature will not admit of the excess of
one season being laid by to meet the deficiency of another. It requires
constant care on the voyage, and a leaky vessel frequently loses a
whole cargo.

Stic-lac, used in dying, is procured in many parts of Java, and can
easily be obtained in a quantity sufficient to meet the demand. The
insect which yields it abounds in the Bantam districts, and the lac
prepared is considered of good quality; but it is not an article which
appears to have attracted much attention.

The trade between Java and China in vessels belonging to Europeans,
at present consists principally in carrying out tin, pepper, spices,
rattans, and betel-nut, for the China market, and receiving in return
a few articles of China produce in demand for the European market, a
balance of cash, and a supply of manufactures required annually at
Batavia; but it is calculated that cotton, rice, and timber, which may
be considered as the staple produce of Java, might be exported to China
with advantage.

A small quantity of Javan cotton lately sent to China, was sold at
a higher rate than the ordinary prices of the cotton from Western
India[61]. Cotton-yarn is an article sometimes exported to China, but
in the existing state of society on Java, the exportation of the raw
material is likely to be attended with the greatest advantages. Some
writers have estimated the capability of Java to export raw cotton
almost incredibly high, but it must be admitted, that although the soil
is not universally favourable, yet few countries afford greater general
advantages for the cotton cultivation, it being practicable to raise it
to a great extent, without interfering with the general grain produce
of the country. It could be grown as a second crop on the rice fields,
being planted shortly after the harvest, and attaining maturity before
the season again comes round for irrigating the lands. Nothing can
convey a higher idea of the richness of the soil of Java, and of the
advantages of its climate, than the fact, that during one half the year
the lands yield a rich and abundant crop of grain, more than sufficient
for the ordinary food of the population, and during the other half a
valuable staple, which affords the material for clothing them, and
opens in its manufacture a source of wealth and of continual domestic
industry through the year.

Enterprising individuals, merchants of Batavia, have not been wanting
to engage in the valuable fur trade, hitherto carried on principally
by the Americans, between Kamtschatka and China. Mr. Timmerman Thyssen,
an enlightened Dutch gentleman, whose name for honourable dealing
and extensive business has always stood high among the merchants of
Batavia, has entered into more than one speculation of this kind.
Vessels fitted out from Batavia took in furs at Kamtschatka, which were
intended to be exchanged in China for dollars; but the dangers of the
passage in one instance, and the informality of the papers in another,
rendered this bold and promising enterprize productive of but little
pecuniary advantage. Nothing, however, has occurred, to prove that the
adventure would not have fully answered its intention in time of peace,
the principal difficulties which attended and frustrated it ceasing
with the war.

Since the conquest a very extensive trade has been carried on by the
English country ships importing from Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay,
all kinds of piece goods, opium, and other articles, the returns for
which have been usually made by bills, gold-dust, bees'-wax, tin, Japan
camphor, sago, and teak timber.

The piece goods of Western India have always formed an extensive
article of import into Java, and the annual value of those latterly
imported cannot well be estimated at less than a million of dollars.
Those generally meet a ready sale, at an advance of from thirty to
forty per cent. upon the prime cost in India, and much more when the
supply is scanty.

In consequence of these heavy and valuable importations, the returns to
Bengal were till lately made principally by bills, obtainable either
from government, or individuals desirous of purchasing colonial produce
for the European market by means of funds in Western India. But there
are also several articles, which experience has proved well calculated
for making their returns direct to Bengal, particularly Japan copper
and teak timber. Java is known to abound with valuable teak forests,
and the quality of the wood has been considered as superior to that of
Pegu or the Malabar coast. The restrictions under which this export
was formerly placed as a government monopoly, prevented its finding
its way beyond the immediate Dutch dependencies; but the extent to
which it was even then sent to the Moluccas, to Malacca, and to the
Cape of Good Hope, where all the public buildings are constructed of
Javan teak, sufficiently attests the value and extent of the forests,
as well as the good quality and durability of the wood. This valuable,
but bulky article of export, is always in demand for ship-building
in Bengal, and has afforded to the merchant a very liberal profit on
exportation, after paying the present government prices, which are
calculated at something above ten per cent. upon the actual expence
of cutting and dragging the timber from the forests to the port of
exportation. During the last two years, large ships have taken cargoes
to Bengal, and afforded very handsome profits. From the neighbourhood
of _Rémbáng_, where permission has been given to individuals to cut the
timber, on paying a duty of ten per cent. on the estimated value when
worked up, it has not only been exported at a cheap rate to Bengal, but
several ships have been constructed of it, while along the whole line
of coast, from _Semárang_ to _Grésik_, small vessels and country craft
are launched every month.

But although the direct trade with Bengal has thus been always against
Java, the demand for sugar in the Bombay market always affords the
means of a circuitous return of capital. Large quantities of Javan
sugar have been exported to Bombay during the last four years,
principally on the returning ships in ballast touching at Batavia on
their way from China, and these cargoes have afforded considerable
profit. A lucrative trade in this article is also sometimes carried
on by the Arabs to the Red Sea, and particularly to Mocha; but Arab
traders, of sufficient capital for these extensive speculations, have,
by the effects of the former monopoly on Java, long been driven out of
the market, and sufficient time has not been given for them to return.

The extensive produce of this fine island in sugar and coffee of
superior quality, and the pepper and various other articles, either
yielded by it or collected from the neighbouring countries, such as
sago, tin, Japan copper, spices, elephants' teeth, sticklac, long
pepper, cubebs, tortoise-shell, gold, diamonds, Japan wood, ebony,
rattans, indigo, &c. present fine subjects for commercial speculation
to all parts of Europe and America, the Cape of Good Hope, and the
Mauritius; and the more so, as from the extensive native and European
population, a very considerable and constant demand exists for the
produce and manufactures of Europe, not only for the consumption and
use of the island itself, but to supply the neighbouring Malayan states
by way of barter.

The quantity of sugar seems to depend almost entirely upon the demand,
and is likely at all times to equal it, few countries affording equal
advantages for its manufacture. Owing to the want of a demand for this
kind of produce, for several years antecedent to the conquest, many
of the manufactories were discontinued; but since the trade has been
opened, and the demand renewed, many of them have again commenced
working, and the quantity produced in the year 1815 was not less than
twenty thousand _píkuls_.

The manufacturers being no longer compelled to deliver their produce
to government, can afford to sell the sugar at Batavia at from four to
six Spanish dollars (or from twenty to thirty shillings) per _píkul_,
the quality being distinguished into first, second, and third sorts,
of which the first may be bought in the market for exportation at
six Spanish dollars per _píkul_, or about twenty-five shillings the
hundred-weight. The quality of this sugar is altogether different from
the sugar in Bengal, and is said to be equal to that of Jamaica, being
manufactured in a great measure according to the same process. While
the European market is open for coffee and other light articles, the
sugar of Java is always in demand for dead weight, and large quantities
have recently been sold in the London market as high as ninety and one
hundred shillings per hundred-weight[62].

The quantity of coffee delivered to government in the year 1815,
exceeded seventy thousand _píkuls_; about thirty thousand _píkuls_ more
may have been exported by individuals, and the produce is greatly on
the increase[63].

The Batavian arrack is well known in the European market, and was at
one time imported in considerable quantities into the continent of
Europe. It is distilled in a great measure from molasses, in which
respect, as well as in the process employed, it differs so materially
from the arrack of continental India, that it cannot with propriety
be considered as the same spirit: it is in fact vastly superior to
it, and capable of competing in the European market with the rum of
the West Indies. Its price at Batavia, where any quantity can at all
times be procured, is for the first sort about sixty Spanish dollars,
for the second sort fifty, and for the third thirty Spanish dollars
the leaguer; the first sort, which is above proof, thus selling by
the leaguer of one hundred and sixty gallons, at the rate of about
twenty-pence the gallon. In consequence of the prohibitory duties
against the importation of this article into Great Britain or British
India, this branch of commerce has latterly declined, and many of the
distilleries have been discontinued.

The Dutch possessions of Ceylon, the Cape of Good Hope, and the
Moluccas, dependent on the government of Batavia, always received their
principal supplies of rice from Java, and considerable quantities have
of late been occasionally exported to those places, as well as the
Coromandel coast, with great advantage. During a scarcity of grain in
England, the Java rice has also found its way to that market[64].

From Europe the most important imports, and those in constant demand
for the native population, are iron, steel, copper, printed cottons
of a peculiar pattern, and woollens. Of iron, not less than from one
thousand to fifteen hundred tons are annually imported, which is worked
up into the implements of husbandry, and into the various instruments,
engines, and utensils, required in the towns and agricultural
districts. The price has varied, during the last four years, from six
to twelve Spanish dollars: the average has been about eight dollars
per hundred weight for the English, and about nine per hundred weight
for the Swedish iron. The small bar iron is always in demand in the
market, in consequence of its convenience for working up into the
different implements required. Steel is also in demand, to the extent
of two or three hundred tons annually.

English printed cottons, of peculiar patterns adapted to the taste of
the natives and Chinese, and white cotton sheeting cloth, always meet a
ready and extensive sale; but the great objection to the former is the
want of permanency in the colours, a disadvantage which all the English
printed cottons labour under. A very extensive and valuable assortment
of these cottons, imitated after the Javan and Malayan patterns, was
recently imported into Java by the East India Company, and on the first
sale produced very good prices; but before a second trial could be
made, the natives had discovered that the colours would not stand, and
the remainder were no longer in any demand. Would it not tend greatly
to the improvement of the British manufacture, and consequently greatly
extend the export, if the enquiries of scientific men in India were
directed, in a particular manner, to an observation of the different
dye-stuffs used in Asia, and to the manner followed by the natives in
different parts, for fixing the colours and rendering them permanent?

Broad-cloths, velvets, glass ware, wines, and in short all articles of
consumption and use among Europeans, may on Java be considered also,
in a great measure, in demand by the native population, who free from
those prejudices which preclude an expectation of the introduction of
European manufacture into Western India, generally indulge in them
according to their means. The climate of many parts of the Island
renders the broad-cloth, particularly at some seasons of the year, an
article of great comfort, and among the higher orders it is usually,
as with Europeans, worn as a jacket: sometimes this is of velvet. A
constant demand, limited only by the means of the purchaser, is also
daily increasing for gold-lace and the other European manufactures
used in dress, furniture, saddlery, &c.; it may therefore be easily
conceived, to what an extent the demand for these articles is likely to
be carried, among a native population of more than four millions and a
half of souls, advancing in wealth and intelligence.

It is unnecessary to notice the extent of the articles required from
Europe by the European population, as they are the same in all parts
of India. The demand is, of course, partially affected by the extent
of the military force, and by the wants of the officers; but where
there is a permanent resident European population, of not less than a
thousand souls, generally in good circumstances, it may be inferred
that the demand is always great.

A continual traffic is carried on between Batavia, the Isle of
France, and the Cape of Good Hope, by which the latter in particular
is supplied with timber, rice, oil, and a variety of articles of
consumption, the voyage being frequently effected in five weeks.
While the Bourbon coffee bore a higher price in the European market,
considerable quantities of coffee were sent from Java to that island,
and from thence re-exported as Bourbon coffee.

The American trade was carried to the greatest extent during the
existence of the anti-commercial system of the late French ruler, when
American traders purchased the Java coffee at the rate of eighteen
Spanish dollars the _píkul_ at Batavia, and by a circuitous route
imported it into France, at an advance of one hundred per cent. During
this period, the purchases of the Americans in the market of Batavia
amounted in some years to nearly a million sterling, for which they
obtained principally sugar, coffee, and spices.

Having thus given some account of the internal and external trade
of Java as it at present exists, of the advantages for an extensive
commerce which it enjoys, of the articles which it can supply for the
consumption of other countries, and those which it receives in return
for its own consumption, and of the places with which its dealings are
or might be most profitably conducted on both sides, I might now be
expected to enter into the history of that trade since the subjection
of the Island to the Dutch, the regulations enacted and enforced by
them, for restraining or directing it, and the fluctuations it has
undergone during two centuries of a rigid monopoly; but this inquiry
would lead me to swell this part of the work to a disproportionate
size. I shall now merely present my readers with a few extracts
from the orders made in 1767, and strictly enforced throughout the
Archipelago, for regulating the trade and navigation of the dominions
subject to Batavia, and with a brief abstract of the amount of exports
and imports during some of the subsequent years.

"All persons whatever," says the first article of those orders, "are
prohibited, under _pain of death_, from trading in the four fine kinds
of spices, unless such spices shall be first bought of the Company."
Opium was placed under the same restrictions, and enforced by the
same penalty. The exportation of pepper, tin, and Japan copper was
prohibited, unless bought for the Company; and the importation of them
not permitted, except for sale to the Company, under the penalty of
confiscation, and a fine of four times the value of the article. The
import and export of Surat silks and of India cloths, were strictly
prohibited under the same penalty. White cotton yarn and all other
sorts of it, _Semárang_ arrack, and unstamped gold, were prohibited
from being exported under the penalty of confiscation. No port was
open to any vessel coming from the northward or from the Moluccas,
except Batavia. No _práhu_ or vessel was to carry any greater quantity
of gunpowder and shot, than might be permitted, and regularly entered
in the pass given to the party, under penalty of confiscation of the
vessel, _and the infliction of a corporal punishment similar to that
inflicted for theft_. All persons belonging to the coast of Java were
strictly prohibited from sailing from any part of the coast where there
was not a Company's Resident. No navigation was allowed to be carried
on by the vessels of _Bánka_ and _Bíliton_, except to _Palémbang_.
All navigation from Celebes and _Sumbáwa_ was prohibited, under pain
of confiscation of the vessel and cargo. No vessel from the latter
place could pass Malacca, and the Company's pass to proceed to _Siak_
was given only once in a year to three vessels from Batavia, two
from the coast of Java, and one from Chéribon. The China junks were
only permitted to trade at Batavia and _Bánjer-másin_. No trade or
navigation whatever was permitted beyond the west point of Bantam,
without a pass from Batavia. Such are the most important of thirty-one
articles of restriction, serving to shackle every movement of commerce,
and to extinguish every spirit of enterprize, for the narrow selfish
purposes of what may be called the fanaticism of gain. After perusing
them, the reader will rather be inclined to think the following amount
of the trade too highly stated, than be surprised that it is so low.

The precious metals have always been a great article of import into
Java, as well as into the other regions of the East. In 1770 there was
imported into Java from Holland, cash and bullion to the amount of
2,862,176 Java rupees[65], and the sums imported from other quarters in
the same year, and raised by bills of exchange on Holland, amounted to
1,419,565 rupees, making in all 4,281,742, or more than half a million
sterling. The amount imported in that year was almost as great as that
in any subsequent year till 1803, when the importation of precious
metals was estimated at 7,617,122 rupees, or nearly a million sterling.
This period corresponds with that of the greatest exportation of sugar
by the Americans, who, no doubt, imported the precious metals in
exchange for their cargoes, as the quantity brought from Holland in the
same year amounted only to 448,370 rupees. In the following year (1804)
the quantity imported was 6,499,001 rupees, of which none at all came
from the mother-country. In forty years, from 1770 to 1810, the total
of the imported precious metals amounted to 118,607,472 Java rupees,
or nearly three millions annually upon an average. A great portion of
this was re-exported to India, China, and the Dutch possessions in
the Archipelago, to pay for the articles brought to Batavia for the
supply of the European demand. The quantity of goods imported from
all quarters of the globe, exclusive of cash and bullion, amounted
in the year 1770 to the value in Spanish dollars of 2,350,316, and
the exports to 3,318,161, leaving a balance in favour of the exports
of 867,845 Spanish dollars. A great part of the exports was destined
for Holland, and a great part of the imports came from Holland. The
imports from Holland were again re-exported to China, Japan, the
Spice Islands, &c. from which, and from Bengal, Ceylon, the coasts of
Coromandel and of Malabar, and the Cape of Good Hope and other eastern
countries, the other shipments came, and to which the other exports
proceeded. The profits on the sale of that portion of the imports of
1770, disposed of in the market of Batavia for the consumption of Java,
are stated at 7,895 Spanish dollars, so that, so far as the import
trade was concerned, Batavia only became the _entrepôt_ between the
mother-country and her other possessions or stations of commercial
resort in the Indian seas. The exports of Java almost every year
exceeded the imports, as will appear from official returns which follow.

  -------+----------+----------+----------+----------
   Years.|  Exports.|  Imports.| Excess of| Excess of
         |          |          |  Exports.| Imports.
  -------+----------+----------+----------+----------
         | Spanish  | Spanish  | Spanish  | Spanish
         |  Dollars.|  Dollars.|  Dollars.|  Dollars.
         |          |          |          |
   1771  | 3,122,197| 3,116,374|     5,823|      --
   1772  | 2,909,371| 2,170,741|   738,630|      --
   1773  | 3,193,912| 2,789,869|   404,043|      --
   1774  | 3,184,641| 2,941,011|   243,630|      --
   1775  | 3,083,773| 2,692,420|    91,353|      --
   1776  | 3,319,070| 2,305,228| 1,013,842|      --
   1777  | 3,139,678| 2,006,561| 1,133,117|      --
   1778  | 2,440,042| 1,776,674|   663,368|      --
   1779  | 2,274,308| 2,075,022|        --| 430,714
         |          |          |          |
   1783  | 2,788,702| 1,914,202|   874,500|      --
   1784  | 2,921,274| 2,781,833|   139,441|      --
   1785  | 2,670,468| 2,654,687|    15,781|      --
   1786  | 2,495,038| 2,639,663|        --| 144,624
   1787  | 2,634,049| 2,506,267|   127,782|      --
   1788  | 3,700,209| 3,017,853|   682,356|      --
   1789  | 2,956,240| 2,840,127|   116,113|      --
   1790  | 3,011,040| 3,073,801|        --|  62,761
   1791  | 3,771,263| 3,098,849|   672,414|      --
   1792  | 1,172,670| 1,295,959|        --| 123,289
  -------+----------+----------+----------+----------

There was, of course, a lamentable falling off in the foreign trade
of Java after the commencement of the war of the French revolution:
some of the best markets were almost entirely closed to it, and the
intercourse with the mother-country was nearly destroyed. The total of
exports to Holland and her eastern possessions, from the year 1796 till
1806, amounted in value to only 7,097,963 Spanish dollars; the imports
to 3,073,894 Spanish dollars; leaving a surplus of exports of 4,024,069
Spanish dollars. The Americans began to frequent the market of Batavia
in 1798, and through them principally was the trade carried on till the
conquest of the Island by the British, except during the short interval
of the peace of Amiens. No specie (with which Holland chiefly paid for
her eastern commodities) was imported from the mother-country from
1795 downwards, except during 1802-3 and 1803-4, during which there
was only the very inconsiderable sum of about half a million of rupees
imported.

It is impossible to convey a just idea of the native or foreign trade
of Java, without adverting to the commercial and political state of the
other islands of the Archipelago. Of these it may be stated generally,
that the interior is possessed by the natives, collected under
leaders who have taken advantage of the great extent of the country,
in proportion to its population, to render themselves independent of
the lawful sovereign; that the coast is occupied, in many places,
either by pirates, by some of the ruder tribes whom it is dangerous
to invade, or by adventurous traders, chiefly _Maláyus_ and _Búgis_.
These traders arrive in well-armed vessels, which some of them remain
to protect; others travel up the country, not unfrequently to the
distance of a hundred miles, and at the change of the monsoon return
to their companions, charged either with plunder, or with the fruits
of a commerce carried on with the natives at an exorbitant profit.
The pirates, as they drive the peaceable and honest trader from the
coast, recruit their numbers from among the seafaring men to whom he
used to give employment. The decay of commerce is accelerated; and the
natives retreat into the interior, where, for want of a market, they
cease to collect the rich productions of their country, and rapidly
sink into poverty and barbarism. The sea and the coast remain a scene
of violence, rapine, and cruelty. The mouths of the rivers are held by
lawless banditti, who interrupt the trade of those who inhabit their
banks, and capture the vessels destined for the inland towns: the bays
and harbours are entirely within their power; and in these smooth seas
they are never driven a moment from their stations, or diverted by
danger from their predatory vigilance. The sovereigns of the country
have too little authority over their nominal subjects; and their
resources are too confined for them to oppose any effectual resistance
to these outrages. All restraints are withdrawn by the divisions and
weakness of the native governments; and men, rendered desperate by the
experience of lawless violence, are induced to join in the system of
plunder against which they can find no protection.

This extensive, rich, and beautiful cluster of islands is thus
deprived of all the advantages which it might derive from the sea
with which it is surrounded; its harbours become the retreats of
marauders, instead of the resort of peaceful commerce; its seafaring
people are reduced to a state of nature. Where force decides right,
no sovereign is possessed of paramount authority to sweep this pest
from his shores; no vessel is safe, no flag is respected. The trade is
thus confined to desperate adventurers only, to whom the existence of
piracy is more advantageous than the unmolested security of navigation,
as the danger which it creates drives away all competitors of a less
daring character, and gives them a monopoly of these ports. It is too
true, also, that European traders have materially contributed to the
strength of the pirates, by the supply of arms and ammunition. At the
port of _Sambas_, European vessels had not dared to touch openly for
twenty years; but such means of resistance as the pirates were found to
possess in two recent attacks upon it, could never have been collected
without large supplies from British traders.

The small colonial craft, so necessary for the prosperity of these
regions, cannot without great risk venture beyond the coast; while
armed Malayan and Bugis _práhus_, and a few European speculators,
engross most of the trade.

The above observations apply more particularly to the coasts of Borneo
and the adjacent islands; but they are, in a great measure, applicable
to many parts of Sumatra. The unfortunate king of Acheen, who has
long been intimately connected with the British establishments, is a
young man of estimable qualities, with a title ancient and undisputed,
though perhaps a weak prince. All his chiefs acknowledge his authority,
though none submit to his control. Native traders from the coast of
Coromandel, and Europeans from Pinang, frequent every river; and the
profit derived from their dealings furnishes the inhabitants with
inducements and means to throw off their allegiance. The king, too
feeble to reduce the revolters, is only able to keep up a state of
continual alarm and warfare, to which the mutual jealousies among the
petty usurpers themselves mainly contribute. The trade of his dominions
is in a great measure carried on like smuggling, by armed boats
running out at a favourable moment, hiding themselves from danger, or
fighting their way through opposition, as occasion may require, and
laying their account with making up for frequent losses by exorbitant
profits. In some places, these almost independent bands are commanded
by Malabar _chuliahs_; and, in most instances, the petty chiefs whom
they elevate to authority are foreign vagrants. Those places which,
from their vicinity to the residence of the king, are least able to
resist his power, are supported in their opposition by the interests of
the English traders; and it is not to be forgotten, that when he made
a partial attempt to regain his authority over all the neighbouring
country, they petitioned the European authority to prevent, by its
interference, his levying a duty upon his own subjects. The petition
was attended to; and the king was compelled, by the command of
strangers, to forego the only means by which he could have preserved
his dominions from anarchy and confusion. At the period, therefore,
when the resources of his kingdom would have been unfolding themselves,
by the improving industry of a well-regulated population, it is falling
into decay, through the personal imbecility and political weakness of
the monarch; and, breaking into detached fragments, is about to form
as many separate principalities, as formerly there were independent
governments throughout all the Archipelago[66].

That there has been, at some time, a more extensive commerce on the
shores of the Archipelago is highly probable, and that there might be
cannot be doubted. The great resources, vegetable and mineral, with
which they abound, such as spices, camphor, gold, and diamonds, and the
facilities which they enjoy for navigation, offer means and inducements
of the highest nature. The general character of the people, also, as
far as it can be ascertained, appears equally favourable to commercial
intercourse. They are represented as mild, inoffensive, not indisposed
to industry, free from any obstinate prejudices of superstition, and
altogether of a different temper from that of the few who remain in a
constant state of warfare on the coast.

Another favourable circumstance is the existence of sovereigns, whose
rights, however infringed, are in principle acknowledged, and who
have never been known to favour, what must be considered the chief
misfortune of these countries, and the source of almost all the rest,
the horrible system of piracy. The evil is manifest, and the remedy is
not of difficult discovery. Were legitimate and acknowledged sovereigns
assisted in resuming their due authority, piracy and rebellion
might be destroyed, these shores would be peopled with their native
inhabitants, whose industry, awakened and invited by the opening of
a safe navigation to the capitals, would in fleets of small vessels,
so essential to the prosperity of the Eastern settlements, bring the
produce of the interior down the innumerable rivers, and communicate
to countries, beyond the reach of foreign adventurers the comforts of
civilised life.

A few years of repose to these islands, and of safe uninterrupted
commerce, with its attendant blessings, would repay with gain
incalculable, what they now claim from the benevolence and
philanthropy, if not from the justice of Europeans, who have so
essentially contributed to their degradation. If left neglected,
without capital, without a safe navigation, almost without laws, the
government disunited, the people groaning under vassalage and slavery,
these races must descend still further in the scale of degradation,
until scarcely a vestige will remain to vindicate the records of their
history; and their political existence will only be testified by acts
of piracy perpetrated on defenceless vessels, which from accident or
ignorance may visit their inhospitable shores.

In all their Eastern settlements, the favourite policy of the Dutch
seems to have been to depress the native inhabitants, and give every
encouragement to the Chinese, who, generally speaking, are only
itinerants and not children of the soil, and who follow the almost
universal practice of remitting the fruits of their industry to China,
instead of spending them where they were acquired. The Chinese, in all
ages equally supple, venal, and crafty, failed not, at a very early
period, to recommend themselves to the speculating Hollanders. They
have, almost from the first, been their agents; and in the island of
Java, in particular, they acquired from them the entire monopoly of the
revenue farms and government contracts. Many of the most respectable
Dutch families were intimately connected with the Chinese in their
contracts and speculations, and whole provinces had been sold in
perpetuity to some of them, the extensive population of which were thus
assigned over to their unfeeling oppression, for the purpose of raising
temporary supplies of money.

On Java, the Chinese have been generally left to their own laws and the
regulations of their own chiefs; and being, for the most part, merely
temporary residents in the country, they devote themselves to the
accumulation of wealth, without being very scrupulous about the means
of obtaining it: when, therefore, they acquire grants of land, they
generally contrive to reduce the peasants speedily to the condition of
slaves. The improvement of the people, which was never much attended
to by the Dutch, was still less so by the Chinese, and the oppression
which they exercised in the vicinity of Batavia had opened the eyes of
the Dutch themselves. A report of the Council of Batavia, a short time
prior to the landing of the English, accordingly states, that "although
the Chinese, as being the most industrious settlers, should be the most
useful, they on the contrary have become a very dangerous people, and
are to be considered as a pest to the country; for which evil," they
add, "there appears to be no radical cure but their expulsion from the
interior." Wherever the Chinese formed extensive settlements in Java,
the native inhabitants had no alternative but that of abandoning the
district or becoming slaves of the soil. The monopolising spirit of the
Chinese was often very pernicious to the produce of the soil, as may be
seen even at this day in the immediate vicinity of Batavia, where all
the public markets are farmed by them, and the degeneracy and poverty
of the lower orders are proverbial.

The Chinese of Batavia are a very numerous body, and possess
considerable wealth. They are active and industrious, enterprising and
speculative in the highest degree in the smallest or most extensive
concerns, and equally well adapted for trade or agriculture; but, at
the same time, they are cunning, deceitful, covetous, and restless,
and exceedingly unwarlike in their habits and dispositions. This is
the character given of them by Mr. Hogendorp, who, in considering the
injurious consequences of their extensive influence on Java, has drawn
a very just and able representation of it[67].

In all the Malayan states, the Chinese have made the greatest efforts
to get into their hands the farming of the port duties, and this
has generally proved the ruin of the trade. In addition to these
circumstances it should be recollected, that the Chinese, from their
peculiar language and manners, form a kind of separate society in
every place where they settle, which gives them a great advantage over
every competitor in arranging monopolies of trade. The ascendancy of
the Chinese requires to be cautiously guarded against and restrained;
and this, perhaps, cannot be better done, than by bringing forward
the native population, and encouraging them in useful and industrious
habits.

Some of these observations regarding the Chinese are, in a high degree,
applicable to the Arabs who frequent the Malayan countries, and under
the specious mask of religion prey on the simple unsuspicious natives.
The Chinese must, at all events, be admitted to be industrious; but by
far the greater part of the Arabs are mere useless drones, and idle
consumers of the produce of the ground: affecting to be descended from
the Prophet and the most eminent of his followers, when in reality
they are commonly nothing better than manumitted slaves, they worm
themselves into the favour of the Malayan chiefs, and often procure the
highest offices under them. They hold like robbers the offices which
they have obtained as sycophants, and cover all with the sanctimonious
veil of religious hypocrisy.

Under the pretext of instructing the _Maláyus_ in the principles of the
Mahometan religion, they inculcate the most intolerant bigotry, and
render them incapable of receiving any species of useful knowledge.
It is seldom that the East is visited by Arabian merchants of large
capital, but there are numerous adventurers who carry on a coasting
trade from port to port, and by asserting the religious claims of
Sheikh, generally obtain an exemption from all port duties in the
Malayan states. They are also not unfrequently concerned in piracies,
and are the principal promoters of the slave-trade.

This may serve, in some degree, to illustrate the necessity of
establishing an equal and uniform system of port regulations throughout
the whole of the Malayan countries; for if the Chinese, on the one
hand, are permitted to farm import and export duties in different
ports, they have every facility allowed them to form combinations, in
order to secure a monopoly to Chinese traders; and on the other hand,
if the Arabs, under religious pretexts, are entirely exempted from
duties, they may baffle all competition, and engross the trade of the
Malayan countries to the exclusion of European traders altogether.

Let the Chinese and Arabs still trade to the eastward. Without them,
the trade would be reduced to less than one-third of even what it is
at present, for it is only through the stimulus which they give to
the industry of the country that its resources are to be developed:
but let their trade be regulated; and above all, let them not be left
in the enjoyment of immunities and advantages, which are neither
possessed by Europeans, nor the indigenous inhabitants of the country.
Since the reduction of the Dutch influence in the East, several of the
ports formerly dependant on them have almost become Arab colonies. The
evil is obviously increasing every day, and can only be checked by
encouraging the native population, and regulating on equal terms the
duties of the Malayan and other Eastern ports.

In many other respects besides those which we have stated, the
commercial policy adopted by the Dutch, with regard to the Eastern
islands and the Malayan states in general, was contrary to all
principles of natural justice, and unworthy of any enlightened and
civilized nation[68].

From authentic accounts it appears, that they attempted to destroy and
eradicate from a vast range of countries the most advantageous produce
of the land, in order to favour their own petty traffic, and burnt a
large proportion of the residue, in order to keep up their monopoly
price in Europe on a small proportion of this produce. Against errors
of this kind, it is to be hoped the more enlightened policy of the
present era will be an effectual preventive; but there are others,
so interwoven with the interests of these islands, and so local in
their nature, that they may not so easily attract the attention of the
governing power.

One feature of the Dutch policy in the Eastern Isles seems to have
been the exclusion of all foreign trade, whether European or native;
excepting at certain specified ports under their own immediate control.
This policy was as much connected with the general government of the
country, as with the commercial profits of the Company; for in an
Archipelago of such unparalleled extent, inhabited by tribes of such
various characters, formidable in a high degree from their very want
of civilization, it was necessary to bring forward some of the most
powerful and most favourably situated of these numerous states, and
to hold them answerable for the proceedings of the several districts
under their influence. Such views gave rise to the establishment of
certain regular and determined trading ports, and led to the vigilant
suppression of all attempts at competition and independence on the
part of the inferior states.

Had this measure been combined with a liberal encouragement of the
home trade, as it may be denominated, between these privileged ports
established by the Dutch, and the various countries under their
influence, little doubt can be entertained that it would have tended
materially to promote the civilization and general improvement of all
the neighbouring nations. Very different, however, was the object
of the Dutch agreements with the different rajas of the Eastern
Archipelago. In some cases it was to secure a monopoly of all the
tin, pepper, camphor, and other saleable articles produced in their
dominions; in others it was to bind the chiefs themselves to destroy
the only saleable articles that their country could furnish, lest the
monopoly price of the Dutch should be injured by a greater quantity
of such produce being brought to market. The Dutch genius, though
exclusively devoted to commerce, has never yet been able to discover
the truth of the maxim, that in the long run it may be as gainful "to
make small profits on large sales as large profits on smaller sales;"
their policy, on the contrary, has not been inaptly compared to a man
putting out one of his eyes to strengthen the sight of the other.

It must be admitted, that the line of conduct pursued by the English
towards the Malayan nations, had by no means been of a conciliatory or
prepossessing character. Our intercourse with them had been carried on
almost exclusively through the medium of adventurers little acquainted
with either the country or people, who have been frequently more
remarkable for boldness than principle[69]. Indeed, the want of any
settled basis of traffic, and the long indifference of the British
government to the complaints of either party, had produced so many
impositions, reprisals, piracies, and murders, that any eastern trader
must have felt himself very much in the situation of a dealer in
spirits, tobacco, and blankets, among the Indians of North America. It
was the remark of Mr. Farquhar, than whom no man is more extensively
acquainted with the interests and resources of East insular India,
that the indifference of the British government must have originated
solely in the want of information or incorrectness of knowledge;
since it is not improbable, that the riches of Sumatra and Borneo are
equal to those either of Brazil or New Spain; and it is only from the
disadvantages under which we had hitherto entered into the competition,
that these great sources of wealth had so long been engrossed by other
nations[70].

The doctrine, that a colony should always be considered a distant
province of the mother-country, has been foreign to the political creed
of the Dutch; and at any rate the radical want of strength in the
government of Batavia may have prevented them from venturing to act
upon it. Of course, they must always have contemplated the prosperity
of the eastern tribes with the invidious regret of a rival shopkeeper,
and regarded their progress in civilization with the jealousy of a
timid despot. The fact sufficiently establishes the truth of this
remark.

Independently of the effects of the European influence just described,
the causes which have tended most to the depression of the Malayan
tribes, and the deterioration of their character, are the civil
commotions to which every state is liable, from the radical want
of strength in the sovereign; the constant wars between the petty
chieftains and heads of villages; the ill-defined succession to
the throne, from the doctrine of primogeniture being imperfectly
recognized; the prevalence of piracy in all the Eastern Seas; the
system of domestic slavery, and all its concomitant evils, as wars for
the purpose of procuring slaves, and the want of confidence between
family and family, man and man; the want of a generally-established,
and recognized system of laws, civil and criminal; the want of a
similar system of commercial regulations respecting port duties,
anchorage, and other charges, to prevent arbitrary exactions and
impositions in the various Malayan ports; and, finally, the monopoly of
the trade assumed by the Malayan rajas. Had Java remained permanently
annexed to the British crown, the redress of these evils would have
been, in a great measure, in the power of the English nation: the
undertaking would have been worthy of their general character, and
there was no other nation that could have possessed the means in an
equal degree, even if it had indeed possessed the inclination.

The prevalence of piracy on the Malayan coasts, and the light in which
it was viewed as an honourable occupation, worthy of being followed by
young princes and nobles, is an evil of ancient date, and intimately
connected with the Malayan habits. The old Malayan romances, and the
fragments of their traditional history, constantly refer with pride to
piratical cruizes.

In addition to other causes, which I shall not stop to specify, the
state of the eastern population, and the intolerant spirit of the
religion of _Islam_, have eminently tended to increase the practice.
The Arab Sheikhs and Sayeds, whatever doctrines they failed to
inculcate, never neglected to enforce the merit of plundering and
massacring the infidels; an abominable tenet, which has tended more
than any other doctrine of the _Kóran_ to the propagation of this
religion. Numerous and various are the tribes of the Eastern Isles
which have not embraced the religion of _Islam_ to this day, and
consequently are reckoned infidels: cruizes against such were, and
are, constantly certain of receiving the approbation of all the Arab
teachers settled in the Malayan countries. The practice of piracy is
now an evil so extensive and formidable, that it can be put down by
the strong hand alone; though precautions against its recurrence might
be taken, by rendering, under the system of acknowledged ports, every
chieftain answerable for his own territory.

Connected with this evil, though of much wider extent, is the system
of slavery in the Malayan countries, which, to apply the energetic
language of Mr. Pitt to this subject, has been none of the least
efficient causes of keeping down these regions "in a state of bondage,
ignorance, and blood." In the beginning of the year 1805, the Marquis
Wellesley abolished slavery throughout India; and, on the 4th of June,
1811, the Earl of Minto, by an order to emancipate all the government
slaves at Malacca, and to direct that hereafter no slaves should be
purchased or received on account of government, gave to the Malayan
nations an earnest of his sentiments on the subject. It is certainly
to the credit of our countrymen in the East, that they have ever
opposed all attempts to introduce the abominable slave traffic into
our settlements there. It was prohibited at Madras by an act of the
Governor and Council, of so early a date as 1682.

The sources of slavery in the Malayan countries are chiefly piracy at
sea, captivity in war, manstealing along the coast, and the penalties
enacted in the Malayan law respecting debts and sundry misdemeanors.
The surviving crews of vessels which fall into the hands of the
pirates are generally disposed of by sale at the first market. The
captives taken in the constant wars which the Malayan chieftains
carry on against each other, are generally employed in domestic
occupations, tending cattle, and cultivating the ground, where there
is no opportunity of bringing them to market. This, however, is seldom
the case, since such numbers are constantly required by the Arabs
and Chinese traders, and heretofore by the Dutch. Many of the Arab
trading vessels are almost exclusively navigated by the slaves of the
owner; and in their progress from island to island, they find little
difficulty in recruiting their crew, by receiving presents of slaves,
or if that should fail, by kidnapping the unfortunate natives. This
forms a strong argument against admitting the unrestricted range of the
islands to either Chinese or Arab traders; for while this is permitted,
the abolition of the system of kidnapping would be absolutely
impossible. The pagan tribes in the vicinity of the Mahometans, such as
those on _Báli_, and some of the tribes of Celebes, the _Harafúras_,
the black _Papúas_ or oriental <DW64>s, the original inhabitants of
_Hálamahíra_, _Coram_, and other easterly nations, are in a great
measure the victims of the kidnapping system, and being infidels are
considered as fair booty.

Nothing has tended more decidedly to the deterioration of the Malayan
character, than the want of a well defined and generally acknowledged
system of law and commercial regulation. The Malayan nations had,
in general, made considerable progress in civilization, before
the introduction of the Mahometan religion among them: they had,
accordingly, regular institutions of their own, some of which were
probably of considerable antiquity, derived from the continent of
India, and consequently radically different from those of the Arabs.

Some difficulty appears to have occurred in adapting these institutions
to the general tenor of the Mahometan law, and many anomalous ones
appear accordingly to have sprung up in different states. These occur
in every part of jurisprudence, whether commercial, civil, or criminal,
and are recited in the _Undang úndang_ and _Adat Maláyu_, which are the
systems of national law among the _Maláyus_. They vary considerably
from each other in different states, and still more from the generally
acknowledged principle of Mahometan law, as received by the Arabs.
Hence there is, in almost every state, a constant struggle between the
adherents of the old Malayan usages and the _Hájis_, together with
other religious persons, who are desirous of introducing the laws of
the Arabs, in order to increase their own importance.

Among the numerous and important evils which result from this complex
and ill-defined system, may be reckoned its affording an opening
for the caprice and tyranny of the rulers, and producing a general
insecurity both of person and property.

The state of the Moslem religion is very different here from what it is
in the old Mahomedan states, such as Persia, Turkey, or Arabia. In many
of the Eastern Islands paganism still remains: in some districts there
are many Christians, and the Chinese swarm in every Malayan country,
and live intermingled with the Mahomedans. This mixture of religion
and tribes has tended, in some degree, to soften the intolerance
of the Mahomedan system among the Malayan nations, and neither the
positive authority of _Islam_, nor the persuasions of their Arab
teachers, have hitherto been able to induce them to abandon entirely
their own peculiar usages and customs. With some of these usages,
especially those which relate to wrecks on the Malayan shores, and the
commercial regulations of the different ports, it becomes incumbent
on the supreme European authority to interfere. In revising these,
the opportunity might perhaps be taken to procure the abandonment of
some of those maxims and usages, which have the strongest tendency to
prevent their improvement, and counteract the habits of civilized life.

A circumstance highly injurious to the commerce of the Malayan
nations is the trading monopoly, which in most of the Malayan ports
is actually assumed by the chiefs. Of this monopoly there is no trace
in the _Undang úndang_ of the _Maláyus_, or in the fragments of their
history which have yet come to light, and it is a question whether this
pernicious practice has not been copied from the monopoly regulations
of the Dutch. Where this system has been fully carried into effect,
it has generally succeeded effectually in repressing industry and
commercial enterprize; and where it has been for some time established,
its evils have been felt so deeply, that it may be presumed the Malayan
chiefs might be induced to relinquish it in favour of a regulated
commerce, whenever they might regain the power of collecting regular
duties in lieu of it. The Malayan laws and customs are fortunately
of a very different kind from those adopted among the great nations
of the continent in their vicinity. These nations, especially the
Siamese and Cochin Chinese, have long been accustomed to look up to
the Chinese, with whom they coincide in religion and manners, and from
whom they have adopted their exclusive maxims of foreign intercourse.
The _Málayus_, on the other hand, though accustomed to look up to the
Arabs as their religious instructors, seldom hesitate to admit the
superiority of both the Europeans and Chinese, both to themselves
and to the Arabs, in the arts of life and general science; and it is
certainly our interest to encourage them in this mode of thinking, and
to prevent the increase of the Arab influence among them.

The Dutch nation appears to have pursued, as a principle of policy, the
propagation of Christianity among the Eastern Islands. The same object
had been previously followed by the Portuguese with great success,
and there are now several small islands in the Malayan Archipelago,
inhabited almost exclusively by Christians of the Catholic persuasion.
In many other islands the Protestant persuasion has made considerable
progress, and teachers, in the flourishing times of the Batavian
Regency, were dispersed over all the low chain of islands which
extend from _Báli_ and Lumbok (_Sásak_) to the great island Timor.
The islands in which the Christian faith has been most extensively
diffused are the great island _Endé_ or _Meng' arái_, the great island
of _Tímor_, and the several small islands in the vicinity, and Amboina.
In many of these islands the natives having no written character of
their own, have been instructed in the Roman character, and taught to
read Malayan and other dialects in it There have also been various
formularies printed for their use, and translations have been executed
for them in some of their languages, which have little or no affinity
to the Malayan. The propagation of Christianity among these islands
is obviously liable to none of those objections which have been
urged against its missionaries on continental possessions. A great
proportion of the natives are still pagans, under the influence of a
wild and almost unintelligible superstition, the principles of which
are not recorded in books, but are handed down, like stories of ghosts,
fairies, and witches, with all the uncertainty of tradition. In most
instances, the people, though they stand in great awe of the priests or
enchanters, or dealers with invisible spirits, are very little attached
to the superstition in which they are educated. Many of them are said
to be very desirous of procuring instruction, and in some places they
look up with a degree of veneration to the Mahomedans, as a people who
have received something which they still want.

These observations on the Malayan Islands in general, apply to no part
of the Archipelago more than to the important and great island of
Borneo.

BORNEO is not only one of the most fertile countries in the world, but
one of the most productive in gold and diamonds[71]. Its camphor is
the finest known, and it is thought capable of producing every kind
of spice. Its eastern coasts, which abound in sago, also furnish a
greater quantity of birds'-nests, sea-slug, and other commodities in
great demand in the Chinese market, than the other islands of the
East; but the interior has never been explored by Europeans. It may be
conjectured, that the ignorance of the state of the country is one of
the principal causes that no European settlement on it has hitherto
proved advantageous, but has generally been abandoned after a short
trial. The only exception to this observation is the Dutch settlement
of _Bánjer-másin_, which continued from 1747 to 1810, when it was
formally abandoned by Marshal Daendals to the Sultan, by agreement,
for the sum of fifty thousand Spanish dollars. The Sultan soon after
sent an embassy, inviting the English to settle; and previous to
the conquest of Java, the Earl of Minto received the ambassadors at
Malacca, and accepted their invitation.

The only territory to which the Dutch had any claim on the island of
Borneo, was the coast from _Súkadána_ to _Mempáwa_; this territory they
acquired by virtue of a cession from the Sultan of Bantam in 1778.
They destroyed _Súkadána_, and established factories at _Pontiána_ and
_Mempáwa_, which however they abandoned as unproductive after a period
of fourteen years.

In no other part of the island of Borneo has there been any European
settlement. The English, in 1772, intended to have established a
factory at _Pásir_, but they abandoned the design on some commotions
taking place in that state. Its object was to make _Pásir_ a depót for
opium and India piece goods, and for the contraband trade in spices. In
1774, a short time after the first settling of _Balambángan_, Mr. Jesse
was deputed as Resident to Borneo _proper_, and concluded a treaty with
that state, by which he acquired for the settlement of _Balambángan_
the exclusive trade in pepper, stipulating in return to protect
Borneo from the piratical incursions of the _Súlu_ and _Mendanáwi_
men. Neither of the parties, however, fulfilled its agreement, though
the Residency at Borneo was continued for some years after the first
breaking up of the settlement of _Balambángan_ in 1775.

On the north-east of Borneo _proper_ lies a very considerable
territory, the sovereignty of which has been long claimed by the _Súlu_
government; a very considerable part of this, together with the islands
off the coast, have been for upwards of forty years regularly ceded
to the English by the _Súlus_, and has also at different periods been
assumed by them, without any objection on the part of the government
of Borneo _proper_. This ceded district, extending from the river
_Ki-manis_ on the north-west, which forms the boundary of Borneo
_proper_, to the great bay on the north-east, is undoubtedly a rich and
fertile country, though in a rude and uncultivated state, and it is
admirably situated for commerce, notwithstanding the different failures
of _Balambángan_ may seem to indicate the contrary. _Balambángan_ is
one of the small islands off the northern extremity of the island of
Borneo, and included in the _Súlu_ grant to the English. It would be
foreign to the present object to enter into any details concerning
the history of the settlement of _Balambángan_, but it may be proper
to mention, that all the gentlemen who were engaged in the last
attempt were convinced that the bottom of the great _Malúdu Bay_ would
have been infinitely preferable as a settlement on every account.
_Balambángan_ is exactly analogous, in every respect, to Pinang; it
does not admit of territorial extension, and must exist, if at all, by
commerce solely. _Malúdu_, on the other hand, is a dependency on the
island of Borneo, which admits of any degree of territorial extension,
may always subsist any number of inhabitants by its own produce, and
is said to communicate, by a land carriage of little more than forty
miles, with the central lakes in the vicinity of the gold countries.

From every inquiry, however, and the result of some experience, and
much reflection, it may be stated, that no settlement which is founded
on a commercial, instead of a territorial basis, is likely to succeed
in that quarter. We have already acquired territorial rights, and
therefore the only question seems to be, whether these cannot be turned
to advantage, as well by cultivation as by commerce. The _Dáyaks_, or
original inhabitants of Borneo, are said to be not only industrious,
but particularly disposed to agriculture, and so manageable, that a
handful of _Maláyus_ have, in numerous places, reduced many thousands
of them to the condition of peaceful cultivators of the ground.
Indeed nothing seems wanting but a government strong enough to afford
efficient protection to person and property. In the case of the
_Dáyaks_, it must be considered as an advantage, that they have not
hitherto adopted the religion of Islam, and would consequently be more
ready from the first to regard us as their friends. It ought to be
calculated among the inducements to form a settlement on Borneo, that
in that quarter our territorial arrangement would interfere with the
claims or the rights of no European nation. To recommend, however, the
immediate establishment of a settlement at this particular spot, and
on a basis so new, would obviously be premature, as notwithstanding
the length of time we occupied _Balambángan_, not only the interior
of Borneo was almost unknown, but until lately, even a great part of
its coasts. This supineness in the government of _Balambángan_ is
perhaps not unexampled. The want of local information has, indeed,
often proved fatal to the infant settlements of the English. "Colonies
and settlements of every kind," says the author of the Letter on the
Nagrais Expedition, "must at first be attended with many difficulties,
which however a judicious perseverance will surmount, if there be not
some original fault in the establishment. It must be obvious to every
one, that the English never made a settlement, in which they were not
impeded by some unforeseen difficulties, so as at least frequently to
make abandoning the infant establishment appear the most prudent step,
without even hoping any return for the prodigious expense which may
have been incurred by the undertaking."--"Various reasons," adds that
author, "may be ascribed for this event; but incapacity in the person
entrusted with the management, and the want of previous examination
of the place, seem to me the most common and the most considerable."
Without stopping to inquire how far the want of success in our several
attempts to settle _Balambángan_ may have been fairly attributable
to either of these causes, it may be confidently asserted, that the
last establishment failed chiefly from its being solely of a military
nature, without either professional merchants or mercantile adventurers
being attached to it.

These observations respecting _Balambángan_ apply to it chiefly as a
territorial establishment; but there is no doubt that it would speedily
attain commercial importance. Many of the commercial advantages which
recommended its selection still exist, to an equal or greater extent;
especially those which related to Cochin China, Champa, and Cambodia.
But this digression has already exceeded its reasonable limits, and it
is necessary to revert to the more immediate point under consideration,
the commerce of Java. Any account of this commerce would be imperfect,
which after stating the extent to which it is carried, and the mode
in which it is conducted with the adjacent islands in the same
Archipelago, should omit to mention the advantages of an intercourse
with Japan, and some notices on the Japan trade.

The history of the Dutch connexion with that country is well known,
and can never be forgotten. Perhaps there is not such an instance in
the annals of commerce, of the disgraceful arts to which mercantile
cupidity will resort, and the degradation to which it will submit for
the attainment of its object, as in the Dutch proceedings at Japan; nor
is there, perhaps, a more remarkable example of the triumphant success,
and complete disappointment of commercial enterprize. As it may be
interesting to many readers to see an authentic history of the origin,
fluctuations, and decline of the Dutch Japan trade, and as even a very
succinct statement of it would swell this chapter to a disproportioned
size, I have placed a short history of it in the Appendix to this
work, to which I beg leave to refer those who have any curiosity for
such details[72]. From the year 1611, when the Dutch established
commercial relations with Japan, till 1671 (a period of sixty years),
their speculations were unrestricted and their profits were enormous.
This was the golden age of their trade: they opened a mine of wealth,
and they fondly thought it inexhaustible, as well as rich and easily
wrought. In 1640, the Company obtained a return in gold, that yielded
a profit of upwards of a million of guilders. They had been accustomed
to procure, for some time previous to 1663, a return of silver to the
extent of two hundred chests of one hundred pounds each, and it was
suggested that it would be desirable for as many chests of gold of
the same weight to be sent in future. The golden and silver ages of
Japan commerce being past, the latter half of the seventeenth century
began with what the Dutch called its brazen age, that is its export
of copper, which has ever since continued the staple of the Japan
market. The trade was on the decline during the whole of the last
century, and had become of so little importance about 1740, that the
Company deliberated upon the expediency of its total abandonment. From
employing, as at one time, eight or nine ships, and exporting copper
alone to the amount of more than thirty thousand _píkuls_, of one
hundred and twenty-five pounds each, it diminished to the use of two
vessels, and the purchase of cargoes of five or six thousand _píkuls_.
The Appendix contains an account of the nature of the trade, and the
result of the Dutch adventures of 1804-5 and 1806, and of our own in
1813.

FOOTNOTES:

[54] Great Britain.

[55] It is said that when the Dutch first established themselves in
Java, three hundred vessels of not less than two hundred tons each,
were accustomed to sail to and from the port of <DW61>ára, in Java, if not
belonging to that port.

[56] The greatest part, or rather nearly the whole of these exports and
imports, consisted of colonial produce, of articles of subsistence,
or native manufactures, mutually exchanged between the two islands of
Madúra and Java. Not a tenth part of the imports came from beyond Java.

[57] "The bazars," observes Mr. Hogendorp, "now produce a large, and
even an incredible amount, which however is melted away in the hands of
the native regents and also some European authorities; but the Chinese,
to whom they are mostly farmed out, derive the greatest profits from
them, both by the money which they extort from the Javans, and by the
monopolies in all kinds of produce, and particularly of rice, which by
these means they are enabled to secure to themselves. The abuses on
this point are horrible, and almost induce me to recommend that the
markets should be made free and open."

[58] See account of Chéribon.

[59] Although but few of the natives of Java venture their property
in foreign speculations, the natives of Java form the crews of all
coasting vessels belonging to Chinese, Arabs, or Europeans, and it is
of them almost exclusively that the class of common sailors, known in
the east under the general denomination of Malays, is composed. Here it
may not be improper to notice the manner in which European vessels have
hitherto been supplied with such crews, and to point out the probable
causes of that atrocious conduct with which the Malayan sailor is so
generally reproached.

A reference to the maritime customs of the _Maláyus_ will shew the
manner in which the outfit of a native vessel in the Eastern Seas is
effected[73]. Each individual on board has a share and interest in the
concern, and among themselves the maritime population is distinguished
for good faith and attachment. In the vessels either commanded or
owned by Chinese or Arabs, the same principle is attended to; and
although the common sailors in these generally receive wages, the petty
officers, who are also generally Javans, have some trifling interest
in the cargo, the common men are protected by them, and the policy
of the commanders induces every possible attention to the usages,
prejudices, and comforts of the crews. They are able to assimilate more
nearly with them, and to enter more immediately into their feeling and
their wants, than it is possible for Europeans to do, and as they do
not possess the authority to obtain crews by force, it is only by a
character for good treatment that they can insure an adequate supply
of hands. These vessels navigate throughout the whole extent of the
Archipelago, to Malacca and Acheen on one side, and to the Moluccas and
New Guinea on the other. They are manned exclusively by Javans, usually
called Malays, and no instances occur of the crews rising either upon
the Arab or Chinese commander: they are, on the contrary, found to be
faithful, hardworking, and extremely docile. How is it when Malays are
employed in vessels belonging to Europeans? The Javans are originally
not a seafaring people; they have an aversion for distant voyages, and
require the strongest inducements to quit the land, even for a coasting
expedition in the smooth seas of their own Archipelago, beyond which,
if they ever engage themselves on board a colonial vessel, they make
an express agreement, not to be carried: European vessels in want
of hands for more distant voyages to Europe, India, and China, have
been compelled therefore to resort to force or fraud, as the means of
obtaining crews. The Dutch government were in the habit of employing
people, known among the Javans by the term _sélong_, as kidnappers,
who prowled about at night, pounced upon the unwary peasant who might
be passing along, and hurried him on ship-board. When the direct
influence of government was not used, the native regents or chiefs
were employed to obtain people for the crews of vessels: this they
did sometimes in the same manner, though more frequently condemning
to sea as many as were required, by an indiscriminate draft on the
neighbouring population. The native chiefs were perhaps paid a certain
head-money, on what may have been considered by the European commanders
as nothing more than _crimpage_. The people who were seized were seldom
of a seafaring class, but almost entirely landsmen, in many instances
perhaps opium smokers, or persons obtained from the lowest and most
worthless part of the community. Once embarked, their fate was sealed
for ever, and due care was taken that they never landed again on Java,
as long as their services as sailors were required.

In this manner are obtained that extensive class of sailors,
denominated Malays, who are found on board almost every country ship in
India, and inhabit the sea-ports in considerable numbers, particularly
Calcutta, where they have a distinct quarter allotted them. They are
taken from their home against their will, and in violation of all their
views and habits. In general, neither their language or customs are
in the least understood by their new master, for though most of the
commanders in the eastern trade may speak the Malayan language, and be
accustomed to the Malayan character, they know nothing of the Javan
language, and but little of the manners, habits, and prejudices of the
Javan people.

That numerous instances have occurred, in which they have appeared the
foremost in mutiny and in the massacre of their officers, will not be
denied; but it is well known, that many instances of ships being cut
off by the Malay crews, have been occasioned by the tyrannical and
inhuman character of the commanders; and however dreadful the massacre,
some excuse may be made on the score of provocation, for a people low
in the scale of moral restraint and intellectual improvement. In some
cases they have been made the instruments and dupes of the villany of
others, and have merely followed in the track of cruelty. In general,
so little care seems to be devoted to the comforts of these people,
and so much violence offered to their habits, that a person accustomed
to observe the course of human action, and to calculate the force of
excited passions, is almost surprized to find the instances of mutiny
and retaliation are so few.

[60] From a course of experiments recently undertaken, and a careful
examination of the bird, by Sir Everard Home, Bart., there is every
reason to believe that the nature of the substance of which the edible
birds'-nests are composed will be satisfactorily explained.

[61] Mr. Hogendorp makes the following observations on the cotton of
Java. "This article of produce, which now, in order to provide the
Company with a few hundred _píkuls_ of cotton-yarn at a low rate, is
only productive of vexation and oppression to the poor natives, might
be made of the greatest value, both to Java itself and to the mother
country. The plant grows in abundance and of good quality, especially
if the best kinds of seeds are procured from the Coromandel Coast and
the Isle of France. The cultivation of cotton is not at all injurious
to any other branch, for after the rice harvest is the best season for
planting the cotton, and before the rains, when the fields are again
ploughed for rice, the cotton is ripe and gathered.

"Little of it is comparatively planted at present; indeed only the
necessary quantity, after providing the natives with coarse cloths, for
the government contingent. In rough cotton there is no trade at all:
but, in fact, what trade is there on Java, except the monopoly trade of
the Chinese?

"Let us but suppose the cultivator to have a property in the soil, and
that he, as well as the trader, were at liberty to buy and sell, how
soon should we see the Javan planting cotton directly after his rice
was reaped. After being cleaned by machinery and screwed into bales, it
might be exported to China and Europe.

"There is no doubt that the Javan cotton would be as good at least,
if not better, than the cotton of the English, whether from Bombay,
Madras, and Bengal, and it might certainly be produced cheaper; but
even suppose that, when cleaned and picked, it cost ten rix-dollars a
_píkul_, the Javans would still be well paid."

[62] By an official statement of the quantity of sugar manufactured at
Batavia and the various residencies of the island of Java, from the
year 1779 to the year 1808, it appears that

  In the year  1779  it was  30,131  _píkuls_.
  In the year  1800         106,513
  In the year  1801         107,498
  In the year  1808          94,903

that during the first fourteen of these years, the quantity made and
delivered over to the Company for export to Holland, Persia, &c.
amounted to 642,234 _píkuls_, or to an average of 47,874 annually,
two of these years being almost entirely unproductive, on account
of the non-payment to the manufacturers of money, to enable them to
carry on their business. During the latter half of the period, or from
1794 to 1808, the quantity manufactured and delivered over to the
Company amounted to 917,598 _píkuls_, averaging 65,542 annually. All
the sugar for export, during this period, as stated in the text, was
delivered over at fixed rates to the government, and was placed under
laws of the strictest monopoly. To shew the great practicability of
an increase to almost any extent, we may adduce the sudden start in
the supply occasioned by the American demand in 1800. In no preceding
year had this article of produce been delivered over to the Company to
a greater amount than 67,552 _píkuls_, and in that year the quantity
sold at Batavia to Americans alone, amounted to 91,554, and for the
subsequent years averaged 100,000 _píkuls_, and sold for 900,000
Java rupees, or 11,000_l._ sterling. The principal part of this was
manufactured at Batavia, the quantity supplied by _Jawâna_, _Japâra_,
_Chéribon_, _Surabáya_, and _Semárang_, being but proportionally small
till 1803, when _Japára_ contributed to the exports of the island in
this article 12,219. In 1804, the same province supplied 21,175 píkuls.
The disadvantage under which the manufacturer laboured, by forced
deliveries at inadequate rates, need not be here insisted on, though
it must be taken into the account in any estimate of the attainable
increase of the manufacture.

[63] Mr. Hogendorp makes the following observations on the coffee
and pepper of Java:--"In comparing the produce of the West Indian
islands, according to their proportionate extent, population, and
expenses of cultivation, I have frequently left off in the middle of my
calculations; but I am sure that Java, on a very moderate calculation,
can without difficulty yield fifty millions of pounds of coffee
annually.

"For a long period, the planting of coffee was confined to the Batavian
high and _Priáng'en_ lands, and to _Chéribon_, on the principles of
that short-sighted and self-destroying policy and spirit of monopoly,
by which the company and the government of Batavia have ever been
characterized. It is only of late years that it has been permitted to
extend and revive the cultivation in the eastern districts. But the
Commissioners, in May 1796, ordered that the cultivation should be
abolished; and in the month of September in the same year, this order
was countermanded, and the planting of coffee ordered to be promoted
in the most rigorous manner possible. But what is to be expected from
a country, where the natives are so treated, so oppressed? To-day the
Javan is ordered to plant his garden with coffee trees: he does so, and
although well aware how little he will get for the fruit, he sees them
grow up with pleasure, considering their produce as a tribute which
he must pay to his master for enjoyment of protection; but now, when
they are about to bear fruit, he is ordered to root them out: he does
so, and four months afterwards he is again ordered to plant others!
Can a more infamous tyranny be imagined? Can it be credited, that any
government should act so madly, so inconsistently? And yet this is
the plain and real truth. But how can stupid ignorance, which by the
vilest means, by base meanness, mercenary marriages, and every kind of
low trick, rises into power and importance, and then becomes by wealth
luxurious, and by flattery intoxicated, act otherwise? And will you,
Batavians, continue to trust in such hands as these, your valuable
possessions and interests in India?

"Pepper grows but slowly on any soil, and is so nice with regard to
it, that in some places, where to all appearance there would be an
abundant produce of the plant, it will not grow at all. The vine
requires four or five years to produce fruit. The improvident Javan,
who under the present despotic administration, can and will scarcely
provide for his daily subsistence, finds this too long a delay between
his labour and its reward: having, therefore, no sufficient motive to
pursue the cultivation cheerfully or actively, he can only be driven
to it by force; but let him once experience the advantage of property
in land; let him see the trader ready with plenty of money to purchase
the fruits of his labour; let him, if he should still be idle, observe
his more industrious neighbour acquire wealth, by the sale of those
articles which he slothfully declines to cultivate, and with it
procure the necessaries or conveniences of life, and he will soon be
induced, by emulation and the desire of ameliorating his condition, to
plough and plant his ground. The Island of Java will then produce a
considerable quantity of pepper, for which, if the cultivator obtains
twelve rix-dollars per _píkul_, he will be amply paid.

"Although every thing goes on with difficulty at first, and it
cannot be denied that it will require time and trouble to stimulate
the Javans, who are now confounded, as it were, with tyranny and
oppression, to industry and emulation, it is notwithstanding equally
certain, that an improved system of administration, founded on property
of the soil, freedom of person and trade, would by degrees, though
perhaps much quicker than may be imagined, bring about such a change,
and that Java might and would produce as much pepper for exportation
annually as coffee, or about two hundred thousand _píkuls_, which will
bring three thousand six hundred rix-dollars into the country."

In the year 1801, it was estimated by one of the first commercial
houses in Europe, that the following quantities of pepper might be
obtained from different ports of the Archipelago.

       *       *       *       *       *

"PORTS _and_ PLACES _where_ PEPPER _is to be had_:--_estimated in March
1801_.

"At _Bencoolen_, belonging to the English, may be had about twelve
hundred tons of pepper per annum.

"At _Prince of Wales Island_, belonging to the English, may be had at
present only one hundred tons per annum: in a few years it will be five
hundred tons.

"At _Susú_, on the west coast of Sumatra, belonging to the King of
Acheen, may be had one thousand tons per annum.

"At _Acheen_ and its ports, belonging to the King of Acheen, may be
had about one thousand tons per annum: the Danes often go to these two
ports.

"At _Tringano_ and _Kalanton_, belonging to a Malayan prince, may be
had about two thousand tons per annum: the Europe Portuguese ships
often call at these ports on their way to China.

"At _Palembang_: the Dutch have a small fort here, and oblige the king
to send all his pepper to Batavia; it may be about seven hundred tons
per annum.

"At _Lampung_, on the south point of Sumatra: the Dutch have a small
fort here, and they send all their pepper to Batavia; it may be about
five hundred tons.

"At _Bantam_ may be had five hundred tons: this belongs to the Dutch.

"At _Bánjer-másin_, on the south-west of Borneo: the Dutch have a fort
here, and the rajah sends all his pepper to Batavia: it may be about
twelve to fifteen hundred tons per annum.

"At _Chintabun_, near Siam, belonging to the King of Siam, may be had
one thousand tons per annum: this goes to China in the king's junks."

[64] "Ceylon, it may be observed, will consume two thousand kóyans
annually (four thousand tons). There is also a ready market at the
Cape of Good Hope, for one thousand kóyans a year. A scarcity of this
grain frequently happens on the coast of Coromandel, when the import
of it from Java will yield great profit, if the traders are permitted
to export it. The general freedom of commerce and navigation, and the
encouragement such freedom holds out to the merchant, will establish
and extend a ready communication and friendly relation between Batavia
and the trading places of India. In the article of rice, Java possesses
advantages superior to Bengal; for although this grain is generally
very cheap there, yet the navigation from and to Bengal is always more
difficult than that from and to Java, from whence, at all seasons
of the year, the passage may be made to most parts of India: and in
Bengal it often happens, that the rice is very scarce and dear, and
even that a famine rages there. On the island of Java, on the contrary,
although the crops may sometimes partially fail in a few places, a
general and total failure never happens: at least there is no instance
of it on record. It may also be considered, whether the exportation of
rice from Java to Europe might not become an object of speculation.
The cargo of a ship of five hundred lasts, or kóyans, would only cost
fifteen thousand rix-dollars, which cannot be reckoned at more than
thirty thousand guilders; and the kóyan being calculated at three
thousand five hundred pounds, the only question would be, what would
be the value of one million seven hundred and fifty thousand pounds
of rice in Europe, and if the undertaking would afford a reasonable
gain? Even China is sometimes much in want of rice, and the export
of it to that country would often, if not always, turn out very
advantageous."--_Hogendorp._

Rice was exported both to England and China, during the provisional
administration of the British government on Java.

[65] The rupees are throughout calculated at thirty stivers each.

[66] If current report is to be credited, the fate of this unfortunate
prince has been at last sealed; and the undisputed successor of "that
great and puissant king," to whom Queen Elizabeth gave an assurance,
"that far from ever having cause to repent an intercourse with the
English, he should have a most real and just cause to rejoice at it;"
and to whom, on the part of the English nation, she gave a pledge,
"that her promises were faithful, because the conduct of her subjects
_would be prudent and sincere_"--has been obliged to abdicate his
throne in favour of the son of a Pinang merchant!

[67] "We, the Batavians," says Mr. Hogendorp, "or rather our good and
heroic ancestors, conquered these countries by force of arms. The
Javans, who are immediately under our jurisdiction, acknowledge the
Batavian nation or the East India Company as their lord or sovereign;
but by so doing, although they resigned their political rights, they
still retained their civil and personal liberty, at least their right
thereto. But what relation do the Chinese bear to us, and what are the
rights they can require from us? As foreigners and itinerant traders,
this may be easily defined, but as inhabitants and settlers a further
inquiry becomes necessary. To political rights, or to a share in the
government and revenues of the country, they have not the slightest
claim, and as inhabitants, they cannot even claim the enjoyment of
the same civil or personal privileges as the Javans: in the first
place, because they are not natives of the country; secondly, because
they take no interest in the welfare or preservation of the country;
thirdly, because they only endeavour to derive their gain at the
expense of the Europeans as well as the Javans, in order to return to
China with the profits they make, or at least to send as much of it as
possible to their families there; fourthly, because they have no regard
whatever to the welfare of our country, and would be quite indifferent
to the English, or any other nation, driving us from Java. For these
reasons, I conceive that the Chinese have not the same right as the
Javans to the freedom or privilege of citizens. The basis of all civil
communities is incontrovertibly the sacrifice of a part of the liberty,
rights, and even property of each individual, for the enjoyment and
security of the remainder; and this remainder, when fixed, forms the
civil freedom and privileges of such a community. Not only are the
Chinese quite exempt from this sacrifice, but they are also, by the
corruption of the Batavian government, much less burdened than all the
other inhabitants, even the Europeans, and are besides favoured with
considerable privileges and exclusive means of gaining wealth. These
are facts, which no one who is acquainted with Batavia can or will
contradict.

"Were impartial justice to be adhered to, the Chinese would be looked
upon and treated only as foreigners, who are suffered and admitted, as
long as it is not injurious to our interest and safety, to settle in
our country and under our protection, seeking in trade or agriculture
their means of subsistence and emolument, and to whom, on account of
their numbers, it is allowed by our indulgence, as long as they conduct
themselves well and peaceably, to preserve and practise their own
manners and customs, and even in particular places, to dwell together
under their own chiefs.

"All the Chinese who come to Java every year in such vast numbers, in
the junks from China, or in other vessels from neighbouring places,
are the refuse of their nation, and principally from a province, the
natives of which are considered by their own countrymen the worst of
the whole empire. These people come half naked and poor in the extreme:
they add, therefore, so many more to the population, which must be
supported by the country, to which however they contribute nothing. It
must be acknowledged, they are, particularly at first, very active,
industrious, inventive, and frugal. At Batavia they exercise almost
every useful art, trade, and handicraft, they cultivate and produce the
best vegetables, they work the sugar-mills, and appear therefore to be
uncommonly useful and perhaps indispensable.

"The trade in the interior, wholesale and retail: the trade to sea, to
the opposite shores, and elsewhere in the Straits, is entirely in their
hands, and is almost wholly carried on by them. In all considerable
places on the coast, as well as in the interior of Java, they have
distinct towns, called kampongs, where they live under their own
chiefs, and follow their own customs and manners. Finally, they have
exclusively all the farms of the government taxes and revenues, both
in the Company's districts and in the dominions of the native princes:
by which means they are complete masters of all trade, internal and
foreign; and are enabled to make monopolies in every thing, which they
do accordingly in the most extensive manner. The burthens they have
to bear are, on the contrary, very trifling; in fact, almost nothing:
especially because they are exempt from all feudal and personal
services, which are so oppressive to the Javans.

"To what can this impropriety and injustice be ascribed but to the
government of Batavia? The Chinese have obtained all these favours
and privileges by making considerable presents, and thus sacrificing
the interests of the Company and the nation to their selfishness and
avarice. These arbitrary governors of the East Indies have made the
Chinese possessors of Java: for I undertake to prove, that the wealth
of the Chinese on that island amounts to ten times as much as the
property of all the Europeans added together, and that their profits
every year bear the same proportion.

"With reference to their numbers and character, I am of opinion that
the following resolutions regarding them might be adopted: That the
Chinese on Java should be allowed to remain, and even that further
arrivals of them should be permitted; care being taken, however, to
keep them in good order, that they should be prevented from injuring
the Javans, either by force or fraud: that they be not more favoured
than others: that they should contribute a proportionate and equitable
share towards the revenues of the state for their enjoyment of the
rights of citizenship, in the same manner as other inhabitants, which
can best be effected by means of a capitation tax. Uncultivated and
uninhabited lands might then be granted or sold to the Chinese, as well
as to the natives, to establish sugar-mills or plantations. By these
means, every practicable use and advantage would be derived from them,
as an industrious and active people, without doing any injury to the
other inhabitants, and especially the Javans as natives of the country:
and because they have no interest in our national welfare, they should
be made, as an equitable compensation, to pay a higher rate to the
state. In other respects, they may be completely subjected to our laws,
and may be treated with kindness as well as justice.

"The number of Chinese on Java is much greater than is generally
imagined, and annually more of them arrive by thousands. By connexions
with the native women, their families increase in inconceivable
numbers. These half-Chinese retain the language, religion, manners,
customs, and even the dress of their fathers; and are generally called
Pernakans, although that name is also frequently applied exclusively
to those Chinese who embrace the Mahometan religion; and these, as a
separate class of people, have their own chiefs, or sometimes confound
themselves with the Javans, and can only be distinguished by their
lighter complexion."

[68] Among the exports from Java for the Europe market, no particular
notice has been taken in the text of the extent of the spice trade, the
produce of the Moluccas having, during the provisional administration
of the British government, been conveyed direct from Amboina to the
port of London, without being landed and re-assorted at Batavia, as was
formerly the case under the Dutch government.

The sovereign Prince of the Netherlands has, by a solemn act, abandoned
his right to the feudal services of his native subjects in the Eastern
Archipelago, but has at the same time reserved to the state the
exclusive monopoly of the spices. It may perhaps have been deemed
expedient, in aid of the finances of Great Britain, that this odious
monopoly should have been permitted to remain for upwards of five years
under her uncontrolled dominion; and that, while the cloves on Amboina
were raised by forced services, the nutmeg gardens on Banda should
have been cultivated by slaves. There may have been reasons also which
induced her to continue the system of extirpation in the neighbouring
islands, and to act up to those stipulations for depressing these
unhappy countries, for which the Dutch have in all ages been so justly
reprobated. But now that the sovereign, to whom they are again ceded,
has recommenced the Dutch administration in the Eastern seas, with
an appearance of something more like justice, humanity, and sound
policy than we have been in the habit of witnessing for the last two
centuries, it is to be hoped that the profits of two annual cargoes
of spices, whatever they may amount to, will never be considered of
sufficient importance to tempt a great and magnanimous nation longer
to trample on the hallowed rights of humanity, and to persevere in
a system, which, while it may have afforded a temporary profit, has
tended to degrade, depopulate, and destroy the fairest countries in
creation. If the nutmeg and clove trees were allowed to grow where
Providence would seem to have ordained that in their natural course
they should, and this trade were opened to a free commerce, nutmegs
might perhaps be procured as cheap as betel-nut, and cloves as cheap as
pepper.

"In the Spice Islands," observes Adam Smith, "the Dutch are said to
burn all the spiceries which a fertile season produces beyond what
they expect to dispose of in Europe, with such a profit as they think
sufficient. In the islands where they have no settlements they give
a premium to those who collect the blossoms and green leaves of the
clove and nutmeg trees which naturally grow there, but which this
savage policy has now, it is said, completely exterminated. Even in the
islands where they have settlements, they have very much reduced, it
is said, the number of those trees. If the produce even of their own
islands was much greater than what suited their market, the natives,
they suspect, might find means to convey some part of it to other
nations; and the best way, they imagine, to secure their own monopoly,
is to take care that no more shall grow than what they themselves carry
to market. By different acts of oppression, they have reduced the
population of the Moluccas nearly to the number which is sufficient to
supply with fresh provisions and other necessaries of life, their own
insignificant garrisons, and such of their ships as occasionally come
there for a cargo of spices. Under the government of the Portuguese,
however, these islands are said to have been tolerably well peopled."

Had Dr. Smith written at the present day he might have heightened the
picture by observing, that so far from even being able to supply the
garrisons, these islands have long been considered incapable of raising
sufficient supplies for their own subsistence; they have for many years
depended almost entirely on Java for rice and the common necessaries of
life, and latterly supplies have been sent to them from Bengal.

[69] This general remark is not intended to apply to the traders of
Pinang (Prince of Wales' Island), who are in general well-informed and
most honourable in their dealings, possessing great experience in the
trade, and acquaintance with the habits and character of the natives:
but this establishment is comparatively of recent date, and the very
general view here taken has reference to the intercourse which has
subsisted during the last century.

[70] See an able report on the Eastern Islands, by R. T. Farquhar, Esq.
late Lieutenant-Governor of Prince of Wales' Island.

[71] GOLD.--From a calculation recently made, it appears that the
number of Chinese employed in the gold mines at Mentrada and other
places on the western side of Borneo, amounts to not less than
thirty-two thousand working men. When a mine affords no more than
four _bengkals_ (weighing about two dollars each, or something less
than a _tahil_) per man in the year, it is reckoned a losing concern,
and abandoned accordingly. Valuing the _bengkal_ at eighteen Spanish
dollars, which is a low rate of estimation, and supposing only four
_bengkals_ produced in the year by the labour of each man, the total
produce is 128,000 _bengkals_, worth 2,224,000 Spanish dollars, equal
to 556,000_l._, at the rate of five shillings the dollar. But it is
asserted, that upon the general run of the mines, seldom less than six
_bengkals_ per head has been obtained, and in very rainy seasons seven.
Taking the medium at six and a half _bengkals_, the 32,000 Chinese
will procure 208,000 _bengkals_, which at eighteen Spanish dollars
the _bengkal_ is 3,744,000 Spanish dollars, equal to 936,000_l._ Such
is the result of a very moderate calculation of the produce of these
mines. According to an estimate made in the year 1812, the annual
produce of the mines on the west coast of Borneo was estimated at
4,744,000 Spanish dollars, being an excess of a million sterling. The
quantity of gold procured on Sumatra, the supposed golden Chersonesus
of the ancients, is according to Mr. Marsden about 30,800 ounces,
which, at 4_l._ sterling the ounce, is worth 123,200_l._, equal to
492,800 Spanish dollars.

With respect to the disposal of the gold from the mines of Borneo, it
may be observed, that every native Chinese, whether employed in the
mines, in agriculture, as merchant or artificer, manages every year to
remit at least the value of one _tahil_, more or less, of gold to his
relations in China. These remittances are generally made by the junks
in gold, as it saves freight, is more easily smuggled on shore without
the notice of the rapacious Mandarin, and remitted over-land to the
residence of their families. Taking the Chinese male population who can
thus remit at double the number employed in the mines, and supposing
one half to be born in the country, most of whom may not remit to
China, this remittance would amount to 34,000 _bengkals_ or _tahils_,
which at eighteen Spanish dollars is 612,000 dollars, or 153,000_l._

It is calculated that, one year with another, at least five hundred
Chinese return in the junks to their native country with a competency.
Several have been known to take away one thousand _bengkals_ of gold,
many from three to five hundred, but very few return before they have
cleared a competency of two thousand dollars, or from one hundred to
one hundred and twenty _tahil_ of gold. This goes partly in gold;
though they prefer investing a part of it in tin from Banka, opium,
and other articles. Say, however, that they remit one half in gold,
five hundred men, at one thousand dollars each, will give five hundred
thousand dollars, which added to the small family remittances, accounts
for an amount exceeding one million of dollars, or 250,000_l._ This
calculation, however, seems to be far within the mark, and gives less
by one half than what is usually stated to be remitted to China from
the Bornean mines, which has been estimated at a loose guess at two
millions of dollars, or 500,000_l._

A further amount of not less than the value of a million of dollars
(250,000_l._) is supposed to find its way annually to Western India,
and principally to Bengal, _viâ_ Batavia, Malacca, and Pinang, for the
purchase of opium and piece goods. The surplus enriches Java and some
of the other islands, in exchange for salt, tobacco, coarse cloths, &c.

As the mines are worked with so little expence of machinery, the funds
necessary for commencing an undertaking of the kind are small; and
as the property of the soil belongs to the first occupant, almost
every Chinese would become a proprietor, but from the mode by which
their services are, in the first instance, secured by the council of
proprietors or kongsis. A parcel of half-starved Chinese, enchanted
with the prospect of wealth on the golden shores of Borneo, readily
find a passage in the annual junks that sail from the mother-country to
Borneo, at ten dollars a head. On their arrival, being unable to pay
the passage money, and the tax of a dollar per head, established by the
native authority, while their immediate wants of food, clothing, and
habitation, are urgent and imperious, the proprietors of the mines find
it easy to engage their services for three or four years. In some other
cases, agents are employed to obtain men from China, on stipulated
agreements, to work for a number of years; the usual rate of payment
to the miners so engaged is not considered to average less than five
Spanish dollars a month. No sooner, however, are these engagements
concluded with their masters, than a number of them club together with
the funds they have been able to save, and commence a new mine upon
their joint account, in a few years acquiring a competency to return to
their native country.

DIAMONDS.--There appears to be no just foundation for the idea, that
the diamonds of Borneo are inferior to those of Golconda. Many of an
inferior quality have no doubt found their way into the market, because
there was perhaps less skill and judgment in the selection; but the
value of diamonds here, as well as every where else, depends upon their
shape, size, and water, and in this respect the diamonds of Borneo will
bear a comparison with those of any country yet known. Indeed, as far
as we may judge from the present state of our information, the Lándak
mines alone are as productive, and its diamonds as precious, as any
other in the world.

The principal mines where diamonds are regularly dug for on Borneo,
and found in any considerable quantities, are those of Lándak, Sángau,
on the great river Lawi, and the districts of Bánjer-másin. Diamonds
have been occasionally found within the limits of Borneo Proper, at
Mátan and Sukadána. The mines of Lándak are as ancient as the Malayan
dominion on the islands, those of Sángau are of more recent date, and
those of Bánjer-másin are said to have been first discovered in the
reign of Sultan Sepoh, from whom the present sultan is the fourth in
descent.

Diamonds are not only found in the bottom of rivers when dry, but at
the foot of craggy hills and mountains. The _párits_, or mines, are
dug to the depth of from one to five fathoms only; but experience has
invariably proved, that the deeper they are dug, not only are the
diamonds more abundant, but superior in size, shape, and water. The
soil which produces diamonds is known from a species of earth called
by the natives _lábor_ or _lábor-gig'gi_. This is sometimes black,
sometimes white, red, orange, and green: it is a species of earth which
stains the clothes of the labourer, and is distinguished by many names.

At Lándak there are ten _párits_ worked by Chinese, and in each from
twenty to thirty labourers employed. As a general average, eight
Chinese are supposed to find about eight _bengkals_ of diamonds in a
year. From two to three hundred of the smallest sort are supposed to go
to a _bengkal_, valued at from twenty to twenty-four rupees. This is
independent of the larger ones, which are casual. So far back as the
year 1738, the Dutch annually exported from the produce of these mines,
diamonds to the value of from two to three hundred thousand dollars.

Few courts of Europe could perhaps boast of a more brilliant display
of diamonds than, in the prosperous times of the Dutch, was exhibited
by the ladies of Batavia, the principal and only mart yet opened for
the Bornean diamond mines, and whence those known in the European
world have been procured. With the decline of the Dutch government,
however, the demand has decreased, and the mines are now almost
neglected, the numerous diamond-cutters not being able to obtain a
livelihood. Formerly, when more Chinese were employed in the mines of
Lándak, diamonds from ten to thirteen carats were common in the public
markets. The Pangéran of Lándak now wears one of eighteen, and another
of fourteen carats and a half. Since Java has been in the possession
of the English, rough diamonds from Borneo have been sent to England,
and, even in a very unfavourable state of the market, turned out an
advantageous remittance.

Among the larger diamonds which these mines have produced, it may
not be uninteresting to mention, that the great diamond now in the
possession of the Sultan of Mátan, which has been seen and examined
by Europeans, weighs three hundred and sixty-seven carats: it is of
the shape of an egg indented on one side. It is, however, uncut; and,
on this account, it may be difficult to say, whether it will become
the largest cut diamond ever known; for the famous diamond of Aurung
Zebe, called the Mogul, in its rough state weighed seven hundred and
ninety-five carats, and was then valued at 600,000_l._, but when cut
was reduced to two hundred and seventy-nine carats. This celebrated
diamond, known by the name of the Mátan diamond, was discovered by a
dáyak, and claimed as a droit of royalty by the Sultan of the country,
Gúru-Láya; but was handed over to the Pangéran of Lándak, whose brother
having got possession of it, gave it as a bribe to the Sultan of
Súkadána, in order that he might be placed on the throne of Lándak:
the lawful prince, however, having fled to Bantam, by the aid of the
prince of that country and the Dutch, succeeded in regaining possession
of his district, and nearly destroyed Súkadána. It has remained as an
heir-loom in the family of these princes for four descents, and is
almost the only appendage of royalty now remaining.

[72] See Appendix B.

[73] See a paper on the Maritime Institutions of the Malayan Nation, in
the twelfth volume of the Asiatic Researches.

CHAPTER VI.

  _Character of the inhabitants of Java--Difference between the
    Súndas and the Javans--The Lower Orders--The Chiefs--Nature
    of the Native Government--Different Officers of the
    State--Judicial Establishments and Institutions--Laws, and how
    administered--Police Institutions and Regulations--Military
    Establishments--Revenue._

Having, in the foregoing pages, attempted to introduce the inhabitants
of Java to the reader, by an account of their person, their manners,
and employment in the principal departments of agriculture,
manufactures, and commerce, I shall now endeavour to make him, in some
degree, acquainted with their intellectual and moral character, their
institutions, government, and such other particulars as may contribute
to enable him to form some estimate of their relative rank in the scale
of civilized society.

From what has been stated of their progress in the manufacturing and
agricultural arts, their general advancement in knowledge may be easily
estimated. There are no establishments for teaching the sciences, and
there is little spirit of scientific research among them. The common
people have little leisure or inclination for improving their minds or
acquiring information, but they are far from being deficient in natural
sagacity or docility. Their organs are acute and delicate, their
observation is ready, and their judgment of character is generally
correct. Like most Eastern nations, they are enthusiastic admirers
of poetry, and possess a delicate ear for music. Though deficient in
energy, and excited to action with difficulty, the effect probably of
an enervating climate and a still more enervating government, they
are capable of great occasional exertion, and sometimes display a
remarkable perseverance in surmounting obstacles or enduring labours.
Though ignorant and unimproved, they are far from wanting intelligence
in the general objects of their pursuit, and frequently astonish
Europeans by the ingenuity of their expedients, and the facility with
which they accomplish difficult operations by apparently inadequate
means.

People in a rude state of society are not always prepared to admit
their inferiority, or inclined to adopt manifest improvements: what
is much beyond their skill or their power, may excite their wonder,
but does not always tempt their imitation. This is more peculiarly
the case, where national pride or religious prejudice stand in the
way; and the contempt of unbelievers, with which the Mahomedan system
inspires its votaries, leads them usually to undervalue the arts
in which others excel, or the instruction which they communicate.
The Javans, though far from deficient in national pride, and though
Mahomedans, are free from this senseless and pernicious prejudice, and
are ready to acknowledge the superiority of the Europeans, as well
as disposed to imitate their arts and to obey their direction. No
people can be more tractable; and although their external appearance
indicates listlessness and sometimes stupidity, none possess a quicker
apprehension of what is clearly stated, or attain a more rapid
proficiency in what they have a desire to learn. The restraints under
which conversation labours by the necessity of using different dialects
in addressing different orders of society, as well as the respect paid
to superiority of rank, prevents them from such a frequent intercourse
of thought and opinion as might otherwise be expected, and often
renders them, to appearance, reserved and taciturn, although in fact,
they are social, cheerful, and good humoured.

An uninstructed people are often credulous, and the Javans are
remarkable for their unsuspecting and almost infantine credulity.
Susceptible of every impression that artifice may attempt to make upon
them, and liable to every delusion propagated by the prejudiced or the
designing, they not inaptly compare themselves to a piece of pure white
cloth, on which any dye or shade of colour may be laid. They lend an
easy credence to omens, to prognostics, to prophets, and to quacks.
They easily become the dupes of any religious fanatic, and credit,
without scruple or examination, his claim to supernatural powers. Their
profession of Mahomedanism has not relieved them from the superstitious
prejudices and observances of an anterior worship: they are thus open
to the accumulated delusion of two religious systems.

They are great observers of lucky or unlucky days, or natural
phenomena, and undertake no journey or enterprize without attending
to them. It is unlucky to go any where on the day that you hear of
the death of a friend: the sight of two crows fighting in the air is
unlucky: two small birds (called _prenjak_) fighting near a house,
afford a prognostic of the arrival of a friend from a distance.
Explosions or noises heard from the mountains not only excite terror
for their immediate consequences, but are thought to forebode some
great calamity, unconnected with the convulsions of nature, of which
they are the symptoms, such as a sanguinary war, a general famine,
or an epidemic sickness. The eclipses of the sun and moon powerfully
excite this superstitious spirit, and induce many absurd notions and
observations. Earthquakes furnish certain prognostics, according to the
day of the month on which they happen. In none of their superstitions,
however, is there any thing of that gloomy, dark, or malignant cast,
which distinguishes those of less favoured climates or of more savage
tribes.

Although, on many occasions, listless and unenterprising, their
religious enthusiasm is no sooner excited, than they become at once
adventurous and persevering, esteeming no labour arduous, no result
impossible, and no privation painful. We witnessed an instance, both
of their simplicity and of their energy, connected with this part of
their character, which excited our astonishment. The population of some
of the districts of _Bányumás_ contributed their voluntary labour, in
1814, to the construction of a broad high road, from the base to the
summit of one of the loftiest mountains on the island (the mountain
_Súmbing_), and this extraordinary public work was almost completed,
before intelligence of its commencement reached the government. It
was in consequence examined, and found to be a work of immense labour
and care, but without the least appearance of object or utility. Upon
enquiring into the motive of such a singular undertaking, it was learnt
that a general belief prevailed, that there was a very holy man at the
top of the mountain, who would not come down till there should be a
good road made for him. The _Madúrese_ are said to believe, that the
spirits of the dead revisit the earth; but this does not appear to be a
Javan superstition.

Their prejudices are neither very numerous nor unyielding, and seem
generally to have originated in some laudable feeling or amiable
weakness. Their nationality, which is very strong, although it delights
in the traditionary narratives of ancient Javan exploits, and supports
a hope of future independence, which they are not backward to express,
does not lead them to despise the character, or to undervalue the acts
of strangers. They have a contempt for trade, and those of higher rank
esteem it disgraceful to be engaged in it; but the common people are
ever ready to engage in the labours of agriculture, and the chiefs
to honour and encourage agricultural industry. Those of the highest
rank and greatest authority, generally attend at the opening of new
_sáwah_ fields, performing part of the work with their own hands, and
leading their inferiors or dependents, as they express it, to pay
respect to the earth, in whose honour they also observe annually the
_sedéka búmi_, or feast to the earth. It is in the same spirit that
the buffalo, as the chief assistant of the husbandman, is viewed with
such peculiar regard, that in some of the interior districts, new-born
infants are sometimes carried to be breathed upon by them, from a
superstitious belief that such a ceremony will render them fortunate.

Notwithstanding the despotic nature of their government, and the
feudal principles on which it rests, the Javan must be considered as
a patriarchial people, still retaining many of the virtues, and all
the simplicity, which distinguish that state of society. Their village
settlements constitute detached societies, under their local chief
and priest, and the same internal concord prevails in these little
associations which characterises patriarchial tribes. Vicinity and
daily intercourse afford opportunities of conferring real assistance
and acts of kindness: injustice and even violence may sometimes
be committed against the inhabitants of other villages, but very
seldom by the inhabitants of the same village against each other.
The patriarchial spirit of the Javans may be further traced, in the
veneration which they pay to age, the respect and acquiescence with
which they receive the maxims or the counsels of experience, the
ready contented submission which they shew to the commands of their
immediate superiors, the warmth of their domestic attachments, and the
affectionate reverence with which they regard and protect the tombs and
the ashes of their fathers. To the same description of feelings may be
referred that consideration for ancestry, that attention to the line of
descent, and that regard to the history and merits of distant kindred,
which in the meanest people appears often to assume the character of
family pride.

These observations apply principally to the inhabitants of villages,
at some distance from the seats of the princes or regents, and the
contagion of the larger capitals, and more particularly to the people
of the _Súnda_ districts. Those of higher rank, those employed about
court, or in administering to the pleasures or luxuries of the great,
those collected into the capitals or engaged in the public service,
are frequently profligate and corrupt, exhibiting many of the vices of
civilization without its refinement, and the ignorance and deficiencies
of a rude state without its simplicity. The people in the neighbourhood
of Batavia are the worst in the Island, and the long intercourse with
strangers has been almost equally fatal to the morals of the lower
part of Bantam. The population collected at the native capitals is
naturally influenced, to a certain extent, by the vices of the court;
but the further they are removed from European influence and foreign
intercourse, the better are their morals and the happier are the people.

In attempting to exhibit some of the more striking features of the
Javan character, it becomes necessary to distinguish between the
privileged classes of society and the mass of the people. Long
continued oppression may have injured the character of the latter,
and obliterated some of its brighter traits; but to the former, the
constant exercise of absolute dominion has done a more serious injury,
by removing every salutary restraint on the passions, and encouraging
the growth of rank and odious vices. In the peasantry we observe
all that is simple, natural, and ingenuous: in the higher orders we
sometimes discover violence, deceit, and gross sensuality.

Where not corrupted by indulgence on the one hand, or stupified by
oppression on the other, the Javans appear to be a generous and
warm-hearted people. In their domestic relations they are kind,
affectionate, gentle, and contented; in their public, they are
obedient, honest, and faithful. In their intercourse with society,
they display, in a high degree, the virtues of honesty, plain dealing,
and candour. Their ingenuousness is such, that as the first Dutch
authorities have acknowledged, prisoners brought to the bar on criminal
charges, if really guilty, nine times out of ten confess, without
disguise or equivocation, the full extent and exact circumstances of
their offences, and communicate, when required, more information on the
matter at issue than all the rest of the evidence. Although this may,
in some degree, be the result of the former use of torture, it cannot
be wholly so.

Though not much addicted to excess, and of rather a slow temperament,
they are in general liberal and expensive, according to their means,
seldom hoarding their wealth, or betraying a penurious disposition.
Fond of show and pomp, they lay out all their money, as soon as it
is acquired, in the purchase of articles of dress, horses, splendid
trappings, &c.: but they possess a quality which is not always joined
with a love of splendour, either in nations or individuals; they are
cleanly in their persons, and pay the greatest attention to neatness,
as well as to glare and finery.

Hospitality is universal among them; it is enjoined by their most
ancient institutions, and practised with readiness and zeal. The Javans
are exceedingly sensible to praise or shame[74], and ambitious of power
and distinction; but their national oppressions or agricultural habits
have rendered them somewhat indifferent to military glory, and deprived
them of a great portion of their ancient warlike energy. They are
more remarkable for passive fortitude than active courage, and endure
privations with patience, rather than make exertions with spirit and
enterprize.

Though living under a government where justice was seldom administered
with purity or impartiality, and where, of course, we might expect to
see the hand of private violence stretched out to punish private wrong,
or a general spirit of retaliation and insidious cruelty prevailing,
the Javans are, in a great degree, strangers to unrelenting hatred and
blood-thirsty revenge. Almost the only passion that can urge them to
deeds of vengeance or assassination, is jealousy. The wound given to
a husband's honour by seducing his wife, is seldom healed, the crime
seldom forgiven; and what is remarkable, the very people who break the
marriage tie on the slightest caprice, or the most vague pretence,
are yet uncommonly watchful over it while it remains entire. They
are little liable to those fits and starts of anger, or those sudden
explosions of fury, which appear among northern nations. To this remark
have been brought forward as exceptions, those acts of vengeance,
proceeding from an irresistible phrenzy, called _mucks_, where the
unhappy sufferer aims at indiscriminate destruction, till he himself is
killed like a wild beast, whom it is impossible to take alive. It is a
mistake, however, to attribute these acts of desperation to the Javans.

That such have occurred on Java, even during the British
administration, is true, but not among the Javans: they have happened
exclusively in the large towns of Batavia, _Semárang_, and _Surabáya_,
and have been confined almost entirely to the class of slaves. This
phrenzy, as a crime against society, seems, if not to have originated
under the Dutch, certainly at least to have been increased during their
administration, by the great severity of their punishments. For the
slightest fault, a slave was punished with a severity which he dreaded
as much as death; and with torture in all its horrid forms before his
eyes, he often preferred to rush on death and vengeance.

Atrocious crimes are extremely rare, and have been principally owing
to misgovernment when they have occurred. In answer to what has been
asserted concerning robberies, assassinations, and thefts, it may be
stated, that during the residence of the English, an entire confidence
was reposed in the people, and that confidence was never found
misplaced. The English never used bars or bolts to their houses, never
travelled with arms, and no instance occurred of their being ill used.
The Dutch, on the contrary, placed no confidence: all their windows
were barred, and all their doors locked, to keep out the treacherous
natives (as they called them), and they never moved five miles abroad
without pistols and swords. What could be expected by a government that
derived a principal part of its revenue by the encouragement of vice,
by the farms of gaming, cock-fighting, and opium shops? After the two
former were abolished by the English, and the local government had done
all in its power to discourage the latter, a visible amelioration took
place in the morals of the lower ranks.

Hordes of banditti, formidable for their numbers and audacity, formerly
infested some parts of the country, particularly the provinces of
Bantam and Chéribon; but since they have been dispersed by the strong
hand of government, the roads of Java may be travelled in as much
security as those of England.

Much has been said of the indolence of the Javans, by those who
deprived them of all motives for industry. I shall not again repeat
what I have formerly on several occasions stated on this subject, but
shall only enter a broad denial of the charge. They are as industrious
and laborious as any people could be expected to be, in their
circumstances of insecurity and oppression, or as any people would be
required to be, with their advantages of soil and climate. If they do
not labour during the whole day, it is because such persevering toil
is unnecessary, or would bring them no additional enjoyments. The best
refutation of the charge of indolence is to be found in the extent of
their cultivation, the well dressed appearance of their rice fields,
and the abundant supplies of their harvests. They generally rise by
daylight: at half-past six they go out to the rice fields, where they
employ their buffaloes till ten, when they return home, bathe, and
refresh themselves with a meal. During the violent heat of the noon
they remain under the shade of their houses or village trees, making
baskets, mending their implements of husbandry, or engaged in other
necessary avocations, and at about four return to the _sáwahs_ to
labour them, without buffaloes or other cattle. At six they return to
their homes, sup, and spend the remainder of their time till the hour
of rest (which is generally between eight and nine) in little parties
for amusement or conversation, when the whole village becomes a scene
of quiet content and pleasure. The same round of toil and relaxation
is observed during the season for garden culture, dry field labour, or
other employments.

Under this system, the villagers seem to enjoy a greater degree of
happiness than they could derive from those increased means that would
result from increased exertion. I can bear testimony to their general
cheerfulness, contentedness, and good humour, for having visited their
villages at all seasons, and often when least expected or entirely
unknown, I have always found them either pleased and satisfied with
their lot when engaged at their work, or social and festive in their
hours of pleasure. One observation generally made and admitted, would
seem to militate against this part of the Javan character; they are
remarked to be envious and jealous of one another's success: but if
this trait of character be with difficulty reconciled to their general
reputation for contentedness and benevolence, it is surely still more
inconsistent with that indolent apathy with which they are often
charged.

It will appear throughout their history, that when strongly excited by
the animosities of the constant wars in which they were engaged, they
were frequently guilty of acts of great barbarity: such as decapitating
a vanquished enemy, and kicking his head about like a football. In
war and politics, much is not to be said in their favour, stratagem
and intrigue being relied upon in preference to discipline, courage,
or good faith: even the Chinese, during what is called the Chinese
war on Java (A.D. 1750), would appear to deserve a higher character
for bravery and good faith than the Javans. But it is reasonable
to attribute this, in some measure, to the degrading influence of
European despotism. A great disregard for the _little people_ is shewn
throughout their political history, as is particularly exemplified in
the instance of a mock battle that was fought between the Chinese and
Javans, near _Semárang_, in order to impose upon the Dutch. The Chinese
wished to know how they should act upon the occasion. "Attack the whole
army of the Javans by surprize," said the Javan negotiators," but be
careful not to kill any of the chiefs or great people, and it will be a
sham fight."

Of their nationality it may be observed, that ever since the first
arrival of Europeans, they have neglected no opportunity of attempting
to regain their independence. A reference to the chapters on history
will be sufficient to illustrate this, as well as to shew the national
feeling on the encroachments and assumptions of their European rulers.
In the great cause of national independence all would unite, but they
seem hardly to be sufficiently advanced in civilization to effect such
an object, without the risk of relapsing into many barbarities, from
the practice of which they have been weaned, by a long continuance of
established government and general tranquillity. Quiet and peaceable as
the Javans now are, were they once roused to insurrection, their blood
would rapidly boil, and they would no doubt be guilty of many excesses.

I might illustrate the Javan character still further by a comparison
of it with the Malayan, by shewing, from the remains of those customs
that are to be referred to an anterior and milder system, how much it
has been altered by the introduction of Mahomedanism, and by giving
an estimate of the effects produced upon it by the government of the
Dutch; but this would anticipate some observations which will be more
appropriate in other parts of this work.

Of the causes which have tended to lower the character of the Asiatics
in comparison with Europeans, none has had a more decided influence
than polygamy. To all those noble and generous feelings, all that
delicacy of sentiment, that romantic and poetical spirit, which
virtuous love inspires in the breast of an European, the Javan is a
stranger, and in the communication between the sexes he seeks only
convenience, and little more than the gratification of an appetite.
But the evil does not stop here: education is neglected and family
attachments are weakened. Among the privileged orders, the first
wife is generally selected by the friends of the party, from motives
of interest, and to strengthen family alliances, and the second is
rather to be considered as the object of the husband's choice. But if
his circumstances admit of it, he has no scruple to entertain other
women as concubines, who hold an honourable rank in his household. The
progeny from these connections is often immense. It has already been
stated, that a Javan chief has been known to have upwards of sixty
acknowledged children; and it too often happens, that in such cases
sons having been neglected in their infancy, become dissipated, idle
and worthless, and spring up like rank grass and overrun the country,
or serve but to fill up a long and useless retinue. Fortunately for
the peasantry, who are the mass of the population, they have escaped
this deteriorating institution; and perhaps much of the comparative
superiority of the character of the peasantry over that of the higher
orders is to be attributed to this advantage. The higher orders have
also been more exposed to the influence of Mahomedanism and European
innovation; and if the former has removed from their usages some traits
of barbarism, and tended to the developement of their intellectual
qualities, it has introduced Mahomedan vices; and the European power
having gradually obtained its supremacy over the island, rather by
stratagem and intrigue than by open conquest, it is probable that
the necessity under which the natives found themselves to resist its
encroachments by similar means, has powerfully contributed to corrupt
their natural ingenuousness. It is not at the court of the sovereign,
penned up as he now is, and kept like a bird in a cage by the intrigues
and power of the European authority, that we are to look for the
genuine character of the people; neither is it among those numerous
chiefs and petty chiefs attendant on the European authorities, who by
continual association have, in a great degree, assimilated with them.
What we have said of the Javans must therefore be considered, as more
particularly applicable to the peasantry or cultivators, who compose
three-fourths of the whole population, and is to be received with some
reserve in its application to the higher classes.

Thus far I have given a faithful representation of the people as they
appeared to me; but it may be amusing to the reader to read the Javan
character, as transcribed from the impressions of the Dutch. The
following is an official account[75] of this people given by a subject
of that nation, which has contributed so much to depress and degrade
them.

"If the Javan is a person of rank, or in affluent circumstances,
he will be found superstitious, proud, jealous, vindictive, mean,
and slavish towards his superiors, haughty and despotic towards his
inferiors and those unfortunate beings that are subject to his orders,
lazy and slothful.

"The lower class is indolent and insensible beyond conception, and
although certain persons, who presume to be perfectly acquainted with
the character of the Javan, maintain the contrary, still I am convinced
by daily experience, that the Javan in general is most shockingly lazy,
and that nothing but fear of his superior, and apprehension of being
punished, or momentary distress or want, can compel him to labour. If
left to himself, he will do no more than what is absolutely requisite
to furnish the necessaries of life, and as he needs but little, his
labour is proportionate: yet as soon as he has a sufficiency for four
days, or for the next day only, nothing will put him in motion again
but force or fear.

"Cowardly, vindictive, treacherous, inclined to rob and to murder
rather than work, cunning in evil practices, and unaccountably stupid
(supposed intentionally,) if any good is required of him. These are the
principal traits of the Javan character.

"The _Maláyu_, speaking of him as an inhabitant of this island, because
I am unacquainted with the character of those living at a distance, is
possessed of a little more courage and activity, fond of small trade
and travelling, and but seldom a robber like the Javan, whom in other
respects he very much resembles. A _Maláyu_, who is a little cunning,
will, as soon as an opportunity offers, commit a fraud, especially when
he has had some loss which he wishes to retrieve."

Others of the colonists, and some particularly who are likely to have
greater influence with the restored government, entertained more
correct, because more favourable opinions of the Javans, coinciding
nearly with those which I have stated as my own.

The following extracts are intended to convey some notion of Javan
ethics. The first is from a popular work, called _Raja Kapa-kapa_[76].

"It is incumbent upon every man of condition to be well versed in the
history of former times, and to have read all the chiríta (written
compositions) of the country: first, the different _Ráma_, the _B'rata
yúdha_, _Arjúna wijáya_, _Bíma súchi_; secondly, the different
accounts of _Panji_; thirdly, the _Júgúl múda_, _Pralámbang_, and
_Jáya langkára_; also to know their different tunes, as well as the
mode of striking the _gámelan_; he must know how to count the years,
months, and days, and comprehend the _Sangkála_, understand the _Káwi_
language, and also must be clever in all

  _Niúng'ging_         Painting;

  _Ukir ukir_          Carving in wood;

  _Pándi_              Iron-work;

  _Kemásan_            Gold-work;

  _Argénding_          Musical instrument making;

  _M'ráng'gi_          Kris-sheath making;

  _N'gapús_            Compositions (literary);

  _Gárdji_             Sewing with the needle; working;

  _Anyára-wedi retna_  Jewellery;

  _Anyádur-rasa_       In gilding and the application of quicksilver.

And he must also be skilled in horsemanship, and in the management of
an elephant, and have courage to destroy all bad men, and drive away
all women of loose character."

The _Níti sástra_ is a work of the greatest celebrity on Java: the
original is in the _Káwi_ language, but there are many versions. The
following is translated from a modern version in the present language
of Java.

  "Praise be to _Batára Gúru_, who is all powerful! to _Batára
    Vishnu (wísnu)_, who purifieth the minds of men! and to _Batára
    Súria_, who enlighteneth the world! May they render their divine
    assistance to the author who composeth this work, _Níti Sástra_,
    which contains an account of the truths to be found in the sacred
    writings, and which are highly necessary to be known by all
    public officers.

  "A man who cannot regulate his conduct according to circumstances,
    and to the situation in which he may be placed, is like unto
    a man who has lost the senses of taste, and enjoyeth not the
    advantage of _síri_, for such a man doth not shine in the world,
    however fair may be his appearance.

  "A man who is ignorant of the sacred writings, is as one who has
    lost his speech; for when these become the conversation of other
    men, he will be under the necessity of remaining silent.

  "It is an abomination to the Divinity to worship him in an unclean
    place; and the man who does so may be compared to one who eats
    another man's bread without his consent. The food is unwholesome
    to him, even as if he ate of his own bread with aversion, in
    which case he resembles the poor man who overeats himself and
    afterwards suffers from hunger.

  "A woman who takes not a husband until her hair becomes grey and
    her teeth fall out, is despicable in her own eyes, because men
    will no longer feel any inclination to her.

  "A man, to be accounted able, must know how to adapt his words
    to his actions and his actions to his words, so that he may
    give offence to no one, but render himself agreeable to his
    companions: he must also know how to command in war, and to
    inspire his followers with courage.

  "In order to obtain this distinction, a man must conduct himself
    towards his equals even as a lover conducts himself towards his
    mistress; for as the lover cannot obtain his object without
    flattery and indulgence, so must we strive to obtain the good
    will of mankind by flattering them occasionally, and by indulging
    them in those things to which they are most inclined, and which
    consists, if we are in company with religious men, in treating of
    religious matters, and if in company with warriors, in treating
    about war. This will not only make them like us the better, but
    at the same time, excite them to excel in their profession.

  "The subtle nature of the snake, and the venom of its poison, as
    well as the ferocious disposition of the tiger, may be removed
    by sympathetic remedies; the wild elephant may also be tamed by
    means of the well-known small iron hook: but the fierceness of
    the warrior, when once in close engagement, is not to be tamed,
    unless his enemy surrender; and even then not entirely, for
    although the vanquished surrender, it is to be inferred that he
    still harbours resentment for the loss of his freedom, and the
    conqueror must keep a lively watch over the vanquished, lest he
    still oppose him.

  "It is well known that waters, however deep, may be fathomed; but
    the thoughts of men cannot be sounded. In order to know the
    nature of another, we must attentively observe his appearance,
    his manner of speaking, and his judgment; and if a man gives
    himself out as a holy man, it must be proved by his observance
    of the service of the Deity and his knowledge of the sacred
    writings.

  "Such a man is distinguished, who is able to expound all abstract
    expressions.

  "A rich man, who maketh not use of his riches in procuring for
    himself good food and clothing, is an abomination, and ought not
    to be admitted into the society of the learned or men of rank;
    neither ought a man, who has learnt a profession or studied
    religion, but who still continues attached to his idle and
    vicious propensities.

  "The man who advances in years, and he who is too lazy to labour,
    and does nothing but eat and sleep, is like a sheep, which is
    useless except on account of its flesh.

  "It is said, that neither the ravens nor the _gadárbo_ birds, are
    good for man; but much less are such men who having once embraced
    a holy life, return to worldly pursuits, or such as can find
    it in their hearts to seduce the wives and daughters of their
    friends to commit adultery.

  "The water in a vessel which is only partly full will by the least
    agitation splash on the sides: experience also proves, that the
    cow which has the loudest voice gives the least milk. So it is
    with men: those who have least understanding or wealth make the
    greatest noise and show; but in reality they are inferior, and
    all they say and do vanisheth like smoke.

  "Friends must be faithful and forbearing towards each other,
    otherwise the consequences will be fatal to both. Of this we have
    an example in the fable of the tiger and the forest.

  "The forest and the tiger lived together in close friendship, so
    that no one could approach the forest, for the tiger was always
    in the way; nor the tiger, for the forest always afforded him
    shelter. Thus they remained both undisturbed, on account of the
    mutual security they afforded to each other; but when the tiger
    abandoned the forest and roamed abroad, the people seeing that
    the tiger had quitted it, immediately cut down the forest and
    converted it into plantations: the tiger, in the meantime, taking
    shelter in a village, was seen by the people, who soon found
    means to kill him. In this manner, both parties, by abandoning
    their mutual duties to each other, were lost.

  "A child ought, in every respect, to follow in the footsteps of its
    father; but this is seldom the case, either among men or animals
    in general. Among the latter, however, there are three sorts
    which follow their parents in every respect: all kinds of fish,
    frogs, and tortoises. The first and second spawn in water, which
    is carried away until the young are produced, when they again
    join their parents: the last lay their eggs in holes, and as soon
    as the young are hatched they follow the old ones into the water.

  "Man, although he is borne in his mother's womb a long time, and
    after his birth is taken care of and nourished, still seldom
    follows in the footsteps of his parents. If his father is a holy
    man, he ought to follow the same profession; but instead of this,
    children do not generally attend to the advice of their parents,
    nor to the lessons of the sacred writings, or those given by holy
    or good men.

  "That men of rank should do every thing in their power to attach
    the lower class of people to them, is not only proper but
    necessary, in order to keep them faithfully to their duty. To
    this end, therefore, men of rank ought to be indulgent and
    liberal towards their inferiors, like a woman who implores the
    assistance of man to bring forth children and support her; but
    not like a tigress that brings forth its cubs, nor the snake
    which brings forth so many young, that sometimes having no food
    for them or for herself, she devours them.

  "Man is pleased with the _dódot_ cloth (apparel), and women are
    proud of their bosom; but a good man prefers the sacred writings,
    which may lead him to the life to come.

  "Property obtained by man's own labour is valuable, but more
    valuable is that which is obtained by a man's blood in time of
    war: of less value is property inherited from a man's parents. Of
    little value is the property taken from a man's parents or his
    wife, but still less valuable is that which comes to a man from
    his children.

  "It is the duty of the chief of the nation to inquire into every
    thing which can affect his subjects; to know whether they are
    prosperous or not, if every one attends to his duty, if they are
    skilful in the execution of it or not, and in all cases to take
    measures accordingly, never losing sight of justice. He must,
    as far as possible, be lenient in the punishment of the guilty,
    and liberal in the reward of the deserving; particularly in the
    field of battle, when in sight of the enemy, when presents ought
    then to be distributed to the soldiers (_prajúrit_), in order
    to animate them; for if ever so justly treated, they will not,
    except they have been obliged by their commander, either be so
    faithful, or risk so much in an attack against the enemy.

  "Highly prejudicial is it for the chiefs to discover fear before
    their enemies, for in that case the men will also be afraid; but
    when the chiefs conduct themselves in such a manner as to shew
    they do not fear the enemy, then the men are animated by their
    example.

  "A chief should keep his plan of attack as secret as possible,
    because the knowledge of it may enable the enemy to be on his
    guard, and turn the measures taken to his own advantage. He ought
    not to challenge his enemy to give battle, as in that case the
    enemy will have an opportunity of preparing himself for the same:
    but he should attempt to surprize him, and rush upon him like
    a fire, that quickly and without much noise consumeth all with
    which it comes in contact.

  "The most formidable enemy of a man is his own conscience, which
    always brings his crimes before his eyes, without leaving him the
    means of avoiding it.

  "The most valuable and lasting friendship is that which exists
    between persons of the same rank.

  "The severest misfortune which a man can suffer, is to be deprived
    by force, of the land upon which he lives and which he has
    cultivated, or to have his wife and children taken from him by
    force.

  "Man loveth nothing more than his own children, and he always
    esteems his own feelings in preference to those of others.

  "Of all birds the _chíong_ (miner) is the most highly prized,
    because it has a beautiful appearance and can imitate the speech
    of man.

  "A woman who loves her husband so tenderly, that at his death she
    wishes to die with him, or surviving never marries again, but
    lives as if she were dead to the world, is valued above all
    others of her sex.

  "The lessons of our parents are like the lessons of the ten wise
    masters. No master con be called wise, unless he attends to
    what is written, as well on sacred as on worldly subjects. Such
    a master may be justly called a superior mortal; for it is a
    difficult task to learn and to attend to the same, even as
    difficult as to catch and tame a wild elephant on the edge of a
    precipice without injury.

  "Melancholy is it to see a young man of condition unacquainted with
    the sacred writings; for, be he ever so gracefully formed or
    elegant in his manners, he remains defective; like the _wúrawári_
    flower, which, notwithstanding its fine appearance and bright red
    colour, emits no fragrance whatever.

  "No man can be called good or bad, until his actions prove him so.
    Thus if a man declares that he has never taken any but delicious
    food, it will be shewn in his appearance. If he is stout and well
    looking, then may he be credited; but if, on the contrary, he is
    poor and lean, then it is impossible that he should have lived on
    good food.

  "In like manner, when a man pretends to be the friend of mankind,
    it must be proved by his behaviour when he receives the visits of
    others. If he receives his guests with kindness and hospitality,
    then is he the friend of mankind, otherwise he is not so. And
    further, if a man pretends to have fasted and prayed, and to have
    become a holy man, it will be known whether he is really so,
    by the success which attends the prayers which he puts up for
    another: if the Deity hears them not, then is he a deceiver.

  "A caterpillar has its poison in its head, a scorpion in its tail,
    and a snake in its teeth, but it is unknown in what part of the
    body the poison of man is concealed: a bad man is therefore
    considered poisonous in his whole frame.

  "A child which is indulged by its parents in every thing, is like
    a young fish in a clear and pure stream, in which it grows and
    sports, unconscious whither it may lead.

  "As the strength of a bird is in its wings, so does the power of a
    prince consist in his subjects; but then only through the means
    of persons properly informed on the following points. First, how
    a country ought to be properly administered; secondly, how to
    please a prince; thirdly, how to prepare all delicacies for him;
    and fourthly, how to preserve discipline and direct the conduct
    of an army.

  "The dread of the subject should be such, that the orders of the
    prince should be to him like a clap of thunder, that may be heard
    far and wide.

  "A man who does evil to his companions acts against the sacred
    writings and the lessons of his instructor: he can never
    enjoy prosperity, but will meet with misfortunes in all his
    proceedings. Such a man is like a piece of porcelain, which when
    it falls to the ground breaks into many pieces and can never be
    rendered perfect.

  "A field without pasture is not frequented by cattle, neither does
    a river without water contain fish. An instructor who knoweth
    not how to perform the duties of his situation can have but few
    disciples, and a prince who pays little regard to his country and
    subjects, will in time not only lose his fame and glory, but his
    authority also.

  "It is well known that a man cannot take the goods of this world
    with him to the grave, and that man after this life is punished
    with heaven or hell, according to the merits of his actions in
    this life: a man's duty, therefore, requires of him to remember
    that he must die; and if he has been merciful and liberal in
    this life to the poor, he will be rewarded hereafter. Happy is
    the man who divides his property equally between himself and the
    indigent, who feeds the poor and clothes the naked, and relieves
    all who are in distress; he has hereafter to expect nothing but
    good.

  "The following animals, as being injurious to the health of man,
    are not proper to be used by him as food: rats, dogs, frogs,
    snakes, worms, monkeys, lizards, and the like.

  "A handsome man is an ornament to the community, and one that has
    good manners besides, is an ornament to his prince; but he who
    understands the sacred writings is the pride of the community and
    a delight to his prince.

  "A prince who wishes to know his subjects well, ought to be
    attentive to their manners, actions, and courage; and as gold
    is known by the touchstone, or broken into pieces in order to
    ascertain its intrinsic value, so ought a prince to try his
    subjects, before he intrust them with the charge of his women
    or treasure, and make himself acquainted with their valour and
    knowledge: for a person who does not possess the qualifications
    required for this purpose, is unworthy to associate with people
    of condition, and much less to be the servant of a prince.

  "If a man violates the law, he may for the first offence be
    punished by a pecuniary fine, for the second by punishment
    affecting his person, but for the third offence he may be
    punished with death.

  "A joy generally followed by sorrow is that which we feel in
    borrowing money. We feel happy in having obtained what we wished,
    but as soon as our creditors come for their money, our joy is
    converted into grief; and that is the greatest when the money is
    spent, and we have not wherewith to satisfy our creditors: then
    arise quarrels and ill will, and yet no sooner are these settled
    than we again have recourse to the old habit of lending and
    borrowing.

  "Laughing and joking at our companions is also a bad custom, for it
    generally begets quarrels, and is thus the cause of grief.

  "Should medicine be mixed with poison, we would naturally separate
    the poisonous parts before we swallowed it, and we would also
    clean rusty metal in time before it becomes rusty and corroded.
    In the same manner we should distinguish between the good and bad
    actions of man, rewarding knowledge and opposing evil: and be it
    recollected, that a woman, however low her birth, if her manners
    are amiable and her person good, may without impropriety be made
    the wife of a great man.

  "Riches only tend to torment the mind of man, and sometimes even
    to death; they are therefore, with justice, disregarded and
    despised by the wise. They are collected with pain and troubles
    in afterwards administering them; for if we neglect to watch
    them properly, thieves will come and steal them, and the loss
    occasions as much grief as the point of death.

  "Therefore is it advisable to give part of our property to the poor
    and indigent, who will thence naturally become under obligations
    to us, and not only assist in guarding our property against
    all accidents, but pray that our property may increase, being
    themselves interested in our success, and our names will be
    blessed by our children and grandchildren.

  "As <DW18>s cannot long resist the force of water, unless the water
    is allowed a free current and a place to pass through, so riches
    cannot long be enjoyed, unless employed for charitable purposes;
    but, on the contrary, they will turn to the injury of the
    possessor, both here and hereafter, who will be exposed to the
    wrath of all the nine deities.

  "_Batára gúru_ is cool, still colder is the moon; but the coolness
    of neither is to be compared to that which is instilled by the
    voice of a holy man. Fire is hot, still hotter is the sun; but
    neither is to be compared to the heat of a man's heart.

  "Like those flies and birds, which fly in the air to procure food,
    and still continue to feed on filth and dirt, is the man of bad
    character; for although he may have the means of procuring an
    honest subsistence, still will he continue to take what he should
    not, by unlawful means, to the prejudice of others. But a good
    man wishes the success of another, and is happy when his brother
    prospers.

  "As the moon and stars enlighten the night, and the sun
    enlighteneth the day, so do the Holy Scriptures enlighten the
    hearts of men; and a son who is superior in knowledge to his
    father, is a light to his family.

  "A child accustomed to nothing but amusement, neglects the lessons
    of its parents. The child on this account, often abandoned to its
    fate, becomes a dangerous subject; it is therefore essential that
    a child should be kept under subjection while it is yet time to
    prevent its committing any bad acts. For this purpose these rules
    should be attended to:

  "A child under five years of age may be indulged in many things;
    but afterwards it must be kept under strict subjection, and
    instructed in the knowledge of the Holy Writings until its tenth
    year, when a commencement may be made to instil that sort of
    knowledge which will form the intellects for the benefit of
    society. After the sixteenth year further instruction must be
    given in the higher and more important branches of knowledge.

  "Man should always be on his guard against the commission of wicked
    acts, for the end of them is always pain and misery.

  "A man must, on no account, listen to the advice of a woman, be she
    ever so good; for the end of it will be death and shame: but he
    must always consult his own mind in what he has to do or not to
    do, never losing sight of the lessons of his instructors. Thus,
    not only will he obtain knowledge, but his actions will be good.

  "Riches, beauty, knowledge, youth, and greatness often lead a man
    into error; he, therefore, who is blessed with any of them ought
    to be, at the same time, humble and generous, for then he will
    excel; otherwise, his virtues will be hidden.

  "As the man who advances by fair means from poverty to riches, or
    from insignificance to greatness, is rewarded in this world, so
    will he who is generous and kind-hearted be rewarded hereafter
    in heaven. So will the warrior killed in battle, who is like a
    conqueror, enjoy all the delights imaginable; while a deserter is
    despised by all men, and covered with shame and disgrace, because
    he deserted his comrades in the moment of danger.

  "No man ought to be termed a hero but he who has already conquered
    a hundred heroes; nor should any man be termed a holy man until
    he can boast of surpassing in virtue a hundred holy men: for as
    long as a hero has not conquered a hundred heroes, or a holy man
    has not surpassed a hundred other holy men in virtue, he can
    neither be considered as a real hero or holy man.

  "The signs of the approaching end of this world will be all kinds
    of depravity among mankind; that is to say, the wise will turn
    foolish, the holy men will become worldly, children will abandon
    their parents, princes will lose their empires, the little will
    become great, and commit depredations; in short, every thing will
    be in confusion, and an entire revolution take place.

  "In the beginning every thing was at rest and quiet. During the
    first thousand years princes began to start up, and wars arose
    about a woman named _Déwi Darúki_: at this period writing was
    first introduced. One thousand five hundred years after this
    another war began, about a woman named _Déwi Sínta_. Two thousand
    years after this a third war broke out, about a woman named _Déwi
    Drupádi_: and two thousand five hundred years afterwards another
    war took place, about the daughter of a holy man not named in
    history.

  "Every man can thus see what has been the first cause of war.
    Even as the roots of trees and the course of rivers cannot run
    straight, but wind here and there, so cannot a woman be upright:
    for the saying is, that a raven can sooner turn white, and the
    _tanjang_-plant (a water lily) grow from a rock, than a woman can
    be upright.

  "A perfect man should be, in firmness and ability, equal to eight
    women; and to satisfy a woman, a man must be able to please her
    in nine different manners.

  "A bad man is like a fire, which inflames every thing which
    approaches it; we, therefore, ought never to go near it with
    an intention to extinguish it. A good man, on the contrary, is
    like a sweet-scented tree, which continues to produce flowers
    and fruit, pleasant to the taste and smell of every one, and the
    fragrance of which remains in the wood even after the tree is cut
    down and rooted out.

  "When a harlot begins to feel shame, then is her improvement
    approaching; but when a holy man begins to meddle with worldly
    affairs, then is he about to become a worldly man himself.

  "When a prince allows encroachments to be made on his territories,
    it is a sign that the loss of both his court and lands is nigh at
    hand.

  "A man may receive instruction from his _gúru_ (instructor) until
    his twentieth year: after which he should apply himself to study
    until his thirtieth year; at which time he ought to know every
    thing necessary, as well for this world as for that to come.

  "The art of elocution may properly be reckoned superior to all
    others, because happiness and misery, fortune or misfortune, very
    often depend upon it: it is, therefore, necessary to use prudence
    in speech.

  "A man who does not eat _síri (betel_) does not shine.

  "Married people who have no children ought to lead a retired life,
    and people without fortune should not attempt to make a shining
    appearance: they should look pale and melancholy, like unto the
    dullness and quiet of a country without a prince.

  "These are the qualities necessary to constitute a good
    housewife:--She must be well-made and well-mannered, gentle,
    industrious, rich, liberal, charming, of good birth, upright, and
    humble. A stingy, curious, dirty, foul-mouthed, vulgar, false,
    intriguing, lazy, or stupid woman, is not only entirely unfit for
    a housewife, but will never be beloved by a husband."

Intimately connected with the character, moral and intellectual, of
a people, are its civil and political institutions. In a country
like Java, the frame of society is so simple, the hand of power
is so universally felt or seen; rank, wealth, and authority are
so identified, and the different classes of the community are so
referable to each other, by contrast or reciprocal influence, that it
was impossible to give any account of the state of the peasantry, or
of the tenure and distribution of the land, without introducing some
notices concerning government and revenue. As there is little division
of labour among a rude people, so there is no division of power in a
despotism: the despot is proprietor, all the rest is property.

The Island of Java appears at different times to have been divided
into states of greater or smaller extent. History informs us, that it
was at one period under the sway of one principal chief, and at others
subject to two or more. In the former case, the provinces into which
it was divided were administered, as they are still, by subordinate
and delegated governors; and in the latter, many of them composed
independent sovereignties. In all these cases, the form of government
and the privileges of the people were the same; the only difference
between a state co-extensive with the Island, and one limited to a few
districts, consisting in the different extent of territory or number of
subjects at command. In looking at the map, the divisions of the Island
now under European dominion, and those under the native princes, can
easily be traced. Bantam (the sultan of which surrendered his rights to
the British government for a pension of a few thousand dollars), and
Chéribon, an extensive province to the eastward of Batavia, enjoyed
till lately a nominal independence; but the only great native power
on Java, till the establishment of _Yúg'ya-kerta_ about sixty years
ago, was that of the _Susuhúnan_, or as he is termed, the Emperor of
Java; and a slight sketch of his government, of the maxims by which it
is regulated, and the officers it employs, will be sufficient for my
present purpose.

The sovereign is termed either _Susuhúnan_ or Sultan, both
denominations adopted since the establishment of Mahomedanism: the
titles previously employed were _Kiaí Gedé_, _Prábu_, _Browijáya_,
&c. as will be perceived on reference to the list of Hindu princes in
the historical details. The line of succession to the throne is from
father to son, but the rights of primogeniture are not always allowed
or observed. If there is no direct descent, the claims of collateral
branches of the reigning dynasty are settled by no law or uniform
custom. Females have sometimes held offices of power, but have never
occupied the throne since the establishment of Mahomedanism. The chiefs
of districts and the heads of villages are sometimes women; in that
case widows continued in the office of their deceased husbands.

The government is in principle a pure unmixed despotism; but there
are customs of the country of which the people are very tenacious,
and which the sovereign seldom invades. His subjects have no rights
of liberty of person or property: his breath can raise the humblest
individual from the dust to the highest distinction, or wither the
honours of the most exalted. There is no hereditary rank, nothing to
oppose his will. Not only honours, posts, and distinctions, depend
upon his pleasure, but all the landed property of his dominions
remains at his disposal, and may, together with its cultivators, be
parcelled out by his order among the officers of his household, the
members of his family, the ministers of his pleasures, or the useful
servants of the state. Every officer is paid by grants of land, or by a
power to receive from the peasantry a certain proportion of the produce
of certain villages or districts.

When a sovereign enjoys unlimited power, he generally in eastern
countries surrenders it for ease and pleasure, and his servant, under
the name of Vizier or some other title, becomes the despot. The highest
executive officer or prime minister in the Javan government is called
_Ráden Adipáti_: he usually rules the country while his master is
satisfied with flattery, with pomp, and the seraglio. He is intrusted
with power so great, as even, in particular cases, to extend to the
royal family. All communications to and from the sovereign are made
through him: he receives all reports from different parts of the
country, and issues all orders. The power and importance of this office
has, however, naturally lessened of late years, since the European
government has assumed the right of nominating the person who shall
fill it: the sovereign naturally reposes less confidence in a prime
minister so nominated than in one of his own choice; and if he does
not take an active part himself in the politics of his court, he is
generally under the influence of an ambitious member of his own family,
by which means the _Ráden Adípati_, or prime minister, though left to
conduct the details of government, is often ignorant of many of the
intrigues carried on in the place.

The gradations of power and rank are as follow.

After the royal family, which includes the prince or sovereign, called
_Susuhúnan_ or _Sultan_, and the sons and daughters of the sovereign,
called _Pangérans_, the heir apparent being called _Pángéran Adipáti_,
come the nobility, and at their head the _Ráden Adipáti_.

The nobility or privileged orders may be classed under the two general
divisions of _Bopátis_, and their immediate assistants or _Pátehs_,
and _Mántris_ or public officers. _Bopáti_ is the general term given
to the governors of provinces, being the plural of _Adipáti_. This,
however, is rather a title of office than of mere rank, as these
governors are sometimes _Tumúng'gungs_, _An'gebáis_, and of still
inferior rank. _Adipáti_ appears to be the highest title below royalty.
The dignity of this title, as well as that of others, is again raised,
by prefixing the epithet _Kiai_ (venerable) or _Mas_ (golden), as
_Kiai-adipáti_, _Kiaí-tumúng'gung_, _Mas-adipáti_, _Mas-tumúng'gung_.
_Ráden-tumúng'gung_ is also occasionally used, to express a rank above
an ordinary _Tumúng'gung_, in the same manner as _Ráden Adipáti_.

These officers, when appointed to the administration of provinces, are
called Regents by the Dutch. Since the innovations of Europeans, the
distinctions above referred to have been a good deal confounded. In the
_Súnda_ districts, where the absolute sway of the native sovereign has
long ceased to be felt, and in the eastern provinces, which are subject
to Europeans, the Regent assumes the state of a petty sovereign, and
is the fountain of honour. The power and rank attached to particular
titles, especially those of inferior importance, differs in some degree
in almost every province.

The sons of the Regents, or of those who may be properly termed the
nobles of the country, are usually called _Rádens_, and in the _Súnda_
districts invariably so; but there is properly no hereditary nobility,
no hereditary titles, although few people have a greater respect for
family descent than the Javans; custom and consideration, in this as in
other cases, generally supplying the place of law.

Nearly the same form of government is followed in the administration of
each particular province as is observed in the general administration
of the country, every _Adipáti_, or governor of a province, having a
_Páteh_, or assistant, who acts as his minister. In general there is a
_Páteh-luar_, and a _Páteh-dalam_; one for conducting affairs abroad or
public business, the other for the superintendence of the household.

The same union of the judicial, revenual, and executive authority,
which exists in the sovereign, descends to the governor of a province;
and if there are subdivisions of the province, it descends to each
head of the subdivision. This is also the case with each village;
the consequence of which is, that every chief, of whatever rank, has
an almost absolute power over those below him. The only exception
to this, and the only part of the Javan constitution which wears the
appearance of liberty, is the mode of appointing the heads of villages;
these are elected by the people, as will be hereafter more particularly
described.

In every considerable province or district there are several
subdivisions over which an inferior chief presides: the district of
_Semárang_, for instance, has several. Although this absolute authority
is vested in the different chiefs, according to their ranks, it is
dangerous for a public functionary, whatever be his rank, and even for
the _Susuhúnan_ himself, to violate what is called the custom of the
country; and the ancient Hindu institutions are revered and generally
followed by all classes. The priests also exercise a considerable
influence; and although the power of the _Jáksa_, or law officer, is
essentially reduced since the establishment of Mahomedanism, and a
great part of his authority transferred to the _Panghúlu_ or Mahomedan
priest, he is still efficient, as far as concerns the police and minor
transactions. The observations which follow on the administration
of justice and the judicial instructions established by the British
government, will explain the present nature of his duties.

In the suite of every governor of a province, of his _Páteh_, or
assistant, and of every public functionary of importance, are numerous
petty chiefs, generally classed as _Mantris_, but having various
titles, as _Demángs_, _Lúras_, _Klíwons_, &c. varying in authority and
relative rank in different districts.

Three-fourths of the island having been long subjected to the
European authority, and the provinces which still remain under native
administration having been divided under two distinct authorities,
and their original constitution otherwise departed from, it would be
impossible to lay down a scale of rank for the different titles of
honour, which should be applicable to every part of the island, but the
subject will be resumed in a future chapter.

The following observations of Mr. Hogendorp, who resided on Java
not many years before the arrival of the English, and was employed
in a commission of inquiry into the state of the island, are
extracted from a report or memoir which he drew up for the use of the
Dutch government, recommending a policy similar to that which we
subsequently pursued. They contain a just account of the principles of
the Javan government, and of the state of the Regents under the Dutch
Company. After remarking, in perhaps too broad and unqualified terms,
that the structure of the government is feudal, he proceeds to state:

"The first principles of the feudal system, which form the basis of the
whole edifice, are: that the land is the property of the sovereign;
that the inhabitants are his slaves, and can therefore possess no
property, all that they have and all that they can obtain belonging to
the sovereign, who allows them to keep it no longer than he chooses;
and that the will of the prince is the supreme law.

"These are the real fundamental principles of the feudal system: for
though the English and French kings could not always maintain their
despotic sway, but were sometimes opposed, hostilely attacked, and
even forced by arms to treat for terms with their subjects, this was
only the natural consequence of the acknowledged rule, that _tyranny
destroys itself_; and it is only necessary to revert to what James and
Charles of England, in so late a period, thought their divine rights
of royalty, to ascertain what were the rudiments of the feudal form
of government: and even now, notwithstanding the numerous changes
and revolutions which have happened in England, the most surprizing
traces of that system are to be found, since in that country, so free,
no individual soever possesses a foot of land in absolute property
(allodium), but merely from the king (feodum), to whom only belongs
the _dóminum absolutum et directum_, although subsequent laws and
regulations have rendered this title more imaginary than real.

"The same system of government has been continued in the Company's
districts, under the pretext of allowing the natives to retain their
own laws and customs, but in reality from ignorance and self-interest.
Although they were too ignorant to effect any improvement, they knew
perfectly well that this plan was the best adapted to promote their own
interest and advantage.

"The princes of Java, as well as those of Europe in former times, and
as a natural effect of the same cause, were also almost continually
at war with their chief vassals, until the Dutch power and influence
re-established and maintained the general tranquillity. This, however,
has never had any effect on the system of government itself, and the
subject who dethroned his sovereign and then succeeded him, thought
that he had thereby obtained the same _divine right_ of property in the
lands and persons of his subjects, as his predecessor had possessed.

"The princes allotted the lands to their chiefs and immediate
dependents, as rewards for military and other services. These chiefs
(termed by the Dutch regents) again subdivided the lands among others
of inferior rank, on the same conditions, and so on, down to the poor
labourer who cultivated the land, but to whom a very small proportion
of the fruits of his labour was left for his own support.

"The exclusive administration of the country was conferred on the
regents, an appellation given to the native chiefs, who had acquired
their lands from the Dutch, by contract or agreement, binding them
annually to deliver partly for payment and partly not, a quantity, in
some cases fixed, in others uncertain, of the produce of such lands,
obliging them also to the performance of feudal services, both of a
military and other nature.

"The titles of these regents are either _Adipáti_, _Tumúng'gung_, or
_Ang'ebái_. The Prince of _Madúra_, styled _Panambáhan_, and the Prince
of _Súmenap_, who is called _Pangéran_, are however only regents as
well as the rest. The Prince of _Madúra_ enjoys that tide as being of
the imperial family, and the Prince of _Súmenap_ purchased his by a
large payment to a Governor-General.

"These regents are only officers of government, and possess not the
smallest right to hereditary possession or succession. Yet when one of
them dies, he is in general replaced by one of his sons, considered
most fit for the office, provided he can afford to pay the customary
present to the governor of the north-east coast of Java; for if he is
unable to do this, or if any other person offers a more considerable
sum, a pretence is easily found to exclude the children in favour of
the more liberal purchaser.

"These presents form a principal part of the emoluments of the governor
of the north-east coast, and consequently all new appointments of
regents are for his advantage. The present chief regent of _Samárang_
paid 50,000 dollars for his promotion, and all the children of his
predecessor were superseded. The others pay in proportion to the value
of their regencies; and as this is arbitrary and uncertain, it is
easily to be conceived, that they find means to recover the amount of
their place-money[77].

"These Regents although very proud, are, with very few exceptions,
ignorant and idle persons, who give themselves little concern about
their lands and their people; of whom, indeed, they frequently know
nothing, but only endeavour to squeeze and extort from them as much as
possible, both for their own subsistence and pleasure, and to satisfy
the cupidity of government and of their immediate superiors. They leave
the administration of affairs entirely to their _Pátehs_, who are also
appointed by the Dutch, and are held accountable for every thing[78].

"To their brothers, wives, children, and other near relations, they
assign villages or _désas_, sufficient for their maintenance, for
all these consider themselves born not to work, and look upon the
peasantry as only made for the purpose of providing for their support.

"In order to collect the rice and other kinds of produce, which they
are by contract obliged to deliver to the Company as contingents, they
compel the inhabitants of the district to furnish as much of it as is
at all possible, without any fixed ratio or calculation, and without
any kind of payment, leaving them scarcely what is absolutely necessary
for their own support and that of their families, and even sometimes
not nearly so much, especially in the event of failure in the crops;
on which occasions the miserable inhabitants desert by hundreds to
other districts, where, at least in the first instance, they may expect
a less rigorous treatment. Several regents also, when distressed for
money, are compelled by want, to let out many of their best _désas_
to the Chinese: these bloodsuckers then extort from such villages as
much as they can possibly contrive, while the inhabitants of the other
_désas_ are alone obliged to deliver the contingent required from the
whole aggregate. It may easily be conceived, how oppressively this
demand must fall upon those unhappy individuals; and how greatly these
and other acts of injustice, which are the natural consequences of the
present faulty administration, must tend to the ruin of the country, it
would be superfluous reasoning to prove."

The only restraint upon the will of the head of the government is the
custom of the country, and the regard which he has for his character
among his subjects. To shew what that character ought to be, what is
expected of a good prince, and what are the reciprocal duties of a
prince, prime minister, and people, I may here quote a few sentences
out of the _Níti Prája_, a work in very high esteem, and constantly
referred to by the Javans.

"A good prince must protect his subjects against all unjust
persecutions and oppressions, and should be the light of his subjects,
even as the sun is the light of the world. His goodness must flow clear
and full, like the mountain stream, which in its course towards the sea
enriches and fertilizes the land as it descends. He must consider that
as the withered foliage of the trees awaiteth the coming of rain to
flourish anew, so are his subjects waiting for his benevolence, to be
provided with food, with raiment, and with beautiful women. If, on the
contrary, a prince neglects to extend his benevolence and protection
towards his subjects, he exposes himself to be abandoned by them, or at
any rate to lose their confidence; for it is an undeniable truth, that
no one will be faithful or attached to a man upon whom no dependence
can be placed.

"When a prince gives audience to the public his conduct must be
dignified. He must sit upright and not in a bending posture, and say
little, neither looking on one side or the other, because, in this
case, the people would not have a proper sight of him. He must assume a
pleasing appearance, which will enable him to observe his subjects who
surround him, and then enquire if any one has any thing to say to him;
and if there is, he must animate him to speak openly.

"In his discourse he must not speak loud, but low, and with dignity,
and not more than is necessary for the purpose; for it does not become
a prince to withdraw his words if once given, and much less to give
them another turn.

"It is, above all, the duty of a prince to take notice of every thing
going on in his country and among his subjects, and, if possible,
to turn every thing to a good end: if he passes over unnoticed the
least crime, he may create numerous enemies. It is further the duty
of a prince, besides knowing the merits of his subjects and the state
of his country, to explain all abstract and difficult expressions,
particularly such as occur in writings.

"It is a disgrace to a prime minister for any hostile attack to be
made on the country intrusted to his charge without his knowledge, or
that he should be careless or inattentive to the same, rather thinking
how to obtain the favour of his prince than to secure the safety of
the country. So it is when he does not understand how to administer
the country properly, or fails to invent what is useful; when he makes
many promises, but fulfils few; when he is careless with regard to
public affairs, and talks much about what is of no consequence, seeking
to be admired by the people, and putting on fair appearances when
his intentions do not correspond; when he cares nothing about the
misfortunes of his inferiors, provided he gets money himself; when,
finally, he is not faithful, but deceitful. Such a prime minister is
like the hawk, which soars high in the air, but descends low on the
earth to seize and steal its food.

"But a good prime minister is he who is upright in his heart, moderate
in his fear of the prince, faithfully obedient to all his orders,
kind-hearted, not oppressive to the people, and always exerting himself
to the utmost for the happiness of the people and the welfare of the
country.

"And a prime minister is good beyond measure who can always please
his prince in every thing that is good; who knows every thing that is
going on in the country, and takes proper measures accordingly; who
always exerts himself to avert whatever is likely to be injurious; who
considers nothing too trifling to merit his attention; who accumulates
not wealth, but offers to his prince whatever comes in his way that
is curious; who heeds not his own life in effecting what is right;
who considers neither friends, family, nor enemies, but does justice
alike to all; who cares not when he is praised or reviled, but trusts
to the dispensations of Providence; who possesses much experience;
who can bear poverty, and cares not for the enjoyment of pleasures;
who is polite to every one; who with good will gives alms to the poor
and helpless; who consults much with his brother officers, with whom
he ought always to advise on affairs of business. Against such a
prime minister it is impossible for any one to speak, for he will be
feared at the same time that the people will become attached to him:
the people will then live quiet and happy, perform their labours with
cheerfulness, and wish that his administration may be lasting.

"A prime minister ought, nevertheless, not to be too confident in this,
but always remain on his guard against the designs of bad men.

"There are many examples of such prime ministers: among which is _Rája
Jájahan_, (prime minister of _Mesir_ Egypt,) to whom all the people of
the country, great and small, were much attached.

"Whenever his brother officers intended to visit the prince for the
purpose of paying their respects, they always assembled at the prime
minister's house, where they generally partook of a meal: after this
they proceeded to the court, followed by the prime minister on foot,
dressed in white, with only three attendants, carrying a spear and
other articles of state before him. By this conduct he supposed that he
was screened from reproach, and that he was freed from enemies; but at
the very time there were enemies conspiring against his life, as was
afterwards discovered: therefore ought a prime minister not only to be
virtuous, but cautious also, and always armed against his enemies, in
the same manner as a sportsman arms himself against wild beasts.

"A subject going into the presence of his prince must be clean and
well-dressed, wearing proper _chelána_ (pantaloons.) He must have a
good girdle and a sharp _krís_, and be anointed with aromatic oils. He
must range himself with his equals, and convince them of his abilities
and good breeding; because from this it is that he has to expect favour
or disgrace, grief or joy, happiness or misery; for a prince can either
exalt or humble him.

"A prince is like a _dálang (wáyang_ player,) his subjects like
_wáyangs_, and the law is as the wick of the lamp used in these
entertainments: for a prince can do with his subjects what he pleases,
in the same manner as the _dálang_ acts with his _wáyangs_, according
to his own fancy; the prince having the law, and the _dálang_ the lamp,
to prevent them from going out of the right way.

"In like manner, as it is incumbent on the _dálang_ to make magnanimity
and justice the principal subjects of his representation, in order that
the spectators may be instructed and animated thereby, so should a
prince, a prime minister, and chief officers of the court, direct the
administration of the country with such propriety, that the people may
attach themselves to them; they must see that the guilty are punished,
that the innocent be not persecuted, and that all persons falsely
accused be immediately released, and remunerated for the sufferings
they may have endured."

The judicial and executive powers are generally exercised by the same
individual. The written law of the island, according to which justice
is administered and the courts are regulated, is that of the _Koran_,
as modified by custom and usage. The Javans have now been converted to
the Mahomedan religion about three centuries and a half, dating from
the destruction of the Hindu kingdom of _Majapáhit_, in the year 1400
of the Javan æra. Of all the nations who have adopted that creed, they
are among the most recent converts; and it may be safely added, that
few others are so little acquainted with its doctrines, and partake so
little of its zeal and intolerance. The consequence is, that although
the Mahomedan law be in some instances followed, and it be considered
a point of honour to profess an adherence to it, it has not entirely
superseded the ancient superstitions and local customs of the country.

The courts of justice are of two descriptions: those of the _Panghúlu_
or high priest, and those of the _Jáksa_. In the former the Mahomedan
law is more strictly followed; in the latter it is blended with the
customs and usages of the country. The former take cognisance of
capital offences, of suits of divorce, of contracts and inheritance;
they are also, in some respects, courts of appeal from the authority
of the _Jáksa_. The latter take cognisance of thefts, robberies,
and all inferior offences; its officers are employed in taking down
depositions, examining evidence, inspecting the general police of
the country, and in some measure acting as public prosecutors: these
last functions are implied in the title of the office itself, _jáksa_
meaning to guard or watch[79].

At the seat of government are supreme courts of the _Panghúlu_
and _Jáksa_: to these there is an appeal from similar but inferior
tribunals, established within each province. Petty tribunals, under
like names, are even established under the jurisdiction of a _Demáng_,
or chief of a subdivision, and sometimes of a _Bákol_, or head of a
village; but in these the authority of the _Panghúlu_ and _Jáksa_
extend no further than to take down evidence to be transmitted to some
higher authority, to settle petty disputes, and perform the ordinary
ceremonies of religion, inseparable among the Javans, as well as all
other Mahomedans, from the administration of justice.

Such however is the nature of the native government, that these
officers are considered rather as the law assessors or council of
the immediate superior officer of the executive government, than as
independent ministers of justice. In such cases as come before them,
they examine the evidence, and point out the law and custom to the
executive officer, who is himself generally too ignorant and indolent
to undertake it. When the evidence is gone through, and the point of
law ascertained, the whole is brought before him, at whose discretion
it rests to pass judgment. It is however admitted, that in matters of
little moment, where his passions and interests are not concerned, the
division is frequently left to the law officers; but in all matters of
importance he will not fail to exercise his privileges of interference.

The court of justice in which the _Panghúlu_ or high priest presides,
is always held in the _serámbi_, or portico of the mosque; a practice,
which, as it inspires the people with a considerable share of awe,
appears judicious. It is also convenient for the administration of
oaths, which among the Javans are always administered within the
mosque, and usually with much solemnity. The forms of the court are
regular, orderly, and tedious; all evidence is taken down in writing,
and apparently with much accuracy.

The court, at least at the seat of government, consists of the
_Panghúlu_, the officiating priest of the mosque, and four individuals,
also of the religious order, called _Páteh nagári_, meaning literally
the pillars or supports of the country, to whom, after the examination
of evidence in capital offences, the point of law and decision is
referred. At the seat of government the sovereign or his minister
passes judgment.

The court of the _Jáksa_ at the seat of government consists of the head
_Jáksa_, who may be styled the law officer of the prime minister, and
the _Jáksas_ of his _Klíwons_ or assistants, for they too have their
law councils. The functions of this court being of less importance,
of a more mixed nature, and less solemn because less connected with
religion, are still more subject than that of the _Panghúlu_ to the
rude interference of the executive authority[80].

The Javan code of law is divided into two departments, that of
the Mahomedan law and that of custom and tradition. The former is
distinguished by the appellation of _húcum állah_, the _commands of
God_, from the Arabic; the latter by the Javan words _yúdha nagára_,
meaning consideration for the country, or in other words, allowance for
the state of society.

The decisions in Mahomedan law are chiefly guided by several works in
the Arabic language. In all the courts of Java these works are said to
be consulted in the Arabic language, but reference is more frequently
made to a collection of opinions extracted from them, and translated
into the language of the country.

The law of custom is chiefly handed down by oral tradition, but has in
part been committed to writing in the following performances.

The earliest work relating to jurisprudence which is now referred to,
is that of _Júgul Múda Páteh_, or minister of _Sri Ma Púng'gung_ (of
_Méndang Kamúlan_), now _Wirosári_: it is computed to be about six
hundred years old. The second bears the name of _Rája Kápa_, said
to have been the son of _Júgul Múda_, and like him minister of his
sovereign _Kandiáwan_, also prince of _Méndang Kamúlan_.

By the authority of the Sultan of _Demák_, the first Mahomedan prince,
a compilation of the Javan laws was made, in which they were in some
measure blended with the Mahomedan jurisprudence. Probably this was
intended to pave the way to an entire introduction of Mahomedan law.
The body of regulations, &c. compressed in these codes is curious,
from the laborious refinement of their distinctions, from the mixture
of moral maxims and illustrations with positive law, from the most
incongruous combinations, and from their casuistical spirit. In the
Appendix will be found the translation of a modern version of the
_Súria Alem_, a work of this description in high repute, as well an
abstract of the laws and regulations said to have been in force in the
earliest periods to which Java tradition refers[81].

The proclamations (_úndang-úndang_), and the laws and regulations
(_ánger ángeran_) of the sovereign, form another source of deviation
from the Mahomedan law. Collections of these have been committed to
writing.

The prince, by himself or his officers, is always supposed vested
with a discretionary power of adapting the Mahomedan law to the
circumstances of society, a prerogative liberally exercised. This
power, which sanctions every deviation from the letter of Musselman
law, the Javans also express by the term of _yúdha nagára_. The krising
of criminals instead of beheading them, the combat of criminals with
tigers, the severe penalties for infractions of the sumptuary laws
of the Javans, the constant commutation of corporeal punishment for
a pecuniary fine, and in the case of persons of rank found guilty of
murder, the commutation of the strict law of retaliation for a fine,
without regard to the wishes of the relations of the deceased, if the
latter be of no consideration, were among the deviations from the
Mahomedan law sanctioned by the _Yúdha nagára_.

Such was the composition of the courts, and the code of laws that
existed on Java before the arrival of the Dutch, and remained unchanged
at the conquest of the island by the British. The Dutch legislated for
the colonists, but took little interest in the system by which the
judicial proceedings of their native subjects were guided, excepting in
so far as their own advantage or security was concerned in them. The
following statement contains the changes introduced by the Dutch.

Besides the colonial laws and regulations, enacted from time to time by
the Governors and Council at Batavia; besides some standing orders of
the Court of Directors, and some rules and provisions contained in the
successive charters of the Company, and in what was called the _article
brief_; the Dutch law, which was always considered the foundation of
the colonial law, was of authority, as far as it remained unaffected by
these institutions.

A collection of the colonial statutes and regulations, called the
_Placart_ Book of Batavia, and an abstract of them, entitled the
_Statutes_ of _Batavia_, were made under the authority of the colonial
government; but as the latter never underwent a regular promulgation,
the rules contained in it were not considered as possessing the force
of law, except in so far as they might be found to be conformable to
the orders, proclamations, and regulations of the Indian government, or
of the Directors of the East India Company.

The power of the Directors and of the Council of Batavia to enact
local laws and regulations, seems not to have been very circumspectly
defined in the first charters of the Company, those charters conferring
on them, in general terms only, authority to provide for the
administration of justice and establishment of police.

But from the nature of the occasion it seems evident, that this power
of making colonial laws, as far at least as related to the Council
of Batavia, could only have been a limited one, to be exercised with
considerable discretion, and only upon points requiring an immediate
provision, subject always to the approbation of the authorities at
home; and even the Directors could hardly be considered to have
possessed a greater extent of legislative power, than was necessary
for the security of their new territories, and of their rights and
privileges, or to have been authorised to deviate wantonly from the
established law of the country, or neglect the dictates of justice and
equity.

In the great variety of matter comprehended in the colonial statutes,
no subject seems to have occupied more attention than the laws
respecting slavery. These, as already observed, appear to have been
formed in general upon principles of humanity and consideration for the
condition of the unfortunate beings to whom they related.

In consequence of a resolution of the year 1760, the Council of India
ordered that the customs of the Mahomedans, in matters of inheritance
and successions _ab intestat_, &c. should be sanctioned and published.

In civil matters, natives and Chinese in the districts of Batavia seem
to have been governed by the same laws as the European inhabitants.

Crimes committed by natives or Chinese in the city of Batavia and its
environs, had, from the first settlement of the Dutch on the island,
always been tried by European judges, and according to European law.

In Bantam the criminal jurisdiction over the natives was left to the
Sultan, and that over the Chinese resident there, was exercised as at
Batavia according to the European law.

The _Jakatra_ and _Priáng'en_ Regencies seem formerly to have enjoyed a
peculiar and fortunate state of tranquillity. Almost entirely removed
from every communication and intercourse with Europeans, Chinese, and
other foreign settlers found in the neighbourhood of Batavia, engaged
in agriculture, and ruled by their own native chiefs, these districts
seem to have been in a high degree free from crime; but whenever
enormities did happen, the offenders were sent down to Batavia, and
tried according to European law. It is to be observed, however, that on
the first submission of those districts to the Company, their chiefs or
regents reserved to themselves the jurisdiction over the inhabitants of
their respective districts; but this stipulation appears to have been
disregarded in the latter times of the Dutch Company, and under the
late administration of Marshal Daendals, a court was established for
these districts, the rule of which was European law.

From Chéribon the Chinese were amenable, as from Bantam and Batavia;
but the natives were subject to a _landraad_ (or local court), of which
the Resident was president, and the Sultans members; and this court
was, partly at least, directed by a _papákam_, or native code, compiled
under the sanction of the government.

In the Eastern districts of the island, the Javans seem always, in
criminal matters, to have enjoyed their own laws, founded on ancient
custom and the precepts of the _Koran_. Of these laws the Council of
Batavia caused abstracts to be printed, for the guidance of the great
_landraad_ or high court at _Semárang_, to which all the Javans in the
European provinces, from _Losári_ to _Banyuwángi_ were amenable.

Under the native government, the prime minister (_Ráden Adipáti_) is
the head of the police, as well as every other department of authority.
The higher class of functionaries is most frequently to be found in
those parts of the country most remote from the seat of government,
where, as governors of provinces, they possess some extension of
powers. The great and fertile provinces near the capital, on the other
hand, are divided into small appropriations, of from two hundred to
one thousand _cháchas_, or families, placed under the administration
of division officers, whose authority is limited to the duties of
police.

Each village is possessed of a distinct organization within itself,
has its chief, its _Kabáyan_ or assistant, and if of any considerable
size, its priest, whose advice is frequently had recourse to, and who
generally decides petty disputes, especially respecting divorces and
matters of inheritance. The chief of the village is not without his
share of judicial authority, and often takes upon himself to punish by
fine and imprisonment. In each village the inhabitants keep regular
nightly watches and patrols.

The manner in which these little societies have been recently formed
in the districts to the east of _Surabáyu_, where the European
authority had not interfered, and where the influence of the Mahomedan
government was scarcely felt, will tend to illustrate their nature and
constitution.

The frequent wars, in which the people had been engaged with the
inhabitants of _Báli_ and _Madúra_, as well as with the Dutch, had
reduced those provinces to a state of wilderness towards the middle
of the last century. The encouragement held out to the people of the
neighbouring island of _Madúra_ brought over several adventurers, who
were allowed to occupy the land they cleared; first rent-free, and
afterwards at a fixed assessment. If several persons came together,
their leader was invested with the authority of _Petíng'gi_ over the
new village which they formed. When individuals associated to construct
a village, the chief was elected by themselves, subject to the approval
of the landlord; and they possessed the privilege, common in all the
districts east of _Surabáya_, of annually electing their chief, or
_Petíng'gi_.

The nature of the duties rendered by this person was so essential to
the well-being of a village, that this privilege was most intimately
connected with its existence. Whenever a new assessment was imposed
on the lands, it was the business of the _Petíng'gi_, if the amount
was too high, to represent the matter to the superior, and to state
the inability of the people to make good the demand: the consequence
was, either a reduction of assessment on the part of the principal, or
desertion on that of the people. But when the amount of the assessment
was considered reasonable (and any amount less than three-fifths seems
to have been so considered), the _Petíng'gi_ had to assemble all the
people, and to distribute to each, in the common presence of all, his
individual proportion of land, with a statement of the produce to be
paid. He had to keep a roster of all duties required of the people, and
to see that every man took his proper turn. When the harvest ripened,
he had to watch the collectors, that they exacted no more from each man
than his proportion; and the cultivator, that he did not embezzle any
part of the due of government. In large villages he had an assistant,
called a _Kabáyan_, who represented him during his absence, and with
the _Kamitúah_ and _Múdin_ (priest), formed a court for settling petty
village disputes; subject, however, to a reference, if the parties
should be dissatisfied.

It was customary for the people of the village to cultivate the lands
of their _Petíng'gi_ without payment. This and the honour of chiefship
rendered the office an object of village ambition; while an annual
election, and the fear, if turned out, of being called upon to justify
his conduct, rendered this officer generally a steady and careful
representative of his constituents.

All strangers passing through the country were expected to apply to
the _Petíng'gi_ for the assistance they required; and if payment was
tendered, all procurable necessaries were furnished. The _Petíng'gi_
also took charge of the strangers' property, examined the same in the
presence of the other head-man, and was bound to return the whole
undiminished the next morning, or to pay the value. If, however, the
stranger preferred keeping his property under his own charge, and
rested himself for the night under some of the public sheds, the loss
he might sustain fell on himself alone, and all he could procure from
the village was assistance to trace the offenders.

It was customary, as well to deter beasts of prey as thieves, for a
part of the men of each village to keep a night watch round it, and to
perform this duty in successive rotation.

Such appears to have been the internal regulation of these villages;
and it seems to have been framed according to the ancient usage of the
island, the similarity of which to that of Western India has been
adduced as a strong instance of one common origin[82].

It follows from the above, that each village has in itself the
materials of a good police, and that a right of choosing their
chiefs gives to the people a considerable share of real liberty[83].
This right of election in the inhabitants of the village, as before
observed, would appear at one time to have been general throughout the
island. It is still respected in the districts of _Surabáya_, where the
office of _Petíng'gi_ was always elective, for although the same person
might hold it for many years, a ballot for the situation was regularly
held at specified periods, varying from one to three years[84].

The right of election is also clearly acknowledged in the districts
of _Japára_ and _Jawána_. "That the _Petíng'gi_ is elected by the
inhabitants of a village," observes the officer who introduced the
settlement into those districts[85], "there cannot be a doubt; and even
the right of election is foregone by the people, though I have not met
with a single instance of the kind, it may be taken for granted, that
it is so only, in consequence of the influence of the Regent, to serve
some particular purpose. While the _Petíng'gi_ continues in office, he
is looked up to and obeyed by the people of the village to which he
belongs as the immediate chief. He generally occupies the _paséban_
usually to be found in villages of consequence, and has two or more
men, inhabitants of the village, appointed to attend him wherever he
goes. A _Petíng'gi_ was usually elected for one year, during which
time he could not, according to the ancient usage, be removed, except
in consequence of some gross misconduct, but if his conduct was such
as to give satisfaction to the inhabitants, they continued him for
several years. As far as I could learn," continues the same officer,
"the Regent, or other superior native authority, seldom interfered in
the election of a _Petíng'gi_; but it was generally understood, that
although he could not force a _Petíng'gi_ upon them who was disliked
by the people, his confirmation was required before the person elected
could act with effect."

In the _Súnda_ districts of _Chéribon_ and _Tegál_, the appointment
to this office is invariably made, if not by the election of the
villagers, generally from among themselves, and always with their
concurrence. It is a common practice for the people of a village, even
where the right of election is not in use, to represent in a body the
conduct of their chief, if incorrect; and it has always been necessary
for the chief native authority to remove him, if the complaints were
justly founded.

A reference to the judicial regulations in the Appendix[86] will show
how desirous the British government on the island has been to protect
the privileges of these societies, and in particular the right of
electing their chief.

When the British authority was established on the island, it
was immediately seen that something must be done to supply the
deficiencies, and to correct the imperfections of the native code. All
the other changes in contemplation for the encouragement of industry
and for the abolition of oppressive and impolitic exactions, would have
been nugatory, without such an improvement in the judicial and police
regulations, as would secure, by a full and impartial administration
of justice, the rights and privileges about to be conferred. It would
have been in vain to define the limits of power, to issue directions
for guiding the conduct of public servants in their transactions
with the people, or to have abrogated the oppressive privileges
of the chiefs, and to have assured the people of the intention of
government to protect them against all invasion of their rights,
either by open violence, by the exaction of services, or by oppressive
contributions, without establishing effective means of obtaining
redress when aggrieved. The system acted upon was at once barbarous
and revolting. Practices prevailed under the sanction of native law,
which were abhorrent to the criminal jurisdiction of any enlightened
nation, without being at all necessary to the due administration of
justice[87]. I allude particularly to torture and mutilation. These the
Earl of Minto immediately abolished, by his proclamation of the 11th
September 1811, in which, besides this beneficial and humane enactment,
he laid down clearly and distinctly the liberal and enlightened
principles which should guide the local government in the subsequent
revision of the civil and criminal code of the colony. The result was
the enactment of the code of judicial and police regulations which
will be found in the Appendix to this work[88]. The outlines of these
regulations, and the principles which dictated them, are contained in
a Minute which I recorded on the 11th February 1814, when they were
completed and promulgated; and the following quotations from that
document may be sufficient to put the reader in possession of the
change which was effected.

"It was essential, in conducting the revenue arrangements, that the
measures taken for the establishment of a good and efficient police,
and the full and impartial administration of justice throughout the
island, should preserve an equal pace.

"Rights were not to be bestowed and defined, without a suitable
provision for their being effectually guarded against any invasion; and
it became an object of the first moment, to form such an adequate and
consistent code of regulations, as should serve, in every instance,
to guide the executive officers of government in the performance of
their duty, and to make known, and secure to the people, the means of
obtaining redress, whenever they felt themselves in any way aggrieved.

"The system found existing on our first arrival was at once complicated
and confused. In the principal towns there were established courts,
but these were constituted in all the troublesome formalities of the
Roman law; and in the different residencies were provincial courts,
styled _land-raads_, where the native form and law was left to take its
course, with all its barbarities and tortures.

"The Dutch government, proceeding entirely on the system of
commercial monopoly, paid very inferior attention to their internal
administration. They had little other connexion with their best
subjects, the cultivators of the soil, than in calling on them,
from time to time, for arbitrary and oppressive contributions and
services; and for the rest, gave them up to be vassals to the various
intermediate authorities, the Regents, _Demángs_, and other native
officers. These either at first purchased their situations, or
stipulated for a certain tribute, in service or money, in consideration
of which all the inferior classes of inhabitants were made over, to
be dealt with by them as most pleasing to themselves. Policy, and the
common attention to their own good, suggested to these a certain equity
of procedure, and it was generally the custom to leave each village
to its own management, with respect to police and settling the petty
quarrels that occurred within its limits; but for the continuance of
what was good in such a system, there was no security whatsoever, and
oppression and injustice must have constantly occurred. Where the will
of the lord was the paramount law, his vassals could only have depended
on his natural goodness of disposition for being equitably treated. No
remedy was afforded where the reverse was the case, and they possessed,
in short, no security, no freedom whatsoever.

"On the propriety of the measures to be adopted by us to remedy such
evils, no doubt could exist.

"The first proclamation of the enlightened founder of the present
government adverted immediately to this subject. As a step that could
not, consistently with British ideas, admit of a moment's delay, it
instantly ordained, that torture and mutilation should no longer make
part of any sentence to be pronounced against criminals; and it then
proceeded to define clearly the relative situation of the English
and Dutch inhabitants, laying down rules for the future guidance of
government concerning them. This proclamation, dated 11th September,
1811, has long been before the world, and it would be superfluous,
in this place, to dwell on that love of justice and benevolence of
disposition, which is to be traced through every part of it. It forms
the basis of the present respective European rights in this colony[89].

"As a continuation of the measures so ably sketched out by my
predecessor, I issued the proclamation, dated the 21st January, 1812.

"In this I attempted to simplify the clumsy and unwieldy structure of
the former courts, by abolishing some, lessening the number of the
judges in the remaining ones, and by defining, as accurately as I
could, the limits of their respective jurisdictions.

"It was found that, formerly, there were separate courts for
investigating the conduct of the immediate European servants of the
Dutch Company, and of Europeans not included in that service. This
distinction, as Lord Minto observed, never could have been grounded
on any sound principle, and it being resolved, that justice, under
the British government, should be administered equal and alike to
all classes and denominations, the judicial power of the College of
Schepenen was abolished, and transferred to the jurisdiction of the
courts of justice.

"The great number of judges who, under the Dutch administration, formed
a court, was reduced in each to a president and three members.

"One court was established in each of the three principal towns,
Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, the jurisdiction of which extended
over its European inhabitants; proceeding, in civil cases, in the mode
before established, but in criminal ones, so as to conform as much as
possible to that established in Great Britain; in all cases confronting
the prisoner with the evidence, and a jury being called to judge of the
fact on the evidence so adduced.

"To relieve these courts from numerous inconsiderable causes, courts,
of the nature of Courts of Requests, were also established in these
three towns, for the recovery of small debts.

"For matters of police within the towns, magistrates were appointed;
but they were ordered to confine themselves entirely to this branch.

"An abuse which had been discovered to be usual, the compounding crimes
and offences, in consideration of a sum of money paid to the Fiscal or
other officer, had also met with Lord Minto's most severe reprehension,
as being one of an abominable nature, and to be suppressed without
delay. The practice was accordingly strictly prohibited, and
consonantly with British ideas was termed scandalous.

"Thus much had been done with regard to Europeans, and it has been
found fully sufficient.

"But with respect to the native inhabitants of the Island, it was to be
expected that much greater changes would be necessary.

"In the first instance, it was ordered that courts should be
established in the different districts, in which the chief civil
authorities should preside, aided by the Regents and other native
officers, for the purpose of hearing and trying all causes in which
natives only were concerned; the amount of their civil decisions, when
exceeding fifty dollars, being submitted for confirmation to the courts
of justice; and all criminal cases, of a capital nature, being made
over by them to judges of circuit, who were ordered to be sent on this
duty twice a year, from among the members of the superior courts.

"Thus much was known not to militate either against the principles
of universal and natural justice, or against the particular laws and
usages of the country; and thus much was only, at first, done, because
it was resolved to obtain the fullest knowledge of the subject, with
regard to the manners, habits, and institutions of our native subjects,
before we established one general code of regulations for the internal
administration of the country.

"In effecting this grand object, it was rather my wish to have it
maturely and well done, than by accelerating it too much, to run the
risk of taking up a crude system, which would require to be afterwards
re-considered, and perhaps entirely new modelled.

"On the principle, however, which would eventually guide me, there was
no doubt, nor is it necessary for me to dilate on the impolicy, the
inconvenience, or the injustice, of subjecting the natives of Java to
any other laws, than those of their ancient government and established
faith.

"The tranquillity of the country and the duties of police have been
provided for, by preserving the original constitution of the villages,
and continuing the superintendence and responsibility in the hands
of those, whose rank enables them to exert a due influence, and to
command respect. For the administration of justice, the duties of the
Resident, as judge and magistrate, have been considerably extended. In
civil cases, the mode of proceeding, and the establishment of petty
courts, are founded on the practice of the country; in criminal, the
jurisdiction and authority of the Resident has been considerably
extended. Hitherto, his duties had been strictly confined to police;
but considerable delay and injury to the parties accused, as well
as to the witnesses, had been occasioned by allowing all causes of
a higher nature to lie over for the Court of Circuit: and as the
separation of the collection of the Revenue would afford more time
to the Resident, it was resolved to extend the criminal jurisdiction
of the Provincial Courts to all cases, in which the punishment for
the crime alleged does not amount to death. In these courts, which
instead of being termed _Landraad_, as heretofore, are now styled the
_Resident's Courts_, the _Panghúlu_, or chief priest, and the superior,
_Jáksa_, or native fiscal, attend to expound the law. The _Bopátis_,
or Regents, with their _Pátehs_, are present, to aid and assist the
Resident with their opinion in the course of the investigation, but
they have no vote in the decision. If the opinion of the law officers
appears to the Resident to be according to substantial justice, and is
in accordance with his own opinion, the sentence is immediately carried
into effect, provided the punishment does not extend to transportation
or imprisonment for life.

"In cases where the punishment adjudged is more considerable, or
wherein the opinion of the law officers may be at variance with that
of the Resident, a reference is to be made to the Lieutenant Governor;
and in all cases where the punishment for the crimes charged is of a
capital nature, the prisoner is committed to jail, to take his trial
before the Circuit Judge.

"On the first establishment of the Courts of Circuit, it was
directed that the President and one other member of the Courts of
Justice, should proceed once in six months, or as much oftener as
circumstances might require, to the different Residencies in their
several jurisdictions, for the trial of offenders. Much inconvenience,
however, was found to arise from the absence of those members of the
courts from the towns in which they were established, as it necessarily
followed, that all civil business was at a stand while they were away.
On the other hand, to prevent delay on the trial of criminals, it was
necessary that they should visit the Residencies more frequently than
once in six months.

"To remedy this in future, and to provide for the prompt and due
administration of justice among the native inhabitants, in a manner
that is not repugnant to their notions of right and wrong, one member
of each of the courts of justice has been appointed a Judge of Circuit,
who will be present in each of the Residencies at least once in
every three months, and as much oftener as necessary. In the mode
of proceeding, they are to avoid the formalities of the Roman law. A
native jury, consisting of an intelligent foreman and four others[90],
decide upon the fact: the law is then taken down, as expounded by the
native law officers, and the sentence, with the opinion of the Judge
of Circuit, and on the application of the Dutch and Colonial law on
the cases, is forwarded for the modification or confirmation of the
Lieutenant Governor.

"Hitherto the jury required by the Court of Circuit, did not exceed
five in number, and these, as justly observed, 'were chosen from a
class of men (Europeans) who had no common feelings, no common rights;
who were, in no shape or consideration, the equals of the person tried.
The law was the law of Europe. The jury, under their best prejudices,
were influenced by that law; and its meanings and penalties were
applied to people who reason in a different manner, and who often never
knew any thing of the laws of Europe, before they found themselves its
convicted victims.'

"The general jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice at Batavia,
Semárang, and Surabáya, is now confined to Europeans and foreigners and
to the inhabitants of those towns and their suburbs; and a line has
been drawn, which distinctly separates the police of the country from
that of the towns.

"Collections of the different law-books and institutions of the
country are now making, and a native establishment has been formed
at Buitenzorg, under my immediate superintendence, for examining and
revising the judicial proceedings, and for affording to the native
inhabitants that facility of appeal, which the remoteness of the
Government, and the rules of Dutch administration, did not formerly
admit of, but which is so consonant to the principles on which the new
system of internal economy has been established."

Under the native government, the whole of the male population capable
of bearing arms was liable to military service; but the number of
people required to cultivate the land, and to perform other public
services, did not admit of more than one-third being spared for
military purposes, except in cases of extraordinary emergency. The
extent of the force permanently kept up by the sovereign in time
of peace varied, of course, with the probability of approaching
hostilities: when this was smallest, the number seldom exceeded what
was required for the state and pomp of the court, and might have
amounted to four or five thousand men. Until within the last sixty
years, when the Dutch first obtained a supremacy over the whole
island, the provinces under the native administration had for several
centuries been in a continual state of warfare; but since that period
the military spirit has been gradually subsiding, and, by the existing
treaties with the native princes, they are restricted in the number of
troops which they may maintain. Those of the _Susuhúnan_ are limited
to a body guard of one thousand men: such further number as may be
required for the tranquillity of the country, the European government
undertakes to furnish.

Before the native sovereign was under this restriction, he used to
raise the requisite force by a demand upon the governor of each
province for a specified number, to be furnished at a certain time,
varying according to circumstances. The governor or chief of the
province apportioned this demand among the subdivisions, and the
village chiefs selected from among the villagers as many as were
required of them; and thus, in a country where every man wears a _kris_
or dagger, and the spear or pike is the principal military weapon, an
army, or rather a numerous armed mob, was easily collected in a few
days. The men furnished from the villages, and of whom the mass of
every large army necessarily consisted, were distinguished from the
soldiers by profession (_prajúrit_), by the term _árahan_, or _prajúrit
árahan_. During their absence from home, they were provisioned by the
sovereign, and their wives and families were maintained by the head of
the village, who required of the remaining cultivators to assist in
working their fields or gardens.

The sovereign, as the head of the military and the fountain of military
honour, assumes among his titles that of _Senapáti_, or lord of war.
When an army is to be raised, he appoints a certain number of his
chiefs to be _widánas_, or commanders of corps of three hundred and
twenty men. Under each _widána_ are four _lúrahs_ or _tíndihs_, who
command companies of eighty men, and have each two subaltern officers,
called _babákals_ or _sesábats_, each having the command of forty men.
The _widánas_ were remunerated for their services by grants of land,
to the amount of a thousand _cháchas_, from which they had again to
make assignments for the maintenance of the inferior officers, who were
always nominated by them.

When troops march through the country, or supplies are required, a
demand is made upon the neighbouring districts, which are obliged
to contribute according to their means, without payment. When in
an enemy's country, the troops, of course, subsist by plunder, the
disbursement of money for provisions or supplies being unknown.

The native armies of Java consisted chiefly of infantry, but the
officers were invariably mounted, and when cavalry was required, each
province furnished its quota: the troops, whether on foot or mounted,
joined the army properly equipped for action. It was thus unnecessary
for the sovereign to keep up a store of arms. Each village has its
provision of spears, and sometimes of fire-arms; the officer of
subdivision keeps a further reserve for contingencies; and as the chief
of the province is responsible for the proper equipment of the men, he
generally has also a further store to supply any deficiency.

Of the different weapons used in Java, the most important and the most
peculiar to the Eastern Islands is the _krís_, which is now worn by all
classes, and as an article of dress has already been noticed.

The Javan _krís_ differs from the Malayan, in being much more plain,
as well in the blade as in the handle and sheath: it differs also in
the handle and sheath from the _krís_ of _Madúra_ and _Báli_, as may
be seen in the plate. The varieties of the blade are said to exceed
an hundred; and as a knowledge of the _krís_ is considered highly
important by the Javans, I have, in a separate plate, offered specimens
of the most common.

In the plates are also exhibited the different kind of spears,
darts, and other weapons, either said to have been in use formerly,
or actually used at the present day. These are the bow and arrow
(_gendewa_, _pana_) which are seldom used in modern days, except on
state occasions. The arrows, termed _chákra_, _paspáti_, _trisúla_,
_waráyang_, _diwál_, _róda dedáli_, and others of a similar form, as
well as the clubs called _indán_, _gáda_, and _dénda_, are represented
as the weapons used by the gods, demigods, and heroes of antiquity,
and are constantly referred to in the mythological and historical
romances of the Javans, and exhibited in their scenic and dramatic
entertainments. The _túlup_ and _páser_ represent the tube and the
small arrows which are rendered poisonous by the _úpas_: these have not
been used on Java for centuries, but they are common in less civilized
islands of the Archipelago, and particularly on Borneo. The _gánjing_
is an iron bar, formerly used by the Javans. The _bandríny_, or sling,
is still used with considerable effect, and was employed in resisting
the British troops in 1812. The _pedáng_, _bandól_, _badík_, _golók_,
_mentók_, _lámang_ or _klewáng_, and _chundrík_, are varieties of the
sword. The _kúdí-tránchang_ is a weapon which was formerly general on
Java, but not now much used. The _wedúng_ is a peculiar weapon, in
the shape of a chopper, worn on occasions of state by all chiefs when
in presence of the sovereign. Of spears and darts, there are several
varieties distinguished by different names. Small round shields are
still in use; the long shield is not. The matchlock exhibited in the
plate is a representation of a piece manufactured on _Báli_.

Besides these instruments of war, the Javans have long been acquainted
with the use of cannon, muskets, and pistols. Previous to the reduction
of _Yúgya-kérta_, in 1812, by the British forces, the Sultan cast
brass guns of considerable calibre, and at _Grésik_ they are still
manufactured for exportation. Round the _kráton_ of _Súra-kérta_ are
mounted several very large pieces of artillery, and great veneration is
paid to some of them supposed to have been the first introduced on the
island: two, in particular, are considered to be part of the regalia.
For muskets and pistols they are principally indebted to Europeans.
Gunpowder they manufacture, but to no considerable extent, and the
quality is not esteemed.

From an army raised only on emergency, and composed of people who do
not make the military life a profession, much discipline cannot be
expected. The veneration, however, which the common people pay to their
chiefs, the well defined gradations of rank, and the devotion with
which all classes are willing to sacrifice themselves in support of
their ancient institutions and independence, seem to render the Javan
troops, while acting under their own chiefs, orderly and tractable. In
their tactics and conduct they endeavour to emulate the examples given
in their ancient romances; and in the plans for their pitched battles,
the march of their armies, and the individual heroism of their chiefs,
they strive to imitate the romantic exhibitions contained in the poems
of antiquity. In the great _Matárem_ war, for instance, the result of
which was the establishment of the present family on the throne, the
disposition of the army is said to have been in the form of a shrimp or
prawn, as represented in the plate. This form is termed _mangkára_, or
the shrimp which hides its soul, alluding to the sovereign who is in
the centre and not to be approached. The plan of this order of battle
is said to have been taken from the poem of the _Bráta Yúdha_, and was
adopted by _Bimányu_, the son of _Arjúna_. The _diráda máta_ is another
form, said to have been used by the army of _Astína_, and has likewise
been adopted by the modern Javans[91].

Of the bravery and heroism required of a soldier, some notion has
been given in the account of the Javan ethics; and a reference to
their history, for the last three centuries, will abundantly prove,
that although unacquainted with those evolutions and tactics which
contribute so largely to the power of an European army, the Javans, as
soldiers, have not been deficient, either in personal courage, or in
such military principles as might be expected from the general state of
society among them, and as are well suited to the nature of the country
and the weapons they are accustomed to carry[92].

It is the national boast, that it was not so much by force of arms
as by intrigue and stratagem, that the Dutch obtained the superiority
in the country. The history of the Dutch administration on Java will
abundantly testify this, and at the same time prove, that among
Asiatics, there are few nations who have fought more obstinately in
support of their independence than the Javans. It was by corrupting
and bribing the chiefs, and sowing disunion among them, that the Dutch
succeeded in dismembering an empire, already shaken, at the period of
their arrival, by the constant wars which attended the establishment
of Mahomedanism. The comparison which has been drawn by the Javans
themselves of their own character, in contrast with that of the Dutch,
may serve to illustrate the nature of the military feeling still
existing in the country. "The Dutch," say they, "are superior to the
Javans, inasmuch as they have good heads; they can calculate, and they
understand policy better, but then they have cold hearts: the Javans
are poor simple beings, but they love their country and will never quit
it; their heart glows and often burns."

The phrenzy generally known by the term _muck_ or _ámok_, is only
another form of that fit of desperation which bears the same name
among the military, and under the influence of which they rush upon
the enemy, or attack a battery, in the manner of a forlorn hope. The
accounts of the wars of the Javans, as well as of the _Maláyus_, abound
with instances of warriors running _ámok_; of combatants, giving up all
idea of preserving their own lives, rushing on the enemy, committing
indiscriminate slaughter, and never surrendering themselves alive[93].
Even at present, there are to be found among the Javans men who profess
to be and are considered invulnerable; and there are some who, by a
dextrous manner of receiving the spear, and other such artifices,
completely impose upon the too credulous people. Nothing is so easy
as for an artful man to persuade the common Javans that he possesses
supernatural power. At the present day this pretension, and the
artifices by which it is supported, are more generally of a religious
nature, but during the wars, every fortunate chief was considered as
partially vested with it.

The general term for a soldier is _prajúrit_: the guards of the
sovereign are distinguished by the term _tantómo_. _Sara g'ni_ is the
name given to those who carry fire-arms. _Gándek_ are the couriers or
messengers who convey the orders of the commanders. In every army there
is a certain number called _jága béla_, whose duty it is to prevent the
body of the troops from deserting, and to see that every man does his
duty. _Pána káwan_ is the term by which the youths who accompany their
fathers and relations to battle are distinguished. _Semút gátat_ is
the general term for attendants, retainers, and followers of an army.
But besides distinctions of office, there are others purely of merit
and honour: those are called _niútra_ who are selected as superior to
their comrades in person and strength: the _prawireng_ are those who
have once distinguished themselves in battle: _magátísh_, those who
sacrifice all other prospects in life in order to pursue the love of
arms: _trúna-láyang_, gallant youths: _jága súra_, those whose courage
is undisputed, and who keep a good look out: _júdi páti_, those who
hazard their lives in battle, as they would hazard a die in any common
game of chance; literally, who play with death: _nirbáya_, those
who are above a sense of pain or fear: _jáyeng sekár_, flowers of
victory[94]. This latter term was chosen by Marshal Daendels for the
native militia raised for the service of the Dutch government during
his administration.

In the Dutch armies the Javans were considered as inferior to the other
islanders as soldiers, and from the facilities offered for desertion
while serving on Java, it was with great difficulty that they could
be disciplined. The men were invariably raised by conscription, and
instances have occurred of their deserting by companies. Under the
British a corps of about twelve hundred men was raised, with little
prospect of advantage for the first two years; but, by the perseverance
and ability of the officer who commanded them, they afterwards became
a well-disciplined corps, and on all occasions behaved themselves with
fidelity and courage when called into action. As individuals, they
are, for the most part, physically weaker than the _Maláyus_ and other
islanders; and as a nation, their agricultural habits have considerably
obliterated the military character which they once possessed. Their
country, however, particularly in the interior, is naturally very
strong, full of ravines and fastnesses, and their mode of warfare is
perhaps the best adapted for its defence. Were the whole energies of
the nation united under one chief, with the experience which they now
have of European tactics, it may be assumed that they would render it
impregnable to any open attack, either of an European or an Asiatic
force; but, unfortunately for their independence, it has been their
lot, as their history will shew, to be continually disunited, either
by religious or political feuds. Their greatest resistance appears to
have been made against European influence. They maintain with pride,
that although virtually conquered, they still, as a nation and as
individuals, pertinaciously adhere to their ancient institutions, and
have a national feeling, very different from that which is usually to
be found among a conquered people.

The subject of revenue, for the support of the various establishments
under the native government, has been so repeatedly touched upon, and
came so much into view in the account given of Javan agriculture, that
many further details here would appear tedious and unnecessary. All
public officers, it has been often observed, from the highest chief
to the lowest menial, are remunerated by grants of land revokable at
pleasure, and all expences of the courts of justice, all police and
military services, defrayed out of the same fund. There is no public
treasury. When public works are to be executed, or supplies are to
be furnished, each village is called upon to furnish its quota of
men, of provisions, &c.; and on the equitable regulation of these
services and contributions depends the reputation of the native chief.
The land constitutes the only treasury of the prince, and this is
valuable according to its fertility, and the extent and number of
its cultivators. There are, to be sure, certain general taxes and
imposts levied throughout the country: but these appear to have been
of comparatively modern introduction, and unconnected with the genuine
principles of the Javan government. The nature of several of these
imposts and taxes has been explained in treating of the landed tenure
and the condition of the peasantry. The following statement, extracted
from the Report of a Dutch commissioner[95], appointed to inquire into
the subject of taxation in the year 1812, though it refers to the
particular province of _Surabáya_, may be considered as applicable to
the greater part of the island; and I here produce it in preference
to any more general or more concise account of my own, because it
will shew that the opinions I have so often expressed, concerning the
oppressions of the Dutch authorities, the patient submission, the
industry, and other good qualities of the lower classes of Java, are
not peculiar to the English, but entertained by some of the subjects of
a government which profited by the abuses complained of, and must have
been anxious to conceal their enormity.

"The ordinary taxes annually levied in the district of _Surabáya_ are
as follow:

"1. The _grabág_ or _peték_, or as it is sometimes called, the _chácha_
or capitation tax, is generally levied at the rate of four rupees for
each _chácha_ a year; that is to say, for such a quantity of profitable
land as may be cultivated by one family.

"2. The contingent or contribution of rice to government, being from
fifteen to nineteen _píkúls_ of clean rice from each _jung_, according
to its situation and fertility.

"3. _Pári pánajúng_ (from which, however, are excused the distant
districts), consisting generally of three _ámats_ of _pári_, equal to
from eight to ten _káti_ of rice, from each _jung_. This is destined
for the maintenance of those _Mántris_ and chiefs who were not at all
or insufficiently provided with rice fields of their own.

"4. _Pári págondíkan_, levied only in the districts near the capital,
consisting generally of two _gédings_ or double heaps of _pari_. This
was destined for the extraordinary expences of the districts; as the
maintenance of the government, state prisoners, native ambassadors from
the opposite coast, and the like.

"5. _Pàri pakásak_, consisted of three _gédings_ from each _jung_,
destined for the maintenance of those who superintend the direction of
the water-courses, &c.

"6. _Pári zákat_, consisted of one _ámat_ of _pári_ from each _jung_,
and was destined for the maintenance of the church and chief priests.

"7. _Pítrah_, consisted in the payment of twenty _káti_ of rice from
each _jung_, also destined for the maintenance of the priests.

"8. _Máláman._ This consisted of a payment made to the Regent or chiefs
of the districts, at each of the three festivals of _Múlut_, _Púasa_,
and _Besár_, of ten _káti_ of rice, and three and a quarter stivers in
money from each _jung_, one large fowl, five eggs, four cocoa-nuts,
one bunch of plantains: and from those who held three or four _jungs_,
was further required a bottle of oil, to add to the solemnity of the
ceremony, to which persons of this condition were universally invited.

"It is easy to conceive, that the common Javan was not able to make
any money after paying these taxes and contributions, at least not so
much as he wanted for himself and family; particularly if we take into
consideration, that it is very seldom one man is the sole proprietor
of a _jung_ alone, but that it is often divided between three and four
persons, and that, with the most successful harvest, such a _jung_ does
not produce more than thirty to thirty-five _ámats_ of _pári_. With all
this, however, the common Javan would feel himself satisfied, if he had
no other taxes to pay, having generally a good many fruit trees, and a
little cottage farm, in which he cultivates _síri_, &c. and sometimes a
small fish-pond in the vicinity of his dwelling, which is usually free
of tax. But this is not the case; he must submit to other oppressions,
which not being regulated, are for that reason the heavier, because
they are called for in an arbitrary way, and because self-interest does
not fail to seize every possible opportunity of extortion.

"When a chief has occasion to travel, when a marriage, birth,
circumcision, recovery from illness, or any such subject of festivity,
occurs in his family, it is advertized immediately to the subordinate
towns and villages, the inhabitants of which feel themselves obliged,
each in proportion to his means, to carry him fruits, rice, fowls, and
even buffaloes and money. These are called free presents, but in fact,
are as much an obligatory contribution as any of the others; to say
nothing of the many demands for fowls, eggs, ducks, fruits, &c. for
which payment is made, but always at a rate far below their value: or
of the numerous fines which are continually exacted from the people,
in compensation, or as hush money for disputes and offences of every
description; the taking away of _bámbus_, and sometimes of fruit trees,
when wood is required, either for government or the chief; to which
must yet be added, that for the execution of the duties of government,
and on the conveyance of orders, _Mántris_, and other subordinate
chiefs, were continually, in the neighbourhood of the villages, just
like so many voracious birds, who think themselves entitled not only
to take something for their trouble, but to be provided during their
stay with every thing gratis, even opium, if they require it. This
custom, adopted on Java, extends to every other chief, although not in
employment, and even to the Regents, their relations, &c. None of these
persons will pass through a town or village, without demanding what he
wants for his maintenance or journey; and very often he asks what he
does not want, to the great oppression of the common Javan. Much is
wasted by this practice, and no particular advantage appears to result
from it.

"We must, indeed, be astonished to see all the oppressions, &c. to
which the common Javan must submit. It is usually said, indeed, that
the Javan is not accustomed to an easy life, and ought not to have more
than barely enough to keep him alive, with many more such expressions;
but this is not the manner of reasoning of any well-thinking man,
who, though he sees very well the imperfections and weak nature of the
Javan, yet bears in mind that he is a man like himself; who, although
he has been conquered, it is true, by the greater valour and knowledge
of the European, has still an equal right to be treated like a man.

"But, alas! these are not all the vexations and oppressions which
fall to the lot of the common people, who bear all without murmuring.
The feudal service was as grievous as almost all the other charges
united. The origin of those services must be sought for in the feudal
system of the native government, long ago adopted throughout Java.
It was considered that all the land was the property of the prince,
who only made provisional assignments thereof to his subjects, in
remuneration for military and other services rendered. This was the
cause of all the lands being divided into as many allotments as could
be cultivated, called _cháchas_, each of a size to be cultivated by
one man. A certain number of these was assigned to the different
chiefs, according to their rank; the custom of the country fixing not
only the amount of contributions to be paid from the produce, but
the number of men to be constantly kept in attendance upon them. The
lands thus assigned to chiefs were exempt from service to them, and
the inhabitants were only expected to watch the villages, to make and
repair the roads, and to perform other general services of the state.
This was the situation of the people with regard to service, when the
coast districts were first ceded to the European government. The system
of trade and fixed contributions did not admit of any change, and the
services were at that time of very little consequence, and such as
could be performed without oppression to the inhabitants; but the case
is now quite different. Successively and particularly of late years,
much heavier services have been demanded than were ever before known,
and it naturally follows, that the Javan must be kept more at work
than before. Besides, it is not possible to apportion those services
equally, on account of the situation of the places where the services
are required, and because the chiefs, who have the direction of the
works, from indifference and laziness, generally make a requisition on
the nearest village; and it not unfrequently happens, that many people
are thus taken for the public service, who have no lands whatever
allotted to them.

"Were the requisitions made for the public service alone, it would
still be comparatively nothing, it being admitted that the state has a
right to the labour of its subjects; but the Regents, their relations,
their _Pátehs_, and the subordinate chiefs of every description, assume
the right of disposing of the services of the common people as they
think proper, and themselves employ many of them in menial labour of
all descriptions[96], from which it arises, that the number of people
employed away from their homes, on what is called public services, is
almost incredible.

"It is therefore more than time, and highly necessary, that an end be
put to this monstrous system of government. Humanity looks forward with
pleasure to this step. Government, who are essentially interested, have
the most perfect right to take it; but the change must be entire and
radical. Where the machine is entirely bad, it would be vain to attempt
the repair of a few of the parts of which it is composed: the whole
would still remain worthless, and it would only result that the main
defects being hidden by a specious covering, the whole labour would be
worse than thrown away."

The British government did accordingly alter the whole system of
revenue. The subject was forced upon its attention, not only by the
desire which every humane and liberal administration must feel, to
promote the happiness of its subjects, but by considerations of a
prudential nature. The resources of the country had sunk under a
capricious and tyrannical system of exaction; industry was paralyzed,
and confidence was destroyed. The opportunity for effecting a
reformation was favourable, our means ample, and we had nothing to
dread from the opposition of those interested in supporting abuses:
it was, therefore, resolved to abolish all oppressive taxes, and to
come immediately upon the soil for support of our establishments,
by appropriating a fixed portion of its produce, leaving the full
enjoyment of the remainder to the cultivator, with every facility for
turning his industry to account. What was done in consequence, by the
land revenue arrangements, has been seen in the account given of landed
tenure.

The subjects of the colony were freed from the sway of their chiefs,
who were no longer permitted to demand at pleasure their services or
their property. These chiefs were compensated for the loss of their
former influence by salaries in money or allotments of land, which they
either held on condition of performing the police duties, or collecting
the revenue. When paid by the rent of land, they were permitted to
exact no more than the assessment settled by government. No arbitrary
power was allowed them to disturb the peasant in the enjoyment of the
remainder, or to drag him from his home and his duties to his family,
for the purpose of swelling their idle pomp, or performing services
about their person or household. The Chinese farmers of the revenue in
_Chéribon_ and other districts, having oppressed the people by every
rapacious and tyrannical expedient, were, by the discontinuance of
the farms, deprived of the power they had exercised over the persons
and property of the natives. Forced services and all deliveries of
produce at inadequate rates on government account were abolished; and
for whatever colonial produce or supplies might be required for the
public service, the fair market price was ordered to be paid. Duties
on the transport of goods from one part of the country to another, and
on the sale of commodities at markets or bazars, were, for the most
part, abolished, as injurious to trade and discouraging to agricultural
industry. The system of farming the import and export duties, which
existed under the Dutch, was likewise annulled, and collectors were
appointed to receive the duties immediately for government. Internal
duties, of the nature of tolls and market dues, had been universally,
though secretly, levied by the Chinese, in _Chéribon_ and other places,
in direct opposition to the orders of government and the terms of their
engagement. This abuse, engrafted on the farming system, incalculably
aggravated its evils and called loudly for redress. The farmer thrust
his rapacious hand into every place where there was the least prospect
of gain, and limited his demand only by the capacity of the merchant
to satisfy it, or by an ill-defined custom, which might be perverted
almost at pleasure, so as to accommodate itself to any exaction. The
evils resulting from this mode of raising a revenue may easily be
calculated, when it is stated, that, for a very trifling contribution
to government by the farmer, duties were levied upon internal transport
amounting to nearly fifty per cent. on the value of the commodities
transported. Rice, on its transport from one part of the island to
another, had been liable to duties of about forty-six per cent.
Regulations were made for fixing the amount of import duties, and
equalizing them over the island.

The restoration of the Dutch Indian empire to the sovereign of the
Netherlands, at a period when these important changes were only in
progress, may have perhaps prevented the full accomplishment by the
English of the details in some districts, but the principles of the
new system were not only introduced and thoroughly understood in all
the more populous districts under the European government, but an
experience of three years fully demonstrated the advantages resulting
from it to the public revenue. It would have been attended with
great immediate loss, without any corresponding future gain, to have
abolished at once all the former sources of revenue; but the thorough
change of system was declared, and the principles of it were acted
upon, as far as was consistent with the security of public tranquillity
and the realization of the current resources of the country; and the
results of these arrangements, as far as they went, proved that a
land rent might, even with the existing taxes in the capitals, &c.
be realized at the rate of at least six rupees annually from each
cultivator, or after the abolition of the taxes bearing on agriculture,
at the average rate of four Spanish dollars from each cultivator,
giving in the one case a rental for the whole island of about six
millions of rupees, and in the other of four millions of Spanish
dollars, or at five shillings the dollar, a million sterling. Of this
one-fourth would accrue to the native princes, and the remainder to the
European government. The particulars of the land revenue settlement
effected in each district, and the detailed resources of the different
parts of the island, will be particularly noticed in the statistical
accounts which will appear in a subsequent part of this volume, when
the subject of revenue will be again adverted to; and, in the mean
time, it may be sufficient, for the purpose of shewing the general
resources, to refer to the annexed table, exhibiting the revenues and
expenses of the Javan government for a period of three favourable years
under the old Dutch Company, for three years under the administration
of Marshal Daendels, when its real resources were first called forth
and the revenue was higher than before known, and for the first three
years under the British government, of which alone, the accounts are
yet closed. The dependencies included in this table do not include
the Moluccas or Spice Islands, the administration of which under the
British government was kept distinct from that of Java.

By this statement it will appear, that the revenues actually realized
in cash, on Java, in the year 1814-15, and before the land revenue
arrangements had become fully effectual, amounted to upwards of six
millions and a half of rupees: to this may be added one-third more
for the revenue of the native provinces, making a total revenue of
the island exceeding eight millions and a half of rupees, or above a
million sterling.

From a colony which was able to furnish at such a moment so extensive
a revenue from its own internal resources, after the drains, checks,
and restrictions to which it had been subjected during the last two
centuries, what might not have been expected, had confidence been
once established in the permanency of the government, and the tide of
British capital been once fairly turned into it?

FOOTNOTES:

[74] The inhabitants of these Islands are strikingly alive to a
sense of shame; a feeling, which is heightened by the influence of a
tradition among the Maláyus, that, on the first establishment of the
Malayan nation, the islanders stipulated, that neither they nor their
descendants should ever be put to shame. The tradition runs as follows:

"Then _Ampu_ and _Maling_ made obeisance to _Sangsapurba_ (a prince
who had arrived in Sumatra from Western India, and who is supposed to
have founded the Malayan empire) and represented to him that _Demang
Lebar Daon_ (chieftain broad leaf of Palembang), had a daughter.
_Sangsapurba_ accordingly sent to ask her in marriage; but he excused
himself, alleging, that she would probably be struck with sickness, and
that he would only resign her to him as a wife on certain conditions.
These conditions were, that, on _Sangsapurba_ marrying his daughter,
all the family of _Demang Lebar Daon_ should submit themselves to
him; but that _Sangsapurba_ should engage, both for himself and
his posterity, that they should receive a liberal treatment; and,
in particular, that when they committed a fault, they should never
be exposed to shame nor opprobrious language, but if their fault
was great, that they should be put to death according to the law.
_Sangsapurba_ agreed to these conditions; but he requested, in his
turn, that the descendants of _Demang Lebar Daon_ should never move any
treasonable practices against his descendants, even though they should
become tyrannical. 'Very well,' said _Demang Lebar Daon_; 'but if your
descendants break your agreements, probably mine will do the same.'
These conditions were mutually agreed to, and the parties swore to
perform them, imprecating the divine vengeance to turn their authority
upside down who should infringe these agreement. From this condition
it is, that none of the Malayan rajas ever expose their Malayan
subjects to disgrace or shame: they never bind them, nor hang them,
nor give them opprobrious language; and whenever a raja exposes his
subjects to disgrace, it is the certain token of the destruction of his
country. Hence also it is, that none of the Malayan race ever engage in
rebellion, or turn their faces from their own rajahs, even though their
conduct be bad, and their proceedings tyrannical."--_Malàyan Annals._

[75] See Report on the Districts of <DW61>ára, by the Resident Dornick, in
the year 1812.

[76] See a further account of this work under the head Literature.

[77] This payment is regularly termed by the Dutch, _ampt-geld_, or
place-money, being money paid for the purchase of an office. By the
Javans it is termed _sorok_, which, in its more general acceptation,
means a bribe.

[78] With whatever fidelity this character of the Javan regents may
have been drawn by Mr. Hogendorp, in the year 1800, it most certainly
did not apply to them in the year 1811, nor in the subsequent years
of the British government on Java; for, however negligent and corrupt
many of them may have been rendered, by the system of government
which prevailed under the Dutch East India Company, the changes
effected during the administration of Marshal Daendals soon induced
a character for energy and activity. His government was military and
despotic in the extreme, and the regents were considered to hold a
military rank, and required to exert themselves in proportion to its
importance. They did so, and works of the greatest magnitude were
constructed by their exertions. The chiefs were found active and
intelligent, the common people willing and obedient. With regard to
their character under the British Government, it would be an act of
injustice, if not ingratitude, were I to neglect this opportunity of
stating, that, as public officers, the Regents of Java were almost
universally distinguished by an anxiety to act in conformity with the
wishes of the government, by honesty, correctness, and good faith; and
as noblemen, by gentlemanly manners, good breeding, cheerfulness, and
hospitality. In the observations made upon the Javan character in the
text, I have spoken of the Javans as a nation generally; but I might
select instances where the character of the individual would rise
very far above the general standard which I have assumed. I might,
for instance, notice the intellectual endowments and moral character
of the present _Panambáhan_ of _Súmenup, Náta Kasúma_. This chief is
well read, not only in the ancient history of his own country, but
has a general knowledge of Arabic literature, is conversant with the
Arabic treatises on astronomy, and is well acquainted with geography.
He is curious in mechanics, attentive to the powers of mechanism, and
possesses a fund of knowledge which has surprised and delighted all who
have had an opportunity of conversing with him and of appreciating his
talents. Of his moral character I have given an instance, in the manner
in which he liberated his slaves. He is revered, not only for his
superior qualifications and talents, but also for the consideration and
attention he pays to the happiness and comfort of the people committed
to his charge.

Of the capacity of the Javans to improve, of their anxiety to advance
in civilization, and of the rapidity with which they receive knowledge
and instruction, an instance might be given in the case of the two
sons of the Regent of _Semárang, Kiái Adipáti Súra Adimangála_. This
Regent, who, next to the _Panambáhan_ of _Súmenap_, is the first in
rank as well as character, shortly after the establishment of the
British government on Java, sent his sons to Bengal, in order that
they might there receive an education superior to what they could
have had at home. They remained there for about two years under the
immediate protection and patronage of the late Earl of Minto, and on
their return not only conversed and wrote in the English language with
facility and correctness, but evinced considerable proficiency in every
branch of knowledge to which their attention has been directed. The
eldest, in particular, had made such progress in mathematics before he
quitted Calcutta, as to obtain a prize at a public examination, and
had acquired a general knowledge of the ancient and modern history of
Europe, particularly in that of Greece and Rome. He is remarked for his
graceful and polite manners, for the propriety of his conduct, and for
the quickness and correctness of his observation and judgment. As this
is the first instance that has been afforded of the capacity of the
Javan character to improve under an European education, it may enable
the reader to form some estimate of what that character was formerly in
more propitious times, and of what it may attain to hereafter under a
more beneficent government. Among all the English on Java, who have had
an opportunity of conversing with this young nobleman, there has not
been one who has hesitated to admit, that his mind, his qualifications,
and conduct, would be conspicuous among their own countrymen at the
same age, and that, as an accomplished gentleman, he was fitted for the
first societies of Europe. This young man, _Ráden Sáleh_, is now about
sixteen years of age, and when the British left Java was an assistant
to his father as Regent of _Semárang_.

[79] The following description of the office of a _Jáksa_, and of the
qualifications requisite for fulfilling his important duties, is taken
from the _Niti Prája_, a work already referred to.

"A _Jáksa_ must, in all cases, be impartial, to enable him to weigh all
causes which come before him with the same exactness as merchandize is
weighed in a scale, and nicely balance the equilibrium, nothing adding
or taking from either side.

"He must be above all bribery, either by words or money, and never
allow himself to be induced to commit an act of injustice; for were a
_Jáksa_ to commit an act of this kind, the consequences could not but
be highly injurious to the country.

"He must not accept presents of any kind from the parties whose cause
comes before him, not only because he cannot expect to derive advantage
therefrom, but also because the public will hold discourse concerning
him highly injurious to his reputation.

"All causes in dispute must be decided upon by him with the least
possible delay, according to law, and not kept long in suspense, to the
injury of the parties concerned, lest he be considered like a holy man,
who, for the sake of money, sacrifices his good name.

"A _Jáksa_ must inquire into every circumstance relating to the causes
brought before him, and duly investigate the evidence; after which he
must take the cause into consideration. He must not, in the least,
listen to what is false, and on all occasions must decide according to
truth.

"A _Jáksa_ who attends to all these points is of high repute. Of less
repute is a _Jáksa_ who, in the decision of causes which come before
him, listens to the advice of others: such a one is like that kind of
bird, which in order to procure for itself the necessary food, dives
under water, without thinking of the danger to which it is exposed of
losing its life from the want of air. But entirely unfit for employment
is a _Jáksa_ who is haughty in his demeanour, and at the same time low
enough to take advantage of persons who come before him: such a one
is like a bat, that in the dark steals the fruit from the trees; or
like a sportsman, who though destined to chase what is useful only,
indiscriminately destroys whatever comes in his way, whether useful or
not. In the same manner is it with a priest who every day attends at
the temple, for no other purpose but to make profit by it: or with a
writer, who knows not how to make any thing but by the prostitution of
his writings; or with the head man of a village, who imposes upon the
villagers; or a devotee, who gains his livelihood by necromancy."

[80] The following was the usual course of proceeding in _Jápara_, and
generally in the provinces subjected to European authority, previous to
the interference of the British government. The plaintiff went to the
_Jáksa_ and made his complaint. If the case was important, the _Jáksa_
took down the deposition in writing in the presence of witnesses,
summoned the accused, and communicated the deposition to him. The
latter then either acknowledged or denied the facts, witnesses were
examined, and the proceedings of the suit laid before the Regent, who
after perusal transmitted the same to the _Panghúlu_ for his advice,
with which the latter complied, referring at the same time for a
sentence to some of the collections on Mahomedan law. The Regent having
compared the sentence with the law and with equity, and finding the
same correspondent with both, judgment was pronounced by the _Jáksa_.

[81] See Appendix C.

[82] With the exception, perhaps, of the right of election, which
I have not seen noticed in any account of Continental India, the
constitution of the Javan village has a striking resemblance to that of
the Hindus, according to the following statement in the Fifth Report
of the House of Commons on Indian Affairs. "A village, geographically
considered, is a tract of country comprising some hundreds or thousands
of acres of arable and waste lands; politically viewed, it resembles
a corporation or township. Its proper establishment of officers and
servants consists of the following descriptions: the _Potail_ or head
inhabitant, who has generally the superintendance of the affairs of
the village, settles the disputes of the inhabitants, attends to the
police, and performs the duty of collecting the revenues within his
village, a duty which his personal influence and minute acquaintance
with the situation and concerns of the people render him the best
qualified to discharge. The _Kurnum_, who keeps the accounts of
cultivation, and registers every thing connected with it. The _Tallier_
and _Totie_, the duty of the former appearing to consist in a wider and
more enlarged sphere of action, in gaining information of crimes and
offences, and in escorting and protecting persons travelling from one
village to another; the province of the latter appearing to be more
immediately confined to the village, consisting among other duties
in guarding the crops and assisting in measuring them. The boundary
man, who preserves the limits of the village, or gives evidence
respecting them in cases of dispute. The superintendent of _tanks_
and water-courses, distributes the water therefrom for the purposes
of agriculture. The _Bramin_, who performs the village worship. The
schoolmaster, who is seen teaching the children in a village to read
and write in the sand. The calendar _Bramin_ or astrologer, &c.

"These officers and servants generally constitute the establishment of
a village; but in some parts of the country it is of less extent, some
of the duties and functions above described being united in the same
person: in others it exceeds the number of individuals which have been
described.

"Under this simple form of municipal government, the inhabitants of the
country have lived from time immemorial. The boundaries of the villages
have been but seldom altered; and though the villages themselves have
been sometimes injured, and even desolated by war, famine, and disease,
the same name, the same limits, the same interests, and even the same
families, have continued for ages. The inhabitants give themselves
no trouble about the breaking up and division of kingdoms; while the
village remains entire, they care not to what power it is transferred,
or to what sovereign it devolves; its internal economy remains
unchanged. The _Potail_ is still the head inhabitant, and still acts as
the petty judge and magistrate, and collector or renter of the village."

In examining the interior of a village on Java, we find that, in common
with the Hindu usage, it possesses a constitution within itself,
independent of the supreme governing power. Here, as in Western India,
it will be found that each village possesses its _Petíng'gi_ or chief;
its _Kabayan_, who is the deputy or assistant to the head of the
village; its _Kamituah_ or elders, generally men who have formerly been
chiefs of the village; its _Múdin_ or priest; its _Ulu-ulu_ or _Kapala
Bandang'an_, or superintendent of water-courses; its _Jeru-tulis_ or
writer, &c.

[83] See Report of Mr. Hopkins on the districts of Surabáya.

[84] See Report of Colonel Adams on Surabáya.

[85] Mr. Mc. Quoid. See his Report on the Districts of <DW61>ára and
Jawána.

[86] Appendix D.

[87] Among many others, the following enactments, which were in force
in some of the Eastern districts when the English arrived, will serve
to shew the barbarities of the law then existing, in its operation on
the people, and its leniency towards the great.

"Any person murdering his superior shall be beheaded, his body
quartered and given to the wild beasts, and his head stuck upon a
_bambu_.

"Any person disobeying his superior and attempting to murder him, may
be killed by the superior, without giving any intimation thereof to the
chief town.

"Any person daring to destroy any public advertisement promulgated by
government shall forfeit his right hand.

"A _Demáng_, or other chief of a _désa_, being acquainted with
any conspiracy tending to the injury of the state, and not giving
intimation thereof, shall be punished by losing one ear, his head shall
be shaved, and he shall be banished.

"Any person daring to offer violence to a priest in the mosque or among
the tombs shall forfeit one hand.

"If a woman kills a man she shall be fined 500 reals _batú_.

"If a superior kills an inferior he shall be fined 1000 doits.

"If a person puts out the eyes of another he shall be fined 500 reals
_batú_; if one eye only 50 reals."

There were also different fines for maiming different parts of the
body. "For cutting out the tongue, 500 reals; for knocking out the
teeth, 25; for breaking the thumb, 500; for breaking the finger, 100;
and the like." _See Collection of Native Laws at Banyuwangi._

[88] Appendix D.

[89] See Appendix D.

[90] The number required to compose the jury was fixed in conformity
with the ancient usages of the country, in which five persons are
considered necessary to assist in the deliberation upon any matter of
importance.

[91] In joining the battle it is usual for the warriors to shout, and
for the trumpets (_sarenen_), gongs, and drums used in the martial
music of the country to be sounded.

[92] The following verse from the _Níti Sástra Káwi_ may be adduced, in
further illustration of the notions entertained by the Javans regarding
the bravery of a soldier:

"The brave man who has been successful in war obtains his heart's
desire.

"The brave man who dies in war is received into heaven and cherished by
the _Widadaris_.

"If a man is cowardly in war and die, the keepers of hell seize upon
him in a rage:

"Should he not die, he is reprobated and despised by all good men, even
to his face."

[93] It is on these occasions that the parties frequently increase
their desperation by the use of opium.

[94] "As to their military character, it is certain," says Plutarch,
"they were able commanders, both by sea and land. But as the champions,
who in one day gain the garland, not only in wrestling, but in the
_pancration_, are not simply called victors, but by the custom of
the games, the _flowers of victory_; so Cymon, having crowned Greece
with two victories gained in one day, the one at land, the other at
sea, deserves some preference in the list of generals."--_Langhorne's
Plutarch: Cimon and Lucullus compared._

[95] Mr. Rothenbuller.

[96] This was the practice of the Europeans also.

CHAPTER VII.

  _Ceremonies of the Court--Deference paid to superior
    Rank--Regalia--Processions--Pomp--Rank and
    Titles--Ambassadors--Ceremonies attending Births, Marriages,
    and Funerals--Account of the People called Kálang,
    and of the Inhabitants of the Téng'ger Mountains--The
    Bedui--Festivals--Amusements--The Drama--Wáyangs--The
    Dance--Tournaments--The Chase--Tiger Fights--Combat of Criminals
    with Tigers--Bull Fights, &c.--Games of Skill and Chance--Other
    Customs and Usages._

Having, in the preceding Chapter, endeavoured to pourtray the natural
and moral character of the people of Java, and to convey to the reader
a general idea of the nature and principles of the government to which
they have been subjected, I shall now proceed to detail some of the
usages and customs which prevail among them.

Of these the ceremonies of the court are the most obvious, and a
stranger cannot fail to be struck with the extreme deference and
respect towards their superiors, by which the Javans are characterized.
Respect for rank, for experience, for parents and old age, have been
already noticed among the features of their character; but the excess
to which deference to rank is carried by the political institutions of
the country, deserves more particular remark, whether we consider it as
illustrative of the nature of the government and the quiet and orderly
disposition of the people, or endeavour to trace, in the early periods
of their history, the causes which may have contributed to the existing
constitution of society among them.

The respect shewn to superior rank on Java is such, that no individual,
whatever his condition, can stand in the presence of a superior;
neither can he address him in the same language in which he is spoken
to. Not even the heir apparent, or the members of the royal family,
can stand in the presence of the sovereign; and the same restriction
applies to the family of each subordinate chief. Were this mark of
respect confined to the royal family alone, it might perhaps find a
parallel in other eastern countries, where it is usual for the subject
to prostrate himself before the sovereign, but in Java the nature of
the government is such, that each delegated authority exacts the same
marks of obeisance; so that, from the common labourer upward, no one
dares to stand in the presence of a superior. Thus when a native chief
moves abroad, it is usual for all the people of inferior rank among
whom he passes, to lower their bodies to the ground till they actually
sit on their heels, and to remain in this posture until he is gone by.
The same rule is observed within doors; and instead of an assembly
rising on the entrance of a great man, as in Europe, it sinks to the
ground, and remains so during his presence.

This humiliating posture is called _dódok_, and may be rendered into
English by the term _squatting_. The practice is submitted to with
the utmost cheerfulness by the people: it is considered an ancient
custom, and respected accordingly. It was, however, in a great measure
discontinued in the European provinces during the administration of the
British government, who endeavoured to raise the lower orders, as much
as was prudent, from the state of degradation to which their chiefs,
aided by the Dutch authority, had subjected them; but it continued in
force in the native provinces, in _Madúra_, and to a certain extent
in most of the districts at a distance from the seats of European
government.

In travelling myself through some of the native provinces, and
particularly in _Madúra_, where the forms of the native government
are particularly observed, I have often seen some hundreds drop on
my approach, the cultivator quitting his plough, and the porter his
load, on the sight of the _Túan besár's_ carriage. At the court of
_Súra-kérta_, I recollect that once, when holding a private conference
with the _Susúnan_ at the residency, it became necessary for the _Ráden
adipáti_ to be dispatched to the palace for the royal seat: the poor
old man was as usual squatting, and as the _Susúnan_ happened to be
seated with his face towards the door, it was full ten minutes before
his minister, after repeated ineffectual attempts, could obtain an
opportunity of rising sufficiently to reach the latch without being
seen by his royal master. The mission on which he was dispatched was
urgent, and the _Susúnan_ himself inconvenienced by the delay; but
these inconveniences were insignificant, compared with the indecorum
of being seen out of the _dódok_ posture. When it is necessary for an
inferior to move, he must still retain that position, and walk with his
hams upon his heels until he is out of his superior's sight.

Besides this deference in the posture of the body, a deference, equally
striking and still more defined, is shewn in the language used to a
superior. The vernacular language of the country is never allowed to be
used on such occasions, but only an arbitrary language, distinguished
by the term _bása_, the language, or _bása kráma_, the polite language,
or language of honour. The common people are thus not permitted to
use the same language as the great, or in other words, are by the
political institutions of the country, in a great degree, deprived
of the use of their mother tongue. This subject will however be more
particularly treated of in another chapter. That a set of people who
have received some mental culture will necessarily discover it in their
language, and that a line of distinction will be thus drawn between
the well informed and the ignorant, is natural; and of the employment
of a different number of persons in the verbs and pronouns, according
as supremacy, respect, or familiarity is to be expressed, the modern
European languages afford abundant example: but that one class of words
should be exacted from the lower orders as a homage to the powerful,
and another class given in exchange, serving to remind them of their
inferiority, is a refinement in arbitrary power, which it would be
difficult to parallel.

Having thus seen the nature and extent of the general deference paid
to a superior on Java, the reader will be prepared, in some degree,
for the still further humiliations which are expected from a subject
on public occasions. No one approaches his sovereign or immediate
chief, no child approaches his father, without _súmbah_, (to that is,
obeisance) closing his hands and raising them to his forehead, in token
of respect. On public or festival days, it is usual for the inferior
chiefs, not as in Europe, to kiss the hand, but to kiss the knee, the
instep, or the sole of the foot, according to the relative distance of
rank between the parties.

The royal seat is a large stool or bench of gold or silver with a
velvet cushion: it is called _dámpar_, and attends the sovereign
wherever he may go.

Among the regalia (_upachára_), which are always carried in procession
when the sovereign moves abroad, and are arranged behind him while
seated on the _dámpar_, are the following golden figures:--the _hásti_
or _gája_, that of an elephant; the _hárda walíka_ or _nanágan_, that
of a serpent; the _jajáwen sánting_, that of a bull; the _sángsam_,
that of a deer; and the _sáwung gáling_, that of a cock fowl; each of
a size to be borne in the hand. These, with the _kútuk_ and _chapúri_
for tobacco and _síri_, the _pakachohán_ or golden spitting-pot, and a
variety of golden salvers, bowls, &c. distinguished by the respective
names applicable to their different purposes, have descended as
_pusákas_, or heir-looms, in the royal family, and are esteemed with
the highest degree of veneration.

When the sovereign moves abroad, he is attended by numerous spearmen
(_wáhos_), the duty of eight of whom is to attend the figures of the
sacred elephant and bull, near which are also led four horses richly
caparisoned. The royal _páyung_, or state umbrella, is carried in front
of the procession on these occasions, in which are also invariably
carried four trunks or boxes (_brókoh_), each borne by two men, and
containing the clothes of the sovereign, caparison for his horses,
his personal arms, implements, provisions, and in short every thing
required for an establishment: this rule is observed whenever the
sovereign moves out of the palace. His mat (_lánté_) is likewise
borne in procession, together with two saddle horses for his use when
necessary.

The ceremonies and state of the native courts have lost much of their
genuine character, from the admission of European customs, introduced
by the Dutch after the last Javan war. Salutes are regulated after the
European order, and the Javans have availed themselves of many of the
customs of Europeans, to render the ceremonies of state more striking.
Thus both the _Susúnan_ and _Súltan_ are furnished with large gilt
carriages, after the fashion of those used by the Lord Mayor of London.
When the former drinks wine with the governor, the rest of the company
are offered white wine, while they alone drink red, and a flourish of
trumpets sounds as the glass approaches their lips.

It may be observed, that few people are more attached to state and show
than the Javans; that, in general, the decorations employed and the
forms observed are chaste, and at the same time imposing, calculated to
impress a stranger with a high idea of their taste, their correctness
and yet love of splendour. The ornaments of state, or regalia, are
well wrought in gold; the royal shield is richly inlaid with precious
stones, and the royal _krís_ is hung in a belt, which, with its
sheath, is one blaze of diamonds. In processions, when the European
authority is to be received, each side of the road, for miles, is lined
with spearmen in different dresses, and standing in various warlike
attitudes; streamers flying, and the music of the _gámelán_ striking up
on every side. _Páyungs_, or umbrellas of three tiers, of silk richly
fringed and ornamented with gold, are placed at intervals, and nothing
is omitted which can add to the appearance of state and pomp. Among the
ensigns displayed on these occasions are the _Monkey_ flag of _Arjúna_,
and a variety of other devices taken from the poems of antiquity, as
well as the double-bladed sword, and a variety of inscriptions from the
Arabs.

The chiefs of provinces, and the petty chiefs in their gradation below
them, keep up as much of the form and ceremony of the chief court as
is consistent with their relative rank and means; and, in their turn,
exact from their vassals the same degree of respect which the sovereign
exacts from them.

On occasions when the Regents are anxious to shew particular respect to
Europeans, as on the entrance of the Governor, or other high officer
travelling, it is the custom, particularly in the _Súnda_ districts,
to erect triumphal arches of _bámbu_ at the entrance of the principal
villages; and the taste and variety displayed on these occasions have
been often noticed, as evincing a refinement beyond what the general
results of their present state of civilization might justify.

In a former place I noticed, that the gradations of rank among the
Javans were, in some instances, marked by the dress they wore, and
by the manner of putting on the _krís_; but a more defined line is
drawn by the _páyung_, or umbrella, which is subject to the following
regulation from immemorial custom:

1. The Sovereign alone is entitled to the golden _páyung_[97].

2. The _Rátu_, or Queen, and the members of the royal family, to the
yellow _páyung_.

3. The family of the _Rátu_, and the family of the Sovereign by his
concubines, to the white _páyung_.

4. The _Bopátis_ and _Tumúng'gungs_ to the green _páyung_, edged and
mounted with gold.

5. The _Ang'ebáis_, _Ráng'gas_, _Mántris_, &c. to the red _páyung_.

6. The heads of villages, and other petty officers, to the dark
_páyung_.

In order to convey an idea of the different titles and the gradations
of rank among the Javans, it becomes necessary, in consequence of the
confusion which has arisen among them of late years, to revert to what
they were supposed to be in the days of _Má<DW61>áhit_ and previously,
when the Hindu faith and institutions exclusively prevailed.

The usual term for the sovereign was then _Rátu_, and in the literary
compositions which have descended to us, he was either distinguished
by such epithets as _Nára-náta_, _Nára-dípa_, _Nára-páti_, _Naríndra_,
_Narária_, _Aji_, _Prábu_, _Kátong_, _Ajung_, or _Máharája_. The queen
was called _Pramiswári_. The children of the sovereign were called,
the princes _Ráden_, and the princesses _Déwi_, which titles were
hereditary in their families. The brothers of the sovereign had the
title of _Ráden aria_.

When a sovereign was advanced in age, and quitted his government to
become a devotee, he was called _Begáwan_.

The minister who administered the country in the name of the sovereign,
and issued his orders to the governors of provinces, &c. was always
termed _Páteh_; and the chiefs employed in administering the government
of the provinces, or otherwise in the government of the country, were
entitled either _Pratíiwa_, _Pung'gáwa_, _Niáka_, or _Bopáti_. The
chiefs below these, and subject to their orders, such as _Ráng'ga_,
_Ange'bái_, _Demáng_, _Praméa_, _Ménak_, _Klíwon_, and others were
included in the class of _Mantris_.

The heads of villages were called either _Umbul_, _Patíng'gi_,
_Babákal_, _Babáhu_, _Lúra_, or _Kúwu_.

The commanders-in-chief in war had the title of _Senapáti_. The general
term for soldiers was _prajúrit_; and those employed in guarding the
country from the approach of an enemy were called either _Pechát
tánda_, _Támping_, or _Ulu-bálang_.

In judicial affairs the _Jáksa_ was the chief. His assistant or deputy
was _Paliwára_, and the officers of his court _Kérta_.

_Wadána gédong_ was the title given to the officer entrusted with
the charge of the sovereign's purse and personal property, and with
the collection of his revenues: the secretary or writer was called
_Chárik_. _Tánda_ and _Sabándar_ was the title of the officers who
collected the duties in the markets and along the high roads.

When it was necessary for the sovereign to move from one part of
the country to another, there was always a class of _Mántris_ in
attendance, to whom the title of _Pang'alasan_ or _Kajíneman_ was given.

On the establishment of the Mahomedan religion, in the Javan year 1400,
a new gradation of rank and order of titles was introduced by the
sultan of _Demák_, as follows.

The sovereign, instead of being called _Rátu_, took the name of
_Susuhúnan_[98], or _Sultan_, and the queen was called _Rátu_. The
title of _Panámbahán_ was conferred as the highest in rank next to the
sovereign, and above the princes of the blood, who were now termed
_Pang'éran_ or _Pang'éran ária_; the princesses born of the queen were
termed _Rátu_, and the daughters by concubines _Ráden áyu_. The sons of
the princes were called _Ráden mas_, until they were married, when they
were termed _Ráden_ only; their daughters before marriage were called
_Ráden ajéng_, and after marriage _Ráden áyu_. The _Susuhúnan's_ great
grandchildren by his wife were allowed to assume the title of _Ráden_,
and those by his concubines bore the title of _Mas_, the latter title
continuing to descend in the family to the offspring by a wife, those
by a concubine taking the title of _Bágus_, which is considered as the
lowest title appertaining to royalty. It would be tedious, in this
place, to detail the minor titles common in the _Súnda_ districts; they
will be more particularly noticed in the statistical accounts of those
districts.

When a _Bopáti_, or governor of a province, is appointed, he is
furnished with a _piágam_ or _nawála_, or letter patent, fixing his
rank, and the extent of assignment of lands conferred upon him[99];
also with a _báwat_, or stick, similar to that of the _páyung_, or
umbrella, measuring about eight feet long, with which it is his duty to
measure the _sáwah_ or rice fields.

When a chief of the rank of _Mántri_ is appointed, he is furnished with
a _krís_ handle and with a mat, which is carried behind him when he
moves about, as well for use as to shew his rank.

The Javans include in the general term of _Priáyi_ all persons above
the rank of common people, a term which in its general application on
Java is not very unlike that of gentlemen, or latterly of esquires, in
England.

Among the forms of an eastern court, few are more particularly observed
than those relating to ambassadors. The Javans have long ceased to
send or receive ambassadors, but the following extracts from the _Níti
Prája_, will shew what they conceive ought to be the qualifications and
conduct of such an officer.

"A person entrusted with a message from his prince, must never abuse
the trust placed in him, but always keep in sight that on such
occasions he is the representative of the prince. And chiefly, if he is
sent with a letter from the prince to a foreign country, in this case
he must be less submissive than before his own prince. According to
circumstances he must conduct himself with dissimulation, and before
he enters any foreign country, by some secret means or other, occasion
his own name, and that of the prince his master, to be spread over the
country, at the same time that he obtains every possible information
regarding the state of the country and people. On entering the country,
he must assume a dignified appearance, and not speak or look about
him more than is necessary. Such conduct will inspire the people with
respect for him.

"The letter must be carried on the shoulder, and in his gait and speech
he must conduct himself with propriety. In delivering the letter he
must present himself with dignity, approach first, and then retire
from the person to whom the letter is directed, speak with him at a
distance, and not too familiarly.

"In all cases he must be careful not to go beyond his orders. His
deportment must be unassuming yet dignified; and having received an
answer for his prince, it is his duty to depart immediately, and to
proceed with it direct to the prince, without even going to his own
house first. If the letter is from some person lower in rank than
his master, he must not immediately shew it, but conceal it for a
time; but if it is from a prince of equal rank, then must he carry
the letter before him. When a letter is from a prince to one of his
subjects, it must be carried high. Coming in the presence of his
prince, he must carefully watch his eye, that he may deliver the letter
on the first intimation given by the prince that he is ready to receive
it.

"Whoever dictates a letter must be careful that a letter to a superior
is not couched in the same terms as a letter to an inferior."

The three most remarkable events in the history of the individual are
his birth, his marriage, and his death; to these accordingly have the
greatest number of forms and ceremonies been attached.

As soon as it is observed that a Javan woman is in the third month of
pregnancy, the event is communicated to all the nearest relations, to
whom, at the same time, presents are made, consisting of yellow rice,
sweet-scented oils, and wax candles. People of condition add some
cloths, gold, silver, or brass cups, as also needles, either of those
metals or of iron.

After seven months' pregnancy, a festival is given to the relations
and friends, at which yellow rice forms invariably a part of the
entertainment.

The pregnant woman must afterwards wash her body with the milk of a
green cocoa-nut, on the shell of which has been previously carved
two handsome figures, one of each sex, by which the parents intend
to represent a standard of beauty for their expected offspring, and
to engrave on the imagination of the mother, impressions which may
extend to the lineaments of her infant. The nut must be opened by the
husband. She is next to bathe in water, into which many sweet-scented
flowers have been thrown, and to dress herself with a new cloth, making
a present of the old one, together with money, raw rice, _sírí_, and
cocoa-nuts, to the midwife, who assists in her lustrations. On the
night of these ceremonies there must be a _wáyang_ or scenic shadow
performed, the object of which is to represent the life and adventures
of a certain prince in the line of _Déwa Batára Bráma_.

If the woman is delivered of a son, the after-birth is immediately cut
off with a very sharp knife of _bámbu_, wrapped in a piece of paper
on which is written the Javan alphabet, then laid in a new pot, and
buried in the ground, at which place a lamp, covered with a basket of
_bámbu_, and adorned with leaves of the _pandánri_, is put, and kept
burning till the umbilical cord of the child falls off. When this takes
place, the child is watched the whole night, by persons who read the
history of the _Déwas_, or of famous princes, or amuse themselves with
a _wáyang_.

As soon as the child is nine months old, the parents entertain their
relatives and friends with a _wáyang_ and festival.

Marriages are invariably contracted, not by the parties themselves,
but by their parents or relations on their behalf. Such interference
(which was common among the Greeks, without the same apology) is
rendered necessary by the early age at which the matrimonial union is
formed, and the incompetence of either of the intended couple to form a
discreet and prudent choice. During the period that intervenes between
the application of the friends of the boy to the parents or guardians
of the girl for their concurrence in the match, and the obtainment of
it, her condition is distinguished by the term _tétákon_ (enquired
for): when the consent of her parents is obtained, it is termed _lámar_
(solicited). According to ancient custom, after matters proceeded
thus far, a present of different valuables, termed _paníng'sat_ is
sent by the intended bridegroom to the bride, and her acceptance of
it, implying that she concurs in the previous steps taken towards her
settlement, renders the contract binding. The general prevalence of
similar customs cannot fail to strike those who are acquainted with
the nature of the _sponsalia dona_ of the Romans, and the marriage
ceremonies detailed in various passages of Scripture (Genesis, ch. xv.
2; xxiv. 5, &c.) A present of this kind is described as being sent by
_Pánji Kérta Páti_ to the Princess _Chándra Kirána of Dahá_[100], and
we are told that it thence became a custom among the Javans.

By any reluctance to complete his engagement, the bridegroom forfeits
to his betrothed these earnest gifts (as they may be called); while,
on the other hand, if the obstacles to the completion of the marriage
originate with her, she is bound to return them. This present is also
called _patiba sámpir_.

This custom, however, is now not so common as formerly: it is in a
great measure discontinued or confounded with the next ceremony, termed
_sárahan_ (delivered up.) This consists in making various presents to
the bride a short time before the day fixed for the marriage, after the
delivery of which, the bride and bridegroom are confined to the house,
until the ceremony takes place. The period varies; but with people of
distinction there generally elapses an interval of forty days between
the _sárahan_ and the marriage.

On the day of the marriage (for which one that is considered
fortunate[101] is previously selected) the father of the bride proceeds
to the mosque, accompanied by the bridegroom, and informing the
_Panghúlu_ that the lad whom he presents has agreed to give the _sri
káwin_ (generally about two dollars), requests him to marry him to his
daughter: on which the _Panghúlu_ inquires of the bridegroom whether he
has paid the amount, or is willing to do so? and upon the affirmative
being declared, he sanctifies the marriage by words to the following
effect:

"I join you, _ráden mas_ (bridegroom), in wedlock with _sátia_ (the
bride), with a pledge of two reals weight in gold or silver[102]. You
take (_sátia_) to be your wife for this world. You are obliged to pay
the pledge of your marriage (_sri káwin_), or to remain debtor for the
same. You are responsible for your wife in all and every thing. If
you should happen to be absent from her for the space of seven months
on shore, or one year at sea, without giving her any subsistence, and
are remiss in the performance of the duties which you owe to your
sovereign, your marriage shall be dissolved, if your wife requires it,
without any further form or process; and you will be, besides, subject
to the punishment which the Mahomedan law dictates."

Should any circumstance occur to prevent the bridegroom from attending
at the mosque on the day selected for the marriage, he follows the
singular custom of sending his _krís_[103] to the ceremony, which is
deemed sufficient by the _Panghúlu_; and afterwards he may appoint a
proxy to represent him in the processions which follow. But this is
seldom done when a man marries for the first time.

After the ceremony, the bridegroom pays the priest the marriage fees
(_saláwat_), which ought, according to strict Mahomedans, not to
exceed fifteen stivers. In most instances, the fees are raised to five
times that sum in money, besides in many places a fowl, a hank of
cotton-yarn, four _kátis_ of rice, two cocoa-nuts, _síri_, and fruit.

On the wedding day, or sometimes the day following, the bridegroom
dressed in his best clothes, mounted on horseback, accompanied by all
his friends, and attended with music in the front and rear, proceeds at
noon to the dwelling of the bride, who, on his approach, comes out to
meet him at the door. In some districts, before their nearer approach,
the bride and bridegroom throw simultaneously a bundle of _síri_ at
each other with considerable force, with the intention, it is said,
of learning, from the dexterity with which the parties, respectively
perform this singular feat, and the success that attends it, which
of them will be able best to maintain their privileges, or gain an
ascendancy during the continuance of their union. They prognosticate
that, if the bundle of the bridegroom touch the head of the bride, it
is an infallible sign that he must rule; otherwise, the reverse.

The bride, after this, receives the bridegroom with a low obeisance, in
testimony of her regard for him, extending similar marks of respect to
his parents, who attend him. The married couple are then placed in a
situation elevated above the rest of the company; and in token of their
afterwards living together, and sharing the same sustenance, commence
eating _síri_ from the same _síri_-box.

In some districts, after leaving the mosque, the bridegroom and
his father proceed to the house of the bride's parents, where they
obtain her company in a procession through the village or town. On
these occasions, the bride is carried on a litter, which is generally
fashioned in the form of a _garúda_, and the bridegroom is mounted
on horseback. All the relations and friends of the parties attend,
carrying flowers and refreshments, together with the presents made to
the bridegroom on his marriage. The procession moves on to the sound
of the national music, and the occasional firing of cannon. A feast is
given in the evening at the house of the bride's parents, at which the
new married couple remain for the night. The term given to the bride
and bridegroom is _peng'ánten_, and the marriage ceremony is called
_láki rábi_.

On the next day in some districts, and on the fifth in others, the
bridegroom (or _peng'ánten lánang_), and bride (_peng'anten wádon_),
together with the whole train of relations and friends, visit in
like manner the house of the bridegroom's father. This ceremony is
called _únduh mántu_ (accepting the daughter-in-law.) There they both
again sit down to eat _síri_ in some place of distinction; similar
entertainments are repeated, and on the following day they return with
the same pomp and form to the bride's dwelling, the ceremony being now
completed.

With the exception of the delivery of the _sri káwin_, and the
procession to the mosque, there is very little in these ceremonies
conformable to the Mahomedan precepts.

Marriages are frequently contracted between children, and then
termed _gántung káwin_ (hanging-on marriages); but in this case the
parties are kept separate, and the principal ceremonies are reserved
till they attain the age of puberty. Such contracts proceed from a
laudable solicitude, on the part of parents, to provide a suitable
and advantageous match for their children as early as possible; and
to the same cause, as much, perhaps, as from the influence of climate
and intemperance of manners, may be attributed the early age, at which
matrimonial engagements are sometimes consummated.

Whatever may be the reasons for such early marriages, one of the most
serious consequences is the facility with which they are dissolved. The
multiplication of divorces is mentioned by the poets, the moralists,
and the historians of the Roman empire, as one of the greatest causes
and symptoms of the corruption and degeneracy of the period in which
they lived; and certainly it had proceeded to great lengths, when
Seneca could say that a woman computed her age, not by the annual
succession of consuls, but of husbands[104]. The Javans, though
a simple people, are in this respect too like the profligate and
dissolute Romans.

In no part of the world are divorces more frequent than on Java;
for besides the facilities afforded by the Mahomedan ordinances, a
woman may at any time, when dissatisfied with her husband, demand a
dissolution of the marriage contract, by paying him a sum established
by custom, according to the rank of the parties: about twenty dollars
for a person of the lower orders, and fifty dollars for those of the
degree of _Demáng_ or _Mántri_. The husband is not bound to accept
it; but he is generally induced to do so, from a consideration,
that the opinions and custom of the country require it; that his
domestic happiness would be sacrificed in a contest with his reluctant
companion; and that, by continuing his attachment, he would incur the
shame of supporting one who treated him with aversion or contempt.
This kind of divorce is termed _mánchal_. The husband may at any time
divorce his wife, on making a settlement upon her sufficient to support
her according to her condition in life.

A widow may marry again at the expiration of three months and ten days
after her husband's death.

When a person of rank or property dies, all his relations, male and
female, meet at the house of the deceased, to testify their grief at
the death and their respect for the memory of the departed. On that
occasion, what is termed _selámat_ money is distributed among all
according to circumstances. The priests, who are to perform the service
at the place of interment, receive a Spanish dollar, a piece of cloth,
and a small mat each.

When the corpse is washed[105] and wrapped in a white cloth, it is
carried out of the house on a bier covered with  chintz, on
which garlands of flowers are hung as drapery. On this occasion, no
means of costly pomp or impressive solemnity are neglected in the use
of umbrellas (_páyung_), pikes, and other insignia of honour. All the
relations and friends accompany the corpse to the grave, where the
priest addresses a prayer to heaven and delivers an exhortation to the
soul of the deceased; of which the substance commonly is, "that it
should be conscious of being the work of the Creator of the universe,
and after leaving its earthly dwelling, should speed its way to the
source whence it issued." After this ceremony the corpse is interred,
and the other priests continue their prayers and benedictions.

For seven successive nights, the same priests meet and pray at the
house of the deceased, in the presence of his relations.

On the third, seventh, fourteenth, hundredth, and thousandth day or
night after the death of a person, are observed particular festivals
or solemn feasts in his commemoration, on which occasions prayers are
offered up for the happiness of his soul.

The body is interred after the usual manner of the Mahomedans, and a
_sambója_ tree is usually planted by its side. It is the universal
practice of the relatives of the deceased to strew the graves several
times in the year with the sweet-scented flowers of the _sulási_ (the
_tulsi_ of Bengal), which are raised exclusively for this purpose. The
burial-grounds are, in general, well chosen. In _Kedú_, where the most
beautiful eminences have been selected for this purpose, and where
the _cambôja_ tree grows with the greatest luxuriance, they form very
interesting objects in the landscape. The burial-places of the royal
family and of the nobles of the country are usually called _astána_;
they are surrounded by one or more high walls, and in general by
stately _waríng'en_ trees. The tombs are sometimes ornamented with
sculptural devices and well-executed inscriptions, either in the Javan
or Arabic character. They are kept clean and repaired by contributions
from all parts of the country, under the superintendence of priests
appointed to that particular duty, and are respected and guarded with
religious veneration and zeal. The burial-place of the family now on
the throne is at _Megíri_, in the province of _Matárem_, a few miles
distant from the modern capital of _Yúgya-kérta_.

As the Javans are still devotedly attached to their ancient customs
and ceremonies (few of which they have sacrificed to their new faith),
I shall, in order to give a better idea of those still observed on
the most remarkable occasions, present a short account of their state
anterior to the introduction of Mahomedanism, as far as it can be
ascertained. Though, as Mahomedans, they are averse to an open avowal
of Pagan practices, they still preserve them more or less, according
as the parties happen to be less or more under the influence of Arab
priests.

When a woman was pregnant with her first child, at the expiration of
four months a feast was given, at which yellow rice was served up. This
entertainment was insignificant compared with that which was observed
at the expiration of seven months, when the guests were presented
with cloth, gold, silver, and steel, according to the means of the
parties, a piece of steel never failing to be one of the gifts, though
it did not exceed the size of a needle. On this occasion a new bath
was prepared in the evening, and watched during the night by the light
of a lamp. At the side of the bath were laid two stalks of the dark
 sugar cane, as an offering to _Batára Kála_, a painted cloth
of the pattern _túwuh wátu_, and a young cocoa-nut (_chénkir gáding_),
on which was engraved the resemblance of _Pánji Kérta Páti_ and his
wife _Chándra Kirána_ of _Dáha_. In the morning the wife, after putting
on the cloth, entered the bath, when the water from the young cocoa-nut
was poured over her: during the day it was also incumbent on her to
change her dress seven times. At the feast given on this occasion,
fish, flesh, and fowl were invariably served up, and performances of
the _wáyang_ were exhibited.

Immediately on the birth of the child it was placed in a kind of
basket made of _bámbu_ (in form similar to the sieve or farming basket
used for separating the chaff from the rice), the relations were
assembled, and the remains of the umbilical cord were carefully cut
off by means of a piece of sharpened _bámbu_. The part abstracted by
this operation was deposited in the interior of a cocoa-nut, with a
lump of turmerick placed under it. This cocoa-nut was ornamented on
the outside with the twenty letters of the Javan alphabet. It was
afterwards put into an earthen pot, and either buried under ground or
thrown into the sea. A stone rolling-pin, dressed up like a baby, was
placed in the basket in its stead. The female relations relieved each
other through the day and night, in constantly supporting the child in
their arms, till the navel was healed; the male relations all the while
reading and reciting the history of _Ráma_, and other mythological and
historical romances. As soon as the child was recovered, a grand feast
was observed, with performances of the _wáyang_. Near the _Dálang_
(director of the _wáyang_) was placed a bowl of pure water, into which
fresh and sweet-scented flowers were cast, two black sugar-canes,
a cloth of the _túwuh wátu_ pattern, and a piece of white cloth,
together with a bundle of _pári_ and different kinds of eatables. On
this occasion was exhibited the drama of _Batára Dúrga_ and _Sang Yang
Jágat Náta_ (one of the designations of _Gúru_), at that passage where,
during the first two quarters of the moon, the former appeared in her
amiable character of _Uma_[106], and where, in the city of _Kúru Sétra
Gándamáyu_, she is delivered of a son, _Batára Kála_, having the form
of a _Rasáksa_, "greedy to destroy and devour mankind." At that part of
the performance when _Sang Yang Jágat Náta_ takes the child on his lap,
the _Dálang_ did the same with the infant, repeating the invocation,
_"hong! ila-heng!"_ several times, and afterwards returning it into the
hands of the father. On this occasion the _wáyang_ was performed from
seven o'clock in the evening till eight o'clock in the morning.

When the child was forty days old, its head was shaved, as directed
by the parent, and the ceremony took place of giving it whatever name
should be determined on by the father and the elders.

The _Dúkun_ (midwife) who attended at the delivery, was entitled
to receive for her trouble fourteen _wang_ (about a rupee) if it
was an ordinary birth, but in difficult cases her allowance was
proportionately increased. Her attendance continued for the mornings
and evening of forty days, at the expiration of which she was further
entitled to receive a present of two pieces of cloth, one small and
one large, four _kátis_ of rice, two cocoa-nuts, and some _síri_. If
required to attend beyond that period, she was paid accordingly. A
_Dúkun_ once employed, could not be exchanged on any account during
the forty days. Women invariably acted as midwives; in other cases the
medical art was practised exclusively by the men.

On the child's attaining its seventh month, a feast was given, when
it was for the first time placed with its feet on the ground. At this
entertainment rice cakes and sweetmeats of different colours and kinds
were served up; and if it happened that the child had come into the
world either as the sun was just rising or setting, a bundle of grass
or rubbish was thrown into the basket, upon the top of which it was
placed for a few minutes; after which one of the elders taking the
child into his arms repeated the following words: "_Hong! 'amilam
mastúna masidam! súming'gáha yéwang Kala'ing w'ru ajal amúla-níra
ana-níra, Sang-yang Sába lan Batári Dúrga_:" which after an invocation
to the Deity would express, "Begone, oh God _Kála_, for I am not
ignorant of thy nature, nor of thy being descended from _Sang Yang Sába
(Gúru)_ and _Batára Dúrga_[107]."

When the child attained the age of one year, another feast was given in
commemoration of its nativity, and this universally among all classes
of people; those who possessed the means kept the anniversary of their
birth-day until their death.

Marriages were invariably contracted by the relations of the parties,
by the paternal grandfather or grandmother if living, if not by the
parents, and in case of their demise, by the natural guardian. Thus the
brother, on the death of his parents, was permitted to dispose of the
hand of his sister; and a deviation from this course was deprecated, as
laying a foundation for quarrels and dissensions.

The consent of the relations being obtained, the bridegroom was bound
to serve the parents of the bride for a year[108].

For forty days previous to the celebration of the marriage, the parties
were not allowed to go to a distance from their homes, or to be
employed in any severe labour.

At sunset on the wedding day, the bridegroom went in procession to
visit the parents of the bride, after which she was visited by his
parents, who on these occasions gave the married couple their blessing,
wishing them happiness as lasting as that enjoyed by the god _Kámajáya_
with his consort _Kámaráti_.

One of the elders, or an _Ajar_, then repeated the following
benediction:

_"Hong! Gáng'ga-trigáng'ga? pináyung hana kala chákra kinásih hána
pra-dewáta hipáta'ing sapudénda tulúsa amándan waríng'en."_ "Hail! holy
water, thrice holy water! be it as a covering to shield you from harm:
may the gods be merciful unto you: henceforth be nourishing as the
_pándan_ and _waríng'en_ trees."

In these processions the bridegroom was obliged to prepare whatever
ornaments, trinkets, or gifts, the mother of the bride had fixed
her fancy upon, either at the birth of her daughter or on any other
occasion, whether they consisted in the representation of a white
elephant, a white tiger, or the like.

Five days after the consecration of the marriage, the parents of the
bride, with whom she staid for that period, prepared a feast, at
which was invariably served up among other things yellow rice. This
entertainment was given to mark the period of the consummation: and
after celebrating such an event, it was thought proper that the bride
should be on a visit to the parents of her husband, remain under their
roof, share their protection, and subsist at their expense for forty
days without going abroad, at the expiration of which the new married
couple were at liberty to go to their own house and pursue their
own plans of life, becoming liable to contribute their share to the
revenues and demands of the state.

The dresses worn on the nuptial day are thus described in the romance
of _Pánji_.

"It being arranged that at the same time when _Rádin Pánji_ was to
receive the princess _Déwi Chándra Kirána_ in marriage, _Rétna Jinóli_,
his sister, should also be married to _Gúnung Sári_, son of the Prince
of _Dáha_, the Prince of _Dáha_ departed with a joyful heart, and
gave the necessary directions to prepare the clothing and ornaments
necessary for the two brides.

"_Klána Jáyang Sári_[109], accompanied by his sister, _Rétna Jinóli_,
and his numerous followers then entered the _dálam_ of the prince.
_Klána Jáyang Sâri_ wore on the occasion a _dódot_ of silk stamped with
flowers of gold; his _chelána_ were of the green _chindi_ ornamented
with golden lace round the bottom, and studded with _kúnang-kúnang_
(golden ornaments made to represent the fire-fly); his _sumping_
(ornaments at the back of the ear) were of golden flowers studded with
diamonds. On the third finger of each hand he wore two diamond rings.
His waistband or belt was a painted cloth, of the pattern _gríngsing
sang'u-páti_; his _krís_ of the _kaprábon_; his _jámang_, or head
ornament, of gold set with diamonds, and scented with all kinds of
sweet-scented oils. He appeared more beautiful than a deity descended
from heaven, all looking upon him with delight and astonishment.

"His sister, _Rétna Jinóli_, was dressed nearly after the same fashion
as the Princess _Ang'réni_.

"The dress of _Déwi Ang'réni_, when married, was as follows: her
_dódot_ was of a pink colour stamped with flowers; her _kéndit_ (zone,
of which the ends hang in front) was _mandála gíri_ (yellow with red at
each end); her _jámang_ of golden flowers; her golden ear-rings of the
_bápang_ fashion, with a diamond in the centre; her hair according to
the _glung málang_ (a particular kind of knot), in which were placed
beautiful and sweet-scented flowers; the fine hair round her forehead
fashioned into small curls, with a sprinkling of powder; her eyebrows
shaped like the _ímba_ leaf. She wore golden armlets of the _kálung_
pattern, ornamented with drops. Her _kálung_, or necklace, was of the
_méng'gah_ fashion. She wore two rings on the little and third finger
of each hand, like unto a _widadári_."

There were three modes of disposing of the body of a deceased person:
by fire, termed _óbóng_; by water, termed _lárung_; or by exposing it
upright against a tree in a forest, where it was left to decay, termed
_sétra_. When the body of a chief or person of consequence was burnt,
it was usual to preserve the ashes, and to deposit them in a _chándi_
or tomb.

It was the custom with all classes of people on Java to give
an entertainment or feast on the decease of their friends and
relations[110]. The first feast was given on the day of the death, a
second on the third day after, a third on the seventh day, a fourth
on the fortieth day, a fifth on the hundredth day, and a sixth on the
thousandth day after the decease of the party; after which an annual
feast was observed, with more or less pomp, according to the respect in
which the deceased was held, or the circumstances of the friends and
relatives who celebrated his memory.

Besides these regular feasts and ceremonies, others prescribed by the
_wúku_[111] were religiously observed. When the day _ang'gâra_ fell on
the _páncha klíwon_, it was considered a propitious time for preferring
petitions to the gods. On the seventh day of the _wúku galingán_,
sacred to _Batára Kámajáya_, they relaxed from all worldly pursuits,
and offered praises and prayers to the gods collectively, it being
supposed that they were assembled on that day. On the _wúku gúmreg_,
sacred to _Batára Sákra_, every villager joined in a feast sacred to
the earth (_púja búmi_); and this _wúku_ was particularly observed by
the people termed _Kálang_, who, during the seven days performed no
work, but employed themselves in visiting the tombs of their deceased
friends and relations, or in feasting with their living relatives.
During the whole of that period they kept in their houses a lighted
lamp, which they carefully preserved from extinction.

It may not be inappropriate to introduce in this place a short
digression, containing an account of some of the customs peculiar to
the people termed _Kálang_, and to the inhabitants of the _Teng'ger_
mountains. The former are said to have been at one time numerous in
various parts of Java, leading a wandering life, practising religious
rites different from those of the great body of the people, and
avoiding intercourse with them; but most of them are now reduced to
subjection, are become stationary in their residence, and have embraced
the Mahomedan faith. A few villages in which their particular customs
are still preserved, occur in the provinces of _Kendál_, _Káliwúng'u_,
and _Démak_, and although the tradition of the country regarding their
descent from an unnatural connection between a princess of _Mendang
Kamúlan_ and a chief, who had been transformed into a dog, would
mark them out as a strange race, they have claims to be considered as
the actual descendants of the aborigines of the Island[112]. They are
represented as having a high veneration for a _red dog_, one of which
is generally kept by each family, and which they will, on no account,
allow to be struck or ill-used by any one. When a young man asks a girl
in marriage, he must prove his descent from their peculiar stock. A
present of rice and cotton-yarn, among other articles, must be offered
by him, and carried to the intended bride, by an elderly man or woman
of his own race, which offering must, in like manner, be received by an
elderly relation of the girl: from this moment until the marriage is
duly solemnized, nothing whatever is allowed to be taken out of either
hut. On the marriage day, a buffalo's head, covered with white, red,
or black rice-powder, is placed on the ground near the place intended
for the bride to sleep upon, and the elderly people and relations being
assembled, they dance by pairs, at the end of each dance presenting
the bride to the bridegroom, and making such offerings as they think
proper. The bridegroom is, on this occasion, accompanied to the house
of the bride's father by as many friends as he can procure, and is
bound to bring with him not less than a pair of buffaloes, a plough,
harrow, hoe (_pachul_), and whip, with a bundle of _pári_. Those who
are in good circumstances are further bound to add a cart (_pedáti_)
to the above-mentioned stock. Prior to the equipment of the bride and
bridegroom for the entertainment, it is essential that their bodies
be rubbed over with the ashes of a _red dog's_ bones. At sunset they
both eat rice together off the same leaf. On the following night they
jointly partake of the buffalo's head, which is previously laid by the
side of the place where they sleep. On the third day they proceed to
the house of the bridegroom's father, making as much show as possible,
and go round the extent of the village confines, preceded by people
carrying a bed, cooking utensils, a spinning-wheel and loom. On the
death of a _Kálang_, the body is carried in procession to the dwellings
of the relations, who join in the ceremony, and proceed with it to
the place of interment: they then pass round the corpse three times
before it is lowered into the grave, the women crying aloud. A young
cocoa-nut is then split in two, and the water from it poured into the
grave, one-half of the shell being placed at the head, the other at the
feet of the deceased. On their return home, the feasts and ceremonies
are the same as those noticed in the practice of the other inhabitants
of Java. Whenever the _Kálangs_ move from one place to another, they
are conveyed in carts, having two solid wheels with a revolving
axle, and drawn by two or more pairs of buffaloes, according to the
circumstances of the party. In these they place the materials of which
their huts are constructed, their implements of husbandry, and other
articles of necessity or value. In this manner, until of late years,
since they have been subjected to the regulations of the Javan chiefs,
they were continually moving from one part of the island to another.
They have still their separate chiefs, and preserve many of their
peculiar customs. Those who are Mahomedans employ in their religious
functions priests who differ from others in being less scrupulous. They
have always been treated with so much contempt by the Javans, that
_Kálang_ is an epithet of reproach and disgrace.

To the eastward of _Surabáya_, and on the range of hills connected with
_Gúnung Dásar_, and lying partly in the district of _Pasúruan_ and
partly in that of _Probolingo_, known by the name of the _Teng'ger_
mountains, we find the remnant of a people still following the Hindu
worship, who merit attention, not only on account of their being, (if
we except the _Bédui_ of Bantam, who will be hereafter noticed) the
sole depositaries of the rites and doctrines of that religion existing
at this day on Java, but as exhibiting an interesting singularity and
simplicity of character.

These people occupy about forty villages, scattered along this range
of hills in the neighbourhood of what is termed the sandy sea. The
site of their villages, as well as the construction of their houses,
are peculiar, and differ entirely from what is elsewhere observed
on Java. They are not shaded by trees, but built on spacious open
terraces, rising one above the other, each house occupying a terrace,
and being in length from thirty to seventy, and even eighty feet. The
door is invariably in one corner, at the end of the building, opposite
to that in which the fire-place is built. The building appears to be
constructed with the ordinary roof, having along the front an enclosed
veranda or gallery, about eight feet broad. The fire-place is built of
brick, and is so highly venerated, that it is considered a sacrilege
for any stranger to touch it. Across the upper part of the building
rafters are run, so as to form a kind of attic story, in which are
deposited the most valuable property and implements of husbandry.

The head of the village takes the title of _Péting'gi_, as in the
low-lands, and is generally assisted by a _Kabáyan_, both elected by
the people from their own village. There are four priests, who are
here termed _Dúkuns_ (a term elsewhere only applied to doctors and
midwives), having charge of the state records and the sacred books.

These _Dúkuns_, who are in general intelligent men, can give no account
of the era when they were first established on these hills; they can
produce no traditional history of their origin, whence they came, or
who entrusted them with the sacred books, to the faith contained in
which they still adhere. These, they concur in stating, were handed
down to them by their fathers, to whose hereditary office of preserving
them they have succeeded. The sole duty required of them is again to
hand them down in safety to their children, and to perform the _púja_
(praise-giving) according to the directions they contain. These records
consist of three compositions, written on the _lóntar_-leaf, detailing
the origin of the world, disclosing the attributes of the deity, and
prescribing the forms of worship to be observed on different occasions.

When a woman is delivered of her first child, the _Dúkun_ takes a leaf
of the _álang álang_ grass, and scraping the skin of the hands of
the mother and her infant, as well as the ground, pronounces a short
benediction.

When a marriage is agreed upon, the bride and bridegroom being brought
before the _Dúkun_ within the house, in the first place bow with
respect towards the south, then to the fire-place, then to the earth,
and lastly, on looking up to the upper story of the house, where the
implements of husbandry are placed. The parties then submissively
bowing to the _Dúkun_, he repeats a prayer, commencing with the words,
_"Hong! Kendága Bráma ang'-gas síwang'ga ána ma siwáha sangyang
g'ni sira kang_[113]", &c.; while the bride washes the feet of the
bridegroom. At the conclusion of this ceremony, the friends and family
of the parties make presents to each of kríses, buffaloes, implements
of husbandry, &c.; in return for which the bride and bridegroom
respectfully present them with betel-leaf.

At the marriage feast which ensues, the _Dúkun_ repeats two _púja_.
The marriage is not, however, consummated till the fifth day after
the above ceremony. This interval between the solemnities and the
consummation of marriage is termed by them _úndang mántu_, and is in
some cases still observed by the Javans in other parts of the island,
under the name _únduh mántu_.

At the interment of an inhabitant of _Teng'ger_, the corpse is lowered
into the grave with the head placed towards the south (contrary to
the direction observed by the Mahomedans), and is guarded from the
immediate contact of the earth by a covering of _bámbus_ and planks.
When the grave is closed, two posts are planted over the body; one
erected perpendicularly on the breast, the other on the lower part of
the belly; and between them is placed a hollowed _bámbu_ in an inverted
position, into which, during seven successive days, they daily pour a
vessel of pure water, laying beside the _bámbu_ two dishes, also daily
replenished with eatables. At the expiration of the seventh day, the
feast of the dead is announced, and the relations and friends of the
deceased assemble to be present at the ceremony, and to partake of
entertainments conducted in the following manner.

A figure of about half a cubit high, representing the human form,
made of leaves and ornamented with variegated flowers, is prepared
and placed in a conspicuous situation, supported round the body by
the clothes of the deceased. The _Dúkun_ then places in front of the
garland an incense-pot with burning ashes, together with a vessel
containing water, and repeats the two _púja_ to fire and water; the
former commencing with "_Hong! Kendága Bráma gangsi wang'ga ya nama
síwáha_," &c.; the latter with "_Hong! hong gang'ga máha tirta ráta
mejil sáking háti_," &c.; burning _dúpa_ or incense at stated periods
during the former, and occasionally sprinkling the water over the feast
during the repetition of the latter.

The clothes of the deceased are then divided among the relatives
and friends; the garland is burned; another _púja_, commencing with
"_Hong! áwigna mastúna ma sidam, hong! aráning_," &c. is repeated,
while the remains of the sacred water are sprinkled over the feast.
The parties now sit down to the enjoyment of it, invoking a blessing
from the Almighty on themselves, their houses, and their lands. No more
solemnities are observed till the expiration of a thousand days, when,
if the memory of the deceased is beloved and cherished, the ceremony
and feast are repeated; if otherwise, no further notice is taken of
him: and having thus obtained what the Romans would call his _justa_,
he is allowed to be forgotten.

Being questioned regarding the tenets of their religion, they replied
that they believed in a _déwa_, who was all-powerful; that the name
by which the _déwa_ was designated was _Búmi Trúka Sáng'yáng Dewáta
Bâtur_, and that the particulars of their worship were contained in a
book called _Pángláwu_, which they presented to me.

On being questioned regarding the _ádat_ against adultery, theft, and
other crimes, their reply was unanimous and ready, that crimes of
this kind were unknown to them, and that consequently no punishment
was fixed, either by law or custom; that if a man did wrong, the head
of the village chid him for it, the reproach of which was always
sufficient punishment for a man of _Teng'ger_. This account of their
moral character is fully confirmed by the Regents of the districts
under whose authority they are placed, and also by the Residents.
They, in fact, seem to be almost without crime, and are universally
peaceable, orderly, honest, industrious, and happy. They are
unacquainted with the vice of gambling and the use of opium.

The aggregate population is about twelve hundred souls; and they
occupy, without exception, the most beautifully rich and romantic spots
on Java; a region, in which the thermometer is frequently as low as
forty-two. The summits and <DW72>s of the hills are covered with Alpine
firs, and plants common to an European climate flourish in luxuriance.

Their language does not differ much from the Javan of the present day,
though more gutturally pronounced. Upon a comparison of about a hundred
words with the vernacular Javan, two only were found to differ. They
do not marry or intermix with the people of the low-lands, priding
themselves on their independence and purity in this respect[114].

The _Bédui_ are in numbers inconsiderable, and found in the interior
of Bantam: they are the descendants of those who escaped into the
woods after the fall of the western capital of _Pajajáran_[115] in
the fifteenth century, and would not change their religion, remaining
firmly attached to that of _Prábu Séda_. There is a tomb of one of
them which they hold sacred, and will not allow any one but themselves
to approach even to this day. When the _Bédui_ subsequently submitted
to the Sultan of Bantam, and shewed no disposition to oppose the
Mahomedans, they were not compelled to become converts; but it was
agreed, at the same time they admitted, that the number of the
_Rowá-ian_ (the name given to their little societies) should be limited
to three or four.

The _Bédui_ attend to all orders they receive through the medium of
the village chief. They subsist by cultivating rice: all they raise
beyond what is required for their own consumption they sell to the
hill people, who are in the habit of going to them for it once a year,
on account of the superior quality of the rice, or rather superior
estimation in which it is held. It is an established rule among them to
allot but one day for each of the different successive operations of
husbandry: one day for cutting down the trees and underwood, one day
for clearing what has been so cut down, one day for sowing the grain,
one for weeding the field, and one for reaping, one for binding up
the grain and one for carrying it home. If any part of what has been
reaped cannot be carried home in one day, it is left and neglected.
The _Gírang póhon_ (which is the title of the chief) is the first who
commences the work of the field, and many of the hill people follow him
in regard to the period for sowing their _pári_.

Their dress consists of white and black cloths. They wear rings and
silver scabbards to their _krises_, but gold and _swasa_ they dislike.
Spanish dollars are the only coin they prize.

The festivals or feasts of the Javans are of three kinds: the _grébeg_,
or religious festivals; the _bancháki_ or _nealamáti_, so called
from the Arabic _salámat_ (a blessing), held on the celebration of
marriages, births, and circumcision; and the _sedékah_, appointed in
honour of the dead, and for the celebration of their memory.

The principal and most important of these are the national
entertainments corresponding with the Mahomedan festivals of _múlut_,
_pása_, and _bésar_; the two first answering to the half-yearly
festivals of the Arabs of _moháram_ and _ramázan_, and the latter with
that of _kháji_, in the month of dulkhija. On these occasions the
sovereign appears in public, and the _álun álun_ is crowded with an
assemblage of people from all quarters, every one being dressed in his
most splendid attire, and accompanied by all his armed followers. The
same is observed in the more distant provinces of the country, where
the petty chiefs, in like manner, assemble in the _álun álun_ of the
Regent. Presents of fruit, poultry, and other kinds of provisions,
are brought from every part of the country: offerings are made by the
chiefs to the mosques, and a public festival is given by the chief
authorities. The men only partake of these public feasts; but the
female part of the family of the chiefs assemble together, and enjoy
corresponding entertainments within their chambers. The festival seldom
lasts above one day.

Of the _bancháki_ and _nealamáti_ it may be only necessary to observe,
that those given during the ceremonies consequent upon the birth of the
first child are most important.

The _sedékah_ are solemnities observed on the occasion of the funeral,
or in honour of the memory of a departed relative, on the seventh,
fortieth, one hundredth, or thousandth day after his decease: they
are distinguished from the feasts of _grébeg_ and _nealamáti_ by the
absence of music. Those who intend to observe them, assemble on the
preceding evening in order to read some portion of the _Koran_. Before
the guests partake of the meal, the principal person present generally
addresses the Almighty in a prayer, which alludes to the occasion,
and expresses gratitude for the repast which his bounty has provided.
Thankfulness to the earthly donor of the entertainment often mingles
itself with gratitude to heaven, and the praises of both are celebrated
at the same time. This grace before meals is called _dúng'a_.

Reserving for a subsequent chapter a sketch of the music and poetry of
the Javans, I shall in this place endeavour to give some account of
their national drama and dances, as constituting, next to music and
poetry, the most conspicuous and refined of their amusements.

The dramatic entertainments are of two kinds; the _tópeng_, wherein
the characters are represented by men, who except when performing
before the Sovereign wear masks; and the _wáyang_, in which they are
represented by shadows.

The subject of the _tópeng_ is invariably taken from the adventures
of _Pánji_, the favourite hero of Javan story. In the performances
before the Sovereign, where masks are not used, the several characters
themselves rehearse their parts; but, in general, the _Dálang_,
or manager of the entertainment, recites the speeches, while the
performers have only to "suit the action to the word." The music
of the _gámelan_ accompanies the piece, and varies in expression,
according to the nature of the action or the kind of emotion to be
excited. The actors are splendidly dressed after the ancient costume,
and perform their parts with grace, elegance, and precision; but the
whole performance has more the character of a ballet than that of a
regular dramatic exhibition, either of the tragic or coming kind, in
which human passions, human follies or sufferings, are represented in
such appropriate language and just action, as to seem only a reflection
of nature. Love and war are the constant themes, and the combats of
contending chiefs generally close the scene. Those who perform before
the sovereign and repeat their parts, previously study their characters
from written compositions expressly prepared for the purpose; but in
other cases, the _Dálang_, well versed in the principal incidents,
descriptions, and speeches of the history, furnishes the dialogue
between the actors extempore. A party of _tôpeng_ generally consists of
ten persons, besides the _Dálang_, of whom four play the _gámelan_ and
six perform the characters. They are engaged to play by the night, for
about ten rupees (twenty-five shillings) and a supper.

Buffoonery is sometimes introduced, to increase the zest of these
entertainments with the multitude, but it does not interfere with the
regular course of the performance, the actors being only disturbed
occasionally by the actions of an extraneous character, who whether
representing a dog, a monkey, or an idiot, seldom fails to excite
considerable mirth, and not unfrequently in the most interesting part
of the performance.

There is also a kind of pantomime, or rather an assemblage of wild
beasts called _Barúng'an_; in this entertainment men dressed up to
represent various animals are made to appear in procession and combats.
This is generally performed for the amusement of children, and is only
accompanied by the beat of the _góng_ and drum.

In the _wáyangs_, or scenic shadows, the subject of the performances
is taken from the earliest period of history and fable, down to the
destruction of the Hindu empire of _Majapáhit_. These are distinguished
according to the periods of the history which they represent, by the
terms _wáyang púrwa_, _wáyang gédog_, and _wáyang klítik_.

The different characters in the history are in these _wáyangs_
represented by figures, about eighteen inches or two feet high, stamped
or cut out of pieces of thick leather, generally of buffalo's hide,
which are painted and gilt with great care and at considerable expense,
so as to form some supposed resemblance of the character to the
individual intended to be personified. The whole figure is, however,
strangely distorted and grotesque, the nose in particular being
unnaturally prominent. There is a tradition, that the figures were
first so distorted by the _Susúnan Mória_, one of the early Mahomedan
teachers, in order to render the preservation of the ancient amusements
of the country compatible with a due obedience to the Mahomedan
precept, which forbids any exhibition or dramatic representation of the
human form. "By these means," said the _Susúnan_ with much ingenuity,
"while the world in general will not imagine the figures to be human,
the Javans, from recollecting their history, will yet be able to
comprehend the characters they are intended to represent, and enjoy in
secret their national amusements. Or if, in time, they should forget
the originals, and confound them with the distorted resemblance, they
will be impressed with the idea, that it was only after conversion
to the faith of the Prophet that their ancestors assumed the present
shape of man." But the comparatively recent alteration in the figures
is rendered doubtful from the circumstance of similar figures being
found on many of the more ancient coins, thus affording ground for an
opinion, that they existed nearly in their present form before the
introduction of Mahomedanism. Their antiquity is further confirmed, by
the existence of similar figures in the Hindu island of _Báli_, where,
though not so much distorted, they are still far from natural. These
figures are fastened upon a horn spike, and have a piece of thin horn
hanging from each hand, by means of which the arms, which are jointed
at the elbow and shoulder, can be moved at the discretion of the
manager. A white cloth or curtain is then drawn tight over an oblong
frame of ten or twelve feet long and five feet high, and being placed
in front of the spectators, is rendered transparent by means of a
hanging lamp behind it. The several figures are made in turn to appear
and act their parts. Previous to the commencement of this performance,
the _Dálang_, who is seated behind the curtain, arranges the different
characters on each side of the curtain, by sticking them into a long
plantain stem which is laid along the bottom. The _gámelan_ then
commences, and as the several characters present themselves, extracts
of the history are repeated, and the dialogue is carried on, generally
at the discretion and by the invention of the _Dálang_. Without this
personage nothing can be done; for he not only puts the puppets in
motion, but repeats their parts, interspersing them with detached
verses from the romance illustrative of the story, and descriptive of
the qualities of the different heroes. He is the soul which directs and
animates the whole order and machinery of the piece, regulating the
time of the music with a small hammer which he holds in his hand, while
he recites the speeches suited to the occasion.

In the _wáyang purwa_, or _wáyang_ of the most ancient times, the
subject is taken from the earliest periods of fabulous history, down
to the reign of _Parikésit_ inclusive. This is the age of interesting
story and marvellous fiction, the reign of the gods, demigods, and
heroes of the Hindu and Javan mythology, who in these representations
are exhibited with the attributes, and in the situations with which
their names are connected in the most popular poems and romances. The
fables thus turned to account, are generally taken from the poem of
_Ráma_, the poem of _Mintarága_ containing the penance of _Arjúna_ on
the mountain _Indra_, and the celebrated epic of the _Bráta Yúdha_,
or the war of the _Pandáwa_. These poems are all written in what are
termed the high measures, and are accompanied in their recital by the
_gámelan saléndro_. In the performance of this _wáyang_, the _Dálang_
first recites a few verses in the _Káwi_ language, chaunting afterwards
an interpretation of the passage in Javan, for the use of the
unlearned. As the several characters are brought forward, he himself
supplies the minor dialogue between the dramatis personæ, keeping in
general close to the original story, when there is any person present
who could detect his deviations: if he is performing before the
ignorant, however, he frequently digresses from the main story, in
any way which he thinks may most readily amuse his audience; and on
this account, the practice of rendering the _Káwi_ into Javan, which
furnishes an opportunity for such deviations, is termed _charángan_,
literally a branch from a tree. In the course of the entertainment,
all the varieties of ancient weapons named in these poems are
represented behind the transparent curtain. The interest excited by
such spectacles, connected with national recollections, is almost
inconceivable. The eager multitude will sit listening with rapturous
delight and profound attention for whole nights to these rude dramas.
By means of them, the lower class have an opportunity of picking up a
few _Káwi_ terms, and of becoming acquainted with the ancient legends
of the country.

The subject of the _wáyang gédog_ is taken from the period of history
subsequent to _Parikésit_, commencing with the reign of _Gandra-yána_
and including the adventures and reign of the celebrated _Pánji_,
and that of his successor _Laléan_, until he established himself at
_Pajajáran_. These poems being composed in a different measure, the
_gámelan pélog_ is employed as the accompaniment; and although the
history of the early part of this period is written in the _Káwi_,
the _Dálang_ always employs the Javan translation. The adventures of
_Pánji_ compose the most popular portion of it. The characters are
numerous, and the figures in general more highly  and better
finished than those of the _wáyang púrwa_. In bringing any hero on the
stage, the _Dálang_ recites those verses of the history which relate to
him, and introduces such dialogue as may give a dramatic effect to the
exhibition, together with such explanations as may make it intelligible
to common capacities.

In the _wáyang klítik_ the figures exhibited are more properly puppets
than shadows: they are of wood, about ten inches high, and made to
perform their parts without the intervention of a curtain. In these
are represented that portion of the history commencing with the
establishment of the western empire of _Pajajáran_ and ending with
the destruction of the eastern empire of _Majapáhit_. Of this, by
far the most favourite scenes are found in the popular story of the
adventures between the _Ménak Jíng'ga_, a chief of _Balambáng'an_, and
_Dámar Wúlan_ (the light of the moon), on account of the Princess of
_Majapáhit_.

The compositions which thus serve as the basis of these popular and
interesting entertainments, comprise the legends from which the account
of the earlier periods of Javan story, detailed in another part of this
work, is principally derived. The most popular and interesting events
and adventures are preserved and related in various compositions,
whilst more recent actions and events, which possessed less interest,
have fallen into oblivion. The constant exhibition of these plays
in every part of the country, but more particularly in the eastern
districts, has served to keep alive the recollections of "days long
since gone by," and to disseminate a general knowledge of native
legendary history among many, with whom, from the ignorance of letters,
the stories might otherwise have been irretrievably lost or more
grossly distorted.

The _Dálangs_, who manage and conduct these amusements, are treated
with considerable respect. In many points, their office strongly
resembles that of the ancient bards. The ceremony of giving his
blessing to the first born infant, in the repetition of some particular
passages of the ancient legends, gives this part of his office a very
peculiar interest. The usual payment to the _Dálang_ who owns a set of
_wáyangs_, and brings his own _gámelan_ players, is from two to three
dollars for the night; but the nobles and chiefs generally have several
sets of _wáyangs_ of their own, and keep a _Dálang_ in their service.

Another representation of this nature is that of the adventures of
_Ménak Jing'ga_ and _Dámar Wúlan_, which are exhibited, but not very
commonly, by means of drawings on folded leaves of strong paper,
while the _Dálang_ repeats the story and furnishes dialogue to the
characters. This is termed _wáyang béber_. An entertainment of a
similar description, though not accompanied by the exhibition of
figures, is termed _trébang_: it was invented in the time of the
kingdom of _Démak_. The story is taken from the Arabic account of
_Begínda Ambia_, which being rendered into Javan, is repeated by the
_Dálang_, who with a small drum before him, and accompanied by the
music of the _gámelun_, gives spirit to the different parts, by beating
time with his hand, and varying the strength of the sound or quickness
of time according to the subject. These two latter are of comparatively
modern invention, and not much esteemed.

The dance with the Javans, as with Asiatics in general, consists in
graceful attitudes of the body, and in the slow movement of the arms
and legs, particularly of the former, even to the distinct motion of
the hand and fingers.

Of the dancing girls who exhibit at public entertainments, the first
in rank and the most skilful in their profession are the concubines of
the sovereign and of the hereditary prince. They alone are allowed to
perform the _s'rímpi_, a figure dance by four persons, distinguished by
an unusual degree of grace and decorum.

The dancers are decorated according to the ancient costume of the
country, and nearly in the same manner as a modern bride. The _tápih_,
or petticoat, is of silk of different colours, often green stamped
with golden flowers, and hanging in the most graceful manner, a part
of it falling between the feet and serving as a short train, which
in the course of the dance is frequently thrown aside by a quicker
motion of the foot than ordinary. The _údat_, or waistband, is of the
_chíndi_ pattern; and on these occasions is worn the _mer_, or cestus,
composed of plates of gold highly ornamented with diamonds at the
clasp in front. The body is enclosed in a kind of corset (_pemákak_)
passing above the bosom and under the arms, and confining the waist
in the narrowest possible limits. The ends of the _sémbong_, or sash,
fall gracefully on each side on the back of the hip and reach the
ground. Sometimes, indeed, this graceful appendage to the dress is
brought from the back to a point between the breasts, whence being
fastened in a rosette, the ends flow towards the ground in front of
the person, the usual bending attitude during the dance causing them
to hang distinct from the rest of the apparel. The triple necklace,
richly chased armlets, bracelets, and tiara, are of gold, studded
with precious stones; and the hair is gracefully ornamented with buds
of white and sweet-scented flowers. On their fingers they generally
display brilliant rings, and the face, neck, shoulders, and arms,
which remain uncovered, are tinged by a delicate shade of yellow
powder. The music is slow and solemn, and the performance is on the
_gámelan saléndro_; verses from the romances of _Pánji_, descriptive
of the attire and beauty of the wives and concubines of that hero,
being chaunted as a prelude to the entertainment and during its
continuance. On occasions when the _s'rímpi_ are exhibited before
Europeans at the Residency house, they are brought with great care, and
under a guard, from the _kráton_, in a large enclosed palanquin, or
rather box, borne on men's shoulders. When they reach the door of the
residency, they glide behind the prince into the chamber appropriated
for his accommodation, and when they come forth for the dance, seat
themselves on the ground in front of him. On his intimating that they
should commence, they slowly, and to the sound of music, close their
hands, and raising them to the forehead, bend in reverential awe, and
gradually extending their arms and swaying in unison with each other
from side to side, assume an erect posture. The dancers seldom exceed
the age of fourteen or fifteen. The birth of a child generally puts
an end to their performances, and removes them from the profession.
They are the choicest beauties of the country, selected for the royal
bed. Throughout the whole performance their eyes are directed modestly
to the ground, and their body and limbs are by slow movements thrown
into every graceful attitude that the most flexible form is capable
of exhibiting. In the figure of the dance they occasionally approach
and recede from each other, and sometimes cross to the opposite side.
It frequently happens, that the delicate corset by falling too low,
exposes more of the body than is considered correct. On such occasions,
one of the trusty matrons always in attendance raises it again, without
interrupting the dance or embarrassing the movements of the dancer.
At the conclusion of the dance they gradually place themselves on
the ground, in the same manner as before its commencement, and after
closing their hands, and raising them to the forehead in token of
respect, remain seated with a downcast look and captivating modesty,
until the signal is given to the matrons to relieve them by others,
when they again glide into the same apartment.

The _bedáya_, who perform a figure dance of eight persons, are in some
respect to the nobles what the _s'rímpi_ are to the sovereign: but,
at present, few of the nobles can afford to maintain a sufficient
number of youthful concubines to compose this dance; it is frequently
therefore performed by boys trained for the purpose. They are dressed
nearly in the same manner as the _s'rímpi_, though not so expensively.
The action moves to the same music and song.

But the common dancing girls of the country, who appear to approach
more nearly to the usual dancing girls of Western India, are called
_róng'geng_, and are generally of easy virtue. They make a profession
of their art, and hire themselves to perform on particular occasions,
for the amusement of the chiefs and of the public. Though to be found
in every principal town, their performance is most highly esteemed
in the western, and particularly among the rude mountaineers of
the _Súnda_ districts, where the superior graces of the _bedáya_
are unknown. Here they are constantly engaged on every occasion of
festivity, and the regents frequently keep the most accomplished in
their service for years. Their conduct is generally so incorrect, as
to render the title of _róng'geng_ and prostitute synonymous; but it
not unfrequently happens, that after amassing considerable wealth in
the profession, they obtain, on account of their fortune, the hand
of some petty chief. In this case, they generally, after a few years
retirement and domestic quiet, avail themselves of the facility of
a divorce, and repudiating their husbands, return to their former
habits. The _róng'gengs_ accompany the dance with singing, the words
being generally extempore to the music of the _gámelan saléndro_ and
_pélog_. Their dress is coarse, but in other respects resembles that of
the more select dancers. They do not, however, wear any tiara on the
head, nor armlets; bracelets are only worn occasionally. Their hair
is dressed after a peculiar fashion, abundantly oiled, and ornamented
with flowers of various kinds. They sometimes exhibit singly and
sometimes in groups, following and approaching each other, or receding
at pleasure. They perform at any time of the day, but chiefly in the
evening, and endeavour to exhibit their best attitudes round a lamp
which hangs suspended. Generally speaking, both their action and their
song are rude and awkward, and on that account often disgusting to
Europeans, although there are some among them whose performance does
not deserve to be so considered. Their action is usually distorted,
their greatest excellence seeming to consist in bending the arms and
hands back in an unnatural manner, and giving one or two of the fingers
a tremulous motion. The voice, though sometimes harmonious, is often
loud, dissonant, and harsh to an European ear. They generally have a
handkerchief thrown over the shoulder, and usually a fan in their hand,
which occasionally serves to conceal one half of the face, not so much
out of any affectation of bashfulness, as, in the manner of a huntsman,
to assist the louder tones of the voice. At other times it is employed
to strike against the back of the arm, so as to give a greater effect
to different parts of the action and music. Generally speaking, the
_róng'gengs_ do not descend to the performance of those disgusting and
disgraceful postures and motions, which are stated to be so frequent
on the continent of India, but they are not free from the charge
of impropriety in this respect. Their song, though little esteemed
and less understood by Europeans, sometimes possesses much humour
and drollery; and in adapting their motions to the language, they
frequently excite loud bursts of laughter, and obtain great applause
from the native audience.

The nobles of the highest rank are accustomed, on particular occasions
of festivity, to join in the dance with a _róng'geng_. To dance
gracefully, is an accomplishment expected in every Javan of rank;
and in the western districts, particularly, all the chiefs are, on
days of festivity, accustomed to join in the exercise, one after the
other, commencing with the youngest. On these occasions, the nobles
of the highest class vie with each other in pointing the toe with
grace, in exhibiting elegance of movement, in displaying adroitness by
intricate evolutions, or beauty of person by an ingenious management
of attitude. So devoted are they to this exercise, that although their
wives and daughters never dance, the happiness of a festive occasion
is considered incomplete, where an opportunity is not afforded to the
chiefs themselves of introducing their favourite amusement. In the
_Súnda_ districts, there are some individuals distinguished as regular
posture or dancing-masters.

It is not unusual for the performances of the _róng'gengs_ to be varied
by the action of a fool or buffoon. Mimicry is a favourite amusement,
and beside imitating, in a ludicrous manner, the actions of the
_róng'gengs_, there are not wanting performers of this description,
who occasionally direct their wit against all classes of society, and
evince a considerable degree of low humour.

These are the only public exhibitions of the female sex; but the
posture dances by the men are numerous, and contribute to the state of
the sovereigns and chiefs. Among these, the _Gámbuh_, with a shield
on one arm, gracefully raises the _dódot_ (or petticoat) with the
other hand; the _Niutra_, having a bow and arrow in the hand, goes
through the motion of its exercise, stringing and unstringing it to
the sound of the _gámelan_. Both throw their limbs and body into the
most graceful postures, as they slowly move in procession before the
chiefs, or are arranged on the side of the passage through which he
is to pass. Both the _Gámbuh_ and _Niutra_ are naked from the waist
upwards, while the _dódot_ hangs to the ground on one side in the
manner of full dress, shewing the knee on the other. Their bodies are
generally covered with yellow powder, and from round their ears hang
suspended in front, strings of the young _meláti_ flowers.

The _Gámbuh_ are occasionally employed to exhibit before the prince,
when with a _krís_ in their right hand and a shield on their left arm,
they go through all their evolutions to the sound of music.

But the chief description of male performers are the _Béksa kémbang_
or _Béksa rong'geng_, who have flowers, shields, or serpents in their
hands, and in dancing seem to resemble the South Sea Islanders, though
more elegant in their attire, and perhaps more graceful in their
motions. Neither have any covering above the waist; but the yellow, and
sometimes green powder which is upon the body, gives it an appearance
very like dress. The term _Béksa láwung_ is applied to the petty
chiefs, who on public days dismount from their horses, and go through
the exercise of the spear for the amusement of the prince. Another
description of performers are termed _Unchelang_; their art consists in
throwing the spear into the air, and catching it again as it falls with
great dexterity. Similar exhibitions of these persons combating with
sticks, called _újung_, were formerly common.

In the domestic circle, the women and elderly people are partial to a
peculiar amusement termed _sintren_, which paints very forcibly the
notions they possess of the power of music. A boy or girl, properly
attired and skilled in the dance, is placed under a reversed basket
which is carefully covered with cloth. Round it music and song are
struck up by all present; those who do not play on any instrument,
or who do not sing, joining in beating time by clapping their hands.
When the excitement has continued sufficiently long to be supposed to
have effected the charm, the basket is seen to move, and the boy or
girl rising from under it, apparently unconscious of what is doing,
moves and dances gracefully but wildly, in unison with the music. At
length tired out, the dancer falls and seems to sink into sleep, and
when awakened pretends not to recollect any thing that has passed. The
perfection of this amusement consists in the performer's giving himself
up so completely to the power of music as to be charmed by it, and
perfectly unconscious of every other sense.

For the amusement, principally however of children, a cocoa-nut shell
is carved with the features of a man, and affixed to the top of a
reversed basket, covered with cloth. This basket, after being for
some time exposed by the side of a river, or under a large tree, in
order, as is supposed, that some supernatural spirit may enter into
it, is brought again into the house, and rocked according to the
swaying motion of the Javan dance by two children, to the music of the
_gámelan_. An amusement of this kind is termed _bríndung_.

Tilts and tournaments (_wátang_) form a favourite and constant
diversion with the Javans: they are exhibited principally in the _álun
álun_, or great square in front of the _kráton_, or palace, and compose
an essential part of the ceremony of the _pásar senén_, or the day
in which the sovereign and regents appear in public. This, with the
sovereign, is Saturday; with the chiefs, Monday. On the afternoon of
this day, all the princes, nobles, and public officers assemble, and
arranging themselves in the places assigned to their respective ranks,
await the coming out of the sovereign, who, as soon as he descends from
the _setíngel_, mounts a horse richly caparisoned, and rides round
the _waríngen_ trees, the several chiefs joining in his suite as he
passes the circle. Several of the chiefs, and particularly their sons
and youthful relations, then join in pairs, tilting and striking their
long and blunted spears as they pass the sovereign. The same thing
is observed on the afternoon of every Monday, at the capitals of the
different provinces throughout the island, where the native government
and institutions are at all preserved. The assemblage of people on
these occasions is frequently very great. The trappings and housings of
the horses are extremely rich, and the riders perform their feats with
some dexterity, being seldom unhorsed[116]. At the conclusion of the
exhibition on horseback, it is not unusual for the youths and petty
chiefs who have contended in the saddle to dismount and practice the
attack and defence of the spear on foot: they are then termed _Béksa
láwung_. Tilts are likewise exhibited in the _álun álun_ on the days of
public festival, when the chiefs appear.

The Javans have long advanced beyond that state in which the chace was
considered as connected with their subsistence.

The stag is hunted chiefly in the eastern and western extremities
of the island, by the descendants of the _Báli_ and _Súnda_ races:
the Javans inhabiting the central districts are not practised in the
diversion, nor much acquainted with it. They uniformly pursue the
animal on horseback. In the eastern districts he is killed with a
spear: in the western he is cut down with a _kléwang_ or cutlass; here
the chace is conducted with more regularity and method, and many of the
inhabitants, particularly the chiefs, are passionately addicted to it,
employing the best and swiftest horses and dogs they can procure for
the purpose.

A favourite and national spectacle is the combat between the buffalo
and the tiger. A large cage of _bámbu_ or wood is erected, the ends of
which are fixed into the ground, in which the buffalo is first and the
tiger afterwards admitted, through openings reserved for the purpose.
It seldom fails that the buffalo is triumphant, and one buffalo has
been known to destroy several full grown tigers in succession. In
these combats the buffalo is stimulated by the constant application of
boiling water, which is poured over him from the upper part of the
cage, and of nettles, which are fastened to the end of a stick, and
applied by persons seated in the same quarter. The tiger sometimes
springs upon the buffalo at once; he very generally, however, avoids
the combat, until goaded by sticks and roused by the application of
burning straw, when he moves round the cage, and being gored by the
buffalo, seizes him by the neck, head, or leg. The buffalo is often
dreadfully torn, and seldom survives the combat many days. In these
entertainments the Javans are accustomed to compare the buffalo to the
Javan and the tiger to the European, and it may be readily imagined
with what eagerness they look to the success of the former. The combat
generally lasts from twenty minutes to half an hour, when, if neither
of them is destroyed, the animals are changed, and the tiger, if he
survives, is removed to be destroyed in the manner called _rámpog_,
which is as follows.

On receiving information of the retreat of a tiger the male inhabitants
are sometimes called out in a body, by the order of a chief, each
man being obliged to be provided with a spear, the common weapon of
the country. The place where the animal is concealed is surrounded:
a double or triple range being formed, according to the number of
hunters, and he is roused by shouts, by the beating of _gongs_, or by
fire. The place where he is expected to attempt his escape is carefully
guarded, and he is generally speared on the spot.

In many districts, where the population is not deficient, the
appearance of a single _tiger_ rouses the neighbourhood, and he is
infallibly destroyed by the method described[117].

When the _rámpog_ is resorted to by way of amusement at the capital of
the sovereign, a hollow square of spearmen, four deep, is formed on
the _álun álun_, in the centre of which are placed the tigers in small
separate cages, or rather traps, with a sliding door, in the manner
of a rat-trap. Two or three men, accustomed to the practice, at the
command of the sovereign, proceed into the centre of the square, and
placing plaited leaves in front of the cage, to supply the place of the
wooden door, set it on fire, and drawing the wooden door up, throwing
it on one side, themselves retreating from the spot at a slow pace,
to the sound of music. As soon as the tiger feels the fire he starts,
and in endeavouring to make his way through the spearmen is generally
received upon their weapons. Instances, however, have occurred, in
which the animal has made good his retreat, but he was soon afterwards
killed; sometimes the tiger, particularly if he has been opposed to the
buffalo, will not move from the centre of the square; in which case the
sovereign generally directs six or eight of his choice men (_gándek_)
to advance towards him with spears. This they do with surprizing
coolness and intrepidity, never failing to pierce the animal, by fixing
their spears into him at once. The smaller species of the tiger is
generally selected for this amusement.

The exposure of criminals in combat with tigers was formerly practised,
and it is said to have been common on the first establishment of
the _Matárem_ empire; but of late years, such a method of deriving
amusement from the infliction of judicial punishment had almost become
obsolete, and is now, as well as mutilation and torture, altogether
abolished by treaty. Several instances are said to have occurred
during the reign of the sultan of _Yúgya-kérta_ who was deposed by the
British Government in 1812. In an exhibition of this kind, which took
place about ten years ago, two criminals were exposed for having set
fire to a dwelling. They were provided each with a _krís_, which was
long, but broken off or blunted at the point, and the tiger was let
in upon them separately in a large cage constructed for the purpose.
The first was soon destroyed, but the second, after a combat of nearly
two hours, succeeded in killing the tiger, by repeated cuts about the
head and under the ears and eyes. On this a smaller tiger, or rather
leopard, was let in upon him, and the criminal being equally successful
in this combat was released. His success, as in the judicial ordeals
of the dark ages, was taken for a manifestation by heaven of his
innocence, and not only secured his pardon, but procured for him the
rank of a _Mántri_, as a recompense for the danger to which he was
exposed in its vindication. Although this barbarous practice appears
so recently to have been resorted to, it is not to be inferred that, as
a spectacle, it is held in any estimation by the Javans in general. It
seems to have been of comparatively late introduction, and adopted only
in the policy of a known and avowed tyrant. The concourse of spectators
to witness the combat can no more stamp the general character of the
people with barbarity, than the crowds which are always present at
public executions in Europe. The bare relation of the fact excites
feelings of horror in the mind of the ordinary chief.

Bull-fighting is common on _Madúra_ and in the eastern parts of the
island; but it is perfectly different from any species of sport derived
from the courage or ferocity of that animal in Europe. Here, neither
dogs are employed as in England, nor men and horses as in Spain, but
the bulls themselves are directed against each other. The population
form an extensive ring round the _álun álun_, within which the animals
are first led up to a cow, until they are sufficiently excited, when
the cow being withdrawn they are set at liberty and contend with each
other, until one of them gives way, and is driven from within the
ring by the victor. The small well formed bulls of _Súmenáp_ afford
considerable amusement in this way, while considerable bets are laid on
the result of the combat.

The combat between the ram and wild hog, which generally terminates by
several dogs being let in to complete the destruction of the latter,
is an exhibition which furnishes frequent amusement; a small stand is
raised for the ram, to which he can retreat when in danger, and from
whence he can take advantage of a favourable moment of attack upon his
antagonist.

Quail-fighting _(áduh gemár)_ and cock-fighting _(áduh jágu)_ were
formerly very prevalent, the latter particularly, among the common
people, but by no means to the same extent as practised in the other
islands of the Archipelago, in many parts of which, particularly among
the _Maláyus_, it forms almost the whole source of diversion and
interest. On the establishment of the British power, cock-fighting and
gaming, which had formerly proved a productive source of revenue to
the European government, were prohibited, and are now in consequence
rarely resorted to. The Javans were not in the habit of fixing spurs to
their cocks: this practice, they say, belongs to the _Maláyus_[118].
The common people still amuse themselves with betting upon the issue of
a fight between two crickets (_ádhu jangkrik_), which are daily exposed
in the markets for that purpose. The little animals being confined in
small _bámbus_ partially opened, are said to afford an amusement of
considerable interest.

Among the games of skill may be reckoned those of chess, drafts,
and several minor games played with pieces or balls, on boards of a
somewhat similar construction.

In chess (_chátur_) the pieces are named, the _rátu_, or king; the
_pateh_, or minister, corresponding with the queen; two _práhu_, or
vessels, corresponding with castles; two _mántri_, corresponding with
bishops; two _járan_, or horses, corresponding with knights; the
_bídak_, or pawns; and are arranged as in the English game, except that
the kings are placed on the left hand of the queens, and opposite to
the adversary's queen. The moves are also the same; except that the
king, if he has not been checked, may move two squares the first time,
either as a knight or otherwise; and that the pawn may move two squares
the first move, even though it should pass the check of an adversary's
pawn. When a pawn reach the adversary's first line, it must retrograde
three moves diagonally before it can become a queen, except it has
reached the castle's square, in which case it is a queen at once. There
maybe any number of queens on the board at once.

The king cannot castle after having been checked. Castling is performed
by two moves; the castle must first be brought up to the king, after
which the king may pass over the castle at any future move, provided he
shall not have been checked, or that no piece has occupied the square
he would move into. A piece or pawn must remain on the board till the
last; if the king is left alone it is considered as _stale mate_, and
he wins.

This game was formerly more general than at present.

Besides chess, there are a variety of games played upon checkers; and
next to it in estimation may be considered the games of _chúki_ and
_dákon_. In _chúki_, the board has one hundred and twenty angular
points, formed by cross lines on a checkered board, and the same is
played with sixty white and sixty black pieces. The object here is to
clear the board of the adversary's pieces, and the victor is he who
does so first. The parties toss up who shall take off the first piece
or break the board. The moves are in all directions, and the person who
commences goes on as long as he can take one, three, or five of his
adversary's pieces. When he cannot do either, he stops, and the other
goes on in the same way. _Dákon_ is played with fourteen or eighteen
balls on an oblong board with holes, and is much practised by women.

_Dandáman_, or drafts, is not very unlike the Indian game, but has more
pieces.

_Machánan_, is a game in which two chief pieces represent tigers, one
conducted by each party, and twenty-three pieces representing cows:
the tiger who destroys the most wins the game. _Máling'an_ is played
on squares with eighteen pieces, and the object is to surround your
adversary's pieces.

Of games of chance there are many. That denominated _telága tári_ is
accounted the most ancient: it consists in guessing the number of beans
enclosed within the hand. Three or four people commonly join in it. One
of the party having dried beans in his lap, take a certain number in
his hand, requiring each of the others to fix by guess upon a number;
if there are three persons, upon a number from one to four, and the two
numbers left fall to the share of the person who holds the beans. If
the number in his hand exceeds four, every four beans are thrown aside,
and the residue, until they are reduced to that number or below it,
only counted.

_Dadu_, or dice, as well as cards, are borrowed from the Chinese, and
not included among the national games. The most common species of
gaming, and that which is practised by the numerous and dissolute class
of _báturs_, or porters, in the central districts, is a kind of pitch
and toss, denominated _képlek_. Four farthings, whitened or marked on
one side, are tossed into the air; if the whole or three of them fall
on the side that is marked, or on the reverse, the party who tossed
them wins; if only two he loses the stake.

Bets are frequently laid on the hardness or otherwise of a particular
nut, known among the _Maláyus_ by the term _búa kras_ and called
_áduh gemíri_. Bets also frequently depend on the flying of kites
(_layáng'an_).

I shall conclude this chapter by referring to some peculiarities,
which, although partially explained elsewhere, and falling perhaps
more correctly under other heads, may not be improperly noticed in an
account of the national usages and customs.

The practice of filing and dying the teeth black, and that of
lengthening the lobe of the ear to an enormous size, both of which have
been already noticed, appear to have extended over the whole of the
eastern peninsula of India, as far as China, and throughout the islands
of the Archipelago, as far at least as Papua or New Guinea.

The practice of covering the face, body, and limbs with yellow powder
on state occasions, and the use of yellow silk or satin for the
envelope of letters between princes, evinces the same esteem for this
colour which prevails in the other islands, as well as in Ava, Siam,
and China.

The _kríses_ worn by the Javans are only varieties of that which is
found in the islands, and on what is termed the Malayan peninsula. The
Javans have a tradition that it was first introduced by one of their
early Hindu sovereigns, _Sakú-tram_ (others call him _Sa Pútram_), who
is said to have come into the world with the krís by his side. This
krís is supposed to have been of the kind called _pasopáti_, which is
consequently considered as the most honourable at the present day. In
the chapter on History will be found an account of the _krís_ deposited
in the tomb of the _Susúnan Gíri_, and of the virtues attributed to
it by the superstitions of the country. There is a tradition, that
the inhabitants of all those countries in which the _krís_ is now
worn, once acknowledged the authority of the Javans, and derived that
custom from them. Another tradition attributes the introduction of this
weapon among the islanders to the celebrated _Pánji_. The practice of
poisoning the blade of the _krís_ seems to have been attributed to the
Javans and their neighbours without any foundation. In order to bring
out the damasking, it is usual to immerse the blade in lime juice and
a solution of arsenic, which, by eating away and corroding the iron,
may probably render the wound more angry and inflamed, and consequently
more difficult to cure, but it has never been considered that death is
the consequence. After this application of the acid and arsenic, the
blade is carefully smeared with some fragrant oil, to prevent it from
rusting, and this is all that is ever done to it.

It has been usual to condemn these people as blood-thirsty, prone to
immediate revenge, because they invariably use the _deadly krís_; but
however frequent the appeals to this weapon may be in some of the more
wild and uncivilized of the Malayan states, experience has proved to
us, that on Java it may be universally worn without danger. I have
elsewhere remarked, that the custom of wearing the _krís_ among these
islanders has, in its effects upon the manners of the people, proved
in many respects an effectual substitute for duelling among Europeans.
In these countries, where there is very little justice to be obtained
from regularly established courts, and where an individual considers
himself justified in taking the law into his own hands accordingly, the
_Maláyu_ is always prepared to avenge with his _krís_ the slightest
insult on the spot; but the knowledge that such an immediate appeal
is always at hand, prevents the necessity of its often being resorted
to, an habitual politeness ensues, and it has often been said, that
if the _Maláyus_ are savages, they are by far the most polite savages
that we know of. If this effect is produced on the wilder and less
civilized _Maláyu_, and has equal force with the more adventurous and
warm-hearted _Búgis_, it may be easily conceived the Javans have not
escaped it. The _krís_, among them, has for a long period been more
exclusively a personal ornament, than a rapier was in Europe fifty
years ago, being among the higher classes even seldomer resorted to, as
a weapon of defence or offence, than the latter.

The condition of absolute slavery, as understood by Europeans, seems
to have been unknown to the ancient constitution of society in these
islands, and throughout all the fragments of their history, of their
laws, usages, and customs, no trace is to be found of its ever having
existed among the Javans[119].

Throughout the more ancient laws and institutions of the country, a
property of the subject in the land is clearly recognized, and it
is probable that it continued to subsist till the subversion of the
Hindu government. From various definitions and enactments respecting
property, some of which may be seen in the _Súria Alem_[120], it is
obvious, that money transactions took place formerly, to a greater
extent than they do at present. The change is probably attributable to
the European policy of the last two centuries. Four per cent. per month
when a valuable pledge is deposited, and double that amount otherwise,
is the common rate of interest in small transactions between the
natives and Chinese of the present day.

In the transaction of money concerns, the women are universally
considered superior to the men, and from the common labourer to the
chief of a province, it is usual for the husband to entrust his
pecuniary affairs entirely to his wife. The women alone attend the
markets, and conduct all the business of buying and selling. It is
proverbial to say the Javan men are fools in money concerns.

When speaking of their fondness for show and state, I noticed that the
Javans were at the same time distinguished by neatness and cleanliness,
qualities not often combined with the former. That they are in most
respects remarkable for their neatness cannot be denied: to their
personal cleanliness there are exceptions. This is however chiefly true
of the higher classes, and especially those who mix with Europeans;
but the common Javan, though more cleanly than the Chinese and even
the European, would suffer by a comparison in that particular with the
natives of Western India.

The common people generally bathe once a day, others once only in two
or three days. None of any rank anoint the body with grease, as is
the case with the natives of Western India; but they abundantly oil
their hair, which among the common people, on account of its length,
is too often filthy in the extreme. They are accustomed to arrange
the hair with a coarse comb, but the use of the small-toothed comb is
unknown, its office being invariably performed by the hands of women.
Near Batavia, and some of the low capitals on the coast, it is not
unusual to see on the road side women thus employed for the benefit of
passengers, at a certain rate per head, who submit to it as naturally
as an English labourer goes into a barber's shop to be shaved for a
penny. The _Maláyus_ accuse the Javans of eating what they find on
these occasions: "_ítu órang Jáwa_," say they, "_mákan kútut_." This,
however, appears to be a calumny: the Javans confess to biting, but
deny the swallowing. The practice of the women cleaning the men's hair
is referred to by the Javans as of very ancient date. It was from this
practice that the mother of _Wátu Gúnung_, in the very earliest period
of Javan traditionary story, discovered her lost son[121].

Passing from this disgusting particular, and referring the reader to
the details of the native history for the leading features of the
political character of the Javan, and to the other divisions of this
work, which may afford him information how to estimate their former and
present state of civilization, I cannot but regret, that I am compelled
to reserve, until a future occasion, a more detailed account of the
constitution, usages, and customs of the village societies. It is by
these that the private virtues and vices of the people are perhaps best
illustrated, and an account of the municipal regulations by which the
little property and happiness of each individual is protected, of the
internal precautions of police, and of the mode of adjusting disputes,
could not fail to be interesting, on account of their simplicity,
their equity, and efficacy. Independently of the degree of rational
independence and importance which the existence of these societies
insures to the common people, and of the protection which, under all
circumstances of greater political revolutions, they have afforded to
them, it is hoped that their influence in maintaining the police and
tranquillity of the country, will ever prevent the European authority
from interfering in their constitution or internal arrangements.

It has long been the opinion of the Dutch authorities, that a system
of European police, and the employment of European officers of police
are necessary; but under the British government the contrary has
been satisfactorily proved. Let the higher departments of justice be
scrupulously superintended and watched by Europeans of character; let
the administration of justice be pure, prompt, and steady; let what
is bad in the native practice of police be gradually removed, but let
the system, in its application to the common people, be supported. It
is one which has grown with them, one which they are accustomed to and
understand. Under the native system, the rice block of the village is
used as the alarm; and according to the manner in which it is beaten,
the inhabitants know whether it is to announce a single thief or a
banditti, a tiger or a fire, and arm themselves suitably. As it is
usual for a thief to have but little covering on his body, and to oil
himself all over, that he may slip from the hands of any one who may
seize him, the Javans make use of a long wooden pole, with branches of
brambles inverted within a fork at the end, and by means of this simple
contrivance they avoid the risk of being wounded, and effectually
secure the offender, who cannot escape without tearing his skin.
These, and other simple expedients, adopted from immemorial custom and
according to the circumstances of the country, are certainly preferable
to the watchmen's rattles and constables' staves which Europeans would
wish to introduce.

FOOTNOTES:

[97] The same is assumed by the European Governor, or his
representative.

[98] The titles at present assumed by the _Susúnan_ are _Susuhúnan Páku
Buána Sena-páti heng Alága Abdul Ráhmen Sáyedin Pánatagáma_.

[99] _Form of a Piágam, or Patent of Javan Nobility._

Let it be observed, this is the writing of me, the Sultan, &c. &c. &c.

Be it known to the _Nayáka_ (high officers of the palace), _Bopátis_
(the class of _Tumung'gungs_ or Regents), and _Mantris_ (the petty
noblesse) of _Yúgya-kérta_ and _Mánchanagára_, that I have invested ...
with this letter, to raise him from the earth, and permit him to bear
the title of ..., and wear the dress appointed for the ..., bestowing
upon him for his subsistence lands to the amount of eleven hundred
_cháchas_, the labour of eleven hundred men (families).

These are the names of the land bestowed. * * *

_Translation of a Nawála for the Mánchanagára, or distant Districts._

Let all persons observe this, the royal letter of us, the exalted
Sultan, &c., which we give in charge to....

Be it known to you, our servants, chiefs of _Yúgya-kerta Adiníngrat_,
whether _Bopátis_ or _Mántris_, and to you our _Bopátis_ and _Mántris_,
chiefs of _Mánchanagára_, that our royal letter is given in charge
to ..., in order to exalt him. Moreover we prefer our servant to the
rank of a _Bopáti_, to be chief of the _Bopátis_ of _Mánchanagára_,
bearing as heretofore the name of ... We also entitle him to wear
such dress as is appointed for the _Widána_ of _Mánchanagára_, and
we give for his estate (seat), our own royal lands ..., amounting to
two thousand _chachas_: ... thousand productive (living), of which
last ... thousand are assigned for a maintenance and ... thousand are
charged with rents, to the amount of ... dollars annually, payable
twice a year, _viz._ at the festival _Mulud_ ... and at the festival of
_Puasa_ ..., each dollar to consist of thirty _wangs_, and the whole
to be subject to an office fee of one _wang_ in each dollar. Moreover
we direct, that each year an account be rendered to us of the increase
or decrease of the _sáwah_ (rice lands). The date of giving the royal
order is the....

[100] "Thereupon _Klána Jáyang Sári_ (another name for _Pánji
Kérta Páti_), called his sister, and the Princesses of _Báli_ and
_Balem-báng'an_, and directed them to proceed to the Prince of Dahá,
and to present to him a handsome present, composed of the most
beautiful and rich ornaments and articles of dress for adorning a
princess, placing the same in a _kendága_ (or box), in order that if
the prince was pleased to allow it to be delivered to his daughter
_Déwi Chándra Kirána_, it might be a proof that he confirmed the
contract with _Klána Jáyang Sári_, and that his daughter, _Déwi Chándra
Kirána_, would be accepted by _Klána Jáyang Sári_, in which case he was
ready to attack the enemies of the prince."--See the Adventures of the
celebrated _Pánji_.

[101] Fortune was so much considered in the making of these matches
among the Romans, that the augurs were always called along with the
witnesses to a marriage contract, to pronounce upon the happy results
of the settlement which the latter attested:

"Veniet cum signatoribus Auspex."--_Juvenal._

[102] The Jews marry in nearly the same way, the husband delivering a
sum of money as a pledge. The Greeks were in the habit of presenting
gifts on similar occasions.

[103] A description of this instrument, on account of the importance
attached to it among the Javans, the constancy with which it is worn,
and the care with which it is preserved through different generations,
will be found in another place.

[104] "Non consulum sed maritorum numero annos suos computant."
_Seneca, de Benef._--But this is short of Juvenal's account: "Fiunt
octo mariti, quinque per autumnos."

[105] The Romans likewise were in the habit of washing the dead body
several times before interment with water, which in their case was warm.

    "Pars calidos latices et ahena undantia flammis
    Expediunt: corpusque lavant frigentis et ungunt."

                                 _Virgil: Æneidos, lib._ vi. _lin._ 218.

By referring to the Old and New Testament, the same practice will be
found to have prevailed among the Jews: indeed, it seems to have been
very general.

[106] During the two latter quarters of the moon she is considered as
appearing in the form of a _Rasáksa_, and is then more properly called
_Dúrga_.

[107] A custom somewhat similar to this is said to be practiced in
South America.

"They lighted a great number of torches, and the midwife taking up the
child carried it through the yard of the house, and placed it upon a
heap of leaves of sword-grass, close by a basin of water, which was
prepared in the middle of the yard, and then undressing it said, 'my
child! the gods _Ometeuctti_ and _Omicihautl_, Lords of Heaven, have
sent thee to this dismal and calamitous world: receive this water,
which is to give thee life:' and after wetting its mouth, head, and
breast, with forms similar to the first bathing, she bathed its whole
body, and rubbing every one of its limbs said, 'where art thou, ill
fortune? in what limb art thou hid? go far from this child!'"--_History
of Mexico by Clavigero, translated by Cullen_, vol. i.

[108] It is curious to observe how exactly this corresponds with the
patriarchal history of Scripture, and the early accounts of the manners
of ancient nations. The daughter was always considered the property of
the parent, the wife as the purchase of the husband, and the marriage
contract as the deed of transfer.

[109] One of the names of Pángi.

[110] The prevalence of this practice must strike every one.

[111] See Astronomy

[112] See Historical Chapters.

[113] These prayers will be found at length in the Transactions of
the Batavian Society, vol. ix. The word _hong!_ used by the Javans at
the commencement of their invocations to the deity, is doubtless the
mystical _om!_ of the Hindus.

[114] The following are the only traditions respecting these people
which are current in the eastern provinces. "The people of the
_Teng'ger_ mountains say, that they received that name from a person
from _Matáram_, of an inquisitive and travelling turn (_wong malána_),
who having ascended the highest of them, and being struck with
astonishment at the view of all around, gave them the above-mentioned
name of _Teng'ger_, from the Javan word _angeng'ger_, which signifies
wonder or astonishment.

"Before _Gúnung Bràma_ had received that name, or had become a volcano,
there lived a man called _Kiai Géde Dádap Pútih_, who had no children.
He petitioned of his deity to grant that he might have children, to the
number of twenty-five, promising, in that event, that he would cast
away one of them into the sea. In the course of a short time children
began to be born unto him. As soon as he had the number he had prayed
for, the people of _Teng'ger_ were inflicted with a pestilence, so
dreadful in its effects, that those who were attacked by it in the
morning never failed to die before the evening. _Dádap Pùtih_ was so
distressed and afflicted at the lamentable situation of the _Teng'ger_
people, that he loathed his food and neglected his rest, till it was
communicated to him in a vision, that the pestilence had been sent in
consequence of his having omitted to perform his vow, of casting into
the sea one of the twenty-five children whom the deity had granted him.
_Dádap Pútih_ then assembled all his children, and inquired which of
them was willing to be sacrificed, in order to appease the angry deity.
All of them signified their unwillingness to become the victim except
the youngest child, who voluntarily came forward and agreed to suffer,
in which ever way its father thought proper. _Dádap Pútih_, however,
reflecting that the sea was at a very great distance, carried this
child only to that extensive sand plain at the foot of _Gúnung Bráma_,
which bears the name of _Sagára wédi_ or _Lout Pásir_, and there
abandoned it. No sooner had he done so, than _Gúnung Bráma_ began to
send forth hollow sounds, and immediately burst forth into a volcano.
_Sagára wédi_ is so called from the resemblance of its sandy surface,
to a sea when surveyed from _Bráma's_ heights: its original name is
_Dassar_.

"_Bima_ being asked by _Kresna_ if he was able, in the course of one
night, to make an inland sea below the _Teng'ger_ mountains, and having
answered in the affirmative, _Kresna_ challenged him to do it, telling
him at the same time, that it must be done before the cocks were heard
to crow, or the people of the villages began to weave or beat out rice.
By three o'clock in the morning his work was so far advanced, as to
convince _Kresna_ that it would be completed in the prescribed time.
To prevent this, therefore, _Kresna_ immediately went, and rousing
all the cocks and people of the villages, caused the former to crow
and the latter to begin to weave and beat out rice. By this manœuvre,
_Bima_ was obliged to leave off the work, which otherwise would have
been completed within the fixed time; and so incensed was he against
the people, who had so untimely began to weave and beat our their rice
(whereby he failed to perform the task which was given to him to prove
his power) that he cursed them, and swore that they should never again
perform either the one act or the other, and to this day the _Teng'ger_
people neither weave cotton nor beat out rice."

[115] See History.

[116] It has already been noticed that the island is plentifully
supplied with a fine breed of small horses. Almost every petty chief
and public officer is mounted, and those who possess the means pride
themselves upon a respectable establishment. They have an aversion to
some colours, and there are particular marks, the possession of which
renders a horse valuable to the natives; if a few hairs on the neck
curl, or have the appearance of a star, the horse is highly prized.
Previously to the cession of _Kedú_ to the European government in 1812,
the native princes maintained a very respectable stud in that province.
Horses are never shod on Java, nor are they secured in the stable,
as is usual in Europe and Western India. A separate enclosure is
appropriated for each horse, within which the animal is allowed to move
and turn at pleasure, being otherwise unconfined. These enclosures are
erected at a short distance from each other, and with separate roofs.
They are generally raised above the ground, and have a boarded floor.

The Javans use an extremely severe bit, and in consequence have the
horse always under command. The saddle, bridle, &c. are extremely
heavy, and disproportioned to the size of the animal.

[117] "The fruit of a species of _contorta_, called _kálak kámbing_,
has a deadly effect on tigers. It is prepared by the admixture of other
vegetables, and exposed on a piece of rag at the places frequented by
them. In some districts their number has been sensibly diminished by
this poison."--_Horsfield._

[118] The cocks reared for this purpose are of the large game breed.
The cock which we improperly call the Bantam, is not found on Java,
except as a curiosity: it comes from Japan.

[119] A peculiar feature in the state of society in the Eastern Islands
is the law between debtor and creditor. Throughout the Archipelago,
where the European government has not interfered, confinement for
debt is unknown. The creditor universally has a right to the effects
of the debtor, to the amount of the debt, on proving it before the
proper authority, and if the effects are not sufficient to satisfy
the demand, he has a right to the personal services of his debtor,
and of his debtor's wife and children if necessary. Hence arises that
extensive class of people commonly called slave debtors, or more
correctly bondsmen. In Java they are termed _bédol_. In the provinces
of Java subject to the European authority, this practice has for some
time been checked; and during the administration of Marshal Daendels,
in 1810, when it was usual for the common Javans to lend themselves
in pawn for a certain sum of money, it was declared illegal. As an
ancient institution of the country, it will perhaps be better explained
hereafter, in detailing the existing practice on _Báli_, which may be
considered to assimilate, in a great measure, with what the practice
once was on Java.

[120] See Appendix D.

[121] See Javan History.

CHAPTER VIII.

  _Language--Little known to Europeans--Different Languages or
    Dialects--Those of Súnda, Madúra and Báli compared with that of
    Java Proper--The polite Language, or Language of Honour--The
    Káwi, or Sacred and Classic Language--Numerals--Chándra
    Sangkála--Literature--Compositions in the Káwi Language, and in
    the modern Javan--Influence of Hindu Literature--Introduction
    of Arabic Literature--Poetry--The Bráta Yúdha, a
    Poem--Music--Painting--Sculpture--Architecture--Arithmetic--Astronomy._

The extensive prevalence of the Javan language, and its connexion
with the languages of continental India, were not overlooked by those
intelligent Europeans who visited these islands at an early period;
for we find Valentyn[122] quoting the authority of Flaccourt, who
published in 1661, and the Portuguese Jan de Barros, for conclusions
with regard to the extent of Javan commerce in remote ages, drawn from
the resemblance then traced between the languages of Java and those of
Madagascar and Ambon (Amboina.) "The Javans," observes this author,
"must doubtless have visited Coromandel and Malabar, for the high
or court language is, in three parts out of four, derived from the
Sanscrit or Brahminical language. Many Malabar words also enter into
the composition, and it is besides composed in a great measure from the
_Dekan_, which is the ancient language of India, in the same manner as
the Sanscrit is the sacred language."

The alphabet has been exhibited, though imperfectly, by Valentyn,
Le Brun, and Reland, and an _Alphabetum Bantemense_ is said to have
been found amongst the posthumous papers of the learned Hyde; but
the language does not appear to have been regularly cultivated by
Europeans until within the last very few years. Some of the outlines
of the Javan mythological stories had previously appeared in a Dutch
dress, in the transactions of the Batavian Society; and these, with
the translation of the Lord's Prayer in the high and low languages,
published by Valentyn, some short vocabularies, and a short comparative
view of the Javan and Malayan languages, which appeared in a Dutch work
entitled "_Begin en vortgang den Oost Ind Compen_," or the Rise and
Progress of the East-India Company, are the only contributions to our
knowledge of Javan literature with which I am acquainted.

The native population of Java, _Madúra_, and _Báli_, islands most
intimately connected with each other in every respect, use exactly
the same written character, and it appears that one generic language
prevails throughout these islands. Of this generic language, however,
there are four dialects, differing so materially from each other as to
be generally considered separate languages. It is, however, rather by
admixture of other languages than by mere difference of dialect that
they are distinguished. These dialects or languages are the _Súnda_,
spoken by the inhabitants of the mountainous districts of Java west of
_Tégal_; the _Jáwa_ or Javan, which is the general language of Java
east of Chéribon, and throughout the districts lying on the northern
coast of the island; the _Madúra_ and the _Báli_, being the dialects or
languages belonging to those islands respectively.

How far these dialects or languages radically assimilate with each
other, and justify the opinion that one generic language prevails
throughout, may be determined by an inspection of the annexed
vocabulary[123]. The _Lampung_ is added on account of the vicinity of
that part of Sumatra to Java, and the intimate political connection
which at all times subsisted between the people; and in order to
enable the reader to compare them all with the prevailing language of
the Archipelago the _Maláyu_ is prefixed. Under the Javan is included
the _Bása kráma_, or polite language, which will be more particularly
noticed hereafter.

In this vocabulary such words only have been introduced as are used
in conversation, and in ordinary epistolary composition; but the
inhabitants of these islands possess further a classic language,
altogether distinct from the ordinary languages of the country, and
which is to them what the _Sanscrit_ is to the _Pracrit_ language of
Hindustan, and what the Pali is to the _Birman_ and _Siamese_. This
language is termed _Káwi_[124]. The annexed vocabulary, No. 2[125],
which affords a comparison between the _Sanscrit_, the _Pali_, and the
_Káwi_, will shew how nearly these languages are allied.

These two vocabularies may serve to convey a notion of the extent,
peculiarities, and antiquity of the Javan language, which will be found
as intimately connected with the _Maláyu_, or general language of the
Archipelago, on the one hand, as it is with the _Sanscrit_ and _Pali_
on the other.

The _Súnda_ language, though now confined to the mountainous districts,
seems to have been formerly, and probably down to the period
immediately preceding the revolution occasioned by the Mahomedan
conversion, the general language of the western districts, and is
perhaps the most ancient vernacular language of the country. It is a
simple uncultivated dialect, adapted however to all the purposes of
the simple and uneducated mountaineers who speak it, and has perhaps
escaped the influence of foreign innovation, from the peculiar nature
of the country and the independent character of that race. It possesses
a considerable portion of _Maláyu_ words, and some of Sanscrit origin;
the latter being, generally speaking, proper names or terms of art
and science or polity, have probably been borrowed from the eastern
or proper Javans, in common with whom the _Súnda_ people have adopted
a _B'hasa dálam_, or _Bása kráma_, which, however, is by no means
extensive. The _Súnda_, with reference to the Javan, may be viewed in
much the same light as the Welch is to the English. The proportion of
the people who now speak it does not exceed one-tenth of the population
of the whole island; the remaining nine-tenths speak Javan.

The language of _Madúra_, which is again divided into the dialects
of _Madúra_ proper and _Sumenáp_, will be found to contain many words
in common with that of _Súnda_, but a much more extensive portion of
_Maláyu_, varied in the termination by a peculiarity of dialect.

The languages of _Báli_ are intimately connected with those of Java and
_Madúra_. In the historical part of this work it will be shewn that it
was in _Báli_ the ancient religion, and with it the literature of Java,
took refuge in the fifteenth century of our æra; and although, from the
difference which is at this day found to exist between the vernacular
languages of the two countries, as well as in their institutions, it is
evident that the language, literature, and institutions of Java were
there engrafted on a more rude and savage stock, still it is chiefly
to _Báli_ that we must look for illustrations of the ancient state of
the Javans. The relation of the political revolutions by which these
islands have been convulsed at different periods of their history,
will, in a great measure, account for the distinctions of language
which at present exist; while, at the same time, these distinctions and
peculiarities must serve to confirm many of the facts, for which we
should otherwise have only the authority of tradition to rely.

At Bantam the language is much mixed with _Maláyu_ and _Súnda_. The
language in ordinary use at Batavia and its immediate vicinity is a
jargon of Dutch, Portuguese, Chinese, Javan, and _Maláyu_, the latter
forming the principal component. In _Bógor_ and _Chai-ánjur_, the
_Súnda_ is pronounced in a more drawling manner than in _Chéribon_,
where it is probably most correctly spoken, as in the word _náh_,
what? which at Chéribon is pronounced short and sharp, _naù_. At
_Tégal_ the Javan words are in like manner lengthened in pronunciation,
while at _Semárang_ they are spoken short and full. At the courts of
_Sura-kérta_ and _Yugya-kérta_, the words are pronounced short, strong,
and full. In the provinces east of _Surabáya_, the language partakes
much of the _Madurese_, and in the extreme district of _Banyuwángí_,
the _Báli_ is discernible.

The alphabet of Java is peculiar: it consists of twenty consonants (_y_
and _w_ are of the number), termed _aksára_ or letters. In common with
all other characters properly Indian, these letters may be considered
as syllables, composed of a consonant and an inherent vowel sound,
which is invariably expressed, unless contradicted by a particular sign.

Besides the _aksára_, there are twenty auxiliary characters, termed
_pasáng'an_, which in this application means corresponding or similar.
They have the same power as the _aksára_ against which they stand,
except that they are only used in connexion with and immediately after
the _aksára_, for the purpose of suppressing their inherent vowel
sound. Three of them are always placed after the _aksára_, the others
below them.

When the inherent vowel sound in the _aksára_ is not contradicted,
the _aksára_ is termed _lagána_. The vowel sound in this case is that
of _a_ in "water," or of _o_ in "<DW25>;" the _o_ being at present
invariably used at the native courts and their vicinity for the
inherent vowel of the consonant, instead of _a_. The latter, however,
is still preserved on _Madúra_, _Báli_, and in the districts of Java,
west of _Tégal_, and was doubtless the original inherent vowel. The
consonant sounds correspond with the sounds usually attributed to the
English consonants, with the exception of a second _d_ and _t_, which
correspond with similar sounds in the _Devanágari_ alphabet; _ch_,
which is used as _ch_ in "church;" _nia_, and _ng'_, which latter is
frequently used as an initial letter.

Besides these there are five vowel signs, which supplant the inherent
vowel. These signs are termed _sandáng'an_, the clothing or dress. The
_répa_ consist of certain contractions of consonants and other signs
used in composition. These, with a _pángkun_, or sign of elision,
corresponding with the _báris máti_ of the _Malayu_, which has no
sound of its own, but being placed at the end of a word or sentence
denotes its termination in a pure consonant, and some few other marks
corresponding with the _Devanágari_, complete the orthographical
arrangement, which though complex and intricate, is remarkable for its
precision.

Some of the letters occasionally occur under a capital, or rather
peculiar form, for they are of the same size; but these are seldom
used, and when they are, it is not as capitals are employed in European
languages. They are principally found in proper names, and titles of
office, and are placed alike in the beginning, middle, or end of a
word.

The annexed table is intended to exhibit the powers and application of
the different letters and orthographical signs. No. 1. exhibits the
characters now in general use. No. 2. contains the square characters
in which the _Káwi_ is usually written, and in which the different
inscriptions in that language, cut in stone and copper, are found.
No. 3. contains specimens of the varieties which the alphabetical
characters have at different times assumed, arranged, according to
the judgment of the native writers, in the order of their relative
antiquity.

                 AKSÁRA JÁWA, or LETTERS of the JAVAN
                               ALPHABET.

                              CONSONANTS.

[Illustration:

  _ha  na  cha  ra  ka  da  ta  sa  wa  la
  pa  da  ja  ya  nia  ma  ga  ba  ta  ng'a_]

                           AKSÁRA PASÁNG'AN,

                (_Used in forming Compound Consonants_).

[Illustration:

  _ha  na  cha  ra  ka  da  ta  sa  wa  la
  pa  da  ja  ya  nia  ma  ga  ba  ta  ng'a_]

                                   RÉPA,

     (_Or Contractions of certain Consonants used in composition with
                            other Consonants_).

  _signian_ or}     [Illustration]  is placed after the letter, and is
    _wignian_ }                     used to supply the place of the
                                    letter _h_, when not followed by a
                                    vowel sound.

  _chákra_          [Illustration]  is placed round two letters,
                                    and introduces _r_ between the
                                    consonant and its inherent vowel.

  _láyar_           [Illustration]  is placed above the letter, and is
                                    used to supply the place of the
                                    letter _r_ when not followed by a
                                    vowel sound.

  _péngkal_         [Illustration]  is placed partly below the letter
                                    and partly after, to introduce a
                                    medial _y_ in the same manner as
                                    chákra introduces _r_.

  _chechak_         [Illustration]  is placed above the letter, and is
                                    used to supply the place of the
                                    letter _ng'_, when not followed by
                                    a vowel sound.

  _chákra-gántung_  [Illustration]  is placed below the letter, and is
                                    pronounced _re_.

  _pángkun_         [Illustration]  is placed after a letter, and
                                    serves as a mark of elision,
                                    destroying the final vowel sound.

                                  VOWELS.

  _Single or       _Sandáng'an, or Corresponding Medial and
  unconnected      Final Vowels._
  Vowels._

  a [Illustration]

  i [Illustration] _wulu_          [Illustration] is placed above the
                                                  letter.

  u [Illustration] _súku_          [Illustration] is placed below the
                                                  letter.

  é [Illustration] _táling_        [Illustration] is placed before the
                                                  letter.

  o [Illustration] _táling-tárung_ [Illustration] with the letter
                                                  between.

  e                _pápet_         [Illustration] is placed above
                                                  the letter, and is
                                                  pronounced as _le_
                                                  in French.

  _ng'a lálet_ [Illustration] gives the sound of _le_, and _pachérak_
  [Illustration] gives the sound of _re_, as in Sanscrit.

                             AKSÁRA GEDÉ,

        (_Being peculiar forms under which some of the letters
                         occasionally occur_).

[Illustration:

  N  T  S  S  P  Nia  G  B]

                           ÁNGKA or NUMERALS.

[Illustration:

  1  2  3  4  5  6  7  8  9  0]

                  AKSÁRA BÚD'DA, or ANCIENT ALPHABET.

[Illustration:

  _ha  na  cha  ra  ka  da  ta  sa  wa  la
  pa  da  ja  ya  nia  ma  ga  ba  ta  ng'a_]

                             ANOTHER FORM.

[Illustration:

  _ha  na  cha  ra  ka  da  ta  sa  wa  la
  pa  da  ja  ya  nia  ma  ga  ba  ta  ng'a_]

                                   RÉPA.

    (_Or Contractions of Consonants, &c., their Position being the same
                         as in the modern Javan_).

  _wignian_         [Illustration]       pronounced as _h_.

  _chákra_          [Illustration]                     _r_.

  _láyar_           [Illustration]                     _r_.

  _péngkal_         [Illustration]                     _y_.

  _chéchak_         [Illustration]                     _ng'_.

  _chákra gántung_  [Illustration]              _r_.

  _pángkun_         [Illustration]       the mark of elision.

                           SANDÁNGAN or VOWELS.

         (_Their position being the same as in the modern Javan_).

  _wúlu_           [Illustration]  pronounced as  _i_.

  _súku_           [Illustration]                 _u_.

  _táling_         [Illustration]                 _é_.

  _táling tárung_  [Illustration]                 _o_.

  _pápet_          [Illustration]                 _e_.

  _ng'a lélet_     [Illustration]                 _le_.

The Javans write from left to right. Every consonant (_aksára_) is
written separately, not being joined to that which precedes it, and no
space is left between the words. One or two short diagonal lines are
used at the close of every poetical stanza, and sometimes a comma, and
this is the only mark in the language which simply indicates a stop.

In Java the natives usually write with Indian ink upon paper
manufactured by themselves, as already described, and sometimes on
European and Chinese paper; but in _Báli_ the natives invariably use an
iron style, and cut the letters on a prepared palm leaf, in the same
manner as in Western India. This practice is still partially continued
in some of the more eastern parts of Java, and was no doubt, at a
former period of their history, general throughout the island. The leaf
is called _lóntar_ (from _ron_ a leaf, and _tal_ the palm tree, the
first and last letters being transposed), and the leaves or manuscripts
are strung together to form books in the same manner as on continental
India. Of these I have several specimens, containing nearly all the
interesting compositions of the country.

As in the _Maláyu_, by far the greater proportion of primitive Javan
words are dissyllables, pronounced with a slight stress or accent on
the former of the two. There are a great number of derivative words,
formed after the same manner as those in the _Maláyu_, by prefixing or
annexing certain inseparable and otherwise non-significant particles.
Compound words, formed by the junction of two or more significant
terms, are frequently met with, though they by no means form an
extensive portion of the language.

Many words, in their primitive sense, are not confined to one
particular part of speech, but are common to two or more. Nouns, as
in the _Maláyu_, cannot be said to possess the distinctions of either
gender, number, or case. The males and females of all animals are, with
few exceptions, as in the instances _Pútra_--_Pútri_, _Déwa_--_Déwi_,
_Bramána_--_Bramáni_, and some few others, denoted by adding to the
general terms words applicable to the different sexes. Number is not
denoted by any variety of termination or change in the form of the
noun, but by separate words, expressive of plurality or singularity; a
duplication of the singular sometimes occurs, though rarely, to denote
plurality. Where the terms _bíji_, _ékor_, _buáh_, _képing_, &c. are
used in the _Maláyu_ to specify a particular number, the term _wíji_ is
used indiscriminately in the Javan, whatever may be the thing spoken
of. The nouns have no cases.

The adjectives are indeclinable, and generally follow the noun; and
these are sometimes formed from nouns by prefixing a particle. The
comparative degree is sometimes formed by prefixing a word meaning
higher or larger, but more frequently by placing adverbs, significant
of "with," before that with which the comparison is made, as if we
should say "by the side of." The superlative degree is formed by
annexing adverbs signifying "very, exceedingly, entirely, alone."

The cardinal numbers are placed sometimes before and sometimes
after the nouns to which they are attached. When prefixed, they
undergo, for the sake of the sound, a variety in their termination,
or drop the first syllable. The ordinals are formed by prefixing a
distinguishing word to the cardinals. Ten characters, which are all
either alphabetical letters or signs slightly altered in form, serve to
express all numbers, the notation being decimal, and the numerals being
combined in the same manner as the Indian and Arabian.

The pronouns of the first and second person are always significant, and
vary with the relative rank of the parties. There is no proper pronoun
of the third person, but a word signifying "alone, self," with the
addition of the possessive particle, is used as a personal pronoun of
the third person. The personal pronouns may all be used as possessive
pronouns, by being placed as such after the noun to which they belong.
The relative and demonstrative pronouns correspond very nearly with
those of the _Maláyu_.

With regard to the verb, it may be noticed that many of the
observations in Mr. Marsden's grammar, on the nature and formation of
the different parts of the _Maláyu_ verb, are applicable to the Javan.
It belongs rather to the detail of the grammar to point out these;
but it may be remarked, that the use of these inflexions in the Javan
appears to be so varied and undefined, that it is impossible, without
a much more extensive knowledge of the language than Europeans at
present possess, to make out a perfect conjugation, or to lay down any
fixed rules for them. All that could perhaps be done, in the present
state of the language and of our knowledge of it, would be to give a
number and variety of correct idiomatical expressions in the Javan,
by which their nature and irregularity may be shewn; and our present
limits do not admit of this.

The Javan language has never been reduced within the grammatical rules
adopted by Europeans, nor have the Javans themselves any notion of
grammar. The construction is generally simple and regular; but owing
to prosodial refinements (every writing of importance being written
in verse), syllables and words necessary to express a perfect sense
are often omitted; at other times, unnecessary syllables or words
are added, and letters at the beginning, middle, and end of a word
are transposed. Hence, and also from the usual ellipsis of the verb
transitive and personal pronouns, the meaning of many passages appears
obscure.

The language is remarkable for the profusion of words which it
contains, for the minute distinctions and shades of meaning, and the
consequent extent of synonymes, and for difference of dialect.

Of the profusion of words it may be observed, that the Javan, in this
respect, may be put in competition with many of the more cultivated
languages of Europe and Asia, and that a dictionary would perhaps be
far from complete, if it comprehended less than twenty thousand.

Of the extent of synonymes, and the minute shades of distinction which
are found in this language, some notion may be formed from the extracts
from the _Dása Náma_ which are annexed[126]. In order to facilitate
the acquirement of the language, it is usual to collect all the words
in the different dialects, with their synonymes, and to connect them
together by stringing them in classes following each other, according
to the natural chain of our ideas. Thus, after commencing with the
word _man_, and giving an explanation of every word in the vernacular,
polite and _Káwi_ languages, applicable from his birth to his death,
as _infant_, _boy_, _youth_, and the like, it proceeds to _woman_,
_child_; from thence to the deities, afterwards to the various
avocations of mankind, &c. This collection of synonymes is called
_Dása Náma_, literally the "ten names," a term probably given to it on
account of few important words in the language having less than ten
synonymes. Children are no sooner taught to know the letters of the
alphabet (which they first describe on the sand), and to connect them
in syllables and words, than they are instructed in the _Dása Náma_,
without a partial knowledge of which, no youth is considered competent
to enter upon any public office, or can advance to a knowledge of
the written compositions of the country. These collections are
varied in their contents and order of arrangement, according to the
acquirements and notions of the compiler. As books of reference they
may be considered to supply the place of dictionaries, and if less
convenient for this purpose than works alphabetically arranged, they
have certainty an advantage over them, in the comparative facility with
which their contents are impressed on the memory.

But there is no feature in the language more deserving of notice than
the difference of dialect, or the distinction between the common
language, and what may be termed the polite language or language of
honour. The latter contains many words of Sanscrit origin, and a
portion of _Maláyu_; and in those instances in which it appears to
have been borrowed from the vernacular language, which may perhaps
be loosely estimated at a fourth of the whole, a slight alteration
is commonly made in the orthography and pronunciation, to mark the
distinction. To render this distinction intelligible to those who
are not locally informed, it may be necessary to explain, that from
whatever cause the distinction may have originated, so clearly is
the line drawn on Java, between the higher and the lower classes of
society, that on no account is any one, of whatever rank, allowed
to address his superior in the common or vernacular language of the
country. This language is exclusively applied when addressing an
inferior, or among the lower orders or uneducated, where distinction
of rank may not be acknowledged. Persons of high and equal rank, when
discoursing among themselves, sometimes use the polite language, but in
general they adopt a medium, by introducing words belonging to both
branches of the language; and this is generally adopted by them in
epistolary correspondence.

It is probable, that in the earlier stages of society, the terms of
respect used towards a superior were comparatively few: that this
second dialect, which now forms so extensive a branch of the general
language, has been gradually formed with the growth of arbitrary power;
and that, at one period, the extent of these terms did not exceed what
is to be at this day found in the less cultivated dialects, and among
the more independent races of _Madúra_ and _Súnda_. Such, however,
is their present extent in the Javan, that nearly one half of the
words in the vernacular language, have their corresponding term in
the _Bása Kráma_ or polite language, without a knowledge of which no
one dare address a superior; and although the general construction
of the language, and its grammatical principles are not altered, so
effectually is the language of inferiority contrasted with that of
superiority, that it is possible to suppose a case in which a person
might be well acquainted with one dialect, without being able to
understand one sentence of the other.

It is not, however, to be inferred, that the one is studied and
attained exclusively of the other, for while the one is the language
of address, the other must be that of reply, and the knowledge of both
is indispensable to those who have to communicate with persons of a
different rank with themselves. Children are accustomed from their
infancy to employ the polite language in addressing their parents and
relations, and this added to the mode of instruction by the _Dása Náma_
above described, early impresses upon their memory the corresponding
terms to be used according to the occasion. The _Bása Kráma_, as has
been before noticed, consists of a more extensive class of foreign
words, and where different words from the common language have not been
introduced, a variation in the orthography and termination is adopted;
and the more effectually to render it distinct, not only are the
affirmatives and negatives, as well as the pronouns and prepositions
varied, but the auxiliary verbs and particles are different.

I have already mentioned, that besides the ordinary and the polite
languages of the country, the inhabitants of these Islands possess a
poetic or classic language, called _Káwi_. In this are written all the
historical and poetical compositions of note, as well as most of the
ancient inscriptions on stone and copper, which are found in different
parts of the Island. In a short vocabulary already referred to[127],
the relation of the _Káwi_ to the Sánscrit and _Páli_ is shewn; and in
order to enable the Sánscrit scholar to extend the comparison, I have
annexed a further vocabulary of _Káwi_ words, with the meaning which
the Javans at present attach to them[128].

At what period this language was introduced into Java, whence it
came, and whether it was ever the sacred or vernacular language of
any foreign people, remains to be decided. Of the words of which it
is composed, as far as we may judge from the annexed vocabulary, and
the compositions which have come down to us, nine out of ten are of
Sánscrit origin, and less corrupted than the present _Páli_ of _Siam_
and _Ava_ appears to be: if, therefore, it was ever the same language
with the _Páli_, it must have been before the _Páli_ was corrupted, and
therefore probably at a very remote period.

In _Báli_ the _Káwi_ is still the language of religion and law; in
Java it is only that of poetry and ancient fable. In the former,
the knowledge of it is almost exclusively confined to the _Bramána_
(Bramins); in the latter, a slight knowledge of it is deemed essential
for every man of condition. In _Báli_, the ancient, mythological, and
historical poems, are however preserved in more correct _Káwi_ than
on Java: and it is to the copies obtained from thence, that reference
will be principally made in the observations which follow on Javan
literature.

In noticing "the accessary tongues from whence the _Maláyan_ acquired
such a degree of improvement, as removed it from the general level
of the other cognate dialects, and gave it a decided predominance in
that part of the east," Mr. Marsden observes, "that the earliest, as
well as most important of these, appears to have been, either directly
or mediately, that great parent of Indian languages, the _Sanscrit_,
whose influence is found to have pervaded the whole of the eastern
(and perhaps also of the western) world, modifying and regenerating
even where it did not create. That the intercourse, whatever its
circumstances may have been, which produced this advantageous effect,
must have taken place at an early period, is to be inferred, not
only from the deep obscurity in which it is involved, but also from
the nature of the terms borrowed, being such as the progress of
civilization must soon have rendered necessary, expressing the feelings
of the mind, the most obvious moral ideas, the simplest objects of the
understanding, and those ordinary modes of thought which result from
the social habits of mankind; whilst, at the same time, it is not to
be understood, as some have presumed to be the case, that the affinity
between these languages is radical, or that the latter is indebted to
any Hindu dialect for its names for the common objects of sense[129]."

The same observations apply still more extensively to the Javan; and
in the _Káwi_ or classic language, we may presume to have discovered
the channel by which the Javan received its principal store of Sanscrit
words, for it is the practice, even at present, among the better
educated of the Javans, for the party to display his reading, by the
introduction, particularly into epistolary correspondence and literary
compositions, of _Káwi_ words, by which means the colloquial, but more
particularly the written language of the country, is daily receiving
fresh accessions of Sanscrit terms. From the vocabularies now presented
to the public, and the account which will be given of their literary
compositions, it will appear, that few languages, even on the continent
of India, have been more indebted to the Sanscrit than the Javan. One
original language seems, in a very remote period, to have pervaded the
whole Archipelago, and to have spread (perhaps with the population)
towards Madagascar on one side, and to the islands in the South Sea on
the other; but in the proportion that we find any of these tribes more
highly advanced in the arts of civilized life than others, in nearly
the same proportion do we find the language enriched by a corresponding
accession of Sanscrit terms, directing us at once to the source whence
civilization flowed towards these regions. At what period, however, the
light first broke in upon them, or at what period the intercourse first
took place between the enlightened inhabitants of Western Asia and the
islanders of this extensive Archipelago, is a question which, perhaps,
may be more properly discussed, when treating of the antiquities and
history of the country, and at best is involved in so much obscurity
and fable, that much must be left to conjecture.

The letters of the Javan alphabet, as well as the orthographical
signs, are decidedly on the principle of the _Devanágari_; but it is
remarkable, that the letters of the alphabet do not follow the same
order, notwithstanding that order is preserved in all the alphabets
of Sumatra as well as in that of Celebes. This deviation has been
considered presumptive of the alphabet having been introduced into
the island anterior to the period when this order might have been
established for the _Devanágari_ itself, or before the refinement
supposed to have been effected in that alphabet by the Bramins; but
the deviation may, perhaps, be sufficiently accounted for, by the
circumstance of a meaning being attached to the words formed by the
order of the Javan alphabet as the letters are at present arranged,
thus: _hána charáka dáta sawála páda jayánia mága batáng'a_; means,
"there were two messengers disputing with each other, equally
courageous, till they both died[130]." That this is not accidental may
be inferred, not only from the common laws of chance, but from the
probability of such an arrangement being preferred, both on account
of its convenience, and in conformity with the spirit which in the
_Chándra Sangkála_ seeks to select such expressions for the particular
numerals that are required, as may make a sentence.

Near the ruins of _Brambánan_ and _Sínga-sári_, are still found
inscriptions in the pure _Devánágari_ character of a very ancient
form. A specimen of these, together with one of the square _Káwi_, is
exhibited in the accompanying plate, corresponding in size with the
original. Annexed to each letter in the _Devanágari_ character found on
Java, is the modern character, and in the same manner the modern Javan
letters are placed under the _Káwi_; and, in order to enable the reader
to compare the forms of the consonants used in the alphabets of Ava,
Siam, and Java, with the _Devanágari_, they have been placed against
each other in another plate. It will be seen that many of the letters
of the _Káwi_ correspond so exactly with the square _Páli_ of the
Birmans, as to leave no doubt of their having originally been the same.
It is probable, also, that were our acquaintance with the _Páli_ more
extensive, a similar coincidence would be found between the languages.

Upon the overthrow of the Hindu empire on Java, the natives may
be considered to have lost most of their knowledge of the _Káwi_
language; for although numerous compositions in it are still to be
found among them, and these compositions are recited in their national
entertainments, they would not be generally understood, but for the
versions which have long since been rendered of them into the modern
Javan. The _Panambakán_ of _Sumenap_ is perhaps, at present, alone
entitled to be considered as a _Káwi_ scholar, and he knows so little
of the language as to acknowledge, while assisting in translating from
it, that he was often under the necessity of guessing at the meaning.

The knowledge of the ancient characters seems, on Java, to have been
for many years almost exclusively confined to the family of this
chief, and it is stated, that they owe their knowledge of it, and of
the _Káwi_ language itself, to the circumstance of one of them having
visited _Báli_, to which island it is that we must now look as the
chief depositary of what remains of the literature and science which
once existed on Java.

It is not unusual for the Javans, in carrying on any secret or
political correspondence, to adopt a mystical language, known only
to the parties themselves; and on occasions where attempts have been
made to stir up the common people to commotion, scrolls have been
distributed in various unintelligible characters, which, for the most
part, appear to have had no other object but to impose on the credulity
of those who were too willing to believe them sacred and mysterious.
Were the characters intelligible, the mystery would cease, and the
charm be dispelled. Of the manner in which the letters of the alphabet
are applied in forming this mystical language, an instance is given at
the conclusion of the vocabulary of _Káwi_ words[131].

Unlike the Malayan, the Javan language owes little or nothing to
the Arabic, except a few terms connected with government, religion,
and science, which have been admitted with the religion and laws of
Mahomet. The language, as well as the ancient institutions of the
country, have been but little affected by the conversion. The Javan
language was abundantly copious before the introduction of Arabic
literature, and had few or no deficiencies to be supplied.

The general character of the language is strongly indicative of a
former advanced state of civilization, and illustrates, in some degree,
the present character of the people. It is rich and refined; it abounds
in synonymes and nice distinctions; it is mixed and easily made to
bend, and suit itself to every occasion; it is, in a high degree,
expressive of power and servility[132].

As the languages of the whole Archipelago are so intimately connected
with each other, and that of Celebes in particular is so little known,
I have subjoined in an Appendix some further comparative vocabularies
of the languages of Java, with some observations on the _Búgis_ and
_Mangkásar_ nations[133].

For ordinary purposes, the Javans, as already described, use a
modification of some of the letters of their alphabet as numerals, and
a representation of these numerals has been given in the table of the
Javan alphabet, page 404; but on occasions of importance, it is usual
to employ certain signs or symbols in lieu of these ordinary numerals,
and this practice appears to be of great antiquity among them. These
symbols are termed _chándra sangkála_, "reflections of royal times,"
or "the light of royal dates," and consist in a certain number of
objects, &c. either represented in design or named, each of which is
significant of one of the ten numerals. Of the former class are said
to be those found in most of the ancient buildings and coins, which in
that case usually bear no inscription. The latter is found in most of
the ancient inscriptions, and in such of the written compositions as
possess any date at all, and is adopted in all proclamations and public
writings by the sovereign of the present day.

The Appendix G. contains an account of these peculiar numerals, as far
as they are at present understood by the Javans. In the use of them,
they endeavour to select such objects from the list, as when read in
succession, may afford some meaning illustrative of the fact the date
of which is recorded; but this is not always attended to, or at least
is not always to be traced. The date of the destruction of _Majapàhit_
(1400), the most important in the history of Java, is stated as
follows, the numbers being always reversed.

  _Sírna_     _ílang_    _kertáning_      _Búmi_
  Lost and  gone is the  work (pride)  of the land.
     0           0            4             1

In like manner, the date of the long graves at _Grésik_, near the tomb
of the Princess of _Chermai_ (1313), is thus stated:

   _Káya_    _wúlan_   _pútri_     _íku_
  Like unto  the moon  was that  Princess.
      3         1         3          1

Other examples will be given, in detailing some of the principal events
of Javan history.

However imperfect the foregoing general account of the languages of
Java may be, it will have served to convey to the reader some notion
of the extent to which it has been indebted to a foreign source for
its copiousness and refinement, and to prepare him for that extensive
influence of Hindu literature, which is still to be found in the
compositions of the country. Of these the most important, and indeed
all that have any claim to literary distinction, are found either in
the _Káwi_ or in Javan versions from that classic language. On Java the
establishment of a Mahomedan government for nearly four centuries, has
tended in a great measure to obliterate that general knowledge among
the better educated, which, there is reason to believe, once existed;
but in _Báli_, the Hindu faith, however blended with the local customs
of the island, and however perverted and distorted in its application
by a semi barbarous people, is still the established religion of the
country. Mahomedanism has gained but little ground there, and no part
of the island has yet submitted to European authority. It was in this
conveniently situated island that the adherents to that faith took
refuge, when the sword of Mahomed prevailed on Java, carrying with
them such remnants of the sciences and literature as they were able to
rescue from the general wreck.

An account of the present state of the island of _Báli_, of the
religious and political institutions, and of some of the peculiar
customs and usages which subsist there, is essential to the
illustration of Javan history; and although the limits of the present
volume will not admit of our enlarging so much on this interesting
subject as we could wish, it is hoped that a general notion may be
formed, from the particulars which will be inserted in the chapter on
the religion and antiquities of Java. In the following account of the
literary compositions of Java, I shall avail myself of the more correct
copies, which I was fortunate enough to obtain from _Báli_, confining
myself in the explanation of them to the existing notions of the best
informed of the Javans, it being the present state of their literature,
rather than that of _Báli_, that I am now to describe.

The literature of Java may be considered under the general heads of
ancient and modern, the former and more important division consisting
of compositions in the _Káwi_ language, which appear connected with the
mythology and fabulous history of continental India.

It is to be regretted, that the work which treats most extensively of
the ancient mythology of the country, and of the earliest periods of
fabulous history to which the Javans of the present day refer, is not
to be found in the _Káwi_. The Javan work, termed _Kánda_, is probably
a translation from the _Káwi_, and, in the absence of the original,
claims our first attention. It is to this work, and the _Mánek Móyo_,
of which an abstract will be given in the chapter on religion, that
the modern Javans constantly refer for an explanation of their ancient
mythology.

This composition is frequently called _Pepákam_. It contains the
notions of mythology which appear to have been general throughout
the Eastern Islands, with imperfect portions of their astronomical
divisions, and of ancient history. It is to be regretted, however,
that the Javan copy from which the following account is taken, though
otherwise written in a very correct style, abounds in passages unfit
for a chaste ear, and that it has been almost impossible entirely to
purify it.

It opens with an account, first of _Sáng yáng Wénang_ (the most
powerful), who was sixth in descent from _Purwáning Jan_ (the first of
men, or Adam), and who had a son named _Sáng yáng Túng'gal_ (the great
and only one), the first, who (as is inferred from the meaning of his
name) conceived that he was above all, and who setting aside the ways
of his father, established the heavens, with all that they contain,
under the name of _Suréndra Buána_, or _Suraláya_.

Plucking a leaf from the _kastúba_ tree, and paying adoration to it,
the leaf assumed the form of a beautiful woman, by whom he had four
sons:--1, _Sáng yáng Púgu_; 2, _Sáng yáng Púng'gung_; 3, _Sáng yáng
Sámba_; 4, _Sáng yáng Pang'at_. When these children attained maturity,
_Púgu_ quarrelled with _Púng'gung_, on account of the splendour and
riches of the dwelling of _Sáng yáng Túng'gal_, which each of them
desired to possess. _Sáng yáng Túng'gal_ became enraged at this: not
being able to reconcile them, the heavens became disturbed; he, in
consequence, seized hold of both of them, _Púgu_ by the right and
_Púng'gung_ by the left hand, and cast them aside. To the former,
who fell on _Sábrang_ (the opposite coast), he gave the name of
_Sécha Túng'gára_; to the latter, who fell on Java, he gave that of
_Náyan-taka_ (the same with _Sémar_, the attendant on _Arjúna_). He
converted them into monstrous figures, ridiculous in appearance and
speech, exciting laughter by their actions, and with an inclination to
follow in attendance on warriors.

_Sáng yáng Tung'gal_, who is said to have been invisible, and who in
the _Wáyangs_ of the present day is designated by a sun or glory of
light, transferred the government of heaven to his son, _Sáng yáng
Sámba_, directing him not to separate from his remaining brother, whose
assistance he would require, and conferring upon him the title of _Níla
Kánta_ (blue necked), on account of his being of bright appearance, but
having a tinge of blue on the front of his throat. To _Pang'at_, his
brother, he gave the name of _Kaníka pútra_.

_Srí Níla Kánta_ subsequently assumed various names and titles; the
most pre-eminent of which was _Pramésti Gúru_, by which name and title
he is acknowledged as supreme throughout the Eastern Islands. This
title was first conferred upon him when the deities in _Saraláya_ were
numerous, and when all looked up to him as an instructor or _Gúru_.
_Kaníka Pútra_ took the name of _Rési Naráda_.

The thoughts of _Sáng yáng Gúru_ turning one day upon women, he took
a leaf of the _kastúba_ tree, and paying adoration to it, it was
immediately converted into a most beautiful female, who took the
name of _Uma_. While she was young he looked upon her as a daughter,
but when she arrived at maturity, he felt a stronger passion. _Uma_
disliking this fled, and _Sáng yáng Gúru_ being unable to catch her, it
occurred to him that he might be more successful if he employed four
hands and arms; whereupon, at his desire, two additional arms sprang
from his shoulders, and _Uma_ was immediately within his embrace. But
she still resisted his desires, and during the struggle _Káma Sála_ and
_Máha Praláya_, both _Rasáksas_, but the latter in the form of a man,
were produced, by an event similar to that which gave birth to some
of the children of Jupiter[134]. _Sáng yáng Gúru_ still observing the
repulsive conduct of _Uma_, said to her, "your appearance is like that
of a _Rasáksa_," whereupon she immediately assumed the form of one;
and grieving sorely at this transformation, beseeched that she might
again become what she had been, but _Sáng yáng Gúru_ was deaf to her
entreaties, and he conferred upon her the name of _Káli Dúrga_.

_Káma Sála_ and _Máha Praláya_, when they arrived at maturity, mutually
sought from each other to discover their descent, but not succeeding,
they agreed to proceed in company to Suraláya, to demand information
from _Sáng yáng Gúru_, resolving that, if they were not satisfied with
his reply, they would make war against him. Arrived at _Suraláya_,
they overcome the opposition of _Rési Naráda_, and reach the presence
of _Sáng yáng Gúru_, who informs them that they are not his children,
though they sprang from his body, and that it was the fault of the
woman only that they had their present form. He tells them that he
cannot allow them to remain in _Suraláya_, but will provide for them a
place in which with their mother they may reside. He then appoints the
mother to be sovereign of _Naráka (Tambráka múka_), under the title of
_Yáma Dipáti_. To _Káma Sála_ he gives the title of _Batára Kála_; the
other retained the name of _Máha Praláya_. To _Kála_ he assigns the
charge of the bridge between earth and heaven, called _Wot ágal ágil_
(the tremulous or swinging bridge, over which a good man may pass in
safety, but from which, on account of its being shaken by his sins, a
bad man falls into the gulph below), and to _Máha Praláya_ that of the
souls of men when they die, in order that he may direct to the bridge
such as, from good conduct on earth, have a chance of passing it, and
cast the others into _Naráka_, to his mother _Yáma Dipáti_.

_Sáng yáng Gúru_ was again inclined to take another leaf of the
_kastúba_ tree, but apprehending that it might turn out as before, he
restrained his inclination. Then purifying himself, there appeared
before him, at his desire, a beautiful boy, to whom he gave the name
of _Sámbu_, and after five more purifications, there successively
appeared, secondly, a boy of a high colour, beautiful and very
powerful, to whom he gave the name of _Bráma_; thirdly, a boy,
appearing extremely powerful and enraged, to whom he gave the name of
_Máha déwa_; fourthly, a boy beautifully white, bright, and fierce
looking, and having sharp and sparkling eyes, to whom he gave the name
of _Basúki_; fifthly, a boy of a deep black colour, but extremely
beautiful, to whom he gave the name of _Wísnu_ (Vishnu); sixthly, a
girl of a bright yellow colour, beautiful and slender, to whom he gave
the name of _Warsíki_.

_Rési Naráda_[135] following the example of his superior, there
appeared before him after several purifications, five boys. The first
was brilliant and bright as a pure flame; on him _Sáng yáng Gúru_
conferred the name of _Súria_. The second was very weak and delicate,
but well formed and beautiful; he received the name of _In dra_. The
third was short and strong, and was named _Sákra_ (or _Chákra_). The
fourth was of a blue colour, and looking as if he would grow to a great
height, with curled hair like a _Papúa_[136]; on him, was conferred
the name of _Báyu_. The fifth was most beautiful, but appeared sad and
sorrowful; to him _Sáng yáng Gúru_ gave the name of _Chándra_.

This effected, _Sáng yáng Gúru_ considered that a sufficient number of
deities had been created for the charge of _Suraláya_.

_Sáng yáng Gúru_ then turned his amorous thoughts towards _Warsíki_,
but all the deities opposing it, _Rési Naráda_ advises him to take
a woman from the earth, and offers himself to go in search of one.
This being agreed to, _Naráda_ descends upon the earth, and discovers
a most beautiful virgin, not yet arrived at maturity, at a place
called _Mádang_; _Sáng yáng Gúru_ no sooner beheld her than he became
enamoured of her, and giving the name of _Sri_, he places her under the
charge of _Batára Sákra_, with especial injunctions to take care of
her. When she arrived at maturity she became most beautiful, and it so
happens that _Batára Wísnu_ beholds her by accident: they immediately
feel a mutual passion, and _Wísnu_ obtains his desire. When _Sáng
yáng Gúru_ hears of it, he becomes highly enraged; _Batára Wísnu_ is
cast out from _Suraláya_ and thrown upon the earth, at a place called
_Waríngen pítu_, or seven banyan trees.

[Here the narrative breaks off, and the story of _Wátu Gúnung_
commences as follows.]

There was a woman of the name of _Sínta_, who resided on the earth,
and who had a younger sister named _Lándap_. _Sínta_ dreamt one night
that she was sleeping with a _Pandíta_, named _Rési Gána_: after a few
months she felt herself pregnant, and at the expiration of nine she was
delivered of a most beautiful boy. This child, however, soon became
unruly; and it happened that one day, when he had enraged his mother
excessively, she struck him on the head with the wooden spoon which was
in the rice vessel, on which he fled into the woods, and afterwards
becoming a devotee, his mother long searched for him in vain.

At length having concluded his penance, he wandered about in quest of
subsistence, until he came to the country of _Gíling Wési_, where he
sought alms at a feast; but not being satisfied with the provision
afforded to him, the parties became enraged, and hostilities ensuing,
the Raja of the country was slain, and this boy succeeded him, under
the title of _Rája Séla Perwáta_, which in the common language is
the same as _Wátu Gúnung_, a name conferred upon him from his having
rested on a mountain like a stone, and obtained his strength and power
thereby, without other aid or assistance.

Becoming a great and powerful sovereign, he was still unmarried when
his mother and sister arrived in the country. Ignorant who they were,
and admiring their beauty, he espoused them both, and by his mother
_Sínta_ had twenty-seven children, when being one day restless and
anxious to sleep, he requested her to comb and scratch his head, in
doing which she discovered the wound and recognized her son. Her grief
became excessive, and explaining the circumstance to him, she urged him
to obtain another wife from among the _Widadári_ of _Suraláya_, and
recommended _Sri_ as a proper object of his choice.

_Wátu Gúnung_ thereupon sent an embassy to _Suraláya_, but the gods
opposing his desires, because _Sri_ had been delivered of a child
by _Wísnu_, he assembled his forces and nearly defeated those of
_Suraláya_, when _Naráda_ pointing out the danger to _Sáng yáng Gúru_,
urged the advantage that would arise from the recal of _Wisnu_.
_Naráda_ was accordingly authorized to call him back, with a promise
that if he should be victorious on the present occasion, he should be
pardoned, and permitted to return to his former abode in _Suraláya_.
_Wísnu_ was no sooner engaged in the cause, than he formed a stratagem
with _Wilúwuh_, a demon _Rasáksa_, with whom he had become intimate
at _Waríngen pítu_, and directed him to proceed to the sleeping place
of _Wítu Gúnung_, in order to ascertain his secret. This spy had
no sooner concealed himself in a place where he could overhear the
conversation that was going on, than he heard the following discourse
between _Wátu Gúnung_ and _Sínta_.

_Sínta._ "What think you; shall we be successful or not in this
enterprise?"

_Wátu Gúnung._ "If the gods are so nearly destroyed by those who are
subordinate to me, what must they not suffer when I go myself? for I
shall not then have occasion to use force. I need only say a few words,
and if they don't understand the meaning of them, they will forthwith
be destroyed, and I shall myself become sovereign of _Suraláya_. Should
they, however, comprehend the meaning of what I say, then I shall know
that my power is gone; but still there will be trouble in putting me to
death."

_Sínta._ "Tell me what are the words you mean to use, and why they have
not the power to put you to death?"

_Wátu Gúnung._ "I shall enclose in my hand the _Sástra_ or description
of my country, and holding it out, demand of them to tell me what it
is. Then I shall repeat these words: _dáka wói díki_, and also _díki
wói dáka_. The meaning of these words is easy enough, but the gods
don't understand it: a great tree has small fruit; great fruit has a
small tree. The great tree with small fruit means the _waríngin_ tree;
the great fruit and small tree means the gourd. I am invulnerable by
all weapons, but if they pull my two arms asunder, then will they find
it easy to put me to death; but this the gods know not."

With this intelligence the spy immediately hastened to _Wísnu_,
who arrived at _Suraláya_ when the gods were nearly beaten by the
twenty-seven sons of _Wátu Gúnung_. After this success, _Wátu Gúnung_
approaching _Sáng yáng Gúru_, put the intended questions to him. The
latter referring to _Wísnu_, they were immediately recognized by him,
on which _Wátu Gúnung_ attempted to escape, but was soon overtaken by
_Wísnu_, who laying hold of one of his arms, while his son, _Sri Gáti_,
held the other, they soon succeeded in putting him to death. As he
expired a voice was heard by _Wísnu_, saying, "think not that it will
end here: hereafter trouble will again arise in _Suraláya_, in the time
of _Rája Sumáli_, of the country of _Séla gríng'ging_, who will have a
brother named _Mang'liáwan_. Forget it not."

When the twenty-seven sons of _Wátu Gúnung_ heard of their father's
fate, they wished to sacrifice themselves; but _Wísnu_ disposed of them
as follows, saying, "let there be a sign to the world of this victory.
I will once in seven days put to death one of these twenty-seven,
so that they may be killed in rotation." The grief of _Sínta_ being
excessive, she wept for seven days, and afterwards was received into
_Suraláya_, and _Wísnu_ added her name, as well as those of her sister
and _Wátu Gúnung_, to the twenty-seven, and established the thirty
_wúku_, as everlasting signs, in commemoration of this victory. From
the grief of _Sínta_ for seven days, it is said that rain always falls
during the _wúku_ which bears her name[137].

Then seizing the _Pepáteh_ and three assistants, who with _Wátu Gúnung_
had constituted the council of five, he declared that they should serve
to commemorate the four great revolutions or _Nága_ (serpents:) _Nága
Búmí_ (of the earth,) _Nága Dína_ (of the day,) _Nága Wúlan_ (of the
moon,) _Nága Táhun_ (of the year.) He struck out both the eyes of _Nága
Búmi_, that the earth might never again see to attack the heavens, and
afterwards the left eye of _Nága Dína_, and the right eye of _Nága
Wúlan_.

[Here that part of the relation which has an astronomical reference
breaks off.]

_Bráma_ then following the example of _Naráda_, purifies himself, and
at his desire, first there appears before him a boy of strong make,
on whom he confers the name of _Bráma Táma_; secondly, a boy, also of
strong make, whom he names _Bráma Sudárga_; and thirdly, a beautiful
girl, on whom he confers the name of _Bramáni Wáti_.

The two boys, when they attained maturity, descended from _Suralága_.
_Bráma Sudárga_ united in marriage with a female of the earth:
from them, in the third degree, were descended _Raja Sumáli_ and
_Mangliáwan_. In the reign of the latter of these a destructive war is
stated to have taken place. _Mangliáwan_ laid waste _Suraláya_ and slew
_Sri Gáti_, but afterwards, when he shewed a desire to possess _Sri_,
_Wísnu_ exerted all his strength, and put him to death. As _Mangliáwan_
expired _Wísnu_ heard a voice saying unto him, "The work is not
yet complete; hereafter, when there shall be on earth a man named
_Rahwána_, who will be descended from _Bráma Táma_, beware of him: in
his time the peace of heaven will be again disturbed, and he will lay
it waste." _Bráma Táma_ espoused a princess of _Chámpa_, named _S'ráti
Déwi_, by whom he had a son, named _Bráma Rája_, who became _Raja_
of _Indrapúri_, and had a son named _Chítra Bahár_ or _Angsárwa_, to
whom, when he became advanced in age, he delivered over charge of the
country, proceeding himself into the forests as a devotee, and assuming
the name of _Rési Táma_.

_Sumáli_ had a daughter, named _Sukési Déwi_. This prince, alarmed at
the accounts of _Mangliáwan's_ death, fled with her to _Chítra Bahár_,
and requested him to protect her as a maiden, giving him authority
to sanction her marriage on any proper occasion which might offer.
He himself fearing the vengeance of _Sáng yáng Gúru_, fled further
into the woods for concealment, but died on the way. _Chítra Bahár_,
forgetting the nature of his charge, became enamoured of the girl. This
happened when he was performing a penance; for he had two sons, named
_Mísra Wárna_ and _Bísa Wárna_, to the former of whom he had intrusted
the charge of his government. The girl resisted on account of his age,
but he at last succeeded. During the first amour he received from her
nine strokes on the head with a stone. In due time she became pregnant
and was delivered of a boy, having nine marks or excrescences on his
head, which added to his natural face, making as it were ten fronts to
his head: he was thence called _Dása múka_ (ten-faced.) In the second
attempt she pulled the lobes of both his ears with great strength, and
when delivered she produced a child in the form of a _Rasáksa_, and
having immense lobes to the ears: this child was named _Amba kárna_,
or long-eared. In the third she scratched him all over, and the fruit
of it was a girl, born with long nails and claws at the end of each
finger: she was named _Sárpa kanáka_, or serpent-nailed; the wounds
inflicted by these nails are said to have been mortal. But the fourth
being unresisted, she was delivered of a most beautiful boy, who,
having a countenance and mouth beautiful like those of a girl, was
named _Bibisána_.

When these children were grown up _Chítra Bahár_ carried them to
_Mísra Wárna_, saying, "these are your brothers and sister, assist
them, and they will be of use to you in your government." _Mísra
Wárna_ had a great dread of thunder. He possessed a weapon called
_límpung_, which descended to him from _Bráma Rája_, and _Dása Múka_,
desirous of possessing it, ingratiated himself into his favour, but no
sooner obtained possession of it than he formed a design against his
brother's life, in the hope of succeeding him. He accordingly performed
a penance and prayed for thunder, and as soon as it was heard he slew
his brother, and gave out that he disappeared during the thunder. At
the moment, however, that he struck _Mísra Wárna_ with the weapon it
vanished; still he became Raja.

In the mean time _Bísa Wárna_ became beloved by the gods, and they
presented to him a car, named _jaladára_, in which he could be conveyed
through the clouds. When _Dása Múka_ heard of this he became enraged,
and demanded the carriage for himself; but he had no sooner made the
request than he perceived his lost weapon descend upon the lap of _Bísa
Wárna_. Still more enraged at this, the altercation did not cease
until _Bísa Wárna_, with one blow, laid him senseless on the ground;
at which moment the father, _Chítra Bahár_, coming up, he succeeded in
reconciling them, and with impressing upon _Dása Múka_ the futility
of his attempts against his brother. _Chítra Bahár_ on this occasion
repeated several invocations to the deity, which were treasured up in
the recollection of after ages: such as _Hong! Awígna; Hong! Widadánia;
Hong! Widadáni_, &c.

The father, however, had no sooner withdrawn, than _Dása Múka_ again
took courage, and another combat ensued, which ended in his being a
second time struck senseless on the ground, blood issuing from his
mouth. _Bísa Wárna_ then laying hold of his body was about to cut his
throat with the _limpung_, when _Rési Naráda_ appeared and arrested his
hand, saying, "forbear, _Sáng yáng Gúru_ does not permit that you slay
your brother. By attending to this advice you will hereafter become
a deity in heaven. Give your weapon to your brother, who is Raja of
_Indrapúri_." _Bisa Wárna_ assenting, _Rési Naráda_ then brought _Dása
Múka_ to his senses, and delivering over to him the weapon and car,
conferred upon him the name of _Rah-wána_[138], from his blood having
flowed in such quantity as to reach the adjoining forest.

[In some copies of this work it is said that _Dása Múka_ was called
_Rahwána_, because in his youth he delighted in the destruction of
children and to spill their blood. There is also some variation in
this part of the story, and _Citrá Bahár_ is termed _Chátor Bója_
(four-shouldered), on account of the great strength he exhibited in the
war with _Níli Kewácha_].

_Rési Naráda_ then presented _Rahwána_ to _Sáng yáng Gúru_, who taking
a liking to him adopted him as his son, giving him a _saléndang_[139]
as a mark of his affection. _Rahwána_, however, was soon dazzled by
the appearance of a bright flame, when forgetting the attachment of
_Sáng yáng Gúru_, he pursued it, until he came into the presence of
_Sri_, from whose beauty it proceeded. She, however, ran to her husband
_Wísnu_ for succour, and a severe combat ensued, during which the
heavens were disturbed, and many of its most valuable contents were
destroyed by _Rahwána_. _Rési Naráda_ at length approaching, separated
the combatants, saying, "this is not the proper place for your
contention; better had you descend to the earth. As for you, _Wísnu_,
as you are a god, and may be ashamed to shew yourself as such on earth,
it is the will of _Sáng yáng Gúru_ that you be permitted to appear
there in the form of a man, and to do there as you like." On which
_Rahwána_ was cast out of _Suraláya_, and _Wísnu_, with his consort
_Sri_, disappeared, without any one knowing whither they went.

_Bísa Wárna_ was then, in fulfilment of the promise given by _Naráda_,
called up to heaven, to supply the place among the _Déwas_ vacated by
_Wísnu_, and approaching the presence of _Sáng yáng Gúru_ received from
him the name of _Batára Asmára_ or _Kamajáya_ (the god of love), and
presented him with a consort, named _Káma Ráti_ or _Batári Ráti_.

[Here ends the _Kérta Yoga_, or first age of the world, and the _Tréta
Yóga_, or second age, commences.]

_Wísnu_, after his descent upon the earth, first became incarnate in
the person of an illustrious sovereign, named _Arjúna Wijáya_, of the
country of _Mauspáti_, and reigned for a period of seventeen years,
during which he was successful in two wars. One, in which the _Rája_
of _Tánjung-púra_, having a beautiful daughter, named _Chítra Wáti_,
in whom _Sri_ had become incarnate, offered her in marriage to the
prince who should overcome in wrestling all the others assembled:
_Arjúna Wijáya_, however, carried her off from the place in which
she was secreted (_Gedóng Brahála_) which produced a war, wherein he
was victorious. The other war was with _Rahwána_, who attacked him
at _Mauspáti_: in this _Rahwána_ was taken prisoner and confined in
a cage; but on the solicitations of his father, _Chítra Bahár_, he
was forgiven, and allowed to return to his country, on condition that
neither he nor his descendants would ever again make war on _Arjúna
Wijáya_.

_Wísnu_ afterwards quitting the body of _Arjúna Wijáya_ became
incarnate in the person of _Ráma_, son of _Dása Ráta_ (who when
young was called _Murdáka_), entering the body of his mother during
conception, and coming into the world with the child. About the
same time _Batára Basúki_, who had a son named _Baswárat_, united
to _Bramáni Wáti_, becoming sorrowful, quitted _Suraláya_, with a
determination to follow the fortunes of _Wisnu_, who after quitting the
body of _Arjúna Wijáya_ roamed for some time round the skirts of the
earth until he fell in with _Basúki_. _Wisnu_ then said to him, "there
is a _Raja_ of _Mándra-púra_, named _Bása Ráta_, who has two wives,
named _Déwi Rágu_ and _Mánwa-dári_. I am younger than you, but on earth
I must be older. I will enter the body of _Rágu_, and become incarnate
in the child she will bring forth; do you the same with the other."
_Mánwa-dári_ was delivered of a child named _Lakasamána_, in which
_Basúki_ accordingly became incarnate.

[The portion of the work, which also includes a relation of the feats
of _Báli_ son of _Gotáma_, the founder of _Astíno_, brings the story
down to the period of the poem of _Ráma_. The history is then carried
on to the period of the _Pendáwa Líma_ or _Bráta Yudha_, and may be
concisely stated as follows:]

_Baswárat_, son of _Basúki_, had by _Bramáni Wáti_ two sons,
_Mánu-Manára_ and _Mánu-Madéwa_. The daughter of _Mánu-Madéwa_, named
_Siráti_, was married to _Bramána Rája_, and from this marriage
proceeded _Rahwána_. The _Pendáwa Líma_ were tenth in descent from
_Mánu-Manára_, as in the following pedigree:

  1. _Mánu-Manása_,
  2. _Tritrushta_,
  3. _Parikéna_,
  4. _Sutápa_,
  5. _Sa-pútram_,
  6. _Sákri_,
  7. _Pulasára_,
  8. _Abiása_,
  9. _Pándu-déwa Náta_.

The _Tréta Yóga_ or second age, is supposed to have ended, and the
_Duapára Yóga_, or third age, to have commenced on the death of _Ráma_,
which happened about the time of _Sákri_.

The _Wiwáha káwi_ is a regular poem, and contains three hundred and
fifty-five _páda_, or metrical stanzas. The subject is as follows:

_Erang Báyu_ had a son, whose form was that of a _Rasáksa_, and who
became sovereign of the country of _Ima-ímantáka_, under the name of
_Détia Kéwácha_. The father, desirous of getting rid of him, urged him
to go to _Suréndra Buána_, in search of a flower, called _Turáng'ga
játi_, which was worn by all the _Widadáris_. The _Rasáksa_ accordingly
goes in search of it, and no sooner comes into the presence of _Batára
Gúru_, than a _Widadári_ sitting by his side, named _Su Prába_, the
daughter of _Batára Sámba_, presents one of these flowers to him, with
which he returns to his father, who alarmed at his success, immediately
delivers over to him the government of his country.

After _Détia Kéwácha_ had thus become sovereign, he desired to be
united in marriage with the _Widadári_ who had given him the flower,
and dispatches a _Rasáksa_ named _Kolángkía_, with a letter addressed
to _Batára Gúru_, soliciting _Su Prába_ in marriage, and threatening
to destroy the heavens in case of refusal. When the messenger reached
_Suréndra Buána_ he presented the letter to _Batára Sákra_, who knowing
its contents without reading it, immediately replied in a rage, "then
let your sovereign carry his threat into execution, for _Bitára Gúru_
will never consent that a _Widadári_ be married to a _Rasáksa_."

When the messenger had disappeared, _Batára Sákra_ communicated to the
gods the state of affairs, on which _Batára Gúru_ became enraged. As
he curbed his passion, _Naráka_ becomes disturbed; smoke issued from
its deepest recesses and the heavens rocked to and fro. _Rési Naráda_
then apprised _Batára Gúru_ that there was a man on the earth, named
_Bagáwan Wardiníngsih_, or _Mitarága_, who had long performed his
devotions on the mountain _Indra-kíla_, and suggested that it might be
better to employ him against _Detia Kewácha_ than for the gods, who
were ignorant of the art of war, to await in heaven the coming of the
_Rasáksa_. _Batára Gúru_ approves of the suggestion, and _Rési Naráda_
descends accordingly to _Indra-kíla_, accompanied by seven _Widadáris_,
in the hope that by the influence of their charms, he might succeed
in abstracting _Wardiníngsih_ from the severe penance which he was
performing. The names of the _Widadáris_ who accompanied him were _Su
Prába_, _Wilotáma_, _Leng-leng-Mandana_, _Sumartáka_, _Ang'impuni_, _Su
Prába-sini_, and _Dérsa-nála_. In their train followed a thousand of
the young and beautiful maids of heaven.

_Wardiníngsih_ was performing a long and rigid penance, for the purpose
of recovering the kingdom of _Astína_; and when _Naráda_ arrived
at _Indra-kíla_, the sun had climbed half way up the heavens. The
_Widadáris_ immediately displayed their charms, and employed every
artifice to attract his attention, but they could not succeed. One of
them, who resembled his wife, even threw off her upper garments, and
exposing her bosom embraced him with transport; but it did not avail.

_Batára Sákra_ then descended to _Indra-kíla_, in the disguise
of a Dervise, assuming the name of _Panjíngrum_, and approaching
_Wardiníngsih_, as if in grief, threw off his disguise, and resuming
the god, addressed _Wardiníngsih_ as follows: "My visit to you is on
three accounts; first, I request your assistance in this war; secondly,
I wish to apprise you, that _Batára Gúru_ will in a short time appear
to you; thirdly, to advise you, that when you see _Batára Gúru_, and
he asks you whether you have courage to engage in the war or not, you
answer that you have; requesting, however, in return, that when the
war _Bráta Yúdha_ takes place, the _Pandáwa_ may be successful. You
may then request two arrows, called _paso páti_ and _trisula_, and
the crown _cháping basunánda_, the vest _ánta kasúma_, the slippers
_márdu kachárma_: these slippers, when you wear them, will enable you
to fly, and to enter heaven in person. Request, moreover, the chariot
_mánik_, which is drawn by elephants and horses of the heavenly
race (_sambráni_), and called _chípta waláha_, and that if you are
successful in the war with _Détia Kewácha_, _Batára Gúru_, as well as
the other gods, may each present you with a _Widadári_." _Batára Sákra_
having made an impression on the mind of _Wardiníngsih_ returned to
heaven.

In the mean time _Mang-máng Múrka_, the _Peptáeh_ of _Détia Kewácha_,
who had a face like a hog, received orders to lay waste the mountain
of _Indra-Kíla_. He no sooner arrived there, and began to destroy the
cultivation, than _Sémar_ gave information of it to _Wardiníngsih_, who
coming forth with his bow and arrow, immediately struck the _Rasáksa_;
upon which _Batára Gúru_ appeared in the form of a forester, holding in
his hand a bow without an arrow. Then straggling with _Wardiníngsih_
to withdraw the arrow with which the _Rasáksa_ had been struck, each
pulled at it ineffectually until a quarrel ensued, in which _Batára
Gúru_ accused _Wardiníngsih_ of having a bad heart, and of following
the dictates of his _Gúru Dúrna_, who was at _Astina_, and who had
a crooked nose and mouth. _Wardiníngsih_ being enraged at this, a
severe combat ensued, when _Batára Gúru_ having laid hold of his
adversary's hair, the other attempted to retaliate, on which _Batára
Gúru_ vanished. A fragrant odour immediately arose, and _Wardiníngsih_
reflected upon what _Sákra_ had told him, and instantly perceived a
bright arch, like the rainbow, with _Batára Gúru_ appearing within
it, attended by _Rési Naráda_ and a suite of _Widadáris_: bowing
profoundly to the ground, he felt himself permitted to approach the
deity and kiss his feet; _Batára Gúru_ then informed him of his object
in coming to _Indra-kíla_, and requested that he would make war upon
_Détia Kewácha_, who was the enemy of the gods; to which _Wardiníngsih_
consented, making the requests which had been suggested by _Batára
Sákra_. To these _Batára Gúru_ assented, adding, "If you have success
in this war, I will appoint you sovereign of the heavens for one year.
You shall have power over all the gods, and the _Widadáris_ shall be
your attendants; and as long as you live you shall have power to visit
_Suraláya_ at your pleasure." This said, _Batára Gúru_ disappeared.

On the next day _Wardiníngsih_ prepared for his journey to _Ima
imantáka_, the country of _Détia Kewácha_, and on his way thither fell
in with the _Widadáris_, _Su Prába_ and _Wilá Táma_, who had been sent
by _Batára Sákra_. _Wardiníngsih_, on his arrival at the _Rasáksa's_
capital, commissioned these _Widadáris_ to enter the palace and feign
an attachment for _Détia Kewácha_. _Détia Kewácha_ no sooner beheld
them, than being thrown off his guard, he declared, that the object of
the war being thus attained without trouble, he would enjoy himself at
his ease. Then dressing himself in his princely robes, and perfuming
himself as a bridegroom, he approached _Su Prába_, and taking her
on his knee chaunted a song, which so delighted her that she fell
asleep. _Wardiníngsih_, on this, entered into her ear-stud, and awoke
her. _Detia Kewácha_ then urged her to gratify his passion, but she
refused, and required, as a mark of confidence, that he would trust
her with the secret of his power. This he refused, until she was about
to stab herself, when he whispered in her ear that he was invulnerable
except within his throat; if any one injured that part in the least he
must instantly die. _Wardiníngsih_ thus ascertaining his vulnerable
point, escaped with the _Widadáris_, and ascended to _Batára Sákra_ in
_Suraláya_.

_Détia Kewácha_, then collecting his forces, proceeded to the war with
a countless host, laying waste the country, until he arrived near
_Tánda Wáru_, where he halted to make preparations for the attack. The
heavens now shook, and _Naráka_ emitted smoke. The gods trembled with
fear, and the wind, charged with the gross stench of the _Rasáksa_,
almost overpowered them.

_Wardiníngsih_ having arrived at the abode of _Sákra_, the great bell
(_gatíta_) was struck, when the gods immediately assembled. The forces
of _Suraláya_ then moved on, _Wardiníngsih_ following in a splendid
chariot. Having thrown off the _Pandíta's_ garment, he now appeared
richly clothed in the character of _Arjúna_, adorned with gold and
costly gems. The chariot had formerly belonged to _Ráma_, and had been
preserved by _Batára Gúru_, when _Ráma_ committed himself to the flames.

The battle commenced, and the forces of the _Rasáksa_ being most
numerous and powerful, were about to carry all before them, when _Gatot
Kácha_ arrived, and taking part with _Wardiníngsih_, turned the tide
of the battle in favour of the gods, plucking up the mountains by the
roots, and casting them upon the _Rasáksas_. _Détia Kewácha_ escaping
the general overthrow, and attended by _Sécha Tung'gára_, shot an arrow
at _Wardiníngsih_, which the latter caught under his arm, and feigning
death, fell to the ground. Great was the grief of _Sémar_ and of all
his other attendants; but _Détia Kewácha_ approaching burst out into
a loud laugh, when _Wardiníngsih_, who had watched his opportunity,
observing the _Rasáksa's_ mouth open, instantly rose, and struck the
arrow into it, and so killed him.

_Gátot Kácha_, who, in consequence of the absence of _Arjúna_ on
a penance for three years, had been sent to recall him, and who
had discovered him by the appearance of his attendant _Sémar_, now
approached _Wardiníngsih_, and kissing his feet, informed him of
the sorrow of _Séna_ and _Dérma Wángsa_ at his absence, on which
_Wardiníngsih_ desired him to return and report what he had seen.

He then proceeded, attended by the victorious host, to the dwelling of
_Batára Gúru_, called _Papáriwárna_; on which _Batára Gúru_ assembling
the gods, and permitting _Wardiníngsih_ to approach and kiss his feet,
declares to him that he was not forgetful of his promise, and would
forthwith fulfil it. He then declared him sovereign of _Suraláya_,
under the title _Prábu Aníli Kíti_, and gave him free access to every
part of the heavens. _Arjúná_ then visited the seven quarters of
_Suraláya_, in which was the abode of the _Widadáris_, and assumed the
sovereignty accordingly; while _Gatot Kácha_, proceeding to _Amérta_,
informed _Séna_ and _Dérma Wángsa_ of what had passed. There were also
present at his relation _Nakóla Sa déwa_, _Batára Krésna_, _Sámbu_,
and _Panchawála_, all equally anxious to know the fate of _Arjúna_.
_Déwi Kúnti_, the mother of _Pandáwa_, having calculated on the death
of _Arjúna_, and made preparation for burning herself in consequence,
was overjoyed at this unexpected good news; and _Dérma Wángsa_, the
sovereign _Amérta_, gave a grand entertainment, in which the _Bedáyas_
danced to the sound of the music, while _Gàtot Kácha_ related the feats
of _Arjúna_.

The _Ráma Káwi_ is usually divided into four parts. The first, called
_Ráma Gán-drung_, contains the history of _Ráma_, from his infancy
until his marriage; the second, _Ráma Bádra_, from his marriage until
his consort, _Síti Déwi_, is carried off by _Rahwána_; the third,
_Ráma Táli_, from the first employment of _Hánuman_ as a _dúta_ or
messenger, until he builds the bridge from the continent to the island
_Ang'lángka-di púra_; and the fourth, called _Ramayána_ (by which is
understood _Ráma_ when arrived at his full power), from the beginning
of the war of _Dána Lága_ on _Lánka_ till the end of it, when _Ráma_
regains his consort _Siti Déwi_, and returns to _Nayúdía_, leaving
_Rahwána's_ brother, _Bibisána_, sovereign of _Lángka_. Of these
the _Rámayána_ is the most common on Java. The _Ráma Táli_ has been
recently obtained from _Báli_. This composition, as one poem, is by far
the most extensive of any which the Javans possess.

The mythology contained in the _Ráma_ differs, in some measure, from
that of the _Kánda_. _Ráma_ is here made to relate to _Bibisána_,
in _Artáti_ measure but _Káwi_ language, that _Bráma_, in the first
instance, sprang from _Wísnu_; that in the beginning of the world,
_Wísnu_ existed in that part of the heavens named _Antabóga_, the
place of serpents; that _Bráma_ first communicated the knowledge of
the _Sástra_. Nine incarnations of _Wísnu_ are then detailed: the
first, when he appeared as _Iwak Mokúr-mo_ (the tortoise); the second,
as _Sing'ha_ (the lion), when he was called _Barúna_; the third, as
_Arjúna Wijáya_; the fourth in _Winákitáya_ or _Ráma_. In the fifth he
was to appear as _Krésna_; and after the sixth, seventh, and eighth,
in the ninth when he would become incarnate in the person of a great
sovereign, named _Prábu Purúsa_.

_Anráka Súra_ (the courageous child of the sun) is written in _Káwi_,
but translated into Javan, under the name of _Búma Kalantáka_, or _Emba
táli_. The period to which it refers is that occupied posterior to that
of the _Wiwáha_, and prior to that of the _Bráta Yúdha_. It relates
almost exclusively to the exploits of _Búma_, who was the son of _Déwi
Pratíwi_, of the race of _Widadáris_.

_Déwi Pratíwi_ being enamoured of _Wísnu_, her thoughts were
continually turned towards him, notwithstanding he had been cast out
of _Suraláya_. One night having dreamt that her passion for him was
gratified, she conceived a child. She afterwards heard in her sleep a
voice saying to her, "Descend to the earth in search of _Krésna_, for
_Wísnu_ is become incarnate in his person: his colour is deep black."
She descended accordingly; and established herself at _Praju-téksna_,
where she was delivered of a son, whom she named _Búma Kalantáka_. When
he arrived at maturity, she informed him who was his father, and when
he discovered him he was received and acknowledged by him. _Krésna_ had
afterwards another son, named _Sámba_, who having insulted the wife of
_Búma_ a quarrel arose between the two brothers, in which _Búma_ put
_Sámba_ to death in a most disgraceful manner, mangling and exposing
his body. _Krésna_, enraged at this, threw his _Chákra_ at _Búma_,
desiring _Gátot Kácha_ to raise him from the earth the moment he is
struck, lest the power of his mother should restore him. _Gátot Kácha_
obeys his orders and _Búma_ is destroyed. _Séna_, one of the sons of
_Pándu_, is one of the personages of this poem.

The history of the succeeding period is contained in the _Bráta Yudha_,
or holy war, the most popular and esteemed work in the language. This
poem is identified in its subject with the _Mahabárat_ of continental
India, in the same manner as that of _Ráma_ is with the _Ramáyan_. An
analysis of this poem will be given under the head poetry.

Next, in point of time, to this story, follows that of the poem called
_Parakísit_, which abounds with the praises of that prince, who was
the son of _Bimányu_ and grandson of _Arjúna_, and is descriptive of
the tranquillity and happiness which universally prevailed during his
reign. It also contains an historical relation of the sovereigns who
succeeded him, and brings down the line of princes from _Parikísit_
through ten descents to _Aji Jáya Báya_, as follows.

  -- _Parikísit._

  1. _Súma Wichítra._

  2. _Ang'ling Dría._

  3. _Udiána._

  4. _Madiwáng'i._

  5. _Miséna._

  6.

  7.

  8.

  9. _Súma Wichála._

  10. _Aji Jáya Báya._

It was during the reign of the last of these princes that the first
intercourse with Western India is supposed to have taken place; an
account of the historical composition relating to a subsequent period
is therefore reserved for the chapters on History.

The _Súria Kétu_ (or lofty sun) contains in a few stanzas the history
of a prince, the fifth in descent from the _Kuráwa_, who by dint of
prayer to the gods obtained a son named _Kérta Súma_.

The _Níti Sástra Káwi_ is a work on ethics, comprized in one hundred
and twenty-three stanzas, each of which contains a moral lesson: it is
considered coeval with, if not more ancient than the _Bráta Yudha_, and
the _Káwi_ is considered the most pure extant. The modern version of
this work has already been referred to, and translations of some of the
stanzas have been introduced. The following are taken indiscriminately,
and translated immediately from the _Káwi_.

  A man who is moderate and cool in his desires will do good to a
    country. A woman is like unto _Déwi Manuhára_ when her desires
    are moderate, and men cannot look upon her without delight. A
    _Pandíta_ must act up to his doctrines; although it may be in war
    and difficulty, still he must act up to what he professes.

  This must be the conduct of the _Pandíta_. If attacked by a
    serpent, he must not be moved by it, nor even by a lion: still
    the same, he must be firm and unmoved, and neither the serpent
    nor the lion will have power to hurt him.

  As the _surája_ flower floats in the water, so does the heart exist
    in a pure body; but let it not be forgotten, that the root of the
    flower holds to the ground, and that the heart of man depends
    upon his conduct in life. The conduct of a _Pandíta_ must be
    distinguished by mercy, charity, firmness, and prudence. His
    speech should be soft and gentle, and in accordance with and like
    unto written instruction, so as to moderate and calm the mind and
    desires of mankind.

  It is mean and low for a rich man not to dress well: it is still
    more mean and low for a man of understanding to mix with bad
    company. So it is when a man attains a high age and knows not the
    _Sástra_; but when a man, through the whole course of his life,
    does not reflect upon his conduct, such a man is of no use in the
    world whatever.

  A man should wear that sort of apparel which in the general opinion
    is considered proper, and should also eat that kind of food which
    is generally approved of. If he does this, he will appear like
    unto a virgin, who has just attained maturity. Let him not follow
    implicitly the advice and instruction he may receive, but let him
    weigh them, and select what is good by his own understanding.

  In war, let there be no fear on any account, but let the whole
    thoughts be directed to the main object of urging the warriors to
    the attack of the foe. Moreover, let the thoughts be directed to
    what may be the enemy's plans: this done, let the heart feel fire.

  When a man engages another in his service, there are four points
    on which he should satisfy himself respecting him. First, his
    appearance: secondly, his conduct; thirdly, his intelligence; and
    fourthly, his honesty.

  The most valuable property is gold; and whoever has much of it, if
    he does not assist those who are poor and in want, is like unto
    a house without a fence, and he will soon be deprived of the
    property which he possesses.

  As the moon and the stars shed their light by night, and the
    sun giveth light by day, so should the sayings of a wise man
    enlighten all around him.

  Follow not the seeming wisdom of a woman's discourse; for as a man
    is more powerful and better informed than a woman, it is fitter
    that he should stand on his own ground.

  A man who knows not the customs of the country (_yúdya Nagára_),
    is like a man who would bind an elephant with cords made from
    the _tánjung_ flower. It is not necessary for the elephant to be
    enraged: with the least motion he breaks the cords asunder.

  Deprive not another of the credit which is due to him, nor lower
    him in the opinion of the world: for the sun, when he approaches
    near to the moon, in depriving her of her light adds nothing to
    his own lustre.

  There is nothing better in the world than a man who keeps his word;
    and there is nothing worse than a man who swerves from his word,
    for he is a liar. There are five witnesses, which may be seen by
    every one: _Yang-anála_ or _Bráma_ (fire), _Súria_ (the sun),
    _Chándra_ (the moon), _Kála_ (time), _Báyu_ (life). And they are
    the great witnesses always present throughout the three worlds;
    therefore let men recollect never to lie.

  There are three things which destroy a man's character, and they
    are as three poisons: the first, to disgrace his family or lower
    himself; the second, to take delight in bringing misfortunes and
    unhappiness upon others; the third, to be a hypocrite, and assume
    the character of a _Pandíta_.

Several works have been recently discovered in _Báli_, called _Agáma_,
_Adigáma_, _Púrwa Digáma_, _Súrcha_, _Muscháyagáma_, _Kantára_ or
_Sástra Menáwa_, _Dewagáma_, _Maiswári_, _Tatwa_, _Wiya Wasáha_,
_Dásta Kalabáya_, _Slákan Taragáma_, _Satmagáma_, _Gamíga Gamána_. Of
many of these, copies have been procured, and the _Sástra Menáwa_, or
institutions of _Menu_, have been partially translated into English.
This is a book of law comprised in about one hundred and sixty
sections, evidently written on the spot, and with reference to the
peculiar habits and dispositions of the people for whom it was framed.
As a code of civil law, it is remarkable for the proof it affords of
the existence of actual property in the land; and as a criminal code,
for the frequency of capital punishment, and the almost total absence
of all degrading or minor corporeal punishment.

Of the more modern compositions, and which may be considered as more
strictly Javan, the following are the principal:

_Angréné_ is an historical work, which commences with the reign of
_Sri Jáya Langkára_ sovereign of _Médang Kamúlan_, the grandfather
of the celebrated _Pánji_, and concludes with the death of _Pánji_.
This is the longest work to be found in the modern literature of Java,
and contains the most interesting and important part of Javan history
immediately antecedent to the establishment of Mahomedanism. It is
composed in several measures of the _Sékar Gángsal_, and is usually
divided into several smaller works, to each of which the name of Pánji
is prefixed, as:

_Pánji Mordaningkung._ The history of that part of the _Pánji's_ life,
when his consort, _Sékar-táji_, is carried off by a deity. This is
replete with relations of his adventures in war, and partly written in
the _Sékar Sépoh_ and partly in the _Sékar Gángsal_.

_Pánji Magát-kung_ relates to that period when the object of _Pánji's_
love was not yet attained.

_Pánji-áng'ron ákung_, containing the particulars of marriage
ceremonies observed by _Pánji_.

_Pánji priambáda_, containing an account of the success and completion
of _Pánji's_ love, and ending with his marriage.

_Pánji Jáya Kasúma._ This is one of the names assumed by _Pánji_ after
the loss of his consort, _Sékar-táji_ and contains an account of his
expedition to _Báli_, where he regained her.

_Pánji Chékel Wáning Páti_ (when young brave even to death) contains
the juvenile exploits of this hero.

_Pánji Norowangsa_ includes the period of his life, when the Princess
of _Dahá_ transforms herself into a man.

Neither the date of the principal work from which these minor
compositions are taken, nor the name of the author is known; but it is
supposed to have been written subsequently to the time of _Majapáhit_,
the language being modern Javan.

Literary compositions of the higher cast are generally classed by the
Javans under the head of _Pepákam_ or _Bábat_, the latter of which
includes all historical works and chronicles of modern date.

_Srúti_ is a work which contains regulations for the conduct and
behaviour of an inferior to a superior. It is written in the _Káwi_
language, but _Artáti_ measure, and has not yet been translated into
Javan. It is of the same length as the _Níti Sástra Kâwi_.

_Níti Prája_ is composed in the same measure as the _Srúti_, and
contains regulations for the conduct of sovereigns and chiefs, partly
in the _Káwi_ and partly in the Javan.

_Asta Prája_ is a work of the same nature and similarly composed.

_Siwáka_ contains regulations for behaviour when in the presence of a
superior, in the Javan language and _Artáti_ measure.

_Nagára Kráma_, regulations for the good administration of the country,
in the same language and measure.

_Yúdha Nagára_, the customs of the country, containing rules for the
behaviour of persons of different ranks, in Javan and in the _Artáti_
and _Pamíjil_ measures.

_Kamandáka_ contains instructions for inspiring respect and fear in the
exercise of authority, partly _Káwi_, partly Javan, and in _Artáti_
measure.

The seven last mentioned works are supposed to have been written about
the same period. The _Chándra Sangkála_ of the _Srúti_ is 1340 of the
Javan era. From the allusion to _Islam_ customs which they contain it
is concluded that they were all composed on the decline of _Majapáhit_,
at a period when the influence of that religion was rapidly gaining
ground. These works are in pretty general circulation, and form
the basis of the institutions and regulations of the country. The
translation already given of a modern version of the _Níti Prája_ will
serve to shew their nature and tendency.

_Jáya Langkára_ is a work supposed to have been written by a chief
of that name, when sovereign of _Médang Kamúlan_, and which contains
regulations for the highest judicial proceedings.

_Júgul Múda_, supposed to have been written by _Júgul Múda_ the _Páteh_
or minister of _Kandiáwan_, chief of _Médang Kamúlan_, containing
rules for the guidance of _Pátehs_ in the judicial department of their
office.

_Gája Múda_, a similar work, supposed to have been written by _Gája
Múda_, the _Páteh_ of the great _Browijáya_ of _Majapáhit_.

_Kápa Kápa_, regulations for the guidance of the sovereign in the
administration of justice.

_Súria Alem_, a similar work for the guidance of all persons entrusted
with authority, supposed to have been composed by _Aji Jímbon_, the
first Mahomedan sovereign of Java.

None of the above works are written in verse. They form the basis of
what may be called the common law of the country. The translation of
the modern version of the last of these, contained in the Appendix,
will serve to convey some idea of the nature and spirit of this class
of compositions.

Besides the above may be noticed another work called _Jáya Langkára_, a
romance, supposed to have been written in the time of _Susúnan Ampel_,
in the Javan language and modern measures. This is a moral work of
considerable length, written in allegory, and pointing out the duties
of all classes.

The _Jówar Maníkam_ is of a more recent date, and a general favourite:
it may convey some notion of the modern romances of the Javans.

       *       *       *       *       *

  That is true love which makes the heart uneasy!

  There was a woman who shone like a gem in the world, for she was
    distinguished by her conduct, and her name was _Jówar Maníkam_.

  Perfect was her form, and she was descended from a devotee, from
    whom she derived her purity and the rules of her conduct.

  Her beauty was like that of the children of heaven (_widadáris_),
    and men saw more to admire in her, than was to be found on the
    plains, on the mountains, or in the seas.

       *       *       *       *       *

  Pure was her conduct, like that of a saint, and she never forgot
    her devotions to the deity: all evil desires were strangers to
    her heart.

  She rose superior above the multitude from following the dictates
    of religion, and in no one instance was her heart disturbed by a
    bad thought or desire, so that her life was without reproach.

  What pity it is she hath not a lover, for when a young and handsome
    woman obtains a husband of high character and qualifications, it
    is as milk mixed with sugar!

       *       *       *       *       *

  When her virtue was assailed by the _Panghúlu_, she was astonished,
    and exclaimed, "why dost thou thus take the course of a thief?
    why dost thou act in this manner?

  "Art thou not prohibited from doing thus? forgettest thou thy
    _Rája_, and fearest thou not thy God?

  "And thinkest thou not either of thyself? Greatly dost thou
    astonish me! Is not thy conduct bad even before the world? but
    being forbidden by the Almighty, art thou not afraid of his
    anger?"

       *       *       *       *       *

  "If such be thy desire, I can never consent to its indulgence, for
    I fear my God, and for all such deeds the punishment from heaven
    is great.

  "Rather let me follow the course pointed out by the prophet: let me
    imitate the conduct of his child Fatima.

  "How comes it, that thy inclination is so evil towards me? Verily,
    if my father knew of this proceeding, wouldst thou not justly
    receive severe punishment?"

The _Panghúlu_ thus frustrated in his design, writes in revenge to
her father, and informs him that his daughter has made a fruitless
endeavour to seduce him: upon hearing which the deceived parent orders
her to be put to death. Her brother is about to put this order in
execution, when placing his hand before his eyes while he inflicts the
blow, he stabs a small deer in lieu of his sister, who escapes into the
woods.

  With rapidity she fled to the woods, and then taking shelter under
    a wide spreading _waríng'en_ tree, the still unripe fruits of the
    forest attained maturity, and seemed to offer themselves as a
    relief to her.

  All the flowers, though the season for opening their petals was not
    arrived, now expanded, and shedding their fragrance, it was borne
    by a gentle zephyr towards her, while the _bramára_, attracted
    by the odour, swarmed around, and the fragrance of each flower
    seemed to vie with the other in reaching her presence.

  The wild animals of the forest, the tiger, the wild ox, the
    rhinoceros came towards the princess, as if to watch and guard
    her, crouching around her, but occasioning not the least alarm.

       *       *       *       *       *

  Being in want of water, the princess put up a prayer to heaven,
    when close by her feet a spring of pure water issued.

  On which the _sarója_ flower soon appeared, opening its petals,
    and offering the shade of a _páyung_ to the smaller water-plants
    floating beneath.

  Her heart now became easy; and delighted at what she beheld, she
    proceeded to bathe and perform her devotions.

The father, on his return, learns the treachery of the _Panghúlu_,
and having recovered his daughter, she is subsequently married to
a neighbouring prince, by whom she has three children. Her trials,
however, are not yet at an end, for being on a journey to visit her
father, accompanied by the _Pepáteh_ of her husband, who is appointed
to guard her on the way, the _Pepáteh_ forms a design upon her virtue.
He is represented as saying:--

  "If you, oh princess, submit not to my desires, it is my
    determination to put your eldest child to death."

  The princess on hearing this became so affected as to be deprived
    of speech.

  When the _Pepáteh_ again repeating his threat in a solemn manner,

  She replied, "what would you have me say? Whatever may be the will
    of God I must submit. If my child is to die, how can I prevent
    it?"

  The _Pepáteh_, on hearing this, forthwith drew his sword, and slew
    the child, again demanding of the princess whether she would
    submit to his desires? To which she answered, "No!"

  He again urged her: but the princess hanging down her head was
    silent, and in the hope that God would give her resolution, her
    mind became more easy.

  The _Pepáteh_ then shaking his sword before the princess, again
    urged her to submit, threatening that if she refused he would
    slay her second child.

  But the princess could only reply, "you must act as you say, if it
    is the will of God that you should do so."

  He then slew the second child, and again urging her to submit,
    threatened, in case of refusal, that he would slay the third
    child, then at her breast.

  Snatching the child from her arms, he put his threat into
    execution, and the blood flew on the mother's face, on which she
    swooned and fell to the ground.

  The _Pepáteh_ having succeeded in recovering her, again attempted
    to effect his purpose, threatening that if she still refused he
    would slay her: to this the princess at first made no reply.

  But placing her sole reliance on the Almighty, a thought at last
    struck her, and she said:

  "Do as you will with me; but seeing that I am disfigured with
    blood, allow me first to bathe in an adjacent stream."

The _Pepáteh_ assenting to this, she went away and effected her escape
into the woods. There she remained in safety, until discovered by her
husband, who in revenge put the three children of the _Pepáteh_ to
death.

It has already been shewn, that notwithstanding the intercourse
which has now subsisted for upwards of four centuries, and the full
establishment of the Mahomedan as the national religion of the country
for upwards of three centuries, the Arabic has made but little or
no inroad into the language; and it may be added, that the Arabic
compositions now among them are almost exclusively confined to matters
of religion. Books in the Javan language are occasionally written
in the Arabic character, and then termed _Pégu_, but this practice
is by no means general. The _Kóran_ was first translated, or rather
paraphrased, about a century ago, and rendered into Javan verse by a
learned man of _Pranarága_, to whom the title of _Kiai Pranarága_ was
in consequence given.

Arabic books, however, are daily increasing in number. The principal
works in this language, with which the Javans are at present
acquainted, are the _Umul brahin_, by _Sheik Usuf Sanusi_; _Mohárrar_,
by _Iman Abu Hanífa_; _Ranlo Taleb_, by _Sheik Islam Zachariah_; and
_Insan Kamil_, by _Sheik Abdul Karim Jili_. The doctrines of _Sheik
Mulana Ishak_, the father of _Susúnan Gíri_ and one of the earliest
missionaries, were those of _Abu Hanífa_, which are the same as the
Persians are said to profess; but these doctrines have, subsequent to
the time of _Susúnan Gíri_, been changed for those of _Shafihi_. There
are, however, some who still adhere to the doctrines of _Hánifa_; but
their numbers are few, and the chiefs are all followers of _Shafihi_.
The number of Arabic tracts circulating on Java has been estimated at
about two hundred.

Several institutions have been established in different parts of
the island, for the instruction of youth in the Arabic language and
literature. At one of these, in the district of _Pranarága_, there were
at one time (about seventy years ago, in the time of _Páku Nagára_),
not less than fifteen hundred scholars. This institution has since
fallen into decay, and the number at present does not exceed three or
four hundred. Similar institutions are established at _Meláng'i_, near
_Matárem_, and at _Sídamârmar_, near _Surabáya_; and at _Bántam_, about
eighty years ago, there existed an institution, of nearly equal extent
with that of _Pranarága_.

Literary compositions are almost invariably written in verse. The
measures employed are of three classes. First, the _sekár[140] káwi_,
or measures in which the _káwi_ compositions are generally written;
secondly, the _sekár sepoh_, high or ancient measures; thirdly, the
_sekár gángsal_, or five modern measures.

A complete stanza is termed a _páda_ (literally a foot); a line is
termed _ukára_; the long syllables are termed _gúru_, the short _láku_;
and although rhyme is not used, the several measures of the _sekár
sepoh_ and _gángsal_ are regulated by the terminating vowels of each
line, which are fixed and determined, for each particular kind of
verse[141], by the number of syllables in each line, the disposition of
the long syllables, and the number of lines in each stanza or _páda_.

Of the _sekár káwi_ there are twelve radical stanzas, most of which
occur in the _Níti Sástra_ and other principal _Káwi_ compositions.
They are named:

  1. _Stradúla wikrindíta._
  2. _Jága díta._
  3. _Wahírat._
  4. _Basánta tiláka._
  5. _Bágsapátra._
  6. _Srágdára._
  7. _Sekaríni._
  8. _Suwandána._
  9. _Champáka máliar._
  10. _Práwira lalítá._
  11. _Basánta líla._
  12. _Dánda._

Each of these stanzas consists of four lines, as in the following
example of the _Sradúla Wíkrindita_, from the _Níti Sástra Káwi_.

    "Reng jánma di kámi ta chíta reséping sárwa prája ng'enaka
    "Ring s'tri matdia manuára pría wawus andé mána kung lúlut
    "Yen ring Madiáni kang pinandîta mochap tetóah pa désa prîen
    "Yen ring matdía nikáng mosa mochap-akan wakchúra sing'a k'roti.

       *       *       *       *       *

    A man who is moderate and cool in his desires will do good to a
        country.
    A woman is like unto _Déwi Manuhára_ when her desires are moderate,
        and men cannot look upon her without admiration.
    A _Pandíta_ must at all times and on all occasions act up to his
        doctrines:
    Whether it be in war or in difficulty, still he must act up to what he
        says.

Examples of several other measures of the _sekár káwi_ and of the metre
will be given hereafter in the analysis of the _Bráta Yudha_.

Of the _sekáh sepoh_ there are great varieties, several of which are
exhibited in the following examples.

MEGÁTRUH.

(_Consisting of five unequal lines, terminating with the vowel sounds_
u, e, u, i, _and_ o.)

    "Wong ahurīp | aywa tā | ang'gung | katungkūl ||
    "'Ing kawibawān | kamuktēn ||
    "'Aywa ta | ang'gung gumung'gūng ||
    "Manawā | dinadung eblīs ||
    "Kajarāh | temah wurung wōng ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Men of this world! give not yourselves up
    To the pleasures of power and sensual gratification:
    Neither be vain nor open to flattery.
    Lest caught in his toils,
    You fall into the hands of the devil.

PÚCHUNG.

(_Consisting of four unequal lines, terminating with the vowel sounds_
u, a, i, _and_ a. )

    "Den prayitnā | wong agūng | aja pitambūh ||
    "Barāng | rahing prajā ||
    "Kawruhanā | den atitī ||
    "Supayani | 'ing tindāk aywa | ng'alentār ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Watch well, ye great, and be not unmindful
    Of what takes place in the country;
    But observe it narrowly,
    That the administration of it may not be neglected.

BALÁBAK.

(_Consisting of three long lines, each terminating in_ é.)

    "Wong ahurīp | aja anggung mang'an minūm | jarenē ||
    "Ananungkūl | íng dría kang tan sayogyā | gawénē ||
    "Lamun orā | ing nalika mangsa Kalā | Kalanē ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Men of this life! devote not yourselves to the pleasures of eating and
        drinking;
    For it is a passion of which the indulgence is vicious,
    Except on grand and particular occasions.

KÚSWA WIRÁNGRONG WIRÁNGRONG.

(_Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_ i, o, u, i, a,
        _and_ a).

    "Lir dawūh dawūh | ing margī ||
    "Sang d'yāh parayāng | paroyōng ||
    "Supe duk aniandāk | wastra ng'rangkūs ||
    "Kawingkin kang wēntīs ||
    "Lumarāp | kadi kilāt ||
    "Murub padāng | Kang pasebān ||.

       *       *       *       *       *

    Stumbling as she went,
    The Princess walked with faltering pace.
    Laying hold of her under garment, she unconsciously drew it up,
    When from the exposed calf of her leg
    A flash like lightning darted,
    Which illumined the Hall of Audience.

SUMEKÁR.

(_Consisting of eight lines, ending in the vowel sounds_ i, a, a, i _and_
        e).

    "Gugunung'ān | lor-wetan tuhu 'angrawīt ||
    "Pinārigī ing selā kakarang'ān ||
    "Pandan-janmā | jinemb|ang'ān ||
    "Sri jata winujīl | wujīl ||
    "Pisang tatār | lir tunjūng | Sikarī |

       *       *       *       *       *

    Beautiful are the hills to the north-east,
    Adorned and interspersed with walls of stone,
    With the _pándan jánma_ growing in pots,
    And overgrown with the _s'ri játa_,
    And the _písang tátar_, having a blossom like the _túnjung_.

PALUGÓN.

(_Consisting of eight lines, terminating with the vowel sounds_ a, u, o, u,
                           o, a, u, _and_ o).

    Yen tan hanā | adedangkān ||
    Punggawa satryā agūng ||
    Miang mantrĭ | rempeg āgolōng ||
    Obah osīk | ing prajekū ||
    Iku arjā | prajā katōng ||
    Lawan pang'wā | saning natā ||
    Tan hanā | panasten kalbū ||
    Nora cheng'īl | datan leniōk ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    When none are selfish,
    And the great officers of state, the nobles,
    And the petty officers, are all united together,
    Whatever may be the convulsions or the troubles of the kingdom,
    Still will the kingdom be great and prosperous.
    When the power of the sovereign
    Is envied by none,
    All are then united and none are disloyal.

PAU-GÁNGSA.

(_Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_ a, e, e, a, a,
        _and_ i).

    Pada salāmet sadayā ||
    Sapung gawā | mantri lān satriyānē ||
    Yata Rajā | adil malī | andikānē ||
    Eh ajunan pirāng prakárā ||
    Kabechikān | m'ring kawulā ||
    Pateh yunān | awōt-sarī ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    All will be prosperous and peaceful,
    The chiefs of provinces, the nobles, and the petty chiefs.
    On which _Raja Adil_ (the just king) thus spoke again:
    "Oh _Yúnan_, how many rules are there
    "For the prosperity of the subject?"
    To which _Páteh Yúnan_ returned for answer.

KÚSWARÍNI.

(_Consisting of seven lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_ u, a, u, a,
                            i, a, _and_ e).

    "Sampun katāh | aniyasāt wadya prabū ||
    "Balik ng'egung'enā ||
    "Turasing wōng | bangsa luhūr ||
    "Yen turaīsng | bangsa andāp ||
    "Nang'ing prayugī | kīnantī ||
    "Den pratelā | hing panejā ||
    "Ang'inggahaken | wād'yanī ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Treat not the subjects of your majesty with cruelty,
    But respect
    The descendants of honourable families;
    To the descendants even of low families
    Also shew kind treatment;
    Yet be careful how you take a liking to any one,
    And raise him in the world.

MÁHISA LÁNG'IT (THE BUFFALO OF THE SKY).

(_Consisting of five lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_ e, u, i, u,
        _and_ o).

    "Yen sampūn | wontēn kagunānē ||
    "Miang kraprawirānipūn ||
    "Punjuling | sasami sāmī ||
    "Pantes jenunjūng | kang lunggūh ||
    "Nora lingsēm | ing piyāngkōh ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    If there is one who has merit
    And abilities
    Surpassing his equals,
    It is proper to raise him,
    And there is no shame in such an act.

KÉNYA KEDÍRI,

(_Consisting of nine lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_, u, i, u,
u, u, a, e, u, _and_ i.)

    "Inggih lamūn | dereng wontan labetipūn ||
    "Guna Kaprawirānekī ||
    "Upama yen jinunjūng'a | lungguhipūn ||
    "Sayektī | kochaping jāgāt | datan arūs ||
    "Makan darāh | yen dereng yog'ya jinūnjūng ||
    "Lan sampūn | 'akaryā | lūrāh ||
    "Wong durjanā | dursilekī ||
    "Lan sampun atantūn ||
    "M'ring pung'gawā | mantrī jahīl ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    But if one having neither merit,
    Ability, nor capacity,
    Should be promoted in his stead,
    Then would the world say it was improper;
    For one raised above his merits must _mákan dárah_ (swallow blood).
    Make not a chief
    Of one who is a knave or bears an ill character,
    And ask not advice
    From one who is ill-disposed.

Other measures, which may be classed under the _sekár sepoh_ are
_júrudemúng_, _lúntang_, _gámbuh_, _kulánté_, _lámbang_, _káswa
rága_, _ránsang_, _pamur'ántang_, _ontang-'anting_, _'mas-kumámqang_,
_tárub-agúng_, _pa-mijil s'lang'it_ or _kinánti_, _irun-írun
lung-gadúng_, _lára-katrísna_.

The _sekár gungsal_, or five modern measures, are those in which the
ordinary compositions of the present day are written. Of these there
are again several varieties in different districts, as follow:--

ASMARANDÁNA,

which, according to the manner in which it is chaunted, is called
_salóbog_, _jákalóla_, _súrup-sasi-bawaraga_, _séndon pradápa_,
_paláran_.

(_Consisting of seven lines terminating in the vowel sounds_ i, a, o e,
a, a u, _and_ a.)

    "Sun 'amurwā | lang'it inggīl ||
    "Dadalan ikū | pan dāwā ||
    "Chok jurang'ā | pasti lēdōk ||
    "Lumrahi g'ni āpānas ||
    "Sanady'an lawē | petāk ||
    "Yen winedēl | dadi wūlūng ||
    "Yen mahidū | ayonānā ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Lofty is the sky,
    Roads too are always long;
    Every valley is low,
    And fire is naturally hot;
    White thread will even be black
    If jet you do but dye it,
    And if you don't believe it, try.

ARTÁTI, DÁNDANG GÚLÁ, (sugar crow), or SADÁNA CHÍTA,

  which, according as it is chaunted, is called _renchasih_,
    _majásih_, _lindur dálang-karahínan_, _bárang míring_, _gúla
    kentar_, or _paláran_.

(_Consisting of ten unequal lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_ i, a,
        e _or_
                      o, u, i, a u, a, i _and_ a.)

    "Benjang ingsūn | mari brangta kingkīn ||
    "Yen mamalā | malaning kanang rat ||
    "Dūrjanā | dusta līnyokē ||
    "Chelā | cholong chalimūd ||
    "Wong ambīgāl | ng'etal katāhil ||
    "Kichū kampāk karūmpak
    "Babotoh | kābutuh ||
    "Babangsāt | puda malesat ||
    "Baya kōnō | mari analian--wiyādī ||
    "Dadining susī | lārja ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    The painful feeling of my love will only cease
    When the wicked of the world,
    The knaves, the thieves, and the liars,
    The scandalous and those who steal,
    And the banditti, are all held in contempt;
    When robbers and plunderers are all destroyed,
    And cock-fighters are in despair;
    When gamblers are cast out.
    Then, perhaps, the sadness of my heart may cease;
    Then may I be restored to peace and happiness.

SINOM, SRI NÁTA, OR PERDÁPA,

  which, according to the chaunt employed, is called _béngak_,
    _garúndel_, _gádung-maláti_, _jáyeng-asmára_, _babarláyar_,
    _merák ngúwuh_, _hagók-surabáya_ and _paláran_.

(_Consisting of nine lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_, a, i, a,
i, i, u, a, i _and_ a.)

    "Wusinā | ing'amban saksāna ||
    "Layōné | dewi angrēni ||
    "Binaktā | minggah kēng pālwa ||
    "Indrajalā | dan tītihī ||
    "Dening Rahadēn Pūnjī ||
    "Dewi oneng'ūn tān kantūn
    "Tumut dateng kāng | raka ||
    "Akatāh | pawong'ān chéti ||
    "Kang binakta | sagung'ingkang rajābranā ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Having taken in his arms
    The body of the departed
    Princess _Ang'réni_,
    It was borne
    On board the vessel _Indrajála_
    By _Ráden Pánji_.
    The Princess _Oréng'an_ was not left behind,
    But accompanied her elder brother,
    With many companions and female attendants,
    The whole treasures being carried along with them.

PÁNGKUR,

  which, according as it may be chaunted, is termed _paláran_ and
    _kadáton_.

(_Consisting of seven lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_, a, i, u,
a, u, a, _and_ i.)

    "Nīhan kramanīng | tumītah ||
    "Dan tatīla | tumulad 'ing réh titi ||
    "Wechanā | den pindā | pūnggūng ||
    "Dan amēm | nayéng gitā ||
    "Pagutēnā | yen wus samekta éng wūwūs ||
    "Den panggah | ay'wa miyāgāh ||
    "Pilih tā | kawadēng wadī ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    The manners of men should be correct;
    And in adopting an accurate conduct,
    Let your speech be modest and unassuming.
    When thinking, let your countenance appear unruffled;
    And when your words are prepared, deliver them.
    Be firm, but on no account bigotted,
    Lest you be held in contempt.

DURMA,

  which, according as it is chaunted, is called _seráng_, _rángsang_,
    _bedáya_, _madúra_, and _Paláran_.

(_Consisting of seven lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_, a, i, a,
a, i, a _and_ i.)

    "Masjidé kā | kabatulah ika prayōgā ||
    "Payū | tinirū sami ||
    "Gawi kabatūlah ||
    "Sigra mantuk prasamia ||
    "Wōng Abesah | sireng prapti ||
    "Ing nagarania ||
    "Anulia | yasa sami ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    The temple of _Kabatúlah_ is most excellent,
    Come, let us all imitate it,
    And build another _Kabatúlah_.
    They then returned to their home,
    And when the people of _Abésah_ arrived
    At their country,
    They immediately commenced the work.

The _sekárs_, _kinánti_, and _míjil_ are sometimes classed under the
common or modern measures. The following are examples of those measures.

KINÁNTI,

(_Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sound_, u, i, a, i,
a, _and_ i.)

    "Ake wong | sanak sadūlūr ||
    "Tan kadiā | Sugriwā bali ||
    "Sapolāh | tingkaniā pada ||
    "Moang suarā | rupa anūng'gīl ||
    "Kadia n'gilu | lan wayang'gā ||
    "Kewran sāng | rama ēng ati ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    Most people have brothers and relatives,
    But not such as _Sugriwa_ and _Báli_.
    Their actions and conduct were both alike,
    And their voice and form was one and the same.
    They were like each other even as a substance and its shadow,
    And the mind of _Ráma_ himself was confused in distinguishing between
        them.

MIJIL,

(_Consisting of six lines, terminating in the vowel sounds_, i, o, e,
i, i, _and_ u.)

    "Rima panjāng | memak tur awīlīs ||
    "Urāb urāb āwōr ||
    "Lir manj'āngān | katarwan solāhē ||
    "Brang'os lemēt | yayah lir mināngsī ||
    "Dia wirun tinūlīs ||
    "Warnani abāgūs ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    His long and waving hair was of a greenish hue
    Intermixed with flowers,
    His action like that of a wounded deer,
    And his mustachios fine and dark, as if pencilled.
    He resembled the picture of _Wírun_ (the brother of _Panji_).
    Most beautiful was his complexion.

The following are examples of some of the measures adopted by the
inhabitants of _Báli_. The three first are in the language of the
country people; the others are extracted from one of their modern
compositions.

    "Kadi jaran
    "Pang'aruk duag mapola
    "Pang'ang'gong niane lueh
    "Mapelag-pelagan
    "Mandadi
    "Paleng'gian
    "Atut sayang
    "Kategah-keng
    "Tundung ne balan
    "Lamput tina chamáti

       *       *       *       *       *

    Like unto a horse
    Graceful in action,
    Richly caparisoned
    With various ornaments
    Becoming
    The royal saddle-horse;
    Truly pleasant and agreeable
    To ride,
    His back shewing the mark
    Of the stroke of the whip.

       *       *       *       *       *

    "Chahi santri
    "Bajang bajang gobah m'lah
    "Dapati manu huking
    "Deman hatini memadat
    "Chahi
    "Bajang taruna
    "Nu liyu
    "Demanin chahi
    "Ing'atan awah
    "Bikasé dali santri

       *       *       *       *       *

    Young man! you are a _sántri_[142],
    Young and handsome:
    Curb your inclinations
    And don't smoke opium.
    Young man!
    Yet unconnected with woman,
    There is much
    To which you must incline.
    Think of yourself,
    And that you have become a _sántri_.

CHECHANG KRIMAN.

             (_Sung by a Mother to her Child on her Arm._)

    "Niahi ayu kapakan maniankil wakul
    Kalang mabalanjar lakuné manolé-nolé
    Sada gisu
    Dayanin tuah kablag'gandang"

       *       *       *       *       *

    My handsome girl! in bringing a purchase from the market,
    When you have paid the price, cast not your eyes behind,
    But move quickly,
    Lest men may seize upon you.

The following are examples from the written compositions of _Báli_.

    "Sang'nata ika wus mati
    Penadang deneng joarsa
    Yata nulia kesa mangko
    Medal saking pupungkuran
    Prapta
    Heng jawi kita
    Awatara
    Teng'ha dalu
    Tanana wong kang ng'uning'a"[143]

       *       *       *       *       *

    Then that sovereign died,
    Being destroyed by _Joarsa_,
    Who thereupon went out,
    Retreating by the back part of the dwelling;
    And having arrived at the outside of the fort
    At the time
    It was midnight,
    No one knew of it.

       *       *       *       *       *

    "Wus lepas lampa ireki
    "Handung kaping parang parang
    "Sumung kaking ukir halon
    "Tumaruning lebah lebah
    "Mantuk
    "Maring Nagara
    "Heng Sahalsa
    "Sina dia
    "Hiku kalang'an chobayang suks'ma"

       *       *       *       *       *

    When he had passed the road
    He ascended the mountains,
    And moved on slowly,
    Ascending and descending,
    Proceeding in search of his country,
    Named _Sahálsa_,
    Which he descried;--
    But here he was opposed by the will of Providence.

In order the better to illustrate the poetry and literature of Java,
and to exhibit the nature and spirit of the compositions in the _Káwi_,
I request to present the reader with an analysis of the _Bráta Yudha_,
the most popular and celebrated poem in the language. Versions of this
poem in the modern Javan are common throughout the island, and the
subject is the theme of the most popular and interesting amusements of
the country.

The _Brata Yúdha Kawi_, of which the following is the analysis, and
from which the illustrations which are interspersed are taken, contains
seven hundred and nineteen _páda_ or metrical stanzas, of four long
lines each, the measures varying with the subject, so that most of the
twelve _Káwi_ measures are to be found in it. Considering how little
was known on Java of the _Káwi_ language, and how likely that little
was to be lost for ever, I felt a strong interest in analysing and
translating, as far as practicable, one of the principal compositions
in that language; and availing myself of the literary acquirements
of the _Panambahan_ of _Sumenap_, to whom I have already adverted,
and of the assistance of a gentleman of my family, and _Raden Saleh_,
the son of the regent of _Semaráng_, I have it now in my power to lay
the following analysis of this ancient poem before the public. It is
far from being as complete, or correct, as I could have wished, yet
imperfect as it is, it may serve to convey some idea of the original.
I have endeavoured to keep as close to the original as possible, and
have, in every instance, given the interpretation of the _Káwi_, as far
as it was understood by the _Panambahan_. The Sanscrit scholar will
probably find imperfections, and possibly might be able to render a
better translation; but it is the _Káwi_ language, as it is understood
by the Javans of the present day, that I am anxious to illustrate.
The original stanzas are given in the _Káwi_, and I only regret that
the limited knowledge of the language possessed by the _Panambahan_
himself, and my own want of time to study and trace the grammatical
construction of it, have not admitted of my doing more justice to
the original. I can safely affirm, that independent of the interest
which the subject loses by translation into a foreign language, the
illustrations now given afford but a very imperfect specimen of the
beauty, sublimity, and real poetry of the original.

This celebrated work would appear from the _Chándra Sangkála_ included
in one of the verses, to have been composed by one _Puséda_, a learned
_Pandíta_, in the year 1079. Some copies, however, admit of a different
interpretation regarding the date, and the general opinion is, that
it was composed in 706 of the Javan era, during the reign of a prince
on whom was conferred the title of _Jáya Báya_. Whether the poem was
actually written on Java, or brought by the early colonists, may be
questionable; but the Javans of the present day firmly believe, not
only that the poem was written on Java, but that the scene of the
exploits which it records was also laid on Java and _Madúra_. The
annexed sketch, with the subjoined note, will explain the situation of
the different countries, according to this notion[144].

               NAMES OF THE PANDÁWA PRINCES, PRINCESSES, &c.

  --------------+--------------------------+--------------------------
  Names.        |Genealogical and          |Different other
                |Descriptive Account.      |Appellations under
                |                          |which known.
  --------------+--------------------------+--------------------------
  _Krésna_      |An incarnate deity, who   | {_Narayána_.
                |is favourable to the      | {_Janardána_ (performers
                |_Pandáwa_, the particular | {  of austerities).
                |friend and guardian of    | {_Patmanába_.
                |_Arjúna_. His father was  | {_Esa_.
                |brother to _Déwi Kúnta_   | {_Wijáya mólia_.
                |                          | {_Kesáwa_.
                |                          |
  _Pándu_       |The son of _Abiása_,      |_Pandu Déwa Nata_.
                |husband of _Déwi Kúnti_   |
                |and _Déwi Madrim_ and     |
                |father of the _Pandáwa_   |
                |                          |
  _Déwi Kúnti_  |Daughter of _Basuketé_,   |
                |King of _Madúra_, and     |
                |wife of _Pándu_.          |
                |                          |
  _Déwi Madrim_ |Daughter of _Chándra      |_Déwi Metrim_.
                |Wàti_, King of            |
                |_Mandaráka_, and wife of  |
                |_Pándu_                   |
                |                          |
                |                          | {_Dérma Kasúma_.
  T P {_Dérma   |The chief and eldest of   | {_Chantáka púra_.
  h á { Wángsa_ |the _Pandáwa_ by _Déwi    | {_Gunan tali kráma_.
  e n {         |Kúnti_                    | {_Yudistíra_.
    d {         |                          |
  P u {         |                          | {_Waikudára_.
  a   {         |                          | {_Judipáti_ (death
  d   { _Bíma_  |Son of _Pándu_ by _Déwi   | {  seeking).
  a   {         |Kúnti_                    | {_Bayu-pútra_ (son of
  w   {         |                          | {   strength).
  a   {         |                          | {_Séna_ (chief in war).
  ,   {         |                          |
      {         |                          | {_Palgúna_ (of
  o   {         |                          | {  powerful[145] thumb).
  r   {         |                          | { _Jaya Ningrat_ (victor
      {         |                          | {   of the world.)
  f   {         |                          | { _Wintarája_.
  i   { _Arjúna_|Son of _Pándu_ by _Déwi   | { _Parta_ (the middle
  v   {         |Kúnti_                    | {  one).
  e   {         |                          | {_Wardiníngsih_ (devotee,
      {         |                          | {  enthusiast).
  s   {         |                          | { _Janárka_.
  o   {         |                          | { _Damarjáya_
  n   {         |                          | {  (victory-giving).
  s   {         |                          | { _Kerséti_.
      {         |                          |
  o   { _Nakula_|{Sons of _Pándu_          |
  f   { _Sedéwa_|{by _Déwi Madrim_.        |
                |                          |
  _Naráda_ }    |                          |
  _Kánwa_  }    |In attendance on _Krésna_.|
  _Jenáka_ }    |                          |
  _Parásu_ }    |                          |
                |                          |
  _Pancha       |                          |
    Kumara_     |Son of _Dérma Wángsa_.    |
                |                          |
  _Gatot Kacha_ |Son of _Bíma_.            |
                |                          |
  _Abimányu_ }  |Sons of _Arjúna_.         |
  _Oráwan_   }  |                          |
                |                          |
  _Drupáda_     |Brother of _Déwi Kúnti_.  |
                |                          |
  _Satiáki_     |Servant of _Krésna_.      |
                |                          |
  _Mangsa Páteh_|King of _Wiráta_.         |
                |                          |
  _Kakarsána_   |King of _Madúra_, and     |
                |eldest brother of         |
                |_Krésna_.                 |
                |                          |
  _Sumbádra_    |Sister of _Krésna_, wife  |
                |of _Arjúna_, and mother   |
                |of _Abimányu_.            |
                |                          |
  _Destadriumna_|Son of _Drupada_.         |

    The regal titles of _Aria_, _Narária_, _Naranáta_,
      _Naríndra_, &c. are occasionally applied to the different
                           chiefs on both sides.

            NAMES OF PRINCIPAL KURÁWA PRINCES, PRINCESSES, &c.

  --------------+--------------------------+--------------------------
  Names.        |Genealogical and          |Different other
                |Descriptive Account.      |Appellations under
                |                          |which known.
  --------------+--------------------------+--------------------------
  _Drupadi_     |Daughter of _Drupada_ and |
                |wife of _Dérma-Wángsa_.   |
                |                          |
  _Sirikándi_,  |  Do. -- do. and wife of  |
   or _Sikándi_ |   _Arjúna_.              |
                |                          |
  _Sitisundári_ |  Do. -- do. of _Krésna_  |
                |  and wife of _Abimányu_. |
                |                          |
  _Utári_       |  Do. -- of _Mángsa Páteh_|
                |  or _Wiráta_, and wife of|
                |  _Abimányu_.             |
                |                          |
  _Utára_       |Son of -- do.             |
                |                          |
  _Séta_, or    |   Do. -- do. --          |_Sang Wirata Suta_.
    _Soita_     |                          |
                |                          |
  _Sangka_      |   Do. -- do.             |
                |                          |
  _Dresteráta_  |Eldest brother of _Pándu_ |{_Dresterája_.
                |and father of the         |{_Dreterája_.
                |_Kuráwa_, born blind.     |
                |                          |
                |                          |
                |                          |
  _Suyudána_    |King of _Astína_, and     |{_Genderea_.
                |eldest son of             |{_Kurupati_.
                |_Dresteráta_.             |{_Kuranata_.
                |                          |{_Durya dana_.
                |                          |{_Kurawendra_.
                |                          |{_Korawe Swara_.
                |                          |
  _Durusána_    |One of the _Kúru_.        |
                |                          |
  _Kérna_       |Son of _Batára Suria_ (the|{_Suria-putra_,|(Child of
                |Sun) by _Déwi Kúnti_ when |{_Arka-putra_, |the Sun).
                |a virgin, King of         |{_Radea_
                |_Awáng'ga_.               |{_Rawi Suta_.
                |                          |
  _Jáya-dráta_  |Brother-in-law of the     |
                |_Kuráwa_.                 |
                |                          |
  _Sália_       |King of _Mandaráka_, and  |_Norasuma_
                |uncle to the sons of the  |  (his early name).
                |_Pandáwa_, _Nakúla_ and   |
                |_Sedéwa_.                 |
                |                          |
  _Dang yang    |An aged _Pandíta_, revered|
    drúnu_      |by all parties.           |
                |                          |
  _Aswatáma_    |His Son.                  |_Duija Suta_.
                |                          |
  _Krépa_       |The younger brother of    |
                |_Dang yang Deruna_.       |
                |                          |
  _Bísma_       |An aged _Pandíta_, revered|{_Dewa-brata_.
                |by all parties, son of a  |{_Aria Bisma_.
                |former king of _Astina_.  |
                |                          |
  _Sakúni_      |Brother-in-law of         |
                |_Dresteráta_.             |
                |                          |
  _Begedénta_   |The friend and companion  |
                |of _Suyudána_.            |
                |                          |
  _Satia-wáti_  |Wife of _Sália_ and       |
                |daughter of _Gunawijaya_, |
                |a worthy _Rasaksa_        |
                |                          |
  _Bannwáti_    |Wife of _Suyudana_.       |

              NUMERICAL TERMS MADE USE OF IN THE BRÁTA YÚDHA.

                                  100  _Rátus_.
                                1,000  _Rébu_.
                               10,000  _Láksa_.
                              100,000  _Kéti_.
       1  million           1,000,000  _Yuta_.
      10  ditto            10,000,000  _Bára_.
     100  ditto           100,000,000  _Memeng_.
       1  billion       1,000,000,000  _Pante_.
      10  ditto        10,000,000,000  _Chamo_.
     100  ditto       100,000,000,000  _Ekso'eni_.
   1,000  ditto     1,000,000,000,000  _Pertana_.
  10,000  ditto    10,000,000,000,000  _Gulma_.

FOOTNOTES:

[122] Vol. IV. Book 2, Chap 1.

[123] See comparative vocabulary of the _Malayu_, _Javan_, _Madurese_,
_Báli_, and _Lampung_ languages. Appendix E.

[124] The term _Káwi_ seems to have been borrowed from the Sanscrit
_Káwi_, meaning, in that language, poetry or poetical.

[125] See Appendix E. No. 2.

[126] Appendix E, No. IV.

[127] Appendix E. No. II.

[128] See Appendix E. No. III.

[129] Marsden's Malayan Grammar.

[130] See Historical Chapter, for an account of the introduction of the
alphabet by _Aji Saka_.

[131] See Appendix E. No. III.

[132] "The style of the address in Mexican is varied according to the
rank of the persons with whom, or about whom, conversation is held,
by adding to the nouns, verbs, prepositions, and adverbs, certain
particles expressive of respect. This variety, which gives so much
refinement to the language, does not however make it difficult to be
spoken, because it is subjected to rules, which are fixed and easy; nor
do we know any language that is more regular and methodical."--_History
of Mexico, by Clavigero_, vol. 1.

[133] See Appendix F.

[134] The centaurs.

[135] See Appendix.

[136] Who is represented as the _Páteh_, or minister, of _Sáng yáng
Gúru_.

[137] See Astronomy.

[138] From _rah_, blood, and _wána_, wood, forest.

[139] A narrow white cloth, usually thrown over the shoulders, still
worn by the Bramanas of _Báli_, and called _sámpa álang álang_.

[140] _Sekár_ literally means flowers, and is the usual term for
poetry, flowers (of the language.)

[141] "The _tegála_ verse is only regulated by the rhythm of the
syllables, and the similarity of the vowels in the close. This
similarity of the terminating vowels does not amount to regular rhyme,
for the consonants may be totally different though the vowels are
similar, as in the Spanish rhymes termed _Asonantes_. Thus _laglag_ and
_taltal_, _sut_ and _cahug_, _silip_ and _bukkir_, however imperfect
as rhymes, are all that is required in the termination of the _tegála_
verse."--_Leyden on the Indo-Chinese. Asiatic Researches._

[142] Priest.

[143] This and the following stanza are from the poem of _Joarsa_,
being the history of two brothers of the country of _Sahalsa_.

[144] Under this impression, the city of _Astina_ (_Hastina pura_) is
believed to have been situated near the modern _Pakalong'an_; _Gendara
Désa_, the country of _Sanghoni_, near _Wiradesa_; _Amerta_, the
country of _Derma Wangsa_ and the _Pandawa_, near _Japara_; _Talkanda_,
the country of _Bisma_, and _Banjar jung'ut_, the country of _Dursa
Sána_, in _Lurung Teng'ha; Awang'ga_, either near _Kendal_, or the
modern _Yug'ga-kerta_; _Pring'gadani_, the country of _Bima_, near
_Pamálang_; _Purabáya_, the country of _Gatot Kacha_, near _Surabáya;
Mandura_, the country of _Bála dewa_, or _Kákrá Sáná_, the western
provinces of the island _Madúra_, and _Mandaráka_, the country of
_Salia_, the eastern provinces of that island, towards _Sumenap; Diára
Wati_, or Indoro Wati, _Krisna's_ country, the modern _Pati_. In the
same spirit, the modern capital of the sultan of _Matarem_, called
by the Dutch _Djocjo carta_, but more correctly _Ayog'ya Kerta_, was
so named by its founder, about sixty years ago, after _Ayudya_ the
celebrated capital of _Rama_.

There are three peaks in different parts of the Island, which still
retain the name of _Indra Kíla_, the mountain on which _Arjúna_
performed _tapa_; one on the mountain _Arjúna_, near _Surabáya_, one
on _Morea_ at _Japara_, and another on the _Ung'arang_ mountain, near
_Semárang_.

At the foot of _Semiru_, the name of one of the highest mountains on
the eastern part of the island, is supposed to have been situated the
country of _Newata_, better known as the residence of _Detia Kewacha_,
who reigned before the war of the _Bráta Yudha_.

On _Gunung Práhu_, a range of lofty mountains inland between
_Pakalungan_ and _Semárang_, are the remains of nearly four hundred
temples, or buildings, with the traces of an extensive city. This
is supposed to have been the burying-place of the ancestors of the
_Pandáwa_, as well as of _Arjúna_. The site of the temples was formerly
called _Rah tawu_, the place whence blood was washed, from a tradition,
that when _Pula Sara_ was born, his mother immediately died, on which
the _Déwa_ came and received the infant on its coming into the world.

In the performance of the _wáyang_, in which the heroes of these
historical romances are exhibited, the common people of _Jawana_ never
exhibit that part of the history which relates to the juvenile days
of _Krésna_, from a superstitious apprehension, that the alligators
would, in such event, overrun the country, these animals being supposed
to be the transformed followers of _Kángsa_. At _Pamalang_, also,
there is a similar prohibition with regard to representing _Arímba_,
the brother-in-law of _Bíma_, under a dread, that if the _Dálang_
should, by accident, not represent the story with exactness, he would
inevitably fall sick on the first mistake.

The country of _Parakisit_, after the _Brata Yudha_, is supposed to
have been near _Semárang_, and on that account the _Dálang_ will not
perform that part of the history which relates to his reign, although
it forms a very principal portion in the performances elsewhere.

To these superstitions may be added, that although with these local
exceptions the _wáyang_ may represent any portion of the _Bráta
Yudha_, or of the preceding or subsequent histories of the same
class, there is a prevalent superstition, that a great war will be
the inevitable consequence of performing, at one sitting, the whole
of this poem. It is gravely asserted, that a chief of _Kendal_ tried
this experiment about fifty years ago, but that the performance was no
sooner completed, than his country was laid waste and destroyed: and
also that, previous to the Javan war, the grandfather of the present
_Susunan, Sida Langkungang_, ordered the whole of the _Bráta Yúdha_ to
be performed at once; the consequence of which was the dreadful war
which ensued, and the dismemberment of the empire.

These impressions and superstitions may seem to evince, how deeply
rooted is the belief that the scene of this poem was in Java.

The scene of the _Rámayan_, on the contrary, is not believed to have
been on Java; but there is an impression, that after the death of
_Rawána_, _Hánuman_ fled to Java, and took refuge in the district
of _Ambaráwa_, near _Semárang_, on a hill called _Kandali Sáda_,
the place named in the _Ramayan_ where _Hanuman_ performed _tapa_
(penance). There is still a post or pillar preserved to distinguish
this spot at the summit of the hill; and such is the superstition of
the neighbourhood, that they never perform the _wáyang_ representing
any part of the history of _Ráma_, lest _Hanuman_ should pelt them with
stones.

The annexed plate shews the situation of the principal places mentioned
in the _Bráta Yúdha_, according to the prevailing notions of the Javans.

[145] The _Padawa_, or five Sons of _Pándu_.

AN ANALYSIS

OF

THE BRÁTA YÚDHA,

_OR HOLY WAR; OR RATHER THE WAR OF WOE_:

AN EPIC POEM,

IN THE KÁWI OR CLASSIC LANGUAGE OF JAVA.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

The wife of _Santánu_, king of _Astína_, dying on giving birth to _Déwa
Bráta_ (_Bísma_), _Santánu_ asked _Pulásara_, the _Prábu-Anom_ (or
younger prince), of _Wiráta_, and brother-in-law of _Mángsah Páti_,
prince of that country, to allow his wife _Ambarsári_, who at that time
had a child (_Abiása_) at the breast, to suckle and so save the life of
his infant boy _Déwa Bráta_.

_Pulasára_, offended at the proposal, went to war with _Santánu_, but
was afterwards persuaded by the _Déwa Sang yang Naráda_ to comply, on
condition of _Santánu_ resigning his kingdom to him; to which _Santánu_
agreed. _Pulasára_, when his son _Abiása_ was grown up, gave him the
kingdom of _Astína_, and turning hermit, went and passed the rest of
his days on the mountains.

By his wife _Ambalíka_ (the old maiden daughter of _Baliétma_, a hermit
of _Gúnung Chámaragándi_, whom he was forced to marry against his
inclination) _Abiása_ had three sons, viz.

  1. _Drestaráta_, who was blind.
  2. _Pándu_, whose head was inclined to one side.
  3. _Aria Widúra_, who was lame.

_Pándu_, the least exceptionable of the three sons, being raised to the
throne, _Abiása_ turned hermit, and went and passed the remainder of
his days among the mountains.

On the death of _Pándu_, _Drestaráta_ persuaded his father _Abiása_
to allow him to rule the country during the minority of the _Pándáwa_
(or five children of _Pándu_). These were _Dérma Wangsa_, _Bíma_, and
_Arjúna_, born of his wife _Déwi Kúnti_, and _Nakúla_ and _Sedéwa_,
born of his wife _Déwi Madrim_.

_Drestaráta_ however afterwards persuaded them to go to a wild
uncultivated place called _Amérta_, and establish a kingdom there,
furnishing them, for that purpose, with the requisite implements, and a
thousand men to enable them to clear away and cultivate the country.

Through the assistance of _Mangsáh Pati_, the king of _Wiráta_ (uncle
to _Abiása_), the country of _Amérta_ was completed; but not until the
thousand men had all been devoured by demons, of whom _Párta_ was the
chief.

_Drestaráta_ retained possession of _Astína_, and afterwards resigned
it to his sons, the _Kuráwa_, in number ninety-seven.

The hundred was completed by the addition of _Kérna_, the son of _Déwi
Kúnti_ before marriage, by _Batára Suria_, and of _Jaya-dráta_ and
_Aswatáma_.

The incarnate _Déwa_, _Krésna_, having been deputed by the _Pandáwa_,
whose part he takes, to propose to the king of _Kuráwa_ an equal
division of the kingdom of _Astína_ between the _Kuráwa_ and _Pandáwa_,
and his proposal being rejected, the _Pandáwa_ go to war for the
kingdom which was left them by their father, and which in justice they
ought to have had. The _Kuráwa_ are ultimately beaten, and the kingdom
of _Astína_ recovered by the _Pandáwa_.

The scene of the poem lies chiefly in the hostile plains of
_Kuruksétra_, close to _Astína_, whither it sometimes shifts. The time
of it is about a month, the same being the fifth of the year.

The poem opens as follows:--

                         (Measure _Jagadíta_.)

    1. In war 'tis the prayer of the brave to annihilate the foe,
    To see the braids of fallen chiefs scattered like flowers before the
        wind.
    To rend their garments, and burn alike their altars and their palaces,
    Boldly to strike off their heads while seated in their chariots, and
        thus to obtain renown.

    2. Such was the prayer (of _Jáya Báya_) offer'd to the three worlds
        for success in battle;
    Such was the resolve of _Batára Náta_[146] against those whom he knew
        to be his enemies.
    And the name and power of _Padúka Batára Jáya Báya_ became famous
        throughout the world,
    Confirmed and approved by all good men and by the four classes of
        _Pandíta_[147].

    3. The lord of the mountains descended with all his _Pandíta_,
    And the prince approached him with respect and a pure heart.
    The deity was pleased, and said, "_Aji Jáya Báya_," be not afraid:
    I come to thee not in anger, but according to thy desire, to endow
        thee with the power of conquest.

       *       *       *       *       *

                       Awigno mastutina masidam.

                          (Tem bang Jágadíta.)

    1. Săng sūră m'rī ayā|niă rīng sămără mā|yoănĭ ĭlăng'ăni kāng |
        părāng-mŭkă ||
    Līlā kēmbăng ng'ŏrā | sĕkār tăjĭnĭ kĕsā|nīng'ări pĕjăh hĭng |
        rănāng'-gănă ||
    Urnā nīng rătu mā|tĭ wĭjă nĭră kūn|dănĭ năgărănīng | mŏsū gĕsăng ||
    Sāhītiā ŭtĭ tēn|dăsī rĭpŭ kăpāk|ka nĭrătā sŭ|ră sŭsrămeng lăga ||

    2. Da samangkana kastawa nira tekeng tri Buana winuwus jaying rana
    Kapia sabda Batara Nata sa mosu nira tekapi huwusnia kagraha
    Ng'ka lumra ti tohor ta Paduka Batara Jaya Baya panangga hing sarat
    Mang'go sampun ninastoakan sujana len duijawara Resi Siwa Sugata

    3. Ng'ka ragrian tumurun Batara Giri Nata lawana sira sang'gia len resi
    Yetna s'ri pamasa mamurista mang'argia ri sira sang'a chintia nir mala
    Yekan tusta mana Batara sa wuwus Aji Jaya Baya ayua sang saya
    Ta tan kroda tekangku yen sira saka sung'a wara karananan ka dik Jaya

       *       *       *       *       *

    4. Receive from me a blessing, oh my son _Jáya Báya_!--Hear me! In thy
        country
    Thou shall become the chief of the whole circle of princes, and in war
        victorious over the enemy.
    Be firm and fear not, for thou shalt become as a _Batára_.
    This declaration pronounced with solemnity, was treasured in the
        memory of all the holy _Pandíta_ of heaven.

    5. Thus having bestowed his blessing, the _Batára_ vanished;
    And the enemies of the prince being overcome with fear, submitted to
        him.
    Tranquil and happy was every country. The thief stood aloof during the
        reign of this prince,
    And the lover alone stole his pleasure, seeking his object by the
        light of the moon.

    6. It was at this time _Puséda_[148] rendered memorable the date,
        _risang'a kuda suda chandrama_[149],
    When the brilliancy with which the enemy was defeated was like unto
        the brightness of the sun at the third season,
    And the mercy which was shewn to them was like the moon at the full.
    For in war he looked upon the enemy, as the lord of the wild beasts
        would eye his prey.

       *       *       *       *       *

    4. Tang'gap tosna nograha ku ri wukang ku Jaya Baya rang'e nikang Praja
    Satiastu prabu chakra wartia kita ring sabuana Jaya satru ring mosu
    Tekuan lang'gen'a satmaka na ku lawan kita tulusa Batara ring Jagat
    Yekan sabda nira tro telasi nastoakan nira resi sang'gia ring lang'it

    5. Sampun mangkana suksma reh nira Batara telasi ramawé ka nograha
    Tanduan nut samusu nareswara pada pranata teka rihing mabupati
    'Enak tand'li reng sarat maling awah layata wadi risakti sang Prabu
    Hangheng tan udi sapsabé wang ng'atajeng teka sumilip pipajang'ing
        wulan

    6. Nowan don Puseda makirtia sasakala risang'a kuda sud'da Chandrama,
    Sang saksat ari morti yen Katiga nitia maka palaga saktining musu
    San lir lek prati pada sukla pinalaku nahurip pawijil nireng ripu
    Ring prang derpa pasu prabu pamanira Yuni Kadung'ola ning parang muka

       *       *       *       *       *

    7. Then _Batára Séwa_ came and said to him,
    "This is the time proper to relate the war between the _Pandáwa_ and
        the princes of _Kóra_,
    A relation which is not intended for the regulation of the country or
        the conduct of men, but is like _síri_ with burnt lime,
    Which affects not the teeth, but gives inward satisfaction and
        delight."

    8. In former times, _Naráría Krésna_ was the friend of _Naranáta
        Pandáwa_,
    And he urged them saying, "Request from _Suyudána_, the chief of the
        _Kúru_.
    "Nothing less than a division of the country of the _Kúru_:
    "If he accede, it is well; if not, a great war shall be raised."

    9. Thus having advised he hastily departed, and quitted _Wiráta_,
        followed by _Satiáki_,
    He mounted his chariot of swift-footed coursers, which sped through
        the air as if with wings,
    And soon discerned the city of _Gajahúya_[150], breaking through the
        clouds. Sad
    Looked her _waríngen tree_[151], like unto a sorrowful wife separated
        from her husband.

       *       *       *       *       *

    7. Biakta chamana pada Pangkaja Batara seiva mara ng'omastawa sira
    Yogya mang'galaning mikat prangira Pandawa maka laga Korawé s'wara
    Dan Duran kawasa alip kadi s'ru pama hugi mahapu susu gesang
    Mang'so tan sedap panya ring waja tuhon pamurna mang'on resēpi ng'ati

    8. Ng'ani Kala Narario Krisna pinaka seraya nira Naranatu pandawa
    Sinoé Kara Kinon lumakqua dateng'ing kurupati mang'aran Suriodana
    Tan lean don nanira malaku rika paliani pura Nararia Kurawa
    Yukpuan pasra atut ta ratqua yedi tan pasung'a karana ning prang'at
        Buta.

    9. Dan mangka sira sigra Sakari Wirata dinolur ri ng'anama Satiaki
    Heng'gal prapta tekap nisacti ni turang'ga Nirata nira pinda hanglayang
    Kong'ang desa nikang Gajahuya pura awu Kinemol laneng udan riwut
    Uruk warnani wandirania kadi soka makemoli paning'gal ling pria.

       *       *       *       *       *

    10. The corners of the gateways seemed to bow as he advanced,
    And their turrets to beckon to _Janardáni_ to hasten on.
    The branches of the serpent flower[152] waved in the wind, as if in
        obeisance,
    And all the beauty of the city of the _Kúrus_ appeared to enquire
        whether he were followed by the _Pandáwa_.

    11. But _Narária Kesáwa_ had left the sons of _Pándu_ at _Wiráta_.
    The appearance of every thing on the road was sad: sorrowful was the
        sound of the bird _chúchur_,
    And the _jring_ plant was drooping and fallen, bearing down with it to
        the ground the _pándan_ flower;
    Mournful was the moaning of the bird _walikitádáhasi_ crying on the
        branch of a tree.

       *       *       *       *       *

    10. Punchak punchaki gopuran'ia aturang ng'adang'a ri sira <DW41>'gu ri
        ng'nu
    Kadio gir ri tekar Janardana panambahi pataka nekang nawe Katon
    Warna nambahi pang nikang bujaga puspa magiu anu mimba kang'-inan
    Saksat laxmini kang puri kuru matakoana ri milu Nararia Pandawa.

    11. Dan Bahnan kari Pandu Patra ri Wirata tekapira Nararia Kesawa
    Yéka soka lang'an ikang awana kunda manang'isa sekal chuchur neka
    Mangka j'ring malumi dawu pudaki Pandani ka makilusu aning Watu
    Hing hing sabdani kang Waliktadahasi pada manang'isi pang nikang tahan

       *       *       *       *       *

    12. Bright and beautiful was the city of _Gajahúya_, till it was known
        that the _Pandáwa_ did not follow.
    The _champáka_ flower was full blown and ready to fall;
    The faded flowers of the _tanjung_ were caught in the spider's web,
    And the dark beetle[153], almost lifeless, in sadness sought the
        flowers of _Angsána_, which floated on the waters.

    13. Dry was the course in which the rivulet had flowed,
    And the stone images looked in sadness at the marks which the water
        had left on the rocks.
    The shell-fish[154] had deserted their covering.
    And the dead shells were left on the banks by the retiring waters.

    14. Unlike this was the appearance of the _ráwas_[155], which
        resembled an assemblage at the _paseban_[156].
    On their banks grew the flower _rajása_[157], entwined by the
        _suwárna_[158], as a golden ornament worn by men.
    The white flowered _tánjung_ having reclosed its petals, hung like a
        closed _páyung_[159],
    And the small fish were frisking with delight in the waters.

       *       *       *       *       *

    12. Kapua sa leng'ang'ing Gajahuya ri tan padulur rira Nararia Pandawa
    Hunia champaka malugas Kusuma paksa Malabua jurang nikang parung
    Lampus tanjung ng'ika ng'anas layati gantung'i panawang ng'aning
        jaring jaring
    Tan patma Bramara kusa nang'isi layuani ng'asana manot yiriaking banyu

    13. Mangkania sani panchurania pada soka ri taya nira sang danang jaya
    Unia lek magegeng molat kapenatan rika patini lumot nikang watu
    Sangsara Karachakechap mulati pandaga nika ri pipinya tan padon
    Ka res res ni susunya mati manolat tiba tiwati mukar juning sela

    14. Tan mangka kalang'ang nikang rawarawen Masemu lumiating wang hing
        saba
    Tirania nadar Rajasa kayu suwarna Mamolacti atur gelang kuning
    Mang'ka tunjung'i kang sekar wali ping'olani ka pada payung ping'ol
    Sarwecha pachuring sunhunbras ika yan pabanyubanyu mang'anti ring renek

       *       *       *       *       *

    15. And as he came close to the city, the approach was cleared:
    The _wúng'or_ flowers hung in abundance like reclining pillows,
    The _tanjúng_ flower was open, like an expanded _payúng_,
    And the _pétung_[160] was surpassed by the beauty of the _gáding_[161]
        sprouts, which shewed like the _gáding_ flower.

    16. And the woods were as if no one could tell whether there was good
        or bad in them, and the rocks were as if deaf and dumb.
    The beetle buzzed at a distance from the flowers of the _dádap_ and
        the _síri_, for it knew not the taste of them;
    The bird _chat-da_ played like unto the bird _kiong_[162], when in its
        glory in the woods;
    And the joints of the sugar-cane attracted not the eye.

                         (Measure _Suandána_.)

    17. Delightful and pleasant were the roads of _Astína_.
    And soon on the plains[163] of _Kúru_ did the good _Krésna_ arrive:
    There was he joined by the heroes _Kánwa_, _Janáka_, and _Narádá_,
    Who were found by him on the plain, and who entered his service.

       *       *       *       *       *

    15. Sing'gi yan maparek puraraja mahalep alep anoluhi ri nika ng'enu
    Banonia Suraga tulis makalasa bari tuwuni nika sinang rateng
    Mangka tinkahi patmaraga nika sayana sekara pajeng pajeng dadu
    Tan pasri tekapi petung gading bung'nia pada tumota pawahan gading

    16. Lir tanuru hihunadika alas apinda bisu tuli watunia ring jurang
    Monya Kumbang'i kumbang'i rang'en ado weruha rechap'ika puspa ning seda
    Chang'gang chang'ga manuknia chutda nachading kiong atuwa Kalang'aning
        wukir
    Tekuan tan kahanan w'las harep pula nisi paha nika tan lumis mata

                         (_Tembang Suandána._)

    17. Leng'ēng gatine kāng | awān sabasabā | nikīng āstina ||
    Samāntarā tekēng | tegāl kuru nar|ārya krēsnān laku ||
    Sirāng para sūra makā|no'a janakā | dulūr nārada §
    Kapāng'gē irikāng | tegāl milu rikār ya sāng būpati ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    18. Immediately the excellent _Krésna_ took the charioteer's seat,
    Giving up his own in the chariot to the three _Pándita_, and making
        obeisance to them.
    They returning the salute,
    Inwardly prayed for the welfare of _Krésna_.

    19. The _Pánditas_ were much pleased by _Krésna's_ taking the
        charioteer's place:
    And as they were borne along, they talked of their journey to the King
        of _Astína_,
    And also discussed many weighty matters,
    While mildly flowed their words like a gentle stream.

    20. When the worthy _Krésna_ was yet on the plain of _Kúru_,
    _Drótarája_ soon heard of his coming,
    And gave orders to clean and dust the palace;
    Directing, at the same time, the finest cloths to be spread on the
        ground from the royal seat, outside, as far as the great square.

    21. It was at the same time required of all to show respect.
    Such were the orders of _Aria Bísma_ and _Dratarástra_.
    _Sakúni_, _Kerna_, _Duryodána_, alone refused to obey, turning away
        and shewing their backs.
    This they did, perceiving intuitively that the great among men was
        acting in concert with the _Pandáwa_.

       *       *       *       *       *

    18. Wawang sira nararya kresna numaring gwaning sarate
    Sirang parama sapta pandita gumanti mung'gweng rata
    Turawin sira telas winorsita malas mawe nastute
    Monagya keni ayu'a sang prabu yan non nera ng'astawa

    19. Lengeng alapira daran pinaka sarati yang resi
    Tohor muchapi doniran lari mereng narape Astina
    Datan'nia juga rakwa gostinéra sarwa tat'wa dika
    Lumot wijili sabda sang resi kabe mawerna merta

    20. Sedeng anari kang tegal kuru nararya kresnan laku
    Rika ta drotaraja sigra rumeng'o dateng sang prabu
    Nimitani lebu nekang pura kinon naken busanan
    Pada natara wastra mulia tekaring wang'ontur batuk

    21. Tuwen pada ginositan sira kabe kinon sambrama
    Tekap nira sangarya bisma dratarasta motus tinut
    Kunang sira wi'ang ming'e sakune karna duryodana
    Apan warui mana janardana sapaksa ring pandawa

       *       *       *       *       *

    22. The various viands in the interior of the palace being prepared
        and laid out,
    _Kesáwa_[164] arrived before the city.
    When grateful sounds struck up from various musical instruments,
    As slowly advanced his chariot to the hall of audience.

    23. The people, desirous of beholding the royal arrival, and afraid of
        being too late,
    Hurried in crowds to where they might have a view of him,
    Adjusting their dress and tying up their hair as they ran along;
    And some, who had left the operation unfinished, came with their teeth
        partly black and partly white.

    24. While others, among the women, held up their breasts with both
        hands,
    As if they were going to present them to the exalted among men[165].
    Children, too, bore along in their arms their ivory dolls,
    And caused them, when they came to the looking place, to acknowledge
        and bow to him, whom they pointed out as their royal father.

       *       *       *       *       *

    22. Sedeng masaji boga sadrasa samong'gu ring jero puri
    Samantara dateng ta kesawa anengarepning kuta
    Lengeng tekapikang garangtung ngamapak umong gurnita
    Tuwen rata nera rere lakunekan dateng ring saba

    23. Ikang wang aharap tumingala risang naréndran dateng
    Pada garawalan maring pangu'ngangan wedi kantuna
    Ana mahayu kesa ta pana gelung rusak ringenu
    Dudu tanga sisik atur inaliwa katen tan tulus

    24. Wane tangalayu manag'gari susunya karwéng tangan
    Ya pwan sunga keneng janardana aturnya nang'giwakna
    Ana nakanakan gadeng makilayu mamhban leng'en
    Tekeng pangu ngangan kinon ika mangakua rama aji

       *       *       *       *       *

    25. There were also seen among the throng, those who, leaving off the
        duties of the toilet, and taking with them their looking-glass and
        paint-brush,
    Appeared as if they were hastening to officiate for the prince.
    Others there were, whose hands contained unfinished garlands of
        flowers, which they had been making, and
    Which they seemed to be running to give to his highness.

    26. Others ran so fast, that they dropt and lost their garments by the
        way;
    Such was their fear of being too late to see the prince go by.
    The overloaded ladders broke down with the weight of people upon them,
    And the extended mouths of those who fell prostrate, gave them the
        appearance of persons under the influence of liquor.

                      (Measure _Basánta tiláka_).

    27. It would be endless to describe the various sights which presented
        themselves among the astonished multitude,
    Enough that the royal _Krésna_ reached the palace.
    But it was not the palace of the King of _Astína_ which he went into;
    It was that of the _Aria Drastarésta_.

       *       *       *       *       *

    25. Wane tanga payas wa'u saha sipatnia mung'geng sadak
    Yaya ngotusa mahiasan ni patane naréndra dateng
    Mewah tanga ngiket sekar ana ri asta tapwan tulus
    Sawang kapalajeng makana kusuman paninjo aji

    26. Nian tang hamregen umirakani kenya sak ringenu
    Rires nika kasépa yan lumiyati 'alintang aji
    Kuneng pwari saraknya mung'ga hirikang Saganya tikel
    Datan dua kawedar nekang kadi tutuknya ngato'a bo'ajeng

                      (_Tembang Basánta tilaka_).

    27. Tāng'ēh ya dīn | kawuning'ān rarasīng | maniīnjo ||
    Sīgrān datīng | nerpatī krēs|na rīkāng kadāt-'wan ||
    Tūtān dunāng | ri kurunā|ta sīran t'kāngka ||
    T'kāni narār|yā dratarēs|tra sirān chumūnduk ||

       *       *       *       *       *

    28. There he found assembled _Drúna_, _Bísma_, _Krépa_, and _Sália_;
    As also _Aria Widúra_, _Dratarája_, and _Kérna_.
    Then quickly before him did the _Aria_ place
    Viands, served up in dishes of gold set with precious stones,
        befitting the dignity of a prince.

    29. Delighted was the mind of _Krésna_,
    When he saw the hospitable manner in which he was treated by the
        _Aria_ and by _Bísma_.
    Then came the King of _Astína_ to present him with dainties;
    But his coming was fruitless, for _Krésna_ would have none of them,
        spurning the offer.

    30. On which the King of the _Kuráwa_, addressing the blessed among
        men[166] in an angry tone thus spoke:
    "O! thou pure among men, who lovest to over-rate thyself,
    "Disdaining to receive the proffered food which I prepared for thee,
    "It is not fit that thou shouldst be numbered among the good and
        worthy of the earth."

    31. Such were the words of the King of the _Kuráwa_ addressed to
        _Krésna_.
    To whom, in reply, the latter said: "Being deputed by others,
    "To accept of the articles presented to me by thee, would be as if I
        were to take poison,
    "Not having yet finished the work I am come about."

       *       *       *       *       *

    28. Ka drona bisma krepa salya kapanggi arpat
    Lawan sang arya widura drata-raj'ya karna
    Sig'ran sumung'akni kang pasaji nararya
    Bogo paboga saha mas mani raj'ya yog'ya

    29. At'yanta tustané manah naranata Krésna
    Yanton segeh nira pararya makadi bisma
    Yekan dateng prabu ri astina sopa boga
    Datan tinanggapira Kresna aturnia nir don

    30. Yekan panant'wa kurunata risang narind'ra
    He sang janardana hade juga denta mambik
    Tan tanggamé pasaji nistura tan pananggap
    Tan yukti totenira sang tuhu sadu ring rat

    31. Naling nirang kurupatin pang'uchap ring Kresna
    Mojar janardana t'her puri ing kinongkon
    Tan sambramé pang'upakara ritap'waning don
    Apan mamukti wisa rak'wana sida karaya

       *       *       *       *       *

    32. So spake the pure among men, losing for a moment the character of
        a _Pandíta_,
    _Krésna_ then returned home, followed by his principal _Mántrí_[167]:
    And on reaching his residence he immediately kissed the feet of the
        wife[168] of _Pándu_,
    Who very graciously and kindly received the honour done her.

                       (Measure _Bangsa patra_.)

    33. As soon as _Batári Kunti_[169] perceived _Krésna_ approaching,
    Her mind suddenly expanded, like an opening flower, but immediately
        after became oppressed with grief.
    Then addressing the royal youth, she said, his coming to her was as
        welcome as that of the _Pandáwas_.
    She then quickly threw her arms round the neck of the well-pleased
        _Krésna_,

    34. And immediately told him of all the sad grief and consequent shame
        which filled her mind,
    With a choked utterance and a strenuous effort to suppress the rising
        tear,
    "O! my friend and protector," said she, "thou bringest consolation and
        comfort to my breaking heart,
    "Making me feel as happy as if I were at this moment in the delightful
        company of all the sons of _Pándu_."

       *       *       *       *       *

    32. Naling janardana ri sang resi sangga suks'ma
    Sang Kresna mantuki niring nira sang sumantri
    Prapténg g'reha ngusapi jeng nira pandu-patni
    Somia b'wata t'wang'i t'las nira yan panembah

                       (_Tembang Bangsa patra._)

    33. Saliyati ra Batā|ri Kūnti Krēs|na wahu datēng ||
    Kadi sinekari kāng | t'yās māhār|sa puwarā sekel ||
    Atutu rī | n'repa sūnu lwīr sāng | pāndawa datēng'a ||
    Karana nirā | tekā n'gol teng | gēk sāng teka marārem

    34. T'hĕr awarahi geng ning duka ngande hirisira
    Saha wuwus ira mas'ret déning luh lagi pinegeng
    Kita tiki bapa tambang kun mariyang regepa lara
    Sawulata saguyu m'wang sang pandut'maja saweka

       *       *       *       *       *

    35. Such were the words of the great _Dewi Kunti_, causing _Krésna_ to
        shed tears.
    To whom the latter, in reply, thus spake: "Grieve not, oh princess,
    "What is, has been ordained by the Almighty, whose humble instrument I
        am."
    Thus said, he forthwith returned, and went to the palace of
        _Wára-widúra_.

    36. Leaving _Krésna_ to the hospitable entertainment of _Widúra_, who
        administered to all his wants,
    Let us proceed to speak of the King of the _Kuráwa_,
    Whose gifts had been disdainfully rejected,
    And who thereby was sorely vexed.

    37. He consulted with _Dusasána_ and _Sakúni_ upon the subject.
    But the first on the list of advisers were _Krépa_ and _Kérna_. They
        wishing to kindle the ire of the king of _Kuráwa_,
    Asked, "Why should you be afraid to refuse giving up half of the
        country,
    "On account of _Krésna's_ being the friend and ally of the _Pandáwa_;

       *       *       *       *       *

    35. Na wuwus ira su déwi kunti Krésna saha tang'is
    Sang inujaran irojar tan soba n'repa mahisi
    Sakarepa Batara manggeh ng'wang w'kasanika
    Ling'ira t'her umantuk ring g'wan sang warawidura

    36. H'neng'akena kamant'yan sang kresnan s'deng'iniweh
    T'kapira widura pah ramia tut samanahira
    Da tuchapa kurunata karya sa sinala hasa
    Sapasaji nira eman dé sang kresna tana árep

    37. Karana nira na hemhem m'wang dusasana sakuni
    Maka muka k'repa karna t'yan téng dusta mangapui
    Ling'ira mapa tahé t'wan ta wéha pura sateng'ah
    Apan iki n'repa k'resna b'yekta pandawa sasisih

       *       *       *       *       *

    38. "Therefore it is that the offered food was so much slighted.
    "If not accepted of (by _Krésna_) care not, but give it away elsewhere.
    "Be the enemies of our leader who they may, our bweapons are ready."
    Having thus said, _Krépa_ and _Kérna_ departed, and were followed by
        _Dusasána_ and _Sakúni_.

    39. All having departed, and gone home,
    The king of the _Kuráwa_, alone and sad,
    Went to the apartment of his wife,
    Who was said to be exquisitely beautiful, even exceeding the females
        of heaven, and containing more sweetness than a sea of honey.

    40. When he reached the place where his wife was, he spoke not, but
        continued silent,
    Oppress'd with grief, and lost to every thing;
    In this mood he remained, till the coolness of evening came, and
    The sun shone bright in the west.

    41. The sun about to disappear, looked as if descending into the bosom
        of the deep,
    And cast a beautiful and pleasing appearance on the palace;
    But it assumed all at once a pale and sombre aspect,
    While the women within were happy and joyful.

       *       *       *       *       *

    38. Niha niki teka panian sampa é-ke pasaji aji
    Tarimanen niki ay 'wang kewéra métukaraken
    Sapa karika musuh sang nata was gati rasika
    Ling ira t'her umantuk m'wang dusasana sakuni

    39. Da'i moli ira kap'wa ngungsir wésma nira uwus
    Kurupati kari sokang kaneng g'wan warama 'isi
    Tuchapan niki sawang sang déwi ngant'yani ngahajeng
    Ratih ajapana wung'wa m'wang yanging jeladi madu

    40. Sadateng'ira ri déwi tan warnan aneng'akena
    Lawani wing'iti chita sri dur'yudana na sumeng
    Lalu déwasa kalungha tistis ng'wé kirana matis
    Ririsa dulura ngen mar mam'wat ganda ningasana

    41. Rawi mangayati moksa kane lot masilurupa
    Dana s'mo kama tresnan ton rumneng pura ridalem
    Karana nerana nolih moruk pinda kamadelen
    'Lala lumiating s'tri ring jero mahawuhawu

42-46. [Description of the loves of both sexes, and the graces and
attractions of women.]

47-50. [Moonlight scene described, with the sports and blandishments of
the maids of the palace.]

51-53. [The maids of _Astína_ continue to talk and amuse themselves by
the light of the moon.]

54. [Midnight follows, when all are at rest, and a solemn stillness
prevails, disturbed only by the _Bramins_ proclaiming the midnight
hour.]

55-63. [Description of morning. Sunrise, &c.]

64-66. [_Suyudána_, king of _Kuráwa_, comes forth in state into the
hall of audience to meet _Krésna_, who has been waiting for him there,
along with many princes and chiefs of the place.]

67-73. [_Krésna_ announces to _Suyudána_ the object of his mission,
viz. to ask for half the kingdom of _Astína_ for the _Pandáwa_,
&c. The father and mother of _Suyudána_ and all the old and grave
_Pandítas_ recommend compliance with the proposal of the _Pandáwa_, in
order that there may be an amicable adjustment of affairs. _Kérna_,
_Dusasána_, _Sakúni_, and _Krépa_, shake their heads, in token of their
disapprobation of the measure, and evince their readiness to attack and
kill _Krésna_ on the spot.]

                         (_Measure Sekaríni._)

    74. Then the servant _Satíáki_ related to _Krésna_ from his own
        knowledge,
    That at the time the plan of _Duriodána_ was to take away his life,
    For he had collected together and assembled his people in arms;
    Whereupon _Krésna_ issued orders for his forces to be in like manner
        assembled.

       *       *       *       *       *

                         (_Tembang Sekarini._)

    74. Samāngkā yoda sā|tiaki majari sāng | Krēsna saduga ||
    Ri tīngkā sāng Durio|dana arap pam|ātia nāri sira ||
    Tuwin sampūn naidāng | yadū bala kabē | sāstrani sita ||
    Umi rātniā s'ri Krēs|na kārana nikīn | tān warang'en ||

                      (_Measure Basánta tiláka._)

    75. _Krésna_ then giving way to his anger, arose from his seat,
    His passion swelling and rising within him like unto the fury of the
        god _Kála_.
    His speech no longer soft, was harsh and loud, and he represented the
        all-powerful _Wísnu_[170],
    His appearance uniting the force of the three powers and of the three
        worlds.

    76. From his shoulders were seen to extend four arms, and above them
        were three heads and three eyes[171].
    The power and divinity of every deity now entered into his person:
    _Bráma_, the saints, the powerful deities, the chiefs of the
        _Rasáksas_,
    With the power of all the people and chiefs of the immaterial world,
        and of all that possessed power.

    77. Then swaying his body from side to side, and breathing hard like
        the roar of a lion,
    The earth shook to its base, disturbing the foundation of every thing:
    The mountain tops nodding, and the mountains themselves rocking to and
        fro;
    The waves of the sea rising like mountains, forming whirlpools and
        casting the deep sea-fish on the adjacent shore.

       *       *       *       *       *

                  (_Tembang Basanta tilaka._ See 26.)

    75. Angka kroda Kresna mang'adĕk sakaring pahman
    <DW41>'ging natar sira wibuh Kadi Kala merchu
    Mintonakan krama niran tuhu Wisnu murti
    Lila tri wikrama maka waki kang tri loka

    76. Takkuwan chatur buja siran tri sira tri netra
    Sakoé Batara pinaka wakira samoa
    Brahma r'si dewa gana rasaksa yaksa sura
    Moang detia denawa pisacha manusia sakti

    77. Yekan lumangka asigap kraka singha nada
    Lindu tikang siti pado lawa ng'ambek Kambek
    Yang parwoto gra gumiwang manawang ginanjuh
    Kombak wayi tasi kanyakra panyunya kabeang

       *       *       *       *       *

    78. In an instant fear and panic overspread the hundred _Kuráwa_.
    Silent and speechless they stood, and with a pale and wan look, which
        extended to the prince _Kérna_ himself.
    Even _Súyudána_ and _Yuyútsu_ lost their senses from fear;
    They remained as without life, and having no will of their own.

    79. It was then that _Drúna_ and _Bísma_, and the good _Pandíta
        Naráda_,
    Offered prayers and praise, and sprinkling a shower of sweet-scented
        flowers before him,
    Thus entreated: "Are you not, in truth, the God of Day, why become
        greater?
    "Have mercy upon the world and all that it contains.

    80. "If you resolve upon the destruction of _Kurunáta_, his
        destruction must ensue:
    "But think once more of the agreement of _Nahária Bíma_,
    "And of the pledge of _Drupádi_, who has vowed not to bind her hair
    "Until she shall have bathed in the blood of the hundred _Kuráwa_."

    81. At this the god relented, and his heart became softened
    When he listened to the words of the holy _Bísma_;
    For the wisdom of _Krésna_ was pleased with the praise,
    And in an instant he resumed the form of _Nahária Krésna_.

       *       *       *       *       *

    78. Tanduan kawus gatini kang sata Kurawa ras
    Diem tan pasábda mawenes Narepa Karna Nata
    Mangkang Suryodana Yuyutsu Wikarna morcha
    Biak tan geseng tekap irang arepi ilangnia

    79. Ng'ka Druna Bisma ng'uniwé resi Narada di
    Asrang mang'astuti umong saha puspa warsa
    Mojar Batara hari ayowa magung weyung ta
    S'wasta nikang Buana kasihi tulihenta

    80. Yedian kita mejahani kurunata nang'ga
    Bahna pratitnia gati sang Prawaria Bima
    Moang Dropadi basa matan pag'lung gatinia
    Yen tan pakadiusa rirah sata kuraweng prang

    81. Da kantananya lesunen poa geleng Batara
    Ling sang watak resi lawan paramarsi Bisma
    Karunya budi nira Kresna renan pinuja
    Rap saksana noluya rupa Nararia Kresna

       *       *       *       *       *

    82. The _Pandítas_ then went each his way,
    And _Krésna_ proceeded to the dwelling of the widow of _Pándu_.
    No sooner was he arrived than he said: "I offered my advice to the
        princes of _Kúra_,
    "But they have resolved to be destroyed in battle.

    83. "Such, O _Naranáti Déwi_, is the conduct of _Kurunáta_."
    To him the princess then replied, "Inform my sons, the sons of
        _Pándu_, of this:
    "And since they must fight, let them select warriors who cling to life;
    "And let _Swárga_ receive those who may fall in the war."

    84. Thus spake the princess to _Nahária Krésna_,
    Who closing his hands in respect, requested to withdraw.
    Then quickly mounting his resplendent chariot,
    He was followed by _Widúra_, _Sanjáya_, and _Yuyútsu_.

    85. _Kérna_ alone was seated in the chariot by the side of _Krésna_,
    And him he advised to follow the cause of _Pándu_.
    But the Prince of _Wáng'ga_ replied: "I hold to my resolve,
    "And long to try my strength in battle against _Kiríti_."

       *       *       *       *       *

    82. 'Ngka tant tinut nira muli resi sangga suksma
    Sang Kresna mantuk kumari sira Pandu Patni
    Sigran teka jari wiang nira Kura wendra
    Kewalia mayun nirikang rana matia ring prang

    83. Yekan pasabda Karuna Naranati dewi
    Bota siasi wara-akan ta ripandu Putra
    Heng sura darma ngosirangnia matoha jiwa
    S'warga ngola pej ahimatdia nikang ranang'ga

    84. Nahan wuwus narepa wadu Rinararia Kresna
    Yekan tinut nira napatgata semba amit
    Sigran mijil sira tohor mahawan rata bra
    Sering lawan Widura Sanjaya len Yuyutsu

    85. Sang Karna rowang nira Kresna aning rata krem
    Sinoé kinoni tumota ri Pandu Putra
    Dan sang Nararia Riawang'ga kedah sudira
    Mayon makola guna sakti lawan kiriti

       *       *       *       *       *

    86. Such was the speech of _Narapáti Kérna_, who would not hear but of
        war;
    "To the battle will I go, for I pant for war, and instant war.
    "In the fifth season, and on the first day of the moon, shall the war
        commence,
    "And ere the tenth night of _Krésna_ shall it be terminated."

    87. _Rawisúta_ having thus declared himself in speech bold and fierce,
    Requested to depart in company with _Widúra_, _Sanjáya_, and _Yuyútsu_,
    And said not a word until he reach'd his home.
    _Janardána_ gave speed to his course and went on.

    88. _Narapáti Krésna_ spoke not a word as he proceeded;
    But _Srí Kúnti_, when she heard the intelligence,
    Became sad at heart that her children should go to war,
    And well she recollected what _Krésna_, had formerly said.

    89. This she thought should be the course of _Naranáta Kérna_,
    He should not listen to _Kurunáta_, for he is bent upon war;
    And thus she advised her son, _Arka Pútra_[172],
    For she had borne him when yet a virgin.

       *       *       *       *       *

    86. Nahan wuwus Narapati Karnu wiyang tanamoas
    Metoeng ranang gana juga heng ujar neragia
    Mamui taneng kalima tué sedang tumanggal
    Rapuan Masampuna nipancha dasinia Kresna

    87. Nahan wuwus Rawisuta piakakas rasania
    Mamoet lawan Widura Sanjoya len Yuyutsu
    Tan warnanan Sira wuwus tekaring swa wisma
    Lampa Janardana makin kalepas kemantian.

    88. Da titanen narapati Krésna sedang lumampa
    Sri Kunti boja tana yeki reng'an kamantian
    Sokan rasi wekan niran mijiling' ranang'ga
    Ngu'nin datang nerepati Kresna matakon ningdé.

    89. Na doniran patari Sang Naranata Karna
    Motus kumona Kurunata tanagrah heng prang
    Kunti yaling nira mowa risang Arka putra
    Biak tan nanak'nira ri kalaniran sukanya.

       *       *       *       *       *

    90. But _Kérna_ would not hearken, but averted his head.
    His wish was that nothing should avert the war;
    For he feared the loss of his character for courage,
    And he had received great benefits from the princes of _Kóra_.

    91. The widow of _Pándu_ then departed in grief,
    And in silence bent her way to the abode of _Sumántri_.
    _Janardána_, meanwhile, continued his course
    Attended by _Satiáki_, the good and the brave.

    92. So rapidly did the chariot go that the time could not be counted,
    Till reaching _Wiráta_, he met the assembled _Pandáwa_.
    To them _Krésna_ related, that the people of _Astína_ rejected his
        advice,
    And were resolved upon trying their prowess in war.

    93. Transfix'd with rage, the sons of the _Pándu_,
    _Bíma_, _Arjúna_, _Yenakúla_, spoke with fierceness and defiance,
    When they heard the words of _Pándu Pátni_
    That they should try their power and skill in war.

    94. It was then that all the assembled princes
    Consulted and declared for war.
    And _Drupáda_ said to his son, the prince of _Wiráta_,
    "Give orders and make ready the warlike implements, collect the chiefs
        and warriors."

       *       *       *       *       *

    90. Dan Kerna langana saha dara lot manamba
    Mang yang ritan wurunga ning mijiling ranang'ga
    Kak satrian juga palai yuana ling ning raswi
    Apan kalindi anisih nira kora wendra.

    91. Na étu Pandu dayeta numuli sasoka
    Tan warnanan sira teking graha sang Sumantri
    Lampa Jenardana mowa wuwusen wisata
    Siring lawan prawara Satiaki weresni wira

    92. Heng'gal wawang tanuchapan takap ping rata dras
    Prapteng Wirata katamo nerepa Pandawa hém
    Ng'ka kesawa jri wihang nira Astinindra
    Mayuan mang'ongsira yasa takran prabawa

    93. Yekan padang getam masabda sapandu putra
    Bimar, Junar, Yenakula s'ru lawan sang'anten
    Tekuwan deng'ar ripa wakas mira Pandu patni
    Motus mang'on sire yasi teng'a hing ranang'ga

    94. Mangka watak ratu sapaksa risang narindra
    Kapua sarak wuwusiran mijiling ranang'ga
    Ayuhé nuchap Drupada sunu Wirata putra
    Sabda nomangkata ri kalanikang pranata

                         (_Measure Sragdára._)

    95. At the dawn of day, the _Pandáwa_ arose and march'd forth from the
        capital of _Wiráta_,
    Resplendent as the morning sun, when rising above the mountains, he
        first sheds his rays over the earth;
    In numbers great, compact, and like an overwhelming sea. And a sound,
        like distant thunder in the hills,
    Was the sign, that the elephants, horses, and chariots, with the rich
        and splendid trappings of gold were in motion.

    96. Many and numberless were the flowers scattered in clouds upon them
        by the _Pandita_;
    Loud was the sound of the martial strain, breathing victory and
        triumph to the sons of _Pándu_.
    And when the flowers ceased to fall, there arose a strong wind, as if
        propitious to their march;
    For the gods were assembled on high, and wished them success in the
        war.

       *       *       *       *       *

                         (_Tembang Sragdára._)

    95. Yiri āngkāt sāng Pāndawēng|'jeng Sakari Kuta nikāng | Rājia dāni
        Wirāta ||
    Tān pēndā Sūria sāng|ke ngudaya giri mijīl | māyuwan nāng dipa nīngrat
        ||
    Lūmra wurāsākpenu līr | jalinidi mang'alīh|muang 'ngukīr guntūr āgrah
        ||
    Chīnāniā n'wēh tekāp nīng | gaja turāngga ratā | reng'ga rāta pradīpta
        ||

    96. Ny'kan lumrang puspa warseng gana Sina Wurakan Sang watak siᵗ dia
        sing ga
    Lawan ungkara mantri jaya jaya ri jaya Sri Maha Pandu Putra
    Matrang Warsa rarap mang'galani laku nira pang ruhun sidu ngadres
    Apan Sang yang Surendrang duluri ngawang-awang mastoakan yen jayeng
        prang

       *       *       *       *       *

    97. In the front of the march _Bíma_, the bold and the brave, took his
        station;
    Wild with impatience for battle, and heedless of opposition,
    He remained on foot, tossing his _gáda_ into the air for amusement;
    For he was accustomed to conquer, as well on the sea as on the
        mountains, and elephants and lions became his spoil.

    98. In his rage he was all-powerful as the elephant of the forest:
    And now that he was in motion, he panted for the hostile chief, and
        gave the challenge aloud:
    His voice being like the roar of the lion was heard by all,
    The sound thereof resounding throughout the three worlds.

    99. Behind him followed _Arjúna_, seated in a splendid chariot of
        variegated gold, and shaded by a golden _páyung_,
    Flaming like a burning mountain and threatening destruction on
        _Astína_ and its princes.
    His banner, the monkey, floated high in the air, flapping the clouds
        in its course;
    And as his retinue shone and glittered, lightning flashed with the
        thunder-clap in presage of victory.

       *       *       *       *       *

    97. Pang'anjur ning lu mampa sang ngino chapa ngaran Bima surang'ga
        Kara
    Wang momoring Sarira wang'i molimola mok tan idap sakti ning len
    Takwan tan Sang'grahing Wahana lumaku juga moang gada geng inunda
    Apan derpa tawan sagara giri gehana pet gaja singha berwang

    98. Towen Kroda lawas mataka di gaja alas geng galatan panampar
    Munin mahiwun luma kiwo prihawaka mapagiring ritang'guh Narindra
    Mangken totus lumumpat Kawigara Nang'uhuh wi brama Singananda
    Lunpat ring burbua s'waranira ibkan sekanangka tri loka

    99. 'Ngka ni wuntat Nararia Rijuna Marata manik Sarwa warna pajeng mas
    Montap lir parwata pui lari gumaseng 'ani Astina moang ratunia
    Kumlap tung gulnira Wanara mang'ada dutur sabdani megha makrak
    Lumrah ring dikwidik mang kilata wetu gelap biakta mang dé jayeng prang

       *       *       *       *       *

    100. Next to _Palgúna_ came _Aria Nakúla_, with _Sedéwa_, mounted in a
        chariot of green of exquisite workmanship.
    In beauty resembling two deities of heaven, and thirsting for the
        attack on the youths of _Astína_,
    They shone resplendent. Their banner floating in the air like a dark
        cloud threatening rain, and scattering the petals of sweet-scented
        flowers.
    Ready for the combat, as thunder before the lightning flash; and as
        they moved, the sound resembled the humming of bees in search of
        food.

    101. Then slowly followed _Aria Utára_, with _Soíta_, alike mounted in
        a chariot of war;
    And next _Drásta driúmna_ and _Drupádi_, with _Sikándi_ by her side;
    With countless chariots, elephants, and horses bringing up the
        cavalcade and filling up all space:
    The whole elevated in spirit, as fish when enlivened by a sudden fall
        of rain.

    102. And now appeared _Drupádi_, borne on a litter of gold, and shaded
        with a _páyung_ of peacocks' plumes:
    She was like a deity when represented by a golden image; her long hair
        hanging loose and floating in the wind.
    She had not bound it: but while it hung like a low'ring cloud, she
        awaited the coming of the rain of blood;
    For she held to her vow, that until she bathed in the blood of the
        enemy, she would not collect her hair or tie the knot.

       *       *       *       *       *

    100. Wuntat Sang Palgunang Karia Nakula Saha dewa rata Jong bang'un
        j'ring
    Endah lir Kamah Kambar lumaku rumabasas-tri puri Astinendra
    Leng leng tung'gul nira pinda jelada mawudan sarining kitaka mrik
    Wagiut pata gelap tan prakata kadi ketar ning prang'ing sat padawu

    101. Len Len sangke sirar Yotara masiring'a ring Soita <DW41>'ging rata
        brah
    Moang Drasta-driúmna lawan Drupada pada tumot niwang Sikandi tanimba
    Pasrang ning siandana moang gaja kuda maduluring awan Siu penu sek
    Ler mining lot manung sung Jawu ahulapula sang huwus drada ring prang

    102. Da ngka sang dropadi lampa ararasa awan dampa ima pajang merak
    Lir dewi yang yang ing réka kanaka mang'ori rima antan katampuan
    Mawian kesa nawang meg'ha mang'ajara keni landung 'ania n'godan rah
    Biaktan rah ning musu rakua karamasa niran mimponing kang glung sak

       *       *       *       *       *

    103. Then in her train followed _Dárma Súnu_, mounted on a white
        elephant,
    His attire complete; his _pustáka_ yellow, and the case of the purest
        gold;
    Evincing that _Dárma Mórtia_ desired to slay _Sália_, the chief
        warrior of _Duriodáning_:
    And that when he raised his _pustáka_ as an instrument of war, there
        was not his equal in power or courage.

    104. Next _Krésna_ advanced in his golden chariot, and shaded by a
        white _páyung_;
    For it was his pleasure to bring up the rear, with the elder princes
        and the royal host.
    Not far off were his _chákra_ and conch, and the princes of his
        retinue were borne on white elephants;
    The cry of the elephants rose loud and high, uniting with the mingled
        sounds which issued from all quarters.

    105. Behind _Krésna_ came _Bimányu_, the son of _Arjúna_,
    With his instruments of war, borne in a splendid chariot, studded with
        precious stones, and playing with his _chákra_,
    With him was _Satiáki_, seated on an elephant, and accompanied by
        numerous followers.
    Richly adorned with golden vests, the surprise and admiration of all
        beholders.

       *       *       *       *       *

    103. Lila Sri Dárma sunu miring ngakaning sira nong'ganing mata Hasti
    Sarwecha jong kuning pustaka winawa nira nane ratna pradipta
    Sing'gi yan Darma Mortia arapi rapoaning Salia Duriodaning a prang
    Yapoan tan pindowang Gang galaka rika ikang pustakang dadia bajra.

    104. Sampun mangka tumot krisna saha rata suwarna pajang soweta warna
    Lila ning kari lampa pararatu pinati sang watak partiva keh
    Chakra moang sangka tan sa mareki sira padabra matangran kagendra
    Yekang nerek gurniteng ngambara siniring'a ning jera ning uning
        merdang'ga.

    105. Wuntat Sang Kresna partatmaja sira mang'iring sang manama Bimanyu
    Sangkap ring sanjata marga rata mani maya n'gonda chakra pradipta
    Lawan Sang Satiaki moang yedu bala mahawan mata matang'ga makeh
    Sampurnang busana bra maka wacha kanakan de ulap ning tuming'al.

       *       *       *       *       *

    106. And then came on the two sons of the _Pandáwa_, _Panchawála_, and
        _Wítia_,
    Complete in their habiliments, and mounted in a war-chariot,
        ornamented with gems and flowers of gold:
    Their dress of linen and of silk. A delightful fragrance surrounded
        them.
    Beautiful was their _páyung_, for it was of the wings of the
        _mardukára_, and dazzled the eye like the glare of the sun.

    107. Many and various were the characters and attributes of the
        different warriors hastening to their work, were they all to be
        described.
    Arrived at _Kuruksétra_, they soon raise a fort of very great strength;
    And the palace built therein being finished, they invite the wife of
        _Pándu_,
    Who quickly arrives, and enters the palace, accompanied by _Widúra_.

    108. Then _Widúra_ went back, and safely reached her home.
    While _Déwi Náta_ and all the sons of _Pándu_, met together with
        mutual delight,
    And discoursed in turn of the hardship of her being incessantly
        obliged to retreat to the hills;
    The more she poured out her grief, the greater was the joy that
        followed, even to shedding tears.

       *       *       *       *       *

    106. <DW41>'geng wuntat watak Pandawa suta mang'aran Panchawala du Witia
    Kapoéka bro numung'geng rata mapapati ang'reng'ga ratna rawis mas
    Sangkap ring busana wastra chaweli linaka m'lek penuh kasturi m'rik
    Sarvecha jong larneng madukara mahulap katrangan suria téja.

    107. Akoé ting'ku watek wira yanahchapakenang lampa agya tekéng don
    Da ngka prapténg kuruksetra sira t'lasi tingkah kuta tianténg durga
    Sampurna m'wang kadeto an rika ta sira maha pandu patni iuundang
    Sigra prapténg niring sang widura sira uwus manjing nging jero
        kadat'o'an.

    108. Sampun mangka molih sang widura tanuchapen ramnya <DW41>'gwéng
        swawisma
    Warnan Sang nata dewi pada saka mapupul mwang watek pandu putra
    Kapwa hemhem sili pajari laranera tansa mangungsir wanadri
    Mangken ramnya guwug ya wetu suka dadi luh dunawas arsa étu

       *       *       *       *       *

    109. Long would it take to relate all the pleasure felt by the wife of
        _Pándu_ while in the interior of the palace.
    Then all the _Pandáwa_, together with _Krésna_, the first and the
        mightiest, with many other chiefs, debated
    Who was the fittest, from his knowledge of military positions, to be
        elected _Séna-dípa_[173],
    As one of undoubted ability and skill in managing an army.

    110. _Dérmat-mája_, addressing _Krésna_ and all the assembled chiefs,
        then said,
    "Seven only out of all the number appear to be fit to hold the chief
        command
    "Of the army, which consists of seven hundred millions of fighting men.
    "And first of these _Soétan_[174], skilled in the direction of
        soldiers."

       *       *       *       *       *

    109. Tange yan warnanan tustane mana ira sang pandu patne aning jero
    Sigra hem sang watek pandawa maka muka sang Kresna len partiwa kweh
    Rehning sena dipa ring samara ya ginonem sang 'wru'ing byu'a durga
    Tan manman pandengen sakti nera saha bala yogya tangwana ring-prang

    110. Ling sang dermat maja jar inagingan nera sang Krésna len partiwa
        koeh
    Sapte ko'e sang ginantang wunang'a rika wawa sang watek wira wira ring
        prang
    Rapwan mang'gah subada bala gana pitungak so ini kwenya sakti
    'Ngka sang so'etan pinuja wuruha ri gelara-ning sura yoding ranang'ga

                         (_Measure Suandána._)

    111. Whilst all the _Pandáwa_ were appointing chiefs over the army,
    _Narapati Kuráwa_[175] held a council of war,
    For he had heard of the arrival of many enemies at _Kuruk-sétra_[176].
    It was _Aria Widúra_ who gave him the intelligence.

    112. Then _Prábu Gajawáyan_[177] marched forth with all his chiefs.
    All the _Kuráwa_, too, were in company, making a noise as they moved
        along, like the roaring of the sea.
    In the neighbourhood of the hostile plain they construct a place of
        strength.
    Soon was the work completed, for the _Narapati's_ authority extended
        over all the princes around.

    113. Then was _Aria Bísma_ first made a leader in battle.
    Raised above all others, he is seen crowned with flowers.
    From all quarters the crowded and restless multitude send forth shouts
    While the sound of _gongs_ and _conchs_ rend the skies.

       *       *       *       *       *

                         (_Tembang Suándana._)

    111. Sedēng mang'abisekā | brātya pati sāng | watāk Pāndawa ||
    Ulā nerepati kō|rawē swara na hēm | pirēng ng'wā kena ||
    T'lās wuruhe dateng|ne sātru nera ring | kurūk setra sek ||
    Tekāpni pawarā | sang Aria widurnā | datēng mānglawat ||

    112. Rika prabu gajahwayan laku lowan watek partiwa
    Sakorawa marempaka tri gumuruh bangun sagara
    Akarya kuta durga meh tegalika pradéseng kuru
    Wawang 'uwusa pan sirang nerepati chakra warting sarat

    113. Samang kana sang arya Bisma pinaka gra sénapati
    Katone nabiséka sampuna sekar sira busana
    Penuh pas'luring prawira masurak masang'garuhan
    Lawan Pada ibera sangka tinolup umong ring langit

       *       *       *       *       *

    114. Next all the princes and chiefs are regaled;
    The troops and followers have all they want, and are provided with
        conveyances.
    The length of one line was twelve millions one hundred thousand;
    While the thronged legions extended to the hills and to the woods.

    115. Then altogether they set out for the field of battle,
    Moving towards the west, and leaving their strong hold and the king of
        _Astína_ behind.
    Arrived on the hostile plain, loud resounded the _conchs_;
    While the warriors, animated by the sound, testify by their actions
        and gestures, their impatience to engage in the fight.

    116. At the same time they are formed in battle array on the hostile
        plain.
    _Ráwan_ was the name of the order which was first founded by the king
        of the _Pandáwa_:
    That of king of the _Kúru_ was according to the wish of the _Bramána_,
    Who with all their relations swore they would conquer or die in the
        battle.

    117. And now let us proceed to speak of the _Pandáwa_.
    Having come out from their strong hold and arrived at the field of
        battle,
    They advance eastward, towards the formed bodies of the _Kuráwa_:
    Both sides shout and brandish their weapons in front of each other.

       *       *       *       *       *

    114. Tu'e pwa niniwe watek ratu kabé pinujakrama
    Tekéng bala samoa yoda pada purna ring wahana
    Pinanding ngatarung wilenya sawelas gananya yuta
    Ya karanane kin penuh tekaring kawukir mwang wana

    115. Samang kana pareng mijil sakari kang tegal paprangan
    Mangula'ana ngawuriakan kuta watek naropé Astina
    Tekèng pag'laran pada s'ranga nulup sungo jerah pareng
    Ya étuni girang nikang bala kabé pada ge'a pranga

    116. Tu'en pada t'las makarya bisuwéng tegal paprangan
    Rawan ngarane kang tawur nereparti Pandawa morwane
    Kunang tawuri sang nerepéng Kuru yakari lut Brahmana
    Rikan sira sinapa sang du'ija sagotra mati'a laga

    117. Ri mangkana nikanda tochapa tasang watek Pandawa
    T'las metu sakeng dalam kuta samipaneng panchaka
    Lumampa angawétan angarepaken g'lar korawa
    Pada pranga ngawuh mangunda winawanya kapwa ngadeg

       *       *       *       *       *

    118. Loud and confused were the mingled sounds of the armies.
    The stoutest and bravest seemed to have been placed in front:
    The only persons who did not engage in the fight were the musicians
        and standard-bearers.
    Those in front were seen prancing and nimbly moving about with their
        brandished weapons.

    119. Quickly the contending armies mutually and fearlessly rush upon
        each other,
    Amid the roar of elephants, the neighing of steeds, the beating of
        drums, and the shouts of the troops,
    Till the whole air and sky is filled with the jarring sounds,
    And the earth is shaken with the tumultuous din of war.

    120. _Prawára Bísma_ then formed his troops into the resemblance of
        the sea and mountains:
    While the princes and chiefs of _Astína_ seemed like towering and
        immovable rocks;
    The warriors in front dashing upon the enemy like the waves of the sea,
    And like the ocean bearing down before them stones as large as
        mountains.

       *       *       *       *       *

    118. Rikan pada gamoeanane sawateknia sawang pareng
    Sinangwo'a sinilan risan mokane sang prawireng rana
    Ritan anane ngapranga mawa meredang'ga tung'gul kunang
    Lawan gatine kang katon mawusana regep sanjata

    119. Risampunera mangkanan dana pareng mase sehasa
    Umong swarane kang gaja kuda lawan gaber mwang surak
    Samantara ngati gurniteng langita monto'ane dikvidik
    Gumetere lema nikang rana saba ketugnia selur

    120. Sireng Prawara Bisma sigra mag'lar ukir sagara
    Watek ratu anéng gaja-swa karangenya durga ruhur
    Pama gunong nganeng balamuka ngalun tuanut musuh
    Ya bano'ani kagunturang gulunganeng sela marwata

       *       *       *       *       *

    121. _Prawára_[178], _Pandáwa_, formed the order of _bajára tíksna
        lúngit_[179].
    _Dananjáya_[180] and _Werkodára_[181] were there with _Sikándi_[182]
        in front;
    _Wiráta's_[183] son, _Satiáki_, and the son[184] of _Drupáda_, were in
        the rear,
    _Yudestíra_ with all the princes being in the centre.

    122. The mind of _Arjúna_, when he viewed the enemy, was divided
        between joy and sorrow, and he was moved with love and pity
        towards them;
    For they were chiefly composed of his own kindred.
    Some of them were the sons of his father and mother: the younger and
        elder brother of his father were also there;
    As also the _Gúrus_[185], _Krepa_, _Sálea_, _Bísma_, and _Duijéng'ga_.

    123. Therefore quickly addressing _Narária Krésna_,
    He intreated that the battle might not take place, being afflicted at
        the sight of the _Kuráwa_.
    But _Janardána_ compelled him to command that the fight should begin,
    It being dishonourable for men to hold back at the hour of battle.

       *       *       *       *       *

    121. Kuneng Prawara Pandawa g'lari bajara tiksna lungit
    Dananjaya lawan Werakodara tomot S'ikandi arep
    Wirata suta Satiaki Drupada sunu waktré wuri
    Yudistira lawan watek ratu kabé manganténg tenga

    122. Mulat mara sang Arjuna s'mu kamanusan kas'repan
    Ri tingka'i mosu neran pada kadang taya wang waneh
    'Ana wang anakeng yaya mwang ibu l'en uwa go paman
    Makadi Krepa Salea Bisma sera sang Duijeng'ga Guru

    123. Ya karananeran pasabda ri nararya Kresna teher
    Aminta wurunga laga pana welas tumon Kurawa
    Kuneng sira Janardana sekang'a kon sarosa pranga
    'Apan ilailang kasinatria surut yaning paprangan

       *       *       *       *       *

    124. Then was seen _Dérma-pútra_ stealing away
    Towards _Aria_, _Bísma_, _Krépa_, _Sálea_, and _Dúija_.
    With ardour he kissed and clung to their feet;
    For it was customary, with _Gúrus_, to make obeisance to them before
        the battle.

    125. Then spoke those who were thus made a brilliant object of
        adoration and respect:
    "Our noble child, suffer no uneasiness of mind, for you have already
        deprived us of life.
    "Child of ourselves, may you be successful in battle and soon obtain
        possession of the country.
    "And may _Narapáti Krésna_ witness the truth of our words."

    126. This done, he forthwith returned to his own side;
    Quickly ascending his chariot and laying hold of his weapons,
    While each sounded his _conch_;
    And various were the sounds of the _kéndang_ and its accompaniments.

    127. Instant the contending armies rush upon each other, mingling
        together in long, obstinate, and close fight.
    Ten elephants to a chariot, and ten horses to an elephant:
    These ten horses being mounted by such as fear not to die in battle,
    And their duty being to watch when they can cut up and exterminate the
        enemy.

       *       *       *       *       *

    124. Caton pwa sira Derma-putra mangenes rika tan tumut
    Mare sira sang Arja Bisma Kropa Saléa len sang Duija
    Masocha ri sukunera nenabi wada dé sang prabu
    'Apan purihi ngang lawan Guru mapur'wa pujan arep

    125. Kunang sa'uri sang kinarya pinaka gra chudamane
    Bapangku laki ayo'a sang saya uripku ta lap huwus
    Kita naku jayéng ranang'gana teher madre wi'a pura
    Sirang Nerepati Kresna saksi'a yadi'an merosa ringwuwus

    126. Ri sampunera mangkana dan nomalia maréng paprangan
    Kasana krama numung'ga ing rata pada regep sanjata
    Sahasa manulup risangka nera so'angan nya 'umung
    Pareng mo'ang ngonening gubar saragi koté kotia nguwuh

    127. Wawang pamuki kang bala s'ranga selur mawenta jemur
    Ratéka sapulu gajanya gaja tung'gul aswa dasa
    Kudéka sapulu pada tinika sura manténg laga
    Kenohnya 'ana pada raksaka yadin wisirnan winuk

       *       *       *       *       *

    128. The number of the chiefs who were mounted on elephants
    Were a thousand millions: those that accompanied them were ten and one
        thousand billions.
    Those on horseback amounted to one billion, while they that followed
        were ten billions.
    Great therefore was the battle and many were the slain.

    129. Many days did the _Kuráwa_ oppose the _Pandáwa_.
    Soon fell the brave sons of _Wirátes Swára_.
    He named _Wira Sángka_ was slain by _Duija_:
      _Dea Utra_ fell by the hand of _Narapáti Sálea_, the hero in battle.

    130. Enraged at the fall of these two heroes, _Soéta_[186]
    Rushed like a mountain on ten billions of the foe.
    A shower of arrows at once destroyed the chariot of _Náta Sálea_, and
        carried death to many of the brave;
    _Sálea_ himself and his charioteer narrowly escaping with their lives.

    131. The whole army of the _Koráwa_ hastened to his support.
    Amongst them were seen _Bíma_, _Dróna_, _Wérahat-bála_, and _Jáya_,
        _Séna_, armed with their clubs;
    _Rukmaráta_, too, the son of _Narapáti-Sálea_, supporting his father.
    Soon did _Ari Soéta_, powerful as a lion, make them feel his
        superiority.

       *       *       *       *       *

    128. Aneka tekaping wibaga yan sangséna dulur
    'Anun saka sapanti len sapretana sagulmé naseh
    Dudung merang ngaturang'ga ara sachamo mwang ngakso-eni
    Ya karanane kang prangat buta magenturan sek pejah

    129. Pirang dina kuneng lawas kurukula lawan pandawa
    Datando'a ana sura mati uka sang wirates swara
    Prakasa wara sangka namanera mati de sang Duija
    Dea utara paraptra de nerepati salea sureng rana

    130. 'Ngka sweta numasa masungeti pejaneng sura kali pisan
    Sigran tandang 'amagunung saha bala 'ngamba teka eksoeni
    Yekan s'yu rata nata salea pinana mwang wira yodan pejah
    Tambis méh sira matia karwa kerta warma pan makarwan rata

    131. 'Ngkan pinrih tinulung tekap nera watek yoda aning korawa
    Bisma drona lawan werahat bala jayat sena dulur ma gada
    Mwang sang rukmaratat maja nerepati salea nimbangi gang yaya
    Datando'an kawenang tekap nera sang arya so'éta singot 'tama

       *       *       *       *       *

    132. _Dínang Rukmaráta_ fell and lay prostrate on the seat of his
        carriage.
    _Soéta_ fought furiously and killed many of the _Kuráwa_:
    None would face him, but all fled in terror.
    Great too was their dread of _Gátut-kácha_, _Drupáda's_ son, and
        _Kirítiatmája_.

    133. Then _Rési-Bísma_ rapidly advancing opposed the furious attack of
        all the _Pendáwa_,
    Aiming at _Soéta_ he unceasingly shot the best of his sharp arrows;
    But _Soéta_, the commander in battle, unhurt, grew more and more
        courageous, and shot his arrows in turn.
    _Bíma_ and _Dananjáya_ came to his aid: their arrows poured like a
        shower of rain from the heavens.

    134. The King of the _Kuráwa_ advancing, no sooner came upon _Bíma_,
        in the middle of the field of battle,
    Than he suddenly stopped and started backwards, making a precipitate
        retreat, running and falling, and stopping not till he had got to
        a great distance.
    But _Bísma_, intent only on _Bíma_, maintained an incessant attack,
        which _Bísma_, standing up in his carriage, watched and repelled,
    While _Bísma_ was greatly exasperated against _Wiráta-tináya_, for his
        attempt to exterminate the _Kuráwa_.

       *       *       *       *       *

    132. Dinangrukmaratan peja magulingan 'ngkane salening rata
    Sang so'étan lurugen pamok nira mating yoda aneng korawa
    Mangkin sirna luyuk datan ana mulat kapwa kukud atakut
    Tekwan wira gatot-kacha drupada putra mwang kiriteat-maja

    133. Yekang so resi bisma sigra mapulih mok-wok watik pandawa
    Sang so'étan dinunong neran pamana'in diwi'estra teksna susun
    Datan pami'ati mangki nujuala pana sang so'éta sénapati
    Lut sang bima dananjaya nolunge ringh'ru lir udan ring langit

    134. 'Ngkan mangsa kurunata sigra pinapag dé bima ring sayaka
    Kang'gek mundura ngong'gutung'guta layu mung'gwéng kado'an kawes
    Ang'ing bisma lineksa pinri inerup stira ngadeg ring rata
    Déra kroda risang wirata tanaya ndé sirnaning korawa

       *       *       *       *       *

    135. Then, alarmed, _Wirá-ta-sáta_, the leader of the _Pandáwa_,
    Shot one of his best arrows at him, the tiger of the _Kuráwa_.
    The flight of the arrow resembled that of the bird _garúda_;
    And striking the shoulder of _Déwa-bráta_ broke it into seven pieces.

    136. On this _Wiráta-tanáya_ alighting and laying hold of a large club
        of iron,
    Would have struck _Súra-bráta_ therewith on the side of his head; but
        he leaping from his chariot avoided the blow.
    Destroyed, however, was his carriage, and slain were the horses and
        charioteer:
    And the death of many elephants and chiefs ensued.

    137. Terrified at the sight of _Wiratamája_, _Wára-Bísma_ would have
        fled in dismay,
    When a voice from heaven told him that the hour for _Soéta_ to die was
        come.
    Whereat encouraged, he talked boldly; and seizing a chariot and arrows,
    He aimed at the heart of _Soéta_ with the sharp pointed weapon of
        fire[187].

       *       *       *       *       *

    135. Mangkén garjita sang wirata suta séna nata ring pandawa
    Mandug ring wara tomaré sanga ngaran santana wagréng kuru
    'Ngkan pinri pinana sedeng niki numur lir naya rotang layang
    Datandua papitu danéka tumiba nyiuh baw déwa-brata

    136. Da yékan tumedun wirata tanaya nambut gada bisana
    Paksa malo'a wahang sura brata rikan lumpat maharsi lemah
    S'ya tékang rata kélu sarati nika lawan kudanya repa
    Mwang matang'ga pirang pulu kunang ngikang matia dulur partiwa

    137. Képwan sang warabisma paksa muruda res ton wiratatmaja
    Ngka sabdeng langita jare tekane patya so'eta de sang resi
    Nahan étunira ebang-ebang nanbut sing rata mwang panah
    Prana so'eta tikang minusti nera ring b'hramastra tiksna lungit

       *       *       *       *       *

    138. Quickly pierced through the heart, _Sang Wiráta Sáta_ fell
        lifeless on the ground.
    Grieved and distressed were the _Pandáwa_ thus to see _Soéta_ killed
        on the field of battle.
    Not so the hundred _Kuráwa_, who shouted with joy when their enemy
        perished.
    While _Sang Dusásána_ danced fantastically, delighted with the sight
        of the fallen _Wirátamja_.

       *       *       *       *       *

    138. Tandu'a trus dada sang wirata-suta mar murcha tiba ring lemah
    Yekan soka sang pandawa lara tumon sang soéta matia laga
    Béda mwang sata kurawa surakawur arse peja ning mosu
    Sang dusasana tusta mata mangegel yan ton wiratat maja

139. [Vexed and enraged at the death of his son, _Mángsah Páti_ makes
a furious and desperate attack upon the enemy. The _Pandáwa_, too,
heedless of their lives, join and support him.]

140-144. [The followers of _Bísma_ are routed and pursued with great
slaughter. Night comes on, hostilities cease, and the contending armies
respectively withdraw. _Mangsáh Páti_ and his wife weep over the dead
bodies of their three sons slain in battle, and lament their misfortune
in losing them:--they shake them and endeavour to call them to life.]

145. [They then burn the dead bodies on the field of battle by the
light of the moon.]

146-147. [The _Pandáwa_ consult about the election of a fit person to
take the lead in battle. _Drestadriúmna_ is appointed. Morning arrived,
the army of the _Pandáwa_ is formed into the terror-inspiring order
of _kágeng-páteh_, or that of the royal vulture. Situations of the
different princes and chiefs detailed.]

148-151. [_Suyudána_ causes the army of the _Kuráwa_ to be formed into
a similar order. The battle rages. The different chiefs, on either
side, who engage each other.]

152-153. [The dust stirred up fills and darkens the air. The dust
clearing away, the field of battle appears like a sea of blood, in
which the carcases of elephants, horses, and men, with the fragments of
chariots, weapons, &c. resemble so many rocks and stones.]

154-156. [_Bísma_ beheld with delight and admiration by all the chiefs
and people of _Kuráwa_, distinguishes himself by his prowess. He
engages _Arjúna_, and shoots ten arrows for every one discharged by
him.]

157. [_Ráwan_, the son of _Arjúna_, is killed by the _Rasáksa
Séreng'gi_.]

158-159. [_Krésna_, enraged at _Bísma_, descends from his chariot and
is going to shoot at him, when _Bísma_ evinces his ready willingness to
be killed by _Krésna's chákra_, and so gain admittance to his heaven.]

160. [_Arjúna_ then descends from the chariot, and dissuades _Krésna_
from killing _Bísma_.]

161. [_Krésna_ and _Arjúna_ both re-ascend the chariot, while _Bísma_
remains deprived of all his strength, in consequence of the fright he
had undergone.]

162-164. [_Bísma_ makes a sign to _Dérma-Wángsa_, who recollecting
that the former had made a surrender of his life to _Arjúna_ and
_S'ri-kándi_, goes to them and tells them not to be afraid, but to
shoot at _Bísma_; whereupon _S'ri-kándi_ discharging an arrow, hits him
in the breast. The arrow not having penetrated far, _Arjúna_ shoots,
and drives it home with another arrow. _Bísma_ falls down in the
chariot but is not killed. His blood ascending to the regions above, is
converted into flowers, and in that form returns to the earth.]

165. [The _Kuráwa_ fly and are pursued by the _Pandáwa_.]

166-167. [_Dérma-Wángsa_, _Arjúna_, _Nakúla_, and _Sedéwa_, all go and
kiss the feet of the respected _Bísma_; but the haughty and unbending
_Bíma_ remaining in an angry posture, makes no obeisance to the wounded
_Gúru_. The _Kuráwa_ chiefs, with _Suyudána_ at their head, wish to
come up and bow respectfully before _Bísma_; but seeing the stern
_Bíma_ they are afraid to approach.]

168. [A truce takes place between the hostile chiefs, when all shew
their respect for _Bísma_. The _Kuráwa_ wish to place him upon a mat,
but the _Pandáwa_ insist upon his litter consisting of arrows joined
together.]

169. [The _Pandáwa_ withdraw, and the _Kuráwa_ alone are left in charge
of _Bísma_. _Bísma_ refuses to take the water offered him in a vessel
by _Suyudána_, and calls to _Arjúna_, who presents him with some in a
quiver.]

170-171. [_Bísma_ defers dying till the period of the sun's greatest
declination, which he reckons to be about seven months off.]

172. [_Suyudána_ appoints _Dangyang Drúna_ commander-in-chief,
whereupon it rains blood.]

173. [The _Kuráwa_ are too uneasy in their minds to go to rest.]

174-177. [The following morning they go to battle. Both armies are
formed into the order of battle called _gája_, or the elephant.
A furious engagement ensues, in which many are slain on either
side. _Arjúna_ destroys the order of the _Kuráwa_ army, is shot
by _Bágadéta_, and afterwards brought to life again by medicines
administered by _Krésna_, when he returns to the attack, and kills
_Bágadéta_ and the elephant he is on. Many of the _Kuráwa_ are killed
by _Bíma_ and _Arjúna_.]

178. [Night coming on the battle ceases. It was at the eighth
_pánglong_ (or about the twenty-fourth) of the moon. The _Pandáwa_
regale themselves, while the _Kuráwa_ lament the death of _Bágadéta_.]

179-181. [_Dangyang Drúna_ undertakes to kill _Dérma Wángsa_, provided
_Arjúna_ and _Bíma_ are out of the way. Ten _Kuráwa_ chiefs, with
_Trigérta_ at their head, draw away _Arjúna_ to fight against them to
the south of the hills: ten more, under _Dráta Púra_, draw off _Bíma_,
in a similar manner, to the north of the hills. _Krésna_, as usual,
accompanies and watches over the safety of _Arjúna_.]

182-185. [_Dangyang Drúna_ forms his men into the order _chákra-búhia_
(or that of the circle with a well-defended entrance). _Dérma
Wángsa_, in his perplexity what to do, calls upon _Bimányu_, the son
of _Arjúna_, to attack and break the order of the enemy. _Bimányu_,
decoyed by _Suyudána_, pursues him into the ring purposely formed by
the enemy, when it closes, and he is cut off from all assistance and
support from the _Pandáwa_.]

186-194. [_Bimányu_ kills _Leksána-kumára_, the son of _Suyudána_, but
is overpowered by the number of the enemy. His situation is described
by many similes. He is slain.]

195-196. [Night comes on and hostilities cease.]

197-199. [The effect which the death of _Abimányu_ produces on his wife
_Déwi Sundári_. She adorns and prepares to burn herself with the corpse
of her husband.]

200. [His other wife, _Utári_, being eight months gone with child, is
deprived of this honour.]

201-205. [_Bíma_ and _Arjúna_ return victorious from their respective
engagements. The latter is angry with _Dérma Wángsa_, for having caused
the death of his son, but is appeased by _Krésna_, and induced to treat
the old man with respect. _Dérma Wángsa_ explains how _Abimányu's_
death was occasioned by _Jáya Dráta's_ preventing the _Pandáwa_ from
entering the ring of the enemy, and from his defending it so well.
_Arjúna_ vows vengeance against _Jaya Dráta_, and hopes that he himself
may be killed and burned, if he does not on the following day send him
to the other world.]

206-207. [_Jáya Dráta_ advised of _Arjúna's_ intentions, begs of
_Suyudána_ to be allowed to withdraw from the field of battle.
_Dangyang Drúna_, upon this, upbraids him, and persuades him to remain
and try his hand against _Arjúna_, promising to support him.]

208-211. [_Arjúna_ and _Krésna_ consult together how _Jáya Dráta_ may
be killed, and _Krésna_ himself escape.]

212-213. [For this purpose _Krésna_ makes _Arjúna_ purify himself and
offer up prayers to the _Batára_. _Batára Sákra_ descends, and informs
_Arjúna_ that he will succeed in killing _Jáya Dráta_, if he only makes
use of the arrow called _pasopáti_, and then vanishes.]

214-228. [The two wives of _Abimányu_ talk much together of the death
of their husband. Their different situations and feelings. Their
separation, and meeting again under various forms, &c.; after which
_Sundári_ burns herself with the body of _Abimányu_.]

229-231. [With the rising sun, the _Pandáwa_ chiefs, &c. repair to the
field of battle, where they find the _Kuráwa_ forces drawn up in the
order _chákra báhui_, with _Jáya Dráta_, for safety's sake, in the
centre.]

232. [The diameter of the circle formed by the enemy round _Jáya
Dráta_, is ten times the distance at which men can be distinguished by
the eye.]

233-235. [The _Pandáwa_ observe the same order of battle, and attack
the _Kurawa_. Both armies mingle in close and obstinate fight.]

236-237. [The _Pandáwa_ being oppressed with thirst, _Arjúna_ strikes
an arrow into the earth; whereupon water springing forth, men and
beasts drink and are refreshed.]

238-240. [_Krésna_ makes _Arjúna_ shoot at _Suyudána_, whose chariot is
thereby broken to pieces, and his charioteer and horses killed, himself
narrowly escaping with his life. _Arjúna_ and his men fight furiously,
and kill many of the enemy.]

241-244. [_Satiaki_ kills _Tuyasáda_, _Kambujána_, and _Sang Ambisúki_.]

245-252. [_Bíma_ kills _Chitra Yúda_, _Jáya Suséna_, _Cháruchítra_,
_Durjáya_, _Jáya Chítra Séna_, _Chítraka_, _Sangupu Chítra Derma_, and
nine more chiefs.]

253-257. [_Burisráwa_ opposes _Satíaki_. They fight, and after their
weapons are broken, they close and wrestle. _Satíáki_ is on the point
of being killed, when _Arjúna_, at the urgent request of _Krésna_,
discharges an arrow at _Burisráwa_, which, breaking his arm, causes him
to drop the weapon with which he was going to kill _Satiáka_. While
_Burisráwa_ and _Arjúna_ are expostulating with each other on their
respective conduct, _Satiáki_ seizes the opportunity to dispatch the
former. _Bíma_ and _Arjúna_ slay thousands of the enemy, and endeavour
to get at _Jáya Dráta_, but are prevented by the numbers of the
_Kuráwa_, who rush in between and try to save him.]

258-259. [Seeing _Bíma_ and _Arjúna_ tired and nearly exhausted,
without the latter's being likely to effect the death of _Jáya Dráta_
within the promised time, _Krésna_ has recourse to an artifice. He
discharges his _chákra_ at the declining sun, whereupon the clouds
following the course of the weapon, collect round and obscure the
luminary, making it appear like night. The _Kuráwa_ thinking the fatal
day past on which _Arjúna_ was to kill _Jáya Dráta_, triumphantly and
insultingly call out to _Arjúna_ to fulfil his promise of meeting death
and being burned.]

260-262. [Taking advantage of the darkness, and of the _Kuráwa_ being
off their guard, _Krésna_, accompanied by _Arjúna_, wheels his chariot
past the _Kuráwa_, till he reaches the spot where _Jáya Dráta_ is.
_Arjúna_ then shoots at _Jáya Dráta_, and kills him. _Jáya Dráta's_
head being struck off by the arrow, _Krésna_ causes a wind to rise
and carry it to _Jáya Dráta's_ father, who was doing penance in the
mountains, in order to obtain of the gods, that if his son was killed
in the battle, he might live again. In his surprise at beholding the
head, he inadvertently exclaimed that his son was _dead_, which sealed
his doom. _Krésna_ then recalled his _chákra_, whereupon the sun
again shone forth before it went down. Thus the vow of _Arjúna_ was
fulfilled.]

263-264. [_Suyudána_ accuses _Dangyang Drúna_ of being the cause of
_Jáya Dráta's_ death, in not suffering him to retire from the field of
battle when he wished to do so. _Dangyang Drúna_ defends his conduct,
and uses high words to _Suyudána_.]

265-266. [_Suyudána_ invites _Kérna_ to go and attack _Arjúna_. _Kérna_
goes, and _Suyudána_ with his men follow.]

267-271. [The sun sets and the battle continues. Enemies and friends
are with difficulty distinguished in the dark, and many of the latter
are killed by mistake.]

272-275. [_Sang Dwa jáya-ráta_, the adopted brother of _Kérna_, is
killed by _Bíma_. _Pratipéya_ is on the point of killing _Sangá
sáng'a_, the son of _Satiáki_, but is prevented from doing so by
_Bíma_, by whom he himself is slain, after having wounded _Bíma_.]

276. [The sons of the _Kuráwá_ chiefs, exasperated at the death of
_Pratipéya_, all fall upon _Bíma_, but are every one of them killed by
that potent hero.]

277. [Three younger brothers of _Sakuni_ are killed by _Bíma_.]

278-280. [_Suyudána_ talks with _Kérna_ of the carnage occasioned by
_Bíma_ and _Arjúna_. _Kérna_ makes light of their power, and engages
to kill them both. _Krépa_ accuses _Kérna_ of being a boaster, and
intimates his inferiority in prowess to the two hostile heroes,
whereupon they are going to fight with each other, when _Suyudána_
interposes and prevents them.]

281-284. [_Kérna_ attacks the _Pandáwa_ army and causes great havoc. A
consultation is held among the _Pandáwa_ respecting the fittest person
to oppose _Kérna_. _Krésna_ objects to _Arjúna's_ doing so, as being
unskilled in fighting by night. _Gatot Kácha_, the son of _Bíma_, is
then selected to fight against _Kérna_.]

                       (Measure _Basánta lila_.)

    285. Wherefore _Sang Gatot Kácha_ was directed to seek the child of
        the sun
    By _Krísna_ and _Parta_, who complimented him for his superiority and
        power:
    Quickly roused at the call, he presented himself with joy,
    And said, "Happy am I and fortunate, thus to be distinguished by his
        highness.

    286. "And so that I continue to serve the king according to my duty,
    "Let my body be severed to pieces, and death itself ensue.
    "However arduous the service required, I will nevertheless perform it."
    At these words the advanced in years were struck dumb.

    287. Thus spake _Sang Gatot Kácha_. The heart of _Kesáwa_ failed,
    So well did he know how to awaken tender feelings:
    Therefore did the heart of his uncle melt away,
    When he saw the boy daring enough to encounter the King of _Awáng'ga_.

    288. Therefore did _Krésna_ and _Parta_ remain speechless.
    Moved with compassion, and grieved that they had thus called upon
        _Gatot Kácha_.
    Instantly the hero hurried to the attack;
    But as he was about to engage the child of the sun, he stopt short in
        terror.

       *       *       *       *       *

                       (_Tembang Basánta lila._)

    285. Irika ta sang | gatot kacha kinon | mapag arka suta ||
    Teka pira kresna parta maneher | muji sakti nera ||
    Sang ngenojaran | wawang masemo garjita arsa marek ||
    Mawachana bege'a yan ana pakon repatik nerepati ||

    286. Pakena neki lana marki jeng aji yugya neka
    Dadaha rikalaning baya aturnya matoa pati
    Kunenga paniwoa rahatane gate karya temen
    Situtua tan paneng'ha mené sigegen sakarang

    287. Na wuwusing sang gatot Kacha lumad ati Kesawa mar
    Tekapira yan weruh ujara ngalap maniking redaya
    Nguni-nguni nalaning to'a sira sang paman arda tenyu
    Molati rare neran lumawane sang awang'ga pati

    288. Ya Karana Kresna parta mamuwue damené sakareng
    Asemo Kamanosan Kaluputan tekaping mangutus
    Kuneng iki sang gatot Kacha wawang sira sigra mase
    Mapagi pamok sang arka suta tando'a nomandek ares

       *       *       *       *       *

    289. Then all his potent arrows
    Issuing from his hands and from his mouth,
    With celerity flew to the child of the sun, who overpowered in battle,
    Gave way to the left, while the numerous torches of the _Pandáwa_ army
        shed their glare around.

       *       *       *       *       *

    289. Apitui sarwa sanjata wisesa yatas stranera
    Mijili tangan dudung mijili chang Kema nuta ngohuh
    Yata rumujak sang Arka suta Kéwerana pinda jemor
    Muruda kiu mowa metu sulu bala pandawa bap

290-299. [_Sialambána_, a blind _Rasáksa_ chief, joins the _Kuráwa_
against _Gatot Kácha_, by whom he is slain; whereupon his band of blind
_Rasáksas_ take to flight. Three other blind _Rasáksa_ chiefs, with
separate bodies of blind _Rasáksas_, successively oppose _Gatot Kacha_,
and share the same fate as the first.]

300-308. [_Gatot Kacha_ fights with _Kérna_, flies, and is ultimately
killed by him.]

309-314. [The _Pandáwa_, enraged at the death of _Gatot Kacha_, all
fight with desperate fury. _Arjúna_ alone is restrained and withheld by
_Krésna_.]

315-321. [_Dowi Arimbi_, the mother of _Gátot Kácha_, burns herself on
the funeral pile of her son.]

322-334. [The following morning _Dangyang Drúna_, a _Pandíta_ on the
side of the _Kuráwa_, causes great havoc among the _Pandáwa_; to save
whom from the destruction which threatened them, _Krésna_ spreads
a false report of _Aswatáma's_ death, and makes all the _Pandáwa_
proclaim it. _Dangyang Drúna_ hears and believes the rumour of his
son's death, and faints away; upon which _Drestadríumna_ approaches him
and cuts his throat.]

335-343. [_Aswatáma_ hearing that his father is killed, makes a furious
attack upon the enemy, but perceiving _Bíma_ is afraid and retires.]

344. [The sun is about to set and hostilities cease.]

345-349. [Description of the field of battle after the fight.]

350-351. [The King of the _Kuráwa_ asks _Kérna_ to engage _Arjúna_.
_Kérna_ agrees, but requests to have some one to attend and support him
in battle. _Sália_ is selected and appointed for the purpose.]

352-356. [_Kérna_ and _Sália_, before they go to fight, go home to take
leave of their families, &c. What passes on the occasion.]

357-365. [_Kérna's_ wife relates to her husband a dream she had. The
particulars of the conversation which takes place between them.]

366-393. [_Dérma Wángsa_, _Krésna_, and _Arjúna_, set out in the
night for the purpose of finding and putting together the head and
body of their respected _Gúru_, _Dangyang Drúna_, and in order to pay
due respect and homage to his remains, and to entreat forgiveness on
account of what had happened to him. Description of all they see and
meet by the way.]

394-407. [Morning. The _Pandáwa_ prepare for battle.]

408-413. [The _Kuráwa_ army is formed into the position
_báhui-makára_[188], or that of the prawn. _Kérna_ in the mouth,
_Drumúka_ in the right fore claw, _Sakuni_ in the left, _Suyudána_ in
the head, all the princes and chiefs in the body.]

414-415. [The _Pandáwa_ army is put into the order called
_wúlan-tumánggal_, or that of the new moon. _Arjúna_ forms the right
horn of the crescent, _Bíma_ the left, _Dérma Wángsa_ and all the
princes and chiefs compose the centre.]

416-426. [_Kérna_ and _Sália_, mounted in one carriage, proceed to
the field of battle. The two contending armies engage. Their various
success described.]

427-440. [_Bíma_ attacks, upbraids, and pursues _Suyudána_. To save the
latter, _Dusasána_ fires an arrow at _Bíma_ and hits him. _Bíma_ turns
about, and finding it was _Dusasána_ that shot him, he seizes him by
the hair, and having called out to all the princes and chiefs to bear
witness to the fulfilment of his promise, he tears him in pieces and
drinks his blood.]

441-449. [The battle continues to be fought with various success,
sometimes one army giving way and sometimes the other.]

450-467. [_Arjúna_ and _Kérna_ fight against each other. The arrows
shot by each at the other are immediately converted into various
elements or destructive animals. _Kérna_ shoots rain; _Arjúna_ shoots
and dispels it. _Kérna_ shoots fire; _Arjúna_ shoots rain and quenches
it. _Kérna_ shoots dragons; _Arjúna_ shoots griffins which destroy
them.]

468-469. [_Kérna_ aims an arrow at the throat of _Arjúna_, whom _Sália_
beckons to incline his head. _Ardawilíka_, a _Rasáksa_, in the form of
a dragon, is killed by _Arjúna_, while in the act of shooting at him.]

470-476. [_Kérna_ twice shoots at _Arjúna_, but his arrow only strikes
and loosens his top-knot of hair.]

477-479. [_Arjúna_, invited and challenged by _Kérna_ to shoot at him,
in his turn tells him, if he wishes to save his life to surrender
and pay obeisance. _Kérna_ refusing to do this is shot in the throat
by _Arjúna_: his head falls back into the chariot. On the death of
_Kérna_, the child of the sun, that bright luminary grows dim with
grief, and expresses his deep sorrow by groans of thunder and showers
of tears, while his twinkling eyes emit incessant flashes of lightning.]

    479. Disheartened at the death of _Kérna_, the army of the _Kuráwa_
        take to flight,
    And pursued by numbers, conceal themselves, out of fear, in holes and
        cavities,
    The earth shakes, and at the same time a drizzling rain descending
        from the clouds, washes the blood-stained corpse.
    The evil-portending cloud is seen, and the grumbling noise of thunder
        is heard.

    480. Thus it was with him who died in the field of battle. Lost was
        the sweet expression of his countenance,
    Shining were his polished teeth, and uplifted and still the black of
        his fixed eye!
    No longer erect, his hair lay flat on his pale face, and frightful yet
        becoming was his severe wound.
    Such is the appearance of the brave who die in battle.

       *       *       *       *       *

    479. Ri lina sri Karna lara laruti Kang Korawa bala
    Tinut ginreg mukséng wana Kateduning lo'ah juranga res
    Pareng mwang lindu mega sumara riris rah sumarasah
    Kawanda lirning téja patrà keter wana tangisa

    480. Nian lir sang mating rana pada elang mwang manesira
    Waja nerang seidenta sepi irengi Kang nitra lumayep
    Alandung sang sri tang muka lalu Kuchem syu brana luwes
    Datanlen sang waneng baya mapalupu'i ring rana saba

481-483. [The _Kuráwa_ having taken to flight are pursued by the
_Pandáwa_ into _Astína_.]

484. [Night coming on, the _Pandáwa_ return.]

485-489. [_Suyudána_ comments on the misfortune of the _Kuráwa_ in
losing _Kérna_, and consults about the fittest person to succeed that
hero.]

490-497. [Advised by _Sakúni_, _Suyudána_ asks _Sália_ to assume the
chief command.]

498-500. [_Sália_ endeavours to excuse himself; whereupon _Aswatáma_
comes forward, and accuses him of being friendly to the _Pandáwa_, and
on that account unwilling to become the leader of the _Kuráwa_.]

501-502. [_Aswatáma_ and _Sália_ quarrel and are going to fight, when
_Suyudána_ interferes and draws _Sália_ away, exhorting him to take the
command.]

508-511. [_Sália_ at last consents, and then withdraws to his wife.]

512-516. [_Nakúla_ is sent by _Krésna_ to _Sália_ to dissuade him from
fighting. Description of _Sália's_ palace.]

517-524. [At sight of his nephew _Nakúla_, _Sália's_ resolution fails
him, and he promises not to fight against the _Pandáwa_. He declares he
will readily and willingly surrender his life to _Dérma Wángsa_, but to
no one else, and that that worthy person has only to make use of the
arrow called _pustaka akalíma asáda_.]

525-527. [_Nakúla_ returns and informs _Krésna_ and _Dérma Wangsa_ of
the success of his mission to _Sália_, and of all that passed on the
occasion.]

528-553. [_Sália_ relates to his wife _Sátia Wáti_, the result of his
interview with _Nakúla_, and of his intention to sacrifice himself,
whereupon she is grieved and sheds tears. Then follows a long and
detailed description of _Sátia Wáti_, her person, manners, disposition,
&c., and the particulars of a conversation which takes place between
her and her husband, wherein they display great affection for each
other; after which they yield to the power of love, and then fatigued
with amorous dalliance, sink into each other's arms and fall asleep.]

554-556. [In consequence of _Sátia Wáti's_ declared determination to
accompany him, _Sália_ steals from her when she is asleep; and having
got fairly away from her, he dresses himself without, and is honoured
by the _Pandíta_, who cast flowers upon him.]

559. [_Sália_ reaches the field of battle.]

560. [The _Pandáwa_ army forthwith appears, and an engagement takes
place.]

561. [The army of the _Pandáwa_ are hard pressed and obliged to fall
back.]

562-564. [_Bíma_ comes to their support and routs the enemy with great
slaughter.]

565-567. [_Sália_ deserted by his army remains alone, and as he
discharges his arrows they change into thousands of _Rasáksas_,
dragons, and evil spirits, which lighting among the enemy occasion
great consternation; whereupon _Krésna_ ordering all the people to
throw down their weapons and fold their arms, the whole of the _demons_
disappear without doing any harm.]

568-581. [The good and quiet _Dérma Wángsa_ is reluctantly persuaded by
_Krésna_ to save the _Pandáwa_ by killing _Sália_.]

582-583. [_Dérma Wángsa_ discharges the arrow _pustáka kalíma asáda_:
it penetrates and sticks in the breast of _Sália_, who immediately
dies.]

584-586. [On the death of _Sália_ the _Kuráwa_ forces are routed and
pursued in all directions by the _Pandáwa_, with great slaughter.]

    587. _Suyudána_ was on the point of being taken, but he bravely
        resisted;
    And quickly bounding away in great alarm, he narrowly escaped with his
        life.
    But _Sakúné_, trembling with fear, fell into the hands of the enemy;
    And weeping, implored mercy, exclaiming, "this is the reward of my
        kindness and hospitality."

       *       *       *       *       *

    587. Suyudana sireki meh kawananga takis lagawa
    Lumompata layu luput lepasa met urip katresan
    Tuwen sakuni sang sedeng ngkakatran kakesa graha
    Asambata nangis dine kwenargan buja sestawa

       *       *       *       *       *

    588. "Silence! thou vile and infamous dog!
    "With what restless labour hast thou sought to vex and offend me;
    "But now will I fail not to take my revenge;
    "Death shall seize thee, and great shall be thy torture."

    589. Thus spake _Bíma_, and trampling him beneath his feet,
    He thereby and with his _gáda_ reduced to atoms the body of _Sakúne_.
    The story goes, that he tore it in pieces, and sucking the blood,
    Scattered them among the villages of the north and of the south.

    590. The enemy being totally extinguished, filled was the field of
        battle with mountains of the slain,
    While downward, in its deep bed, a sea of blood rolled with noisy rush.
    _Suyudána_ having escaped, there yet remained to seize him.
    He is pursued and sought for, but cannot be found, having plunged in
        the water.

    591. Abandoning their fruitless search after _Suyudána_, the five
        _Pandáwa_ returning, homeward bend their course.
    _Déwi Sátia Wáti_ is then informed that _Sália_ had fallen in battle.
    Aged and creditable persons, bowing respectfully, communicate to her
        the dire news:
    Concealed amid the heaps of slain lay her lord, they alone escaped to
        tell the tale.

       *       *       *       *       *

    588. Ada nara'neng tako ngasu kanistane chadama
    Datan werga weh laram beka ngupaya ri banchana
    Kunang nea tana lepaté ki pamales kuh duké riko
    Ikang yama ngala pwapang idapana pwageng ning lara

    589. Nahan wachana bimaséna tehera dedel sahasa
    Renyo sawanira sang arya Sakuni linut ring gada
    Biatita sinesep sesep nera senempal uwus
    Dinuka kena mancha desa mapado aning lor kidul

    590. Uwus para-wasang musu penu ikang sawa marwata
    Iline rudiranya gurnita mangarnawa lo'a dalam
    Kunang pwa riluput Suyodana dume turung ning'gawé
    Tinot mara pinet datan katemo ya ine ar mowa

    591. Da rarean mara pancha pandawa murutsaha ba la ri luput Suyodana
    Dewi Satia-wati sireki charitan winara ipati salea ring rana
    Wanten bretya kaparchaya tuha yata jari sira teka namya torasih
    Dan rakweki dumenya tan pajaha sing lara ngeduku samendeming sawa

       *       *       *       *       *

    592. The news quickly spreading, all the _Gúrus_ of the country weep
        on every side.
    Trembling and distressed, _Déwi Sátia Wati_ no longer retains the
        power of speech.
    Blind with grief and with a heart full of sorrow, she reels and cannot
        stand:
    Lost and insensible to all around, she seemed as if life itself had
        forsaken her.

    594. Coming to herself, by the pains and assistance of her friends,
        she rises and adjusts her disordered dress:
    Then loosening and combing her hair, she is bent on repairing to the
        field of battle.
    First grasping her _petrem_[189], wherewith to deprive herself of life
        when she reaches the place where the joy of her heart is lain,
    She forthwith ascends her chariot, and sets out, favoured by a
        grateful breeze.

       *       *       *       *       *

    592. Sang siptan pawaranya tando'a guruwing sanagara pada gurnita
        nangis
    Dewi Satia Wati kitan wenanga sabda kumetere pangunchanging lara
    Leng leng tan anara teka ton tekapiran kapeting-ane anekne kang ati
    Tan patma kalinger datanuru'i pasambang ng'ya saha pakraking sakit

    594. Antukning manulung nimitanera nang lilira mahayu lungsuring tapih
    Roma werata ninombara nera naminta tumotura mareng rana
    Patrem nitea minusti pangelanga jiwa na pupula mene lawan sineng
    Ngkan mangkat mahawan rata nela sama dresan kani sarantaning manah

565-602. [Accompanied by _Sagandíka_, she wanders over the field of
battle by night in quest of his corpse, looking for it among the
number of prostrate slain. Appearance of the different dead bodies and
carcasses of horses, elephants, &c. described. She often thinks that
she has found it: her repeated mistakes and disappointments.]

    603. Wearied with fruitless search, and despairing of finding him to
        whom she would make her obeisance, the princess
    Unsheathed her dagger, resolved to stab herself, her heart being
        wholly devoted to her husband.
    But the Almighty, in pity, sent lightning to guide her to the spot
        where he whom she had long sought for lay,
    And inspired her with strength and desire to renew the search.

    604. All this while the chariot[190] lay buried among flowers which
        had been showered down upon it.
    As if the growling thunder wept, tears fell in small rain, in grief
        for the death of the prince[191].
    Such was the mark the princess followed till she came to and perceived
        the body of _Sália_,
    Who seemed as if looking at her with a side glance as he lay with
        grinning teeth.

       *       *       *       *       *

    603. Meh tan diria mahas narendra ma'isi ri taiyani sang enesti
        sambahan
    Paksa patrema sampunang lugasi kang ati sumaivaka nama sang pria
    Sih ningyang ukasan manambaya tuduh ri kaha-nanera sang pinet nira
    Nahan etuniran panging kina ng'ebang abanga maka sama ngosir kilat

    604. Oniang warsa sekar sumarsa akuwung kuwunga menoi ring'ganing rata
    Genter lu'era nangis malu'a rarab'ing-rereba lara rilina sang prabu
    Na tang chihna tinut nareswara wadu teka lumi-ati getra sang kakung
    Kadia nung sung'a reh nikang mata atur lumiringa reja kesisan waja

       *       *       *       *       *

    605. Then quickly seizing the feet of him, now lifeless, who stole
        from her bed,
    Not knowing what she did, she patted, pressed, and kissed the body,
    His lips she rubbed and stained red[192]; supporting his head with her
        encircling arm, and wiping his face with the end of one of her
        garments: but long were his eyes without twinkling.
    To cure his wounds she constantly applied her chewed _síri_.

    606. "Ah! ah! my princely lord, thou whom having sought I have at last
        found, why dost thou remain silent?
    "Wilt thou not speak to her who has thus sought thee out?--Who else is
        there to be kind to me, unfortunate?
    "Tired and worn out am I with searching for thee, and now with averted
        glance thou refusest to look at me,
    "Shall I weep, or what is it thou wouldst have me do?--Speak and tell
        me, instead of preserving this unmeaning smile.

    607. "Am I to understand that thou hast no regard for me? Come, quick,
        speak comfort to me, and make my heart glad."
    With words sweeter than honey, and nicely selected, did she thus hold
        converse with the dead; but it was all in vain.
    "Was it thus to meet death," said she, "that thou didst steal from me
        when I was asleep,
    "And depart alone, without my knowledge, to the regions above? but I
        will follow thee.

       *       *       *       *       *

    605. Yekan pakrakir a mekul sukune sang peja aneliba ting'galing tilam
    Tanwreng da tinepak tepak nera hanan kinisapu kinsuan sinukeman
    Lambe lot linuga tekeng magala ginusa pira ura lama tan kedap
    Lawan tang kanining kapwa warasa dening sepa ira lana jinam-peaken.

    606. Ah! ah! mah prabu sungsungen manemahta tuhana pani mita ning
        heneng
    Tan pangling ringana seraya siapa tika sia mowa gatingku kasian
    Ngel kwa met riwekas tiring paberatan katemo sahaja ewa tan wulat
    Wanten ta wekase tangis kwa mene kite suma'ora ayo'a ta minge

    607. Nanten weruh ngo'angi tan sianti bapa meng'gepa 'ngamera raras
        priambada
    S'ojar tan pāsirat sirat madu tuhun ane saji saji tan tekeng ati
    Pangling'gan rilalis ta 'ngone nalis layata nilibi pamremeng ulun
    Nes tanyan lepasi sura laya yaya ku tumutura sadenya tan ling'en

       *       *       *       *       *

    608. "It is my request that thou wilt meet and carry me across the
        _úgalágil_ stone[193].
    "Trembling and fearful should I be without thy support and assistance,
    "Although thou shouldst have many _Windadáris_ at thy command, yet
        still reserve a place for me before them all,
    "What must not be thy regard for her, who has thus wandered about
        after thee, and who is now going to die for thee?"

                      (Measure _Basánta tiláka_.)

    609. Tedious would be the relation of all that _Satía Wáti_ said.
    Oppressed with a load of grief, great as a mountain,
    When she beheld her lord
    And determined to meet death.

       *       *       *       *       *

    608. Ngeng pintangakwa tuan papag nga'ang ngirikang watu _gala-gila_
        namba eng'gung an
    Tistisnya 'ngoang ngikana tan wani lumampaha gigu ri tayenta raksaka
    Yadiastun jeneka 'ngamer surawadu kita sumalanga ayo'a nestura
    Pali tapwa welasat ring wang angomeng pati lumaku lana morang morang.

                      (_Tembang Basanta tilaksa_).

    609. Tangi ujar satia watin pasambat
    Ikang lara marwata mangke nabuat
    Tuen katon tahananing iner er
    Matang nera dan pejahang kasang kas

       *       *       *       *       *

    610. Seizing her dagger with firm grasp
    She drew it from its sheath, glancing as it came out,
    Then boldly buried it in her breast.
    Like shining gold was the blood that issued from the wound.

    611. Not dying instantly, with expiring voice
    _Sugandíka_ she called and thus addressed:
    "My old and faithful friend and attendant, return thou to _Mandaráka_,
    "And tell the people there that I now send

    612. "My last request to the good and worthy,
    "That they will commemorate the history of my sufferings,
    "In order that my story may be heard and known;
    "When the gentle heart will perhaps be moved with love and pity, and
        tears will flow at the sad tale."

    614. "Oh! my mistress, when was the time that I ever quitted thee?
    "Into whatever state of being thou may'st pass, I will accompany thee.
    "Whom wilt thou have to send for water,
    "And who will wash my noble mistress' feet if I am not with her?"

       *       *       *       *       *

    610. Minges marang kedga lana minusti
    Uwus kasaring sarungan pradipta
    Inan-deman denira tan anangres
    Ila nikang rah kadi datu munchar

    611. Datan wawang mati magentak entak
    Sugandika lot tinawe sinabdan
    Kakangku mantuk ta ri mandraraka
    Wara tikang wang ri ukasku mangke.

    612. Paminta kasi tari sang kawendra
    Larang-ku dadiakena gita basa
    Rengine ngogang idepe gating ku
    Malar ngeresi twasnea mamang wa waspa

    614. Aduh Tuan ring kapana, saha ngoang
    Tumuta mon 'jenma nejenma rakrian
    Siap'eka konen ta mangengswa socha
    Ye tan ngwenga damo'a rijeng ta masku

       *       *       *       *       *

    617. Thus weeping, the female attendant, affected with grief,
    The buried dagger drew (from the body of her mistress),
    And stabbing herself, instantly expired
    At the feet of the princess, where her body lay.

    618. Forthwith delighted their happy spirits together fled.
    The astonished spirit of prince _Sália_ quickly said:
    "Uneasy and impatient have I waited for thee among the clouds,
    "With many _Widadáris_, _Panditás_, and _Déwas_."

    619. Having taken the princess in his arms,
    He returned with her by the road which leads to heaven.
    There arrived, they find it extremely beautiful.
    Of silk were the houses and brilliant were the precious stones.

    620. Amusing herself, the princess
    Was delighted with the abundance of food which was there,
    Great being the bounty of the Almighty to mankind,
    And there was no difference susceptible in the ages of those that were
        there[194].

       *       *       *       *       *

    617. Nahan tangis ning pari charaka n'gres
    Tanemne kang katga ye tenunusnea
    Inandeman ngeng eksans yan paratra
    Sawanya tan sa ridagan sudéwi

    618. Tatandua ngetma madulur wijata
    Naréswaratma nera gerjitang ling
    Alal mangauting jalada mangun res
    Sahap sari mwang resi déwa Sang'ga

    619. Telas pinangkwa Kenerang Sudéwi
    Molih sera marga wimana ramya
    Dateng rikang swarga layep alepnya
    Graha sinang baswara sarwa ratna

    620. Mengen mengen téki naréndra patni
    Mangu Kawahan suka sek binokti
    Wiwal neran manusa janma nguni
    Apan tanantuk tumulu'i dugan nwang

621-624. [The _Pandáwa_ hear that _Suyudána_ is in the middle of
the river: delighted, they repair to the spot. _Bíma_ calls him a
dastardly coward afraid to die, and assures him that his arm will reach
him, whithersoever he may betake himself, to the lowest depth of the
earth or the highest region of heaven.]

625-628. [_Suyudána_ comes out of the water and assures Bíma that he
betook himself to the river, not out of fear, but for the purpose of
making adoration to the gods, challenging _Bíma_, or any other of the
_Pandáwa_, to combat. _Krésna_ represents that _Dérma-Wángsna_ is too
peaceable and benevolent to fight against _Suyudána_; that _Arjúna's_
forte consists in using the bow mounted in a chariot; that _Nakúla_ and
_Sedéwa_ are too young and inexperienced, and that _Bíma_ is therefore
the fittest of all the _Pandáwa_ to oppose _Suyudána_.]

629-631. [_Kakrasána_ is informed by _Naráda_ of the _Pandáwa_ and
_Kuráwa_ forces being engaged, and withdraws to see the issue of the
contest. _Bíma_ and _Suyudána_ go and make their respects to him, and
each receives from him a charm.]

632-639. [_Bíma_ and _Suyudána_ fight. Missing each other, they strike
and cut the earth, trees, and every thing about them, without being
able to hurt each other. They then throw away their weapons, and
closing, wrestle. So closely are they united, that they seem to be one
person and to have one voice.]

640-656. [_Arjúna_ repeatedly striking his hand on his left thigh,
reminds _Bíma_ of _Suyudána's_ being vulnerable in that particular
place only. _Bíma_ recollecting the circumstance, seizes his club and
strikes _Suyudána_ with it in his vulnerable part. _Suyudána_ falls,
and expiring under the blow is trampled upon by _Bíma_, who continues
to insult and triumph over him, till out of all patience with his
relentless and ungenerous conduct, _Kakrasána_ seizes his spear and is
going to slay _Bíma_, but is withheld by _Krésna_, who says that _Bíma_
is not to be blamed for such just retaliation.]

       *       *       *       *       *

(Here end the Javan copies of this work; the following abstract is from
a copy of the _Bráta Yúdha Káwi_ presented to me by the _Rája_ of _Báli
Balílíng_ in _Báli_.)

657-667. [_Suyudána_ dead, and night coming on, the _Pandáwa_ retire
from the scene of battle to the city of _Astína_, and there feast and
rejoice, on account of their victory. Satiated and fatigued with their
revelling, all except _Krésna_ go to sleep. He alone remains awake,
pitying in his own mind the fate of _Suyudána_, and recollecting with
feelings of regret the indignant and unkind manner in which he was
treated by _Bíma_. Withdrawing by stealth, he goes to the mountains,
and wanders about oppressed with grief and much agitated.]

668. [Next morning the _Pandáwa_ missing _Krésna_, go in search of
him, and find him among the images on the hills. Portentous signs take
place. A raven croaks till blood issues from its beak, it rains blood,
and all the wild animals fight with each other.]

669. [Next morning all these omens are gone.]

670-693. [News arrives from _Astína_ of _Aswatáma's_ having entered
the city by night, and assassinated _Drésta-dríumna_, _Sérikándi_, and
_Pánchakumára_, and of all the _mántris_ having fled for fear. Half
are inclined to give credit to the report, and half believe that it
must have been the spirit of _Sália_. The _Pandáwa_ return to _Astína_,
and find the women there all in tears, and bewailing the loss of those
who had been murdered during the night. _Krésna_ consoles them, and
reconciles them to what has happened.]

694-696. [_Krésna_ makes the _Pandáwa_ accompany him in search of
_Aswatáma_, whom they find among the hills.]

697-699. [_Bíma_ is going to strike _Aswatáma_, when the latter
discharges an arrow at _Bíma_, and at the same time tells him he is not
a fit opponent, inviting _Arjúna_ to contend with him. _Arjúna_ and
_Aswatáma_ fight, causing the earth and mountains to shake, &c.]

700-705. [_Sáng yáng Naráda_ descends from above, and tells _Arjúna_
that they will cause the destruction of the world if they continue
the dreadful conflict. _Sáng yáng Naráda_ at the same time goes up to
_Aswatáma_, and advises him to desist from opposing the _Pandáwa_,
as he will certainly be beaten, and recommends his surrender and
resignation to the _Pandáwa_ of his _pusáka_ of _Chúda-manik_, also
called _Chúpu-mánik Estígéna_, a charm which gives its possessor the
power of getting eight different things.]

706-707. [_Aswatáma_ refuses to give it to the _Pandáwa_, but is
willing to part with it to the unborn grandson of _Arjúna_, of whom
_Utári_ was then pregnant, and whom he directed should be called
_Parikísit_.]

708-709. [_Krésna_ offers to bear witness to the promise; after which
_Aswatáma_ gives the _pusáka_ to _Bíma_, to deliver to the grandson of
_Arjúna_.]

710-714. [_Krésna_ and the _Pandáwa_ again return to _Astína_, and
inform _Arjúna's_ wife of what has happened. _Aswatáma_ remains
aloof from the _Pandáwa_, wandering about in the woods and among the
mountains. _Yuyútsuh_, the only surviving _Kuráwa_ chief, joins and
lives with the _Pandáwa_. All the sons of the _Pandáwa_ having been
killed in the battle, without a single descendant being left to be
made a king of _Astína_, excepting the yet unborn son of _Abimányu_,
whom _Utári_ was about to bring forth, _Dérma Wangsa_, the eldest of
the _Pandáwa_ (although all of them had arrived at an age when they
should withdraw from the world) is appointed sovereign, until such time
as he can be relieved and succeeded by the yet unborn _Parikísit_.
Description of _Dérma Wángsa_; the beauty of his person; his many
good qualities and accomplishments, for which and for his character
for justice, wisdom, prudence, &c. he is universally beloved, and his
praises celebrated in song.]

715-719. [_Dérma Wángsa_ receives the name and title of _Batára Jáya
Báya_. Under his wise and excellent administration the kingdom of
_Astína_ flourishes, crimes are unknown, and the inhabitants are
happy. The neighbouring princes of Java, who had survived the war, all
acknowledge the authority of the king of _Astína_, and pay homage to
him.]

       *       *       *       *       *

The musical instruments of the Javans are peculiar. Several of them
are necessary to compose a _gámelan_, set, or band: of these there are
several varieties. The _gámelan salíndro_, which is the most perfect,
consists of the several instruments represented in the plate. In the
_gámelan pélog_, the instruments are much larger and louder; the
_bónang_ or _krómo_, has sometimes only ten, and sometimes as many as
fourteen notes. Both of these _gámelans_ are employed as accompaniments
to the _wáyangs_. The _gámelan míring_ partakes of the two former,
and is employed to accompany the _wáyang klítik_. In the _gámelan
múng'gang_, called also _kódok ng'órek_, from its resembling the
croaking of frogs, the _bónang_ has fifteen notes, and the _kécher_
resembles the triangle: neither the _génder_, _salentam_, _sarón_, nor
_chalémpung_ are included in this set; this _gámelan_ is considered the
most ancient, and is played at tournaments, in processions, &c. In the
_chára báli_, or _chára wángsul_, the _rebáb_, or viol, is not used:
in other respects the instruments are the same as in the _salíndro_,
except that they are as large as in the _pélog_. The _gámelan sekáten_,
which resembles the _pélog_, except that the instruments are still
larger and louder, is restricted to the use of the sovereign, and
seldom played, except on great occasions, as during eight days of
the festival of _Múlut_. The _gámelan srúnen_ is used in processions
of state and in war, being properly the martial music of the country,
in which, besides the ordinary instruments, a particular _gong_ and
trumpets are introduced.

The plate will afford a better idea of the form of these instruments
than any verbal description. Most of them resemble the _staccáto_ or
harmonica, and the sound is produced by the stroke of a hammer. The
_gámbang káyu_ has wooden plates, sixteen or seventeen in number: the
_gámbang gángsa_, of which there are several in each band, has metal
plates.

In the _génder_ the metal plates are thin, of a different form, and
suspended by strings. The _gong_, represented (No. 9) in the plate, is
usually three feet in diameter. The _bónang_, _kénong_, and _ketók_,
are of metal, and are suspended by tightened cords to favour the
vibration. The _kécher_, shewn in the plate, corresponds with the
cymbal. The hammers with which the larger instruments are struck are
either wound round at the end with cloth, or the elastic gum, in order
to soften the sound. The drum is struck with the open hand and fingers
only. The _chalémpung_ is a stringed instrument, with from ten to
fifteen wires, which are sounded with the finger, after the manner of
the harp.

The person who leads the band performs upon the _rebáb_ (No. 17), an
instrument which, having a neck, and two strings pitched by pegs, is
capable of producing perfect intonation and a variety of sounds, by
shortening the strings with the pressure of the finger.

The _gámbang káyu_ (No. 2) is a kind of _staccáto_, consisting of
wooden bars of graduated lengths, placed across a kind of boat,
which, when skilfully struck with a sort of mallet, produce pleasing
tones, either grave or acute. The lowest and highest sounds of the
instrument differ from each other by the interval of three octaves
and a major third: the intermediate sounds of each octave from the
lowest note are a second, third, fifth, and sixth. This instrument is
general throughout the Archipelago, and is frequently played alone, or
accompanied only by the drum and a small _gong_. _Ráden Rána Dipúra_,
a native of Java, who accompanied me to England, played on this
instrument several of his national melodies before an eminent composer,
all of which were found to bear a strong resemblance to the oldest
music of Scotland, the distinctive character of both, as well as of
Indian music in general, being determined by the want of the fourth
and seventh of the key, and of all the semitones[195]. By reiteration
several of the sounds are artfully prolonged much beyond their noted
length, which produces an irregularity of measure that might both
perplex and offend the educated ear of an accompanying timeist. The
rhythm of the sections (from extention and contraction) appears very
imperfect.

The _bónang_ or _krómo_ (No. 3) the _sáron_ (No. 5) the _démong_, (No.
6) and _selántam_ (No. 7) are _staccátos_ of metallic bars, and a sort
of bells placed on a frame. They contain a regular dianotic scale,
and nearly two octaves. These, however, are never played singly, but
harmonize with the instrument on which the air is played.

The _gongs_ (No. 9) are perhaps the noblest instruments of the kind
that have been brought to Europe: I am assured that they are very
superior to that which was admitted in the terrific scenes of the
serious ballet representing the death of Captain Cooke. Suspended in
frames, and struck by a mallet covered with cloth or elastic gum, they
sustain the harmonious triad in a very perfect manner, and are probably
the most powerful and musical of all monotonous instruments. They might
be introduced with advantage in lieu of large drums. They have the
advantage of being mellifluous, and capable of accompanying pathetic
strains. The two _gongs_ differ from each other by one note.

The above observations apply particularly to the _gámelan pélog_, which
usually accompanies the recitation of the popular poems of the country.
The _gámbang káyu_ of the _salíndru_ appears only to differ in being
in another key, which is considered better suited to the occasions in
which that kind of _gámelan_ is used.

The airs which are exhibited in the plate are selected from several
written down by a gentleman at _Semárang_, as they were played on the
_rebáb_ of the _gámelan pélog_, and may afford a further illustration
of the nature of their music.

But it is the harmony and pleasing sound of all the instruments united,
which gives the music of Java its peculiar character among Asiatics.
The sounds produced on several of the instruments are peculiarly
rich, and when heard at a distance have been frequently compared to
those produced on the harmonic glasses. The airs, however simple and
monotonous they may appear of themselves, when played on the _gámbang
káyu_, or accompanied by the other instruments, never tire on the ear,
and it is not unusual for the _gámelan_ to play for many days and
nights in succession.

The Javans do not note down or commit their music to writing; the
national airs, of which I have myself counted above a hundred, are
preserved by the ear alone. Those which are exhibited in the plate
are among the most popular: but there are a variety which are played
on occasions of rejoicing and festivity, which it would be difficult
to note down; if, indeed, they can be called airs at all, the sounds
produced rather resembling the chiming of bells than a melody. Thus,
when a great man arrives at the native seat of government, the tune of
_kébu gíru_, "buffaloes frisking," is played, and a variety of others
of the same nature, which diffuse the same kind of joy and gaiety among
all assembled, as the quick ringing of bells in the churches of England.

A complete set of the _gámelan pélog_ costs from a thousand to six
hundred dollars (£250 to £400,) but second-hand sets are frequently
disposed of. The principal manufacture is at _Grésik_, and the _gongs_
in particular furnish a valuable article of export. Every native chief
in authority has one or more _gámelans_, and there are more or less
perfect sets in all the populous towns of the eastern provinces.

In some of the interior, and in particular in the _Súnda_ districts,
the inhabitants still perform on a rude instrument of _bámbu_, called
the _ángklung_, of which a representation is given in one of the
plates. This instrument is formed of five or more tubes of _bámbu_,
cut at the end after the manner of the barrels of an organ. These,
which are of graduated lengths, from about twenty to eight inches, are
placed in a frame, in such a manner as to move to a certain extent
from their position, and to vibrate on the frame being shaken. A
troop of from ten to fifty mountaineers, each with an _ángklung_, and
accompanied by one or two others with a small drum played with the open
hand, always perform upon this instrument on occasions of festivity
in the _Súnda_ districts. The upper part of the instrument, and the
parties themselves, are generally decorated with common feathers, and
the performers, in their appearance and action, are frequently as
grotesque and wild as can be imagined. There is something, however,
so extremely simple, and at the same time gay, in the sound produced
by the rattling of these _bámbu_ tubes, that I confess I have never
heard the _ángklung_ without pleasure. The Javans say the first music
of which they have an idea was produced by the accidental admission of
the air into a _bámbu_ tube, which was left hanging on a tree, and that
the _ángklung_ was the first improvement upon this Æolian music. With
regard to the music of the _gámelan_, "that," they say, "was procured
from heaven, and we have a long story about it."

A wind instrument, of the nature of a flute, but in length some
feet, with a proportionate diameter, is sometimes introduced in the
_gámelans_; but this is not usual in Java, though, in _Báli_ it is
general.

The _trawángsa_ is a stringed instrument, not very unlike a
guitar[196], which is occasionally found in the _Súnda_ districts: it
is by no means general. I recollect to have once heard an old blind
bard at _Chiánjur_ play upon this instrument, reciting at the same
time traditions respecting _Pajajáran_, and the ancient history of the
country, which had probably never been committed to writing.

The Javans have made no progress in drawing or painting; nor are there
any traces to be found of their having, at any former period of their
history, attained any proficiency in this art. They are not, however,
ignorant of proportions or perspective, nor are they insensible to
the beauty and effect of the productions of other nations[197]. Their
eye is correct and their hand steady, and if required to sketch
any particular object, they produce a very fair resemblance of the
original. They are imitative, and though genius in this art may not
have yet appeared among them, there is reason to believe that, with
due encouragement, they would not be found less ingenious than other
nations in a similar stage of civilization. They have a tradition, that
the art of painting was once successfully cultivated among them, and a
period is even assigned to the loss of it; but the tradition does not
seem entitled to much credit.

The Javans do not appear to possess any peculiar method or system
in their arithmetical calculations. They generally compute without
putting down the figures in writing. In this process they are slow,
but generally correct. The common people, from an entire ignorance of
arithmetic, or to assist their memory, sometimes use grains of _pári_
or small stones on these occasions.

The many vast and magnificent remains of edifices found at this day in
different parts of Java, bear witness to the high degree of perfection
in which architecture and sculpture were at one period practised in
that island. But whether the natives themselves designed these edifices
and their ornaments, or only worked under the direction of ingenious
artists from other countries, is a question connected with their
history, which we shall at present forbear to inquire into.

The art of sculpture is entirely lost to the natives. The only modern
buildings they possess, of any architectural importance, are the
_krátons_, or palaces of the chiefs, which have already been described.

The Javans of the present day have no pretensions to astronomy as a
science. The seasons are determined by reference to a system no longer
perfectly understood, either in its principle or application; but from
the Hindu terms still in use for the days of the week, &c. and from
the similarity of many of their superstitions to those of continental
India, it seems probable that if they ever possessed an astronomical
system, it was derived from that quarter. Thus when an eclipse takes
place, the people shout and make all the noise they can, to prevent
the sun or moon from being devoured by the great _nága_, or dragon,
which they suppose to be invading it. Some of the better informed have
derived a few notions of astronomy from the Arabs; but their knowledge,
in this respect, is at best extremely imperfect, and it is rather to
the traces which are to be found in the ancient manuscripts, and to the
remains of what they knew in former days, that it is interesting to
refer.

The Javans, in common with other Mahomedans, have, for upwards of two
centuries, if not for a longer period, adopted the lunar year of the
Arabs; but they still retain their own era, and seldom adopt that
of the Hejira. The Javan era is called that of _Aji Sáka_, on whose
arrival in Java it is supposed to have commenced; but as _sáka_ is a
Sanscrit term, variously applied, as connected with the establishment
of an era, it was probably adopted by the Javans at the period of the
introduction of the era itself[198], which corresponds almost exactly
with the Hindu era of _Salavaharna_, being seventy-four years short
of the Christian era. The present is accordingly the year 1744 of
the Javan era, or era of _Aji Sáka_. On _Báli_, where the same era
is likewise adopted, there is a difference of about seven years, the
_Báli_ year being 1737. This difference is supposed to have arisen from
the people of _Báli_, who are still unconverted to the Mahomedan faith,
continuing to use the solar year.

The Javans usually divide the day and night each into five portions, as
follows:

                          _Division of the Day._

  The period from six o'clock in the morning }
    till eight is called                     }  _ésuk_;

  That from eight to noon                       _teng'angi_;

  That from noon till one o'clock               _bedúg_;

  That from one till three                      _lingsir kúlon_;

  That from three till six                      _ásar_;

                       _Division of the Night._

  The period from six o'clock in the evening }
    till eight is called                     }  _sóré_;

  That from eight till eleven o'clock           _sirapwóng_;

  That from midnight till one o'clock           _teng'awéng'i_;

  That from one o'clock till three              _língsir-wéng'i_;

  That from three o'clock till daylight        _báng'un_.

The twenty-four hours of the day and night are also occasionally
divided into what is called the _líma wáktu_, or five periods of time,
namely: from sunset until eight o'clock in the morning; from that hour
till twelve; from twelve till three; from three till four; from four
till sunset.

Each of these divisions is considered sacred to one of the five
deities, _Sri_, _Kála_, _Wísnu_, _Maheswára_, and _Bráma_, supposed
to preside over these divisions of the day and night in rotation, the
order being changed every day, until at the commencement of every
fifth day and night it returns to the same again. The division which
thus becomes sacred to _Sri_ is considered fortunate; that to _Kála_
unfortunate; that to _Wísnu_ neither good nor bad; that to _Maheswára_
as still more fortunate than that to _Sri_; that to _Bráma_ as
peculiarly unfortunate.

The terms _páhing_, _pon_, _wági_, _kalíwon_, and _mánis_ or _légi_,
are applied to the days of the _panchawára_, or week of five days,
which is common throughout the country, and by which the markets are
universally regulated[199].

Besides this week of five days, which seems to be by far the most
ancient as well as the most generally adopted among them, the Javans
have a week of seven days as follows.

  _Díti_, Sunday,  which corresponds with the Hindu  _Rowi_.
  _Sóma_, Monday                                     _Soma_.
  _Ang'gára_, Tuesday                                _Mangala_.
  _Búdha_, Wednesday                                 _Budha_.
  _Raspáti_, Thursday                                _Vrihaspati_.
  _Súkra_, Friday                                    _Sukra_.
  _Sanischára_ or _Túmpah_, Saturday                 _Sani_.

The Arabic terms are usually employed to express the months.

The weeks of seven days, considered with reference to the seasons,
are termed _wúku_. Thirty of these are said to have been established
in commemoration of the victory obtained over _Wátu Gúnung_[200].
These thirty have again six principal divisions, each consisting of
thirty-five days, and commencing on the day when _díti_ and _páhing_
fall together.

Each _wúku_, is dedicated to its particular deity, and has its
appropriate emblems in the Javan system of judicial astrology. The
names of the _wúku_ and of the deities to which each is considered
sacred are as follow:

       WÚKU.                 DÉWA OR DEITY.

   1.  _Sínta_          _Batara Yáma_.
   2.  _Landáp_         _Súria_.
   3.  _Wúkir_          _Maheswára_.
   4.  _Kurántil_       _Puru Senkára_.
   5.  _Tálu_           _Báyu_.
   6.  _Gúmbreg_        _Sákra_.
   7.  _Waríga_         _Asmára_.
   8.  _Warigájan_      _Pancháresi_.
   9.  _Júlung Wáng'i_  _Sámbo_.
  10.  _Sung Sang_      _Gána Kumára_.
  11.  _Galúng'an_      _Kamajáya_.
  12.  _Kuníng'an_      _Indra_.
  13.  _Lángkir_        _Kala_.
  14.  _Mandásia_       _Bráma_.
  15.  _Julung-pújud_   _Páncha Rásmi_.
  16.  _Paháng_         _Tántra_.
  17.  _Kuru Welút_     _Wísnu_.
  18.  _Maraké_         _Gána_.
  19.  _Támbir_         _Séwa_.
  20.  _Mánda kung'an_  _Basúki_.
  21.  _Maktal_         _Chandrása_.
  22.  _Woyé_           _Kawéra_.
  23.  _Manáhil_        _Chitra Gáta_.
  24.  _Prang-bákat_    _Bísma_.
  25.  _Bála_           _Dúrga_.
  26.  _Wúku_           _Lódra_.
  27.  _Wáyang_         _Sri_.
  28.  _Kuláwu_         _Sewandána_.
  29.  _Dukúd_          _Kanéka_.
  30.  _Wátu gúnung_    _Gúru_.

The twelve seasons, _Mángsa_, of which an account has been given, when
treating of the agriculture of the Javans, are said to be determined
by reference to the sun's course at the commencement of each of these
divisions.

When a want of rain is experienced, it is a custom for the people of
the village or town to assemble, and for a _wáyang_ to be performed
upon the story of _Wátu Gúnung_ and _Déwi Sínta_. On these occasions
two sticks of the dark  sugar-cane, two young and two old
cocoa-nuts, two bundles of different  _pári_, two bundles of
the flowers of the _areca_-nut, a piece of white cloth, sweet scented
oils, two fowls and two ducks, are placed by the side of the _dálang_
during the performance, and are afterwards considered his property.

The term _wíndu_ is used to express a revolution or cycle of years. The
Javans refer to _wíndu_ of eight years, a _wíndu_ of twelve years, a
_wíndu_ of twenty years, and a _wíndu_ of thirty-two years. The _wíndu_
of eight years, now in use, seems to have been borrowed from the Arabs;
but this is more frequently considered of seven years, each year taking
its name from one of the following animals, according to the day of the
week on which it begins.

  _Mangkára_,  Prawn,              if on a  Friday,
  _Ménda_,     Goat,                        Saturday,
  _Klábong_,   Centiped,                    Sunday,
  _Wichítra_,  Worm,                        Monday,
  _Mintúna_,   A species of fish,           Tuesday,
  _Was_,       Scorpion,                    Wednesday.
  _Maisába_,   Buffalo,                     Thursday.

The names given to the year comprised in the _wíndu_ of twelve years
appear to be the same with the signs of the zodiac, which, according to
the manuscript discovered at Chéribon, are as follow:

   1. _Mésa_ or _Mesáris_,          the Ram, corresponding with the Hindu
                                                   _Mesha_,
   2. _M'rísa_ or _M'resába_,       the Bull,      _Vrisha_,
   3. _M'ritúna_ or _M'rikaga_      the Butterfly, _Mithuna_ (the pair),
   4. _Kalakáta_ or _Kkala kadi_,   the Crab,      _Karkata_,
   5. _Sing'ha_ or _Grigréson_,     the Lion,      _Sinha_,
   6. _Kanya_ or _Kangerása_,       the Virgin,    _Kunya_,
   7. _Tula_ or _Tularási_,         the Balance,   _Tula_,
   8. _Mri-Chika_ or _Priwitarási_, the Scorpion,  _Vrishchica_,
   9. _Dánu_ or _Wánok_,            the Bow,       _Danus_,
  10. _Makára_,                     the Crawfish,  _Makara_ (sea monster),
  11. _Kúba_,                       the Water-jug, _Kumbha_,
  12. _Ména_,                       the Fish,      _Mina_[201].

The Javans, though they occasionally apply the signs of the zodiac to
the twelve years of the cycle, have at present no knowledge of these
signs as connected with the sun's course. In the Chéribon manuscript,
which contains an explanation of each sign, they seem to have been
considered only as giving names to particular years. Thus in the
explanations of the first sign it is stated:

"This year, the year of _Mesa-arsi_, there is a mark in the horn of the
ram; the deity who presides is _Batára Wisnu_; the rain is for five
months; it is profitable to plant _gágas_, but birds destroy great
quantities; this may be prevented by administering _obat_ (medicine)
composed of the oil of the _káwang_, with the flowers of the cotton
plant and those of the _kasúmba_; rats also do great mischief in the
_sáwahs_, which may be prevented by administering the _bud_ of _síri_
on a lucky day, named _ang'gara_, and _diti_ on the _panchawára Mánis_;
when administering it the following words should be repeated; '_Hong!
Kíro-Wísnu-Sówa! tung'gal sih ning Buána!_' 'Hail Wisnu! who art beheld
clearly to be the only one in the world!'"

In the same manuscript, which appears to be entirely of an astronomical
or astrological nature, the year appears to be divided into four
portions, each distinguished by the peculiar position of a _nága_, or
serpent.

The first of the three divisions includes _Jista_, _Sáda_, _Kásar_; the
form and shape of the great _nága_ in these seasons is first stated,
and represented by a drawing, the head being during these months
towards the east and tail to the west. "In these months, if any one
wishes to plant rice, it must be white and yellow _pári_; and at this
time alms must be given, consisting of white rice ornamented with the
flowers called _wári_, and in the name of or in honour of _Déwa Yáma_,
and on the seventh day. It will not be profitable to go to war in these
months.

"If a child is born in these months he will be liable to seven
sicknesses through life. Great care and caution must be taken in these
months against sickness."

The second is as follows:

"In the seasons of _Káru_, _Katíga_, and _Kaphat_, the head of the
_nága_ is to the north and tail to the west. These times are neither
good nor bad; it is proper to plant yellow _pári_; alms should be given
of _búbur ábang_, red rice and water, &c. in honour or in the name of
_Déwa Sarasáti_. Success will attend wars undertaken in these months.

"If a child is born in the month it will be unfortunate, and great care
and caution must be taken regarding it; and if the child attains an
advanced age, unhappiness will befal the parent.

"In the third _nága_, which includes the fifth, sixth, and seventh
seasons, the head of the _nága_" it says, "is to the west, his tail
to the east, his belly to the north. The offering then to be made is
yellow rice, and a small ivory-handled knife ornamented with gold. The
deity of these months is _Batára Sarastati_. In going to war in these
seasons, be careful not to face the head of the _nága_[202]."

FOOTNOTES:

[146] One of the titles of _Jaya Baya_.

[147] _Duijawara_, _Pandita_ of society or village priests.

_Resi_, _Pandita_ who do penance in the woods.

_Sewa_, _Pandita_ who fast and constantly watch.

_Sugata_, _Pandita_ who communicate advice and give instruction.

[148] The supposed author of the poem.

[149]

  _Risanga_  _kuda_  _suda_  _chandrama_, }
      9        7       0          1       }

making 1079 of the Javan æra. But other interpretations render it 708,
which latter is the date generally attributed to the work on Java, and
the period in which _Jaya Baya_ is said to have reigned.--_See History._

[150] _Astina._

[151] The Indian fig or _banyan_.

[152] Nagasari.

[153] _Bramára._

[154] _Kuráchékéchup._

[155] Swamps.

[156] _Paseban_, assemblage of chiefs in front of the palace.

[157] The same with the _kasang'a_.

[158] The same with the _masmas_.

[159] Umbrella.

[160] A large head of _bambu_.

[161] The yellow _bambu_.

[162] _Kiong_, _Chiong_, or minor.

[163] Tegal.

[164] Another name for _Krésna_.

[165] Krésna.

[166] Kresna.

[167] _Satiaka._

[168] _Déwi Kúnti._

[169] The mother of the _Pendáwa_, the same with _Déwi Kúnti_.

[170] Vishnu.

[171] Three pair of eyes.

[172] Child of the sun.

[173] Commander-in-chief.

[174] _Seta._

[175] King of the _Kuráwa_.

[176] The plain of _Kuru_.

[177] Or Elephant Carcass, another name for _Astína_. The Javan
tradition is, that an elephant made the country, in order to obtain
_Ratnádi_, who, thinking it impracticable, had imposed that task on
him, as a condition of her favour. When it was effected, she got
_Gatáma_ to kill him, and then married him. It was called _Astina_,
from _Asti_, which also signifies an elephant.

[178] The princes on the side of the _Pandawa_.

[179] Or that of a sharp-pointed weapon.

[180] _Arjúna._

[181] _Bima._

[182] Wife of _Arjúna_.

[183] _Sita._

[184] _Dresta Drijúmna._

[185] Religious instructors.

[186] Their brother, being also a son of _Wirátes Swára_.

[187] _B'hramástra._

[188] See plate of the position of the _Matàrem_ army.

[189] Dagger.

[190] Of _Sália_.

[191] Milton says:

    "Sky lowered, and muttering thunder, some sad drops,
    "Wept at completion of the mortal sin."

And a modern poet selected the passage as an example of the exercise of
a truly poetical imagination.

[192] With _Síri_ juice.

[193] Bridge.

[194] Having since my return to England put these illustrations of the
_Brata Yudha_ in the hands of a relative (the Rev. Thomas Raffles, of
Liverpool,) he has been kind enough to give the translation a poetical
dress, and I regret that the limits of the present volume do not admit
of their insertion in this form, in justice to the poetry of Java and
the talent which he has displayed. The following example of the last
stanzas may serve as a specimen of the style and spirit in which the
task has been executed.

    603. Wearied with fruitless search, and in despair
    To find the object of her pious care,
    Her murder'd lord, who on the battle plain
    Lay all neglected mid the thousands slain,
    She drew the dagger from its sheath of rest,
    Intent to plunge it in her heaving breast.
    Just then, as if in pity to her grief,
    Flash'd the red light'ning to the maid's relief,
    And shew'd with horrid glare the bloody way
    To where her husband's mangled body lay.

    604. Another flash, indulgent from the skies,
    Points to the spot where _Sália's_ carriage lies,
    And _Sália's_ self, whom living she adored,
    The bleeding body of her murder'd lord.
    The richest flowers by heavenly influence shed
    Their sweetest odours o'er his honoured head,
    The muttering thunder mourned his early tomb,
    And heaven in showers bewailed the hero's doom.

    605. With eager grasp the livid corpse she press'd
    In frantic wildness to her throbbing breast;
    Tried every art of love that might beguile
    Its sullen features to one cheerful smile;
    Kiss'd those dear lips so late of coral red,
    As if unconscious that the soul had fled;
    Then in her folded arms his head she rais'd,
    And long on those beloved features gazed.
    With _síri_-juice his pallid lips she died,
    And to his wounds its healing balm applied;
    While with the skirt of her embroidered vest,
    She wip'd the blood-drops from his mangled breast.

    606. "Ah! then, my princely lord, whom I have found
    "Bleeding and mangled on this cursed ground!
    "Why are thy lips in sullen silence sealed
    "To her who sought thee on this battle field?
    "Wilt thou not speak--my love, my lord, my all,
    "Or still in vain must _Sátia Wáti_ call!
    "Say, shall my copious tears in torrents flow
    "And thus express my agony and woe?
    "How shall I move thee, by what art beguile
    "The ghastly air of that unmeaning smile?"

    607. Thus soft and tender were the words she poured,
    To move the pity of her murder'd lord;
    But ah! no sound the unconscious dead return'd,
    No fire of love within his bosom burn'd;
    While at each pause a death-like stillness stole
    O'er the deep anguish of the mourner's soul.
    "And was it thus to bow thy honour'd head
    "Amid the thousands of the mingled dead,
    "That on that fatal morning thou didst glide
    "With gentle footsteps from thy consort's side?
    "And thus to reach the glorious realms above
    "Without the faithful partner of thy love?
    "But earth has lost its fleeting charms for me,
    "And, happy spirit, I will follow thee!

    608. "Oh! meet and bear me o'er that fatal stone,
    "Nor let me pass it, trembling and alone.
    "Though _Widadáris_ shall obey thy call,
    "Yet keep for me a place above them all.
    "To whom but me does that first place belong,
    "Who sought and found thee mid this ghastly throng;
    "And who, unable to survive thy doom,
    "Thus sheds her blood and shares thy honour'd tomb?"

    610. Then with a steady hand the noble maid
    Drew from its peaceful sheath the gleaming blade;
    From her fair bosom tore th' embroidered vest,
    And plunged it deep within her heaving breast.
    Rich was the blood that issued from the wound,
    And streamed like liquid gold upon the ground.

    611. And while the ebbing tide of life remained,
    And thought and reason were a while sustained,
    She called her maiden with her feeble breath,
    And thus address'd her from the arms of death.

    612. "Oh! when my spirit soars to realms above,
    "Take this my last request to those I love:
    "Tell them to think of _Sátia Wati's_ fate,
    "And oft the story of her love relate;
    "Then o'er her woes the tender heart shall sigh,
    "And the big tear-drop roll from pity's eye."

    614. "Ah my lov'd mistress," cried the faithful maid,
    "In every scene by thee I gladly staid.
    "Whate'er the state of being thou must know,
    "Thy faithful maiden will partake it too.
    "What hand but mine the cooling stream shall pour,
    "Or bathe the feet of her whom I adore?"

    617. Strong in despair, and starting from the ground,
    She drew the dagger from her mistress' wound,
    With deadly aim she plunged it in her breast,
    And with her mistress sunk to endless rest.

    618. Then did their happy spirits wing their way
    To the fair regions of eternal day.
    The astonish'd shade of _Sália_ linger'd there,
    Borne on the pinions of the ambient air,
    To bid the object of his earthly love
    An eager welcome to the realms above.

    619. Then in his arms his lovely bride he bore
    Up that resplendent path he trod before,
    Till earth and time had vanished all away
    Amid the splendours of eternal day:
    Where fields of light and silken mansions stand,
    The glorious work of a celestial hand.

    620. Th' enraptured princess, dazzled with the sight,
    Gazed o'er the boundless realms of living light,
    With heavenly fruit the eternal groves were crowned,
    And joy and rich profusion smiled around.
    All bore the bloom of an immortal youth,
    All breathed alike the air of love and truth;
    And all adoring one eternal mind,--
    The Almighty, rich in bounty to mankind.

[195] The same observation has, I believe, been made on the character
of the Grecian music.

[196] See Plate.

[197] We can hardly suppose them to have been as ignorant of the
art of design as their neighbours on Borneo, at the period of their
being first visited by Europeans. The following story is translated
from a note in Joao de Barros, 4 Decade, Book I. Chap. 17. "Vasco
Lorenco-Drejo Cam and Gonzala Veltoza, were sent to the King of Borneo
on a treaty of commerce. Among their presents was a piece of tapestry,
representing the marriage of Henry VIII. of England and Catherine,
Princess of Arragon. The king received them well, but on delivering
the presents, the piece of tapestry was displayed, with the figures as
large as life. This to the king was matter of alarm and suspicion, for
he imagined that the figures must be enchanted, and that the Portuguese
wished to introduce them under his roof to deprive him of his kingdom
and his life. He ordered the tapestry to be immediately removed, and
that the Portuguese should immediately depart, as he did not chuse to
have any more kings beside himself in the country; and all attempts to
pacify him were fruitless."--Vol. IV. Part I. p. 107.

[198] See Chapter on History.

[199] "Each Mexican month of twenty days was subdivided into four small
periods of five days. At the beginning of these periods every commune
kept its fair, _tianquiztli_."--_Humboldt's Researches_, Translation,
vol. i. page 283.

"In respect to civil government, they divided the month into four
periods of five days, and on a certain fixed day of each period their
fair, or great market day, was held."--_Clavigero_, Translation, vol.
i. page 293.

[200] See Literature, account of the _Kanda_.

[201] Each of the years represented in the Chéribon manuscript, and
distinguished by the signs of the Zodiac, is considered sacred to one
of the following deities: _Wísnu_, _Sámbo_, _Indra_, _Suria_, _Místri_,
_Barúna_, _Sang Místri_, _Wandra Kurísia_, _Purusiah_, _Tabada_,
_Aria_, or _Gána_.

[202] See an account of this manuscript under the head Antiquities.

       *       *       *       *       *

                            END OF VOL. I.

                                LONDON:

               PRINTED BY R. GILBERT, ST. JOHN'S SQUARE.

                                  THE

                                HISTORY

                                  OF

                                 JAVA.

                              BY THE LATE

                  SIR THOMAS STAMFORD RAFFLES, F.R.S.

          FORMERLY LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF THAT ISLAND AND ITS
             DEPENDENCIES, AND PRESIDENT OF THE SOCIETY OF
                     ARTS AND SCIENCES AT BATAVIA.

                            IN TWO VOLUMES.

                               VOL. II.

                            SECOND EDITION.

                                LONDON:

                    JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.

                               MDCCCXXX.

                    GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS,

                       ST. JOHN'S SQUARE, LONDON.

CONTENTS

OF

VOLUME II.

                                CHAPTER IX.

                                                                    PAGE

  Religion--Introduction of Mahomedanism--How far its Tenets and
  Doctrines are observed--Priests--How provided for--How far the ancient
  Institutions of the Country are superseded--Antiquities--Edifices--The
  Temples of Brambánan--Bóro Bódo--Gúnung Práhu--Kedíri--Sing'a Sári,
  Súku, &c.--Sculpture--Images in Stone--Casts in Metal--Inscriptions
  on Stone and Copper--Coins--Ruins of the ancient Capitals at Médang
  Kamúlan, Majapáhit, Pajajáran, &c.--Island of Báli--Conclusion       1

                                CHAPTER X.

  The History of Java from the earliest Traditions till the establishment
  of Mahomedanism                                                     69

                                CHAPTER XI.

  History of Java from the establishment of Mahomedanism (A. J. 1400)
  till the arrival of the British Forces in A.D. 1811, (A. J. 1738.)
                                                                     147

  Line of Mahomedan Sovereigns of Java                               254

  Chronological Table of Events                                      255

  Account of the several principal Divisions of Java and Madura      265

                                 APPENDIX.

  A. Unhealthiness of Batavia                                          i

  B. Account of the Japan Trade                                     xvii

  C. Translation of a modern Version of the Súria Alem           xxxviii

  D. Proclamation of the Governor General, and Regulation
  passed by the Hon. the Lieutenant Governor in Council
  for the more effectual Administration of Justice in the
  Provincial Courts of Java                                          liv

  E. A comparative Vocabulary of the Maláyu, Javan, Madurese,
  Báli, and Lampung Languages                                     lxxvii

  --Extract from the Dása Náma                                     lxxix

  --Comparative Vocabulary of the Sanskrit, Kawi, and Pali          lxxx

  --Vocabulary of Káwi Words, with the Meaning attached to
  them, by the Panambáhan of Sumenap                               lxxxi

  --Specimen of the mystical Meaning attached to the Letters
  of the Alphabet, &c. according to the Interpretation of
  the Panambáhan of Sumenap                                       lxxxii

  F. Account of the Island of Celebes                              lxxxv

  --Comparative Vocabulary of the Búgis, Makásar, Mándhar,
  Búton, Sásak, Bima, Sembáwa, Tembóra, and Endé
  Languages                                                           cv

  --Comparative Vocabulary of the Gunung Tálu, Menadu,
  Ternati, Sang'ir, Sirang or Ceram, and Saparúa Languages          cvii

  G. Numerals according to the Chandra Sangkála                      cix

  H. Translation of the Mánek Máya                                  cxii

  I. Translations of Inscriptions in the ancient Javan or Káwi
  Character                                                       cxxvii

  K. Account of the Island of Báli                              cxxxviii

  L. Proclamation declaring the Principles of the intended Change
  of System                                                      cxlviii

  --Revenue Instructions                                             cli

  M. Memorandum respecting Weights, Measures, &c.                   clxv

                              AN ACCOUNT

                                OF THE

                            ISLAND OF JAVA.

CHAPTER IX.

  _Religion--Introduction to Mahomedanism--How far its
    Tenets and Doctrines are observed--Priests--How provided
    for--How far the ancient Institutions of the Country
    are superseded--Antiquities--Edifices--The Temples at
    Brambánan--Bóro Bódo--Gúnung Práhu--Kedíri, Sing'a Sári, Súku,
    &c.--Sculpture--Images in Stone--Casts in Metal--Inscriptions on
    Stone and Copper--Coins--Ruins of the ancient Capitals at Médang
    Kamúlan, Majapáhit, Pajajáran, &c.--Island of Báli--Conclusion._

It has already been stated, that the established religion of the
country is that of Mahomed. The earliest allusion to this faith made
in the Javan annals is in the twelfth century of the Javan era (A.D.
1250), when an unsuccessful attempt appears to have been made to
convert some of the _Súnda_ princes[203]. Towards the close of the
fourteenth century, several missionaries established themselves in
the eastern provinces; and according to the Javan annals, and the
universal tradition of the country, it was in the first year of the
fifteenth century of the Javan era, or about the year of our Lord 1475,
that the Hindu empire of _Majapáhit_, then supreme on the island, was
overthrown, and the Mahomedan religion became the established faith
of the country. When the Portuguese first visited Java in 1511, they
found a Hindu king in Bantam; and subsequently, they are said to have
lost their footing in that province, in consequence of the arrival and
establishment of a Mahomedan prince there; but with the exception of an
inconsiderable number in some of the interior and mountainous tracts,
the whole island appears to have been converted to Mahomedanism in
the course of the sixteenth century, or at least at the period of the
establishment of the Dutch at Batavia in 1620.

The natives are still devotedly attached to their ancient institutions,
and though they have long ceased to respect the temples and idols of a
former worship, they still retain a high respect for the laws, usages,
and national observances which prevailed before the introduction of
Mahomedanism. And although some few individuals among them may aspire
to a higher sanctity and closer conformity to Mahomedanism than
others, it may be fairly stated, that the Javans in general, while
they believe in one supreme God, and that Mahomed was his Prophet,
and observe some of the outward forms of the worship and observances,
are little acquainted with the doctrines of that religion, and are
the least bigoted of its followers. Few of the chiefs decline the use
of wine, and if the common people abstain from inebriating liquors,
it is not from any religious motive. Mahomedan institutions, however,
are still gaining ground, and with a free trade a great accession of
Arab teachers might be expected to arrive. Property usually descends
according to the Mahomedan law; but in other cases, the Mahomedan code,
as adopted by the Javans, is strangely blended with the more ancient
institutions of the country[204].

Pilgrimages to Mecca are common. When the Dutch first established
themselves on Java, it was not unusual for the chiefs of the highest
rank to undertake the voyage, as will be seen in the course of the
native history. As soon, however, as the Dutch obtained a supremacy,
they did all they could to check this practice, as well as the
admission of Arab missionaries, and by the operation of the system of
commercial monopoly which they adopted, succeeded pretty effectually.
It does not, however, appear that this arose from any desire to check
the progress of Mahomedanism on Java, or that it was with any view to
introduce the doctrines of Christianity, that they wished to cut off
the communication with Mecca; their sole objects appear to have been
the safety of their own power and the tranquillity of the country.
Every Arab from Mecca, as well as every Javan who had returned from
a pilgrimage thither, assumed on Java the character of a saint, and
the credulity of the common people was such, that they too often
attributed to such persons supernatural powers. Thus respected, it
was not difficult for them to rouse the country to rebellion, and
they became the most dangerous instruments in the hands of the native
authorities opposed to the Dutch interests. The Mahomedan priests have
almost invariably been found most active in every case of insurrection.
Numbers of them, generally a mixed breed between the Arabs and the
islanders, go about from state to state in the Eastern Islands, and it
is generally by their intrigues and exhortations that the native chiefs
are stirred up to attack or massacre the Europeans, as infidels and
intruders.

The commercial monopoly of the Dutch, however injurious to the country
in other respects, was in this highly advantageous to the character of
the Javans, as it preserved them from the reception of many of the more
intolerable and deteriorating tenets of the _Kóran_.

I have already mentioned, that every village has its priest, and that
in every village of importance there is a mosque or building set apart
adapted to religious worship. The usual Mahomedan service is performed;
and the _Panghúlu_, or priest, consulted, and decides in all cases of
marriage, divorce, and inheritance. He is bound also to remind the
villagers of the proper season for the cultivation of the lands. He
is remunerated by a tithe of the produce of the land, certain fees
which are paid on circumcisions, marriages, divorces, and funerals,
and presents which are usual at particular seasons and on particular
occasions.

In every chief town there is a high priest, who with the assistance
of several inferior priests, holds an ecclesiastical court, and
superintends the priests who are appointed in the subordinate districts
and villages. His emoluments consist of a share, which varies in
different districts, of the _zakát_ levied by the village priests, of
fees of court, presents, &c. These chief priests are usually either
Arabs, or descendants of Arabs, by women of the islands. Their number
in some of the large towns is considerable; at _Pakalóngan_ and
_Grésik_ they have amounted to some hundreds. The village priests are
mostly Javans. On entering the profession, they adopt a dress different
from that of the Javans in general, wearing a turban and long gown
after the manner of the Arabs, and encouraging, as much as possible,
the growth of a few hairs on the chin, as a beard. It is probable, that
the total number of priests is not less than fifty thousand, which
forms a ninetieth part of the whole population of the island.

In common with other Mahomedans, the Javans observe the ceremony of
circumcision (_sónat_), which is performed at about eight years of age,
and in a manner somewhat differing from that usual in other countries.
The ceremony is usually attended with a feast and rejoicing. Girls, at
the same age, suffer a slight operation, intended to be analogous, and
called by the same name.

In their processions and rejoicings on religious festivals and other
occasions, the Javans are free from that noisy clamour and uproar,
which is usual with the Mahomedans of continental India. The ceremony
of _húsen hásen_, which on the continent excites such a general noise
throughout the country, here passes by almost without notice, and the
processions of the Sepoys on this occasion, during the period of the
British government on Java, excited the utmost astonishment among
them, on account of their novelty, noise, and gaudy effect; but nobody
seemed inclined to join in, or to imitate them: indeed the Javans
have too chaste an ear to bear with pleasure the dissonant sounds and
unharmonious uproar of the Indians[205].

The Mahomedan religion, as it at present exists on Java, seems only
to have penetrated the surface, and to have taken but little root in
the heart of the Javans. Some there are who are enthusiastic, and all
consider it a point of honour to support and respect its doctrines: but
as a nation, the Javans by no means feel hatred towards Europeans as
_infidels_; and this perhaps may be given as the best proof that they
are very imperfect Mahomedans. As another example of the very slight
hold which Mahomedanism has of them, may be adduced the conduct of the
reigning prince (the _Susúnan_) in the recent conspiracy among the
Sepoys serving on Java. The intimacy between this prince and the Sepoys
first commenced from his attending the ceremonies of their religious
worship, which was Hindu, and assisting them with several idols of
that worship which had been preserved in his family. The conspirators
availing themselves of this predilection of the prince for the religion
of his ancestors, flattered him by addressing him as a descendant of
the great _Ráma_, and a deliberate plan was formed, the object of which
was to place the European provinces once more under a Hindu power.
Had this plan been attended with success, it would probably have been
followed by the almost immediate and general re-conversion of the
Javans themselves to the Hindu faith[206].

Whatever of their more ancient faith may remain in the institutions,
habits, and affections of the Javans, the island abounds in less
perishable memorials of it. The antiquities of Java consist of ruins of
edifices, and in particular of temples sacred to the former worship;
images of deities found within them, and scattered throughout the
country, either sculptured in stone or cast in metal; inscriptions on
stone and copper in ancient characters, and ancient coins.

The antiquities of Java have not, till lately, excited much notice;
nor have they yet been sufficiently explored. The narrow policy
of the Dutch denied to other nations facilities of research; and
their own devotion to the pursuits of commerce was too exclusive to
allow of their being much interested by the subject. The numerous
and interesting remains of former art and grandeur, which exist in
the ruins of temples and other edifices; the abundant treasures of
sculpture and statuary with which some parts of the island are covered;
and the evidences of a former state of religious belief and national
improvement, which are presented in images, devices, and inscriptions,
either lay entirely buried under rubbish, or were but partially
examined. Nothing, therefore, of the ancient history of the people,
of their institutions prior to the introduction of Mahomedanism, of
their magnificence and power before the distraction of internal war
and the division of the country into petty contending sovereignties,
or of their relations either to adjacent or distant tribes, in their
origin, language, and religion, could be accurately known or fully
relied on. The grandeur of their ancestors sounds like a fable in the
mouth of the degenerate Javan; and it is only when it can be traced in
monuments, which cannot be falsified, that we are led to give credit
to their traditions concerning it. Of these monuments, existing in
great profusion in several places, and forming, if I may so express
myself, the most interesting part of the annals of the people, none
are so striking as those found at _Brambánan_ in _Matárem_, near the
middle of the island, at _Bóro Bódo_ in _Kédu_, on _Gúnung Práhu_ and
its vicinity, in _Kedírí_, and at _Sing'a Sári_ in the district of
_Málang_, in the eastern part of the island.

In addition to their claims on the consideration of the antiquarian,
the ruins at two of these places, _Brambánan_ and _Bóro Bódo_, are
admirable as majestic works of art. The great extent of the masses of
building covered in some parts with the luxuriant vegetation of the
climate, the beauty and delicate execution of the separate portions,
the symmetry and regularity of the whole, the great number and
interesting character of the statues and bas-reliefs, with which they
are ornamented, excite our wonder that they were not earlier examined,
sketched, and described.

With respect to the ruins at _Brámbanan_, we find, upon the authority
of a Dutch engineer, who in 1797 went to construct a fort at _Kláten_,
on the highway between the two native capitals, and not far from the
site of the temples, that no description of its antiquities existed at
that period. He found great difficulty in clearing away the rubbish
and plants, so as to obtain a view of the ruins and to be enabled
to sketch them. The indifference of the natives had been as great
as that of their conquerors, and had led them to neglect the works
of their ancestors which they could not imitate. They had allowed a
powerful vegetation, not only to cover the surface of the buildings,
but to dislocate and almost to overthrow them. They still viewed with
veneration, however, the most conspicuous statue in the ruins, and in
spite of their Mahomedan principles, addressed it with superstitious
reverence. The temples themselves they conceived to have been the
work of a divinity, and to have been constructed in one night; but
unfortunately this belief did not restrain the neighbouring peasants
from carrying off the stones of which they were constructed, and
applying them to their own purposes. Enough, however, still remains, to
shew the style of architecture that was followed in their construction,
the state of sculpture at the period of their erection, and the nature
of the religion which then prevailed.

In the beginning of the year 1812, Colonel Colin Mackenzie[207],
so well acquainted with the antiquities of Western India, visited
_Brambánan_, took an accurate survey of the ruins, and sketched the
fragments of the building, the architectural ornaments, and the
statues found there. His journal, accompanied with much ingenious
and interesting speculation on the nature and origin of the worship
indicated by them, he kindly permitted me to publish in the seventh
volume of the transactions of the Batavian Society.

Considering it as a matter of importance, that a more extensive and
detailed survey should be made while we had the best opportunity of
doing so, I availed myself of the services of Captain George Baker
of the Bengal establishment, employed in the provinces of the native
princes, to survey, measure, and take draughts of all the buildings,
images, and inscriptions, which this magnificent mass of ruins
presented. The following is an abstract of his report on the subject.

In the province of _Matárem_, and between the native capitals of _Súra
kerta_ and _Yúgya kérta_, lies the village of _Brambánan_, and at a
distance of a mile from the high road, there are hills which run east
and west, for about a mile and a half. On one of these, within about
one hundred yards to the south-east of the _Bándar's_[208] house, stands

THE CHANDI KÓBON DÁLAM,

but so covered with trees and shrubs, that it is not visible till you
are within two or three hundred yards of it. I could find no remains
of the ancient enclosure, but the fields for some distance round have
been enclosed in later days with the stones which have fallen from the
temple. About forty yards westward of the temple, formerly stood two
colossal images or _réchas_[209], both now overthrown, and one broken
in two: these evidently faced each other inwards, as if to guard the
approach. Each of these, including the pedestal, is of a single block,
seven feet high; the head is two feet high; the square of the pedestal
about three feet, and its height thirteen inches and a half: the stone
block coarse grained, and apparently the same as the outer coating of
the temple. The door-way is three feet and a half wide, and now ten
feet long, so that allowing two feet for dilapidation, the thickness
of the walls must have been more than twelve feet. This leads directly
to an apartment twenty feet square, the terrace of which, or original
floor, is now covered to an unknown depth with masses of stone fallen
from the walls and roof. The present height of the interior of the
building is about twenty-eight feet.

The roof is a square pyramid about fourteen feet high, formed of stones
which overhang each other like inverted steps. The stone composing
the interior of the apartment is whitish and close grained, and
breaks in flakes something like flint. The whole is uniformly cut and
neatly morticed together without cement. The interior is perfectly
plain, the exterior could never have possessed more than the simplest
architectural embellishment.

Excepting the two _réchas_, or porters, I saw no remains of statuary;
but it is probable that images of Hindu deities lie buried in the
rubbish. These porters or giants seem to have been posted as if to
guard the approach to the sanctuaries of the gods. The hair of each is
plaited and wound round his head, after the fashion of the mendicant
priests of India. He wears large cylindrical ear-rings, like those
of the Javan women, bracelets and necklace of beads. His waistband,
which is very bulky and reaches almost to his knees, is confined
by a chain of square links, and receives on the right side a small
square-hilted dagger. Between his legs and under the waistband there
passes a _lungofa_ or _kopina_, the ends of which hang down before and
behind. In his right hand he holds an octagonal club; in his left a
snake, coiled and darting its tongue along the breast: small twisted
snakes also form his armlets, and one passes over his left shoulder
diagonally across the body, the head and tail forming a kind of knot.
His head is broad; his forehead and chin short but wide; his eyes quite
round, large, prominent, and staring; his lips thick; his mouth open,
and shewing two very large dog teeth and four others of the upper jaw.
Singular as the countenance is, it has generally an open good humoured
expression. The Sepoy who attended me, and who had resided two years
among the Bramins at Benares, and, of a corps of upwards of eight
hundred Sepoys, was acknowledged to be the best acquainted with such
subjects, informed me that similar figures were common guardians of the
entrance to the temples of India, and seemed perfectly well acquainted
with their history, purpose, and distinctive accompaniments; but he was
lost in surprise at the number, magnitude, and superior execution of
those at _Brambánan_, to which he said that India could in no respect
furnish a parallel. Every thing here, he said, was manifestly the
work of the gods, as no human power could have effected such things.
The temples at _Brambánan_ are entirely composed of plain hewn stone
without the least mixture of brick, mortar, or rubbish of any kind,
even in the most extensive solid masses, or to fill up the floors and
basements of the largest structures. Large trees have made their way
through many of them, and give an air of high antiquity.

Close by the road side at _Brambánan_, and in front of the _bándar's_
house, there are several pieces of sculpture deserving of notice. One
is a very well executed relievo on two small stones, of about eighteen
inches by five, within the _bándar's kámpung_: it represents elephants
completely caparisoned in the Hindu fashion. Another is a piece of
sculpture representing the wide-extended mouth and erect curled
proboscis of the elephant, having a figure (I believe of a _Gôpie_ or
inferior deity or demi-god) seated in an erect posture on the animal's
tongue, surrounded with a formidable array of teeth. This is found on
either side of the top or bottom of flights of steps, grand entrances,
or portal of all the _Brambánan_ buildings. There is also a more
finished specimen of the same kind as the last, but having instead of a
_Gópia_ a lion, decorated with a necklace, to whose head descends from
the _lotos_ flowers which crown the elevated proboscis of the elephant,
a very rich cluster of beads. Two stones are sculptured in relief with
the figures of seven apes traversing a wood: they are each about two
feet six inches high by two feet wide. These pieces are more damaged by
time and weather than any others I met with, and perhaps more ancient.
They appear to be entirely historical, and probably formed together the
memorial of some legendary event, which the learning of my Brahmin did
not reach: he seemed however positive that _Hanumán_ was not of the
number. The shield occurs twice, a reptile of the lizard kind led by a
string once, and all the figures appear armed with sticks.

The only other piece of sculpture found here is of a headless naked
figure, sitting on a double throne, surrounded with foliage, opposite
the _Bandáran_ at the corner of a field. The journal of Colonel
Mackenzie, which had previously appeared in the Transactions of the
Batavian Society, had so fully persuaded me that all these rude figures
in a sitting cross-legged posture were _Jain_ or _Budhist_, that I
by accident only asked my companion if he knew what this was? To my
astonishment he replied, that this, with all other similar images,
were _tupís wurri_, or Hindus in the act of devotion, and that this
figure was evidently a Brahmin (from the sacrificial or sacred string
over his left shoulder) employed in _tupísya_. I asked him whether it
might be _Budh_? to which he replied, No; that _Budh_ held a very low
rank in the estimation of the Brahmins, who, in consequence of the
schism between Brahmins and Budhists, did not choose to make _tupísya_
before him, or erect his likeness in their temples; and that, as all
the temples at _Brambánan_ were entirely Braminical, or had their
origin from the same sect of which he himself was a member, it was not
likely that any images of _Budh_ should be found thereabouts. When we
afterwards came to examine the temples at _Lóro Jóngran_ and other
places, where the same figure complete appears seated in the small
temples, surrounding the great central one, I pointed out to him the
long-extended ears, short curled head of hair, and other marks, which
I had understood served to distinguish the _Jain_ or _Budh_ images
from all others. He said he was only more convinced that they were all
simple Hindu devotees in the act of making _tupísya_, in the presence
of the principal deity enthroned in the grand temple in the midst
of them; that this was frequently the case in India, and wherever
practicable the Brahmins placed images of devotees, of exactly similar
form and attitude, around the fanes of Brahma and their inferior gods;
that what I called curled hair was nothing more than a peculiar kind
of cap (_topi_ he called it) worn by devotees when in the most sacred
acts of _tupísya_, which caps are common, he said, throughout Bengal
or Hindustan, and are made for the purpose, by a particular class of
people. I found the lower part of two counterpart decorated stones,
having the part of the body of _Ganésa_ in the centre of each. They
were extremely well executed and in good preservation.

CHÁNDI LÓRO JÓNGRANG; or TEMPLES OF LÓRO JÓNGRAN.

These lie directly in front (north) of the village of _Brambánan_,
and about two hundred and fifty yards from the road, whence they are
visible, in the form of large hillocks of fallen masses of stone,
surmounted, and in some instances covered, with a profusion of trees
and herbage of all descriptions. In the present dilapidated state
of these venerable buildings, I found it very difficult to obtain a
correct plan or description of their original disposition, extent, or
even of their number and figure. Those that remain, with any degree
of their primary form or elevation, are ten, disposed in three lines,
running north and south. Of those on the western line, which are far
the largest and most lofty, that in the centre towers high above the
rest, and its jutting fragments lie tumbled about over a large area.
Nothing can exceed the air of desolation which this spot presents; and
the feelings of every visitor are attuned, by the scene of surrounding
devastation, to reflect, that while these noble monuments of the
ancient splendour of religion and the arts are submitting, with sullen
slowness, to the destructive hand of time and nature, the art which
raised them has perished before them, and the faith which they were to
honour has now no other honour in the land.

After repeated visits to the place, I am perfectly clear, that the
temples of _Jongrángan_ originally consisted of twenty separate
buildings, besides the enclosures and gateway; that of these, six large
and two small temples were within the second wall, and twelve small
ones, exactly similar to each other, formed a kind of square about the
exterior of the inner wall. The first temple that occurs on entering,
is the small central one on the right hand of the present pathway;
and though its roof is gone, a most beautiful terrace appears, which
supported the building, and measures twenty-three feet six inches by
twenty-two feet ten inches. At present the height of it is barely three
feet and a half. The lower part contains five small niches on either
side, profusely decorated and resting on small pilasters, each niche
occupied by a lion, seated exactly similar to those described in the
elephant's mouth. The intervals between the niches are very neatly
filled with diminutive pilasters and other ornaments, displaying real
taste and skill, which again support a double fillet projecting all
round. One carved most beautifully, with a running festooned beading,
with intermediate knots and pendents, each festoon filled with a lively
representation of a parroquet with expanded wings, the other fillet
with a fancy pattern more simple. On the opposite, or north side, was a
building similar to this, but now a mound of stone.

The largest temple, apparently about ninety feet in height, is at
present a mass of ruin, as well as the five others connected with
it; but ascending to its northern face, over a vast heap of stones
fallen from it and the third temple, at the height of about thirty
feet, you reach the entrance: the whole is of hewn stones, fitted
and morticed into each other, without rubbish or cement of any kind.
Directly in front of the door-way stands the image of _Lóro Jóngran_.
I had previously found a very similar, and I think a more beautiful
representation of _Dévi_, as the Bramin called it, in the village
of _Kuwíran_, about fifteen miles north-east from _Brambánan_. The
image of _Lóro Jóngran_ here has exactly the same attributes and
accompaniments as that found at _Kuwíran_, but it is larger, not at all
damaged, perfectly smooth, and with a polished surface: the buffalo
is entirely recumbent; the character of the countenance, general
figure, and attitudes, are very different, and the shape, attitude,
and visage of the goddess, far less elegant and feminine. The figure
at _Brambánan_ is six feet three inches by three feet one inch in the
widest part at the pedestal; that at _Kuwíran_ is three feet nine
inches high by twenty inches. The general description of this goddess,
as read to me by the Bramin from a Sanscrit paper he copied at Benares,
will serve to illustrate both these images, in the literal precise
manner in which I took down his words.

"_Bhawáni_, _Dévi_, _Soca_, _Juggudumba_, _Mahamya_, _Lutala_,
_Phulmuttis_, and _Mata_, are the designations of this powerful
goddess, who resides at _Shasi_ or _Basini_ (Benares), at an angle of
the sacred Ganges. Her adoration is called _urchit_ with oblations of
flowers, _chundun_, _kundun_, and _mugt_. In her hand she holds a
_tulwar_, called _khug_: round her neck she has a _mala_ of _sumpurun_,
_toolsi_, or _chundun_. Her weight is very great, and wherever her
effigy is placed the earth trembles and becomes much heavier. The name
of her buffalo is _Mahisa_, and the _Dewth_ who attempts to slay it is
_Ussoor_. She sleeps upon a bed of flowers."

Thus much could I understand, and repeat verbatim of this goddess's
power and attributes. For the rest, in her eight arms she holds, 1st.
the buffalo's tail; 2d. the sword called _khurg_; 3d. the _bhulla_ or
_janclin_; 4th. the _chukur_ or _whut_; 5th. the _lune_ or conch shell;
6th. the _dhat_ or shield; 7th. the _jundah_ or flag; and 8th. the
hair of the _Dewth Mahikusor_, or personification of vice, who, while
attempting to slay her favourite, _Mahisa_ is seized by the goddess in
a rage. He raises a _dhat_ or shield in his defence, and a sabre, or
some offensive weapon, should be in his right hand.

The apartment in which this image and some other sculptured stones are
placed, rises perfectly square and plain, to the height of ten feet,
and there occurs a richly carved cornice of four fillets, a single
stone to each. From this rises the roof in a square pyramid, perfectly
plain or smooth, for ten feet more.

Proceeding over the ruins round to the west face of this building,
you pass the intermediate angular projection, carved alternately
in a running flower or foliage, which Colonel Mackenzie has called
_Arabesque_, and with small human figures of various form and attitude
in compartments, above representations of square pyramidal temples,
exactly like those on so many of the entablatures of _Bóro Bódo_, and
similar, I understand, to the _Budh_ temples of Ava, &c. &c., the whole
extremely rich and minute beyond description. The western door-way is
equally plain with the former, and the entrance is still lower. The
apartment is ten feet two inches square, apparently more filled up
(that is, the floor raised higher than the other), but in all other
respects exactly the same. In front is seated a complete _Ganésa_,
of smooth or polished stone, seated on a throne: the whole a single
block, five and a half feet high and three wide. In his hands he has a
plantain, a circlet of beads, a flower, and a cup to which the end of
his proboscis is applied: a hooded snake encircles his body diagonally
over the left shoulder. His cap is high, with a death's head and horned
moon in front, and as well as his necklaces, waistband, armlets,
bracelets, anklets, and all his habiliments, is profusely decorated.
The only damage he appears to have sustained, is in losing all but the
roots of his tusks.

The Javans to this day continue to pay their devoirs to him and to
_Lóro Jóngran_, as they are constantly covered with turmerick, flowers,
ochre, &c. They distinguish _Ganésa_ by the name of _Raja Demáng_,
_Singa Jáya_, or _Gana Singa Jáya_. Going still round over heaps of
fallen stone to the south face, you with some difficulty enter by the
door-way (nearly closed up by the ruin) into the third apartment, where
there is scarce light enough to see a prostrate Siva with his feet
broken off and lost. What remains is four feet ten inches and a half
long, and two feet two inches wide.

The whole of the apartment on the east side has fallen in, or is closed
up by the dilapidation of that entire front.

From the elevated situation of the entrances to all the apartments
first described, it is evident that there must formerly have been
flights of steps to them. The plan of this temple, and as far as I
could judge of the two adjoining ones, north and south, was a perfect
cross, each of the four apartments first described occupying a limb or
projection of the figure, and the small intermediate protruding angles
between these limbs of the cross could only be to admit of a large
apartment in the centre of the building, to which, however, no opening
was practicable or visible. Moreover, as all the grand entrances to the
interior of Hindu temples, where it is practicable, face the rising
sun, I could have wished to ascertain from this (the largest and most
important at _Jongrángan_) whether or not the main apartment was in
existence, as I had made up my mind, that were I possessed of the
means to clear away the stone, I should have found _Brahma_ himself
in possession of the place: the smaller rooms being occupied by such
exalted deities as _Bhawani_, _Siva_, and _Ganésa_, scarce any other,
indeed, than _Brahma_ could be found presiding on the seat of honour
and majesty.

The three large temples on the eastern line are in a state of utter
ruin. They appear to have been very large and lofty, and perfectly
square. The upper terraces, just under the supposed entrances, were
visible in some places, at the height of about sixty feet.

CHÁNDI SÉWU, or THE THOUSAND TEMPLES.

In the whole course of my life I have never met with such stupendous
and finished specimens of human labour, and of the science and taste
of "ages long since forgot," crowded together in so small a compass as
in this little spot; which, to use a military phrase, I deem to have
been the head quarters of Hinduism in Java. These ruins are situated
exactly eight hundred and thirty-five yards north-north-east from
the northern extremity of those of _Lóro Jóngran_, and one thousand
three hundred and forty-five yards from the high road opposite the
_bándar's_ house. Having had in view all the way one lofty pyramidal
or conical ruin, covered with foliage, and surrounded by a multitude
of much smaller ones, in every stage of humbled majesty and decay, you
find yourself, on reaching the southern face, very suddenly between
two gigantic figures in a kneeling posture, and of terrific forms,
appearing to threaten you with their uplifted clubs; their bulk is so
great, that the stranger does not readily comprehend their figure.
These gigantic janitors are represented kneeling on the left knee, with
a small cushion under the right ham, the left resting on the retired
foot. The height of the pedestal is fifteen inches, of the figure,
seven feet nine inches to the top of the curls; total, nine feet. The
head twenty-six inches long: width across the shoulders, three feet ten
inches. The pedestal just comprises the kneeling figure, and no more.

The character and expression of the face I have never met with
elsewhere: it belongs neither to India nor to any of the eastern
isles. The countenance is full, round, and expressive of good humour.
The eyes are large, prominent, and circular; the nose is prominent
and wide, and in profile seems pointed; the upper lip is covered with
tremendous mustaches; the mouth is large and open, with a risible
character, shewing two very large dog-teeth; the under lip thin, and
the chin very strait and short; forehead the same; no neck visible; the
breast broad and full, with a very prominent round belly; the lower
limbs, as well as the arms, extremely short and stout. But the most
extraordinary appendage of these porters, is a very large full-bottomed
wig, in full curl all over, which, however, the Bramin assured me
(and I really believe) is intended to represent the usual mode in
which the _Moonis_ are supposed to dress their natural hair; these
gigantic genii, whose duty it is to guard the sanctuaries of the gods,
requiring as formidable an appearance as possible. In other respects
the images are in the Hindu costume. The _lungota_ passes between the
legs, the ends of it decorated, hanging down before and behind, over
the waistband, and a curious square-linked chain, which encircles the
waist. A snake entwines the body diagonally over the left shoulder, the
tail and head twisted on the left breast. A small ornamented dagger is
stuck in the girdle on the right loins. A pointed club of an octagonal
form is held up in the right hand, and rests on the knee; the left
hand, dropped down his side, grasps a circled snake, which seems to
bite the fore-part of the left arm. The necklace is of fillagree-work
(such as is called _star_); and the ears, which are large and long, are
decorated with the immense ornamented cylindrical ear-rings worn by the
Javan women of the present day. Round the two arms are twisted snakes,
and round the wrist bracelets of beads. The waistband extends nearly to
the knees. From the waist upwards the figure is naked.

The same description is applicable to the eight other pair of images,
which guard the other approaches of _Chándi Séwu_; at twenty feet
distance from the exterior line of temples, and facing inwards to each
other about twelve feet apart. Each of these statues and its pedestal
is of one piece of a species of pudding-stone, which must have required
great care in working.

The whole site or ground-plan of these temples forms a quadrangle of
five hundred and forty feet by five hundred and ten, exactly facing
the cardinal points. The greater extent is on the eastern and western
sides, as there allowance has been made for wider avenues leading up to
the grand central temples situated within, while on the north and south
sides the spaces between the small exterior temples are all alike.
There is no vestige of an exterior boundary wall of any kind. The
outer quadrangle, which is the limit of the whole, and which encloses
four others, consists of eighty-four small temples, twenty-two on each
face: the second consists of seventy-six; the third of sixty-four;
the fourth of forty-four; and the fifth, or inner parallelogram, of
twenty-eight; in all two hundred and ninety-six small temples, disposed
in five regular parallelograms. The whole of these are upon an uniform
plan, eleven feet and a half square on the outside, with a small
vestibule or porch, six feet two inches long, by four feet and a half
externally. Within is an apartment exactly six feet square, with a
door-way five feet nine inches high, by three feet four inches wide,
directly opposite to which stands the seat or throne of the statue
which occupied the temple. The walls inside rise square to the height
of seven feet ten inches, and quite plain; thence the roof rises about
five feet more in a plain pyramid, and above that a perpendicular
square rises two feet more, where the roof is closed by a single stone.
The interior dimensions of the porch or vestibule in front were three
feet and a half by two and a half. The thickness of wall to each temple
was about two feet nine inches, and of the vestibule one foot four
inches. The exterior elevation of each must have been about eighteen
feet, rising square to the cornices about eight or nine feet, according
to the irregularities of ground, and the rest a fanciful superstructure
of various forms, diminishing in size to the summit, which was crowned
with a very massive circular stone, surmounted with another cylindrical
one rounded off at the top. The whole of each superstructure thus
formed a kind of irregular pyramid, composed of five or six retiring
steps or parts, of which the three lowest appeared to me of the figure
of a cross, with intermediate projecting angles to the two lower, and
retired ones to the upper step, which varied in position also from the
lower ones. Above that the summit appeared to rise in an octangular
form, diminishing gradually to the stones above described. The same
kind of stone appears also to have been placed on the four projecting
angles of at least the lower part of the elevation above the body of
the building. I saw none that were complete; but from the detached
views I had of all, I think either nine or thirteen similar ones were
disposed at the various points of the roof. Besides these, the roofs
had little in the way of decorations to attract notice, beyond a
profusion of plain cornices, bands, fillets, or ribands, forming a kind
of capital to the crest of each stage of the superstructure, and on one
of them small square pilasters cut in bas-relievo at intervals.

I have already stated, that the small temples appeared to be all upon
one uniform plan, differing however according to their situation. The
decorations, internal and external, are alike in all, except that the
interior niches are all variously filled with the endless variety of
Hindu mythology.

Proceeding inwards from the southern _récha_, and reckoning from
the centre, the distances are as follow: to the exterior line of
the outer quadrangle twenty feet; depth of these temples, including
porch, sixteen feet; space from thence to the next line of temples
eleven feet; depth of the second quadrangle sixteen feet; thence to
the third quadrangle thirty feet; supposed depth of this line sixteen
feet; thence to the fourth quadrangle thirty feet; depth of the fourth
quadrangle sixteen feet; thence to the fifth or inner quadrangle thirty
feet; depth of the inner quadrangle sixteen feet; thence to the bottom
of the flight of steps leading up to the grand temple fourteen feet;
in all two hundred and fifteen feet from the centre of the porters to
the bottom of the steps. The spaces between all the temples on the same
line are about twelve feet and a quarter, but on the east and west
sides the central avenue is larger. Between the inner quadrangle and
the central temple, at a distance of five feet from the bottom step of
it, runs a line of stone fourteen inches high, and two feet four inches
wide.

We now come to the great temple. You ascend from each of the cardinal
points by a flight of fourteen stone steps, all rough hewn, and now
mostly disjointed or displaced. The length of each flight was about
sixteen feet to the edge of the upper step, the breadth eight over
all, and the height about ten feet, that being the elevation of the
terrace of the temple. The walls of this elevated terrace projected on
either side of the steps, so as to form with the walls that received
the steps three sides of squares, which the Sepoy who was with me
immediately said must have been intended for small tanks, one at each
side of every flight of steps, for the devotees to purify themselves in
before their appearance at the shrine of the deity. On the third step
from the bottom, on each side of it, was a figure of _Hastu Singh_ (or
the lion seated in the elephant's mouth), looking outwards and having
a very fine effect. The same figures, facing outwards, supported each
side of the four entrances to the vestibules. The terrace has a breadth
of three feet and a half, clear of the walls of the temple all round,
and as far as I could discern in the ruin, following the angles of the
edifice.

The form of the building, like that at _Lóro Jóngran_, is a cross,
with the same intermediate angular projection, in order to afford
room for the grand central apartment. Entering from the east you pass
through a portal, five feet eight inches in width by five feet nine
inches in length (which is the thickness of the walls), into an outer
vestibule, twelve feet wide by ten deep. The walls of this vestibule
are ornamented with three niches, a large and two smaller ones, with
pointed arches, and all the profuse decoration of Hindu architectural
sculpture. In most of these niches remained the throne of the inferior
deities, who the Sepoy said must have originally occupied them: not
one was now to be found. The throne was generally a single stone,
decorated in front with a vase and profusion of flowers, filling the
whole space in a natural easy manner. Leaving this room you pass on
through a door-way four feet five inches in width, and four feet in
depth (the thickness of the wall), but of uncertain height, to a second
vestibule, fourteen feet nine inches wide, and four feet four inches
deep. At either end of this vestibule is a door, twenty-six inches wide
in the clear, four feet two inches deep in the passage or width of the
wall, and barely five feet and a half high, which communicates with
the surrounding terrace. This vestibule is perfectly plain, with the
exception of a raised spiral fluting, which surrounds the large portal
or gate leading into the central apartment, and terminates near the
bottom steps in the representation of the elephant's mouth and trunk,
simply cut in relief on the wall, with no other addition but several
strings of beads descending from the top of his proboscis. The roofs
of the vestibules or limbs of the building, though entirely fallen,
were originally shaped like the Syrian, that is pointed and falling
down to the upper cornice of the walls, with a gentle double swell or
curve. The northern limb is an entire mass of confusion and ruin; but
the description just given of the double vestibule on the east side of
the temple, answers with a very trifling variation of dimensions to
those on the south and west, but that instead of the large and spacious
portal to be seen on the east, there are five very lofty niches let
into the main walls about a foot, with pointed Indian arches, standing
on square pilasters of the same fashion, the capitals of each of which
are supported by a small, squat, doubled-up human figure, having its
arms embowed over its head, which my Cicerone informed me was very
common in the like situations in India. He concluded also, that images
of the gods had occupied the niches in front against the main walls of
the temple, on the north, south, or west sides; but we saw not one, and
only the centre niches had even the thrones remaining. The niches and
pilasters are surmounted with a very deep elaborate projecting cornice,
crowned again with five representations of small temples on each side,
and immediately over these are seen the two swells or curves of the
original Syrian roof.

So far we have gone on a level with the external terrace or platform
which surrounds the whole; but on the east side you ascend by a flight
of eight steps, at least six feet high, through the spacious portal
before mentioned, which is twelve feet high from the top of these
stairs, and six feet eight inches wide in the clear, formed entirely
of massive blocks of stones, well squared. The depth of the passage
or thickness of the wall is ten feet. The top of the portal, which is
flat or square externally, surmounted in the centre with a very large
and terrible gorgon visage, changes with the ascent of the stairs,
in a very artful manner, to the pyramidal form, internally, formed
by the overhanging of the stones to resemble inverted square steps
closed at the top with a single stone. You thus find yourself in the
_sanctum sanctorum_, the spot which has rewarded the toil and zeal of
many a weary pilgrim. My expectations were raised, and I imagined I
should find the great and all-powerful Brahma seated here, in glory and
majesty proportionate to the surrounding splendour and magnificence of
his abode. Not a single vestige, however, remains of Brahma, or of any
other deity. The apartment is a plain, unadorned square, of twenty-one
by eighteen feet. Four feet from the eastern wall or door is a raised
platform, three feet and a half high, extending all across the room
(north and south), surmounted with a deep projecting capital or crest,
to ascend which are two small flights of six steps each, situated at
the extremities on either hand. The walls of this sanctuary, to the
height of about forty feet, rise square and plain, and are composed
of uniform blocks of greyish stone, well squared, and fitting closely
without cement, grooved into each other, according to the general
manner of all the buildings at _Brambánan_. Above this is a projected
cornice of three or four stones, from which the roof assumes the
pyramidal form of overhanging stones, or inverted steps, to the height
of ten feet nearly; thence it rises perpendicular, plain and square,
for about ten feet more, and hence to the top in an octangular pyramid
of overhanging stones, approaching each other gradually by tiers or
layers, for nearly fifteen feet more, where it closes finally with a
stone, about two and a half or three feet across.

The exterior of this great temple contains a great variety of
ornamental sculpture; but no human or emblematical figures, or even
niches in the walls, as in all the small temples surrounding it. The
capitals of the pilasters (as in the niches against the body of the
temple) are indeed supported by the very diminutive figures before
mentioned; but nothing further appears in that way throughout the
whole structure. The style, taste, and manner of execution, are every
where light, chaste, and beautiful, evincing a fertile invention,
most delicate workmanship, and experience in the art. All the figures
occupying the niches of the smaller temples (and there were thirteen
to each of the two hundred and ninety-six) are a wonderful variety of
mythological characters, which the Brahmin said figured in the Hindu
legends.

Of the small temples, at least two-thirds are strewed along the ground,
or are mere ruined heaps of stone, earth, and jungle. On the third
quadrangle no more than six large heaps of dilapidation remain: fields
of palma christi, sugar-cane, and tobacco, occupy the place, and many
detached spots on the site of the temples. Not one, in fact, is at all
perfect: large trees and many kinds of herbage have shot up and split
them asunder. They are covered with the foliage which has hastened
or produced their destruction, certainly prematurely; for the stone
itself, even externally, and where it would be most perceptible, on the
sculpture, exhibits not the least token of decay. The whole devastation
is caused by a most luxuriant vegetation. Towering directly over the
temples the _waríngin_, or stately banyan, is conspicuous, both for its
appearance and the extraordinary damage it has caused. In short, hardly
twenty of the temples give a satisfactory notion of their original form
and structure.

Under such circumstances it can hardly be supposed that I examined
the interior of many of them. Few could boast of the original four
walls alone; but within such as I did examine I found only five of
the original images occupying their places. As these five, however,
were found in points very remote from, and bearing no relation to each
other, and were all exactly counterparts in size, shape, character,
and general appearance, I may safely conclude, that each of the two
hundred and ninety-six smaller temples contained a similar image. Of
these five, which are exactly the same with those Colonel Mackenzie
calls _Jain_, only one was perfect: the others had lost their heads and
received other damage in the fall of their habitations; but all were
manifestly intended to represent the same figure. The Bramin maintained
that these were all _tupés-wurri_, or devotees, represented by the
Braminical founder of these temples in the act of _tupísya_, around the
sanctuary of the divinity himself, situated in the centre of them.

Returning from _Chándi Séwu_ towards _Lóro Jóngran_, about half-way on
the left of the road, two hundred yards distant, are the remains of a
small assemblage of temples, which, on examination, proved to consist
originally of a small square of fourteen temples, with a larger one
in the centre. Five temples were on the east and west faces, and four
on the north and south, including throughout those at the angles. The
only difference, however, between these temples and the small ones of
_Chándi Séwu_ was, that they were rather smaller, and the elevated
terraces raised much higher, those of _Chándi Séwu_ not being a foot
above the ground, while these were raised nearly four feet, and had a
small flight of steps and a door-way inwards towards the middle temple.
The exterior of all these buildings was perfectly plain, excepting a
very simple square pilaster and cornice surmounting it. The central
building alone possessed the very same kind of decorative sculpture
which is seen on those of _Chándi Séwu_, was about twice the size of
its neighbours, and about four feet larger either way than those of
_Chándi Séwu_, from which it only further differed from having no
porch. I shall only add to this brief notice, that the whole site of
this cluster seems comprised in an area of eighty feet by sixty; that
the spaces between the temples of this quadrangle are equal to the
extent of each building; that only nine of the exterior temples, of
which one is a mere heap of stones, exist in any form indicating their
primitive order or position; and lastly, that no statuary of any kind
remains, to indicate the deity in whose honour they were erected,
except the relievos in the eleven niches round the central building,
which certainly seemed, as the Bramin asserted, to be of the tribe of
_Gopias_, or demigods and goddesses, which occupy the walls of the two
hundred and ninety-six temples of _Chándi Séwu_.

The only name the Javans could give this assemblage was the generic
term _chándi_, or temples. The inclosures of the surrounding fields
attest the extent to which the farmers have turned to account the
devastations made by the _waríngen_ trees.

REMAINS at DINÁNG'AN, or RÁNDU GÚNTING.

Taking the road from _Brambánan_ to _Yúgya kérta_, a little beyond the
seventh furlong, you arrive at an angle bearing nearly south-west. At
this angle, about sixty yards off the road to the left, a very large
statue is conspicuous, standing close to the corner of the village of
_Dináng'an_, which is behind it. Searching about I found the broken
scattered remains of five other images exactly similar to it. Twenty
yards in the rear of the erect image, and just to the westward of the
village, a very extensive heap of blocks of hewn stone (particularly
large hollow cylinders intended to hold the water used in ablution in
India) intermingled with earth, points out the site of what must once
have been a spacious temple, long since prostrate. The principal image
is called by the Javans _Béga Mínda_.

CHÁNDI KÁLI SÁRI, or TEMPLE of KÁLI SÁRI.

Returning to the angle of the road which I had left to inspect _Béga
Mínda_ and his maimed and headless brethren, and proceeding along the
high-road, at a distance of little more than two furlongs further,
I crossed the small stream now called _Káli Béning_, formerly _Káli
Búhus_. A hundred and twenty yards beyond this, having the village of
_Káli Sári_, which gives its name to the temple, close to the right
hand, you turn up a path between two hedges in that direction, and at
the south-western side of the village, about two hundred yards off
the road, you come upon the south-east angle of a large and lofty
quadrangular building, having much the appearance of a two-story
house, or place of residence of a Hindu Raja. It resembles a temple in
no point of view even externally. It is an oblong square, regularly
divided into three floors, the ground-floor having in front a large
door between two windows, and on the sides two windows corresponding
to the others. The first floor appears to have three windows in front,
and two in the depth, answering to the apertures below, and through the
foliage which decorates and destroys this monument of grandeur, may be
seen several small attic windows at intervals, seemingly on the <DW72>
of the roof: these, however, are false, as the structure has but the
two floors and no other.

The external appearance of this edifice is really very striking and
beautiful. The composition and execution of its outer surface evinces
infinite taste and judgment, indefatigable patience and skill. Nothing
can exceed the correctness and minute beauties of the sculpture
throughout, which is not merely profuse, but laboured and worked up
to a pitch of peculiar excellence, scarcely suitable to the exterior
of any building, and hardly to be expected in much smaller subjects
in the interior of the cabinet. It originally stood upon an elevated
terrace of from four to six feet in height, of solid stone. The
exterior dimensions of this building are fifty-seven feet and a half
by thirty-three and a half, measured along the walls just above the
terrace or line of the original basement, which is divided obviously
enough into three parts, by the centre projecting nearly a foot, and
the general correspondent composition or arrangement observable in
each. The door in the centre is four feet eight inches and a half wide,
surmounted with the wide-gaping, monstrous visage, before described
at _Chándi Séwu_, from which runs round each side of the portal a
spiral-fluted chord, ending near the bottom in a large sweep or
flourish, inclosing each a caparisoned elephant in a rising posture;
the space left over its hinder quarters being filled with the face
of a _munnook_, or human being, all in the usual style of relief. At
either side of the door the original coat of stone has fallen, as far
as the extremities of the vestibule, which covered the whole central
compartment of the east or front of the building. In the middle of each
of the other divisions is an aperture or window, nearly a square of
eighteen inches, having a very deep and projected double resemblance of
a cornice beneath, resting on the upper fillet of the terrace, while
the same single projection crowns the top of the window, surmounted
with a more lofty and elegant device of two elephants' heads and
trunks, embellished and joined in a most tasteful way, with a profusion
of other devices. On either side of the windows is a small double
pilaster, having a space between for the figure of a small _garúda_,
an effigy well known by the Hindus, which is human down to the waist,
and has the body, wings, and talons of an eagle. Beyond the second
pilaster, on each side of the windows, is a large niche rising from the
terrace to the cornice or division between the upper and lower story.
The niche is sunk in the wall about four inches, and is formed by the
adjoining pilasters rising straight to their capitals, whence the top
of the niche is formed by a very beautiful series of curved lines,
leaving the point clear in the centre, which I can hardly compare to
any thing but rounded branches of laurel, or some such foliage. This
is crowned with a square projecting fillet, which reaches the central
cornice dividing the two floors. Beyond the last pilaster of the
niches, a single stone brings you to the angle of the building, which
is covered from top to bottom with the running arabesque border, most
delicately executed. On entering the building, the mind of every one
must be fully satisfied that it was never constructed for, or dedicated
to, mere religious purposes. The arrangement is entirely adapted to
the domestic residence of a great Hindu chieftain or raja.

The whole building, within and without, was originally covered with a
coat of very fine chunam, or lime, about one-sixth of an inch thick, of
surprising tenacity.

CHÁNDI KÁLI BÉNING.

Pursuing the high-road from the spot at which you leave it to visit the
palace of _Báli Sári_, at the distance of about three furlongs and a
half, a lofty, massy pile is seen, about one hundred yards off the road
to the left. This ruin is of the same general form and appearance as
the larger temples at _Chándi Séwu_ and _Lóro Jóngran_, but on a closer
examination is found to be superior to the whole, in the delicate
and minute correctness of execution of all its decorative parts. It
is a cross, with the intermediate angles projected to give space to
a large central apartment, which is entered from the east side only.
The building is about seventy-two feet three inches in length and the
same in breadth. The walls are about thirty-five feet high; and the
roof, which appears to have fallen in to the extent of five feet, about
thirty more. Only one front or vestibule is perfect.

On the south face is seen a small door, five feet seven inches high,
and three feet five inches and a half wide, situated in a deep niche,
which also receives in the recess above the door a small figure of
_Síta_, (as the Sepoy called it) in a sitting posture. Beyond the door
a small projection contains probably more various elaborate specimens
of the best sculpture, than were to be found any where within a small
compass, and on similar materials. A very large and well defined
monster's head projects over the door, surrounded with innumerable
devices of excellent workmanship. I know not how to describe them,
nor the niche beneath, containing _Síta_, which, amongst other
accompaniments is supported by two small pilasters, the capitals of
which are upheld by the small naked figures before described, under the
generic term of _munnook_. The central compartment of this southern
limb (which is formed by the niche and door below, and the gorgon head
above) terminates at the top in a point, by a gradual elliptical <DW72>
upwards on both sides. These sides of the <DW72> are filled, on either
hand, with a succession of small naked _munnook_ figures, all seated
on various postures on the steps formed for their reception, along the
edges of this ellipse, and closed by a similar one above.

On either side of the door-way is a small niche, three feet high and
six inches wide, supported by small pilasters, and filled with relievo
figures of the fraternity of _Gópias_ and their wives. That occupying
the niche to the right, my Cicerone recognised to be _Krésna_. He was
peculiarly happy to find _Síta_ seated over the door, which he declared
to be a decisive proof of the sense and devotional excellence of the
founders of this superb temple, which he very justly extolled, as far
excelling in sculptural beauty and decorations, any thing he had ever
seen or heard of in India, or could possibly imagine had existence
any where. This surprise and admiration at the superiority of the
Javan architecture, sculpture, and statuary, over those of India,
was manifest in every Sepoy who saw them. Nothing could equal the
astonishment of the man who attended me throughout this survey at every
thing he saw; nor did he fail to draw a very degrading and natural
contrast between the ancient Javans, as Hindus and artists, and their
degenerate sons, with scarce a remnant of arts, science, or of any
religion at all.

The arch of all the niches is surmounted with a very lofty and
magnificent representation, in bas-relievo, of a grand pyramidal
temple, on a small scale, though superior in size, and far more so in
execution, to those at _Lóro Jóngran_ or at _Bóro Bódo_. Beyond these
niches to the angles of the building, are a series of pilasters, rising
to the cornice, which surmounts the whole face of each projecting
vestibule. In the centre, just at the point of each niche, is a gorgon
head of the usual aspect, which is surrounded by the lofty temples just
described.

The exterior sides of the vestibules occupy an extent of eleven feet
and a half, in the centre of which is a niche, much larger and deeper
than those in the front, being about six feet high and two wide,
and one deep in the clear, supported on either side by a real Hindu
pilaster, already described, and the top of the niche surmounted
with the gorgon head and pyramidal temple, equally well known by
description. Each of these niches was formerly occupied with solid
statues, I imagine of _Gopia_. On either side of these single niches
are the same series of terminating pilasters (three in number), which
occur also on the fronts of the vestibules, of which the centre one
is a very magnificent running arabesque, from top to bottom; the two
others are plain without any variation.

A very fine coat of stucco, of excellent quality, covers the whole
exterior surface of the temple, and is made so to follow the most
minute and laboured strokes of skill on the stone underneath it, as
even considerably to add to their effect, particularly in concealing
the junction of the stones. The walls are surmounted with a deep
projecting double cornice. No principal image was found in the temple
or vestibules.

REMAINS OF AN ANCIENT HALL OF AUDIENCE, &c. AT KÁLI BÉNING.

The temple which I have just described stands close to the north side
of the village of _Káli Béning_, east of which is the river of that
name; and as I had never before heard of any thing further in this
quarter, I fancied my work was over. I was, however, most agreeably
surprised, on being told by my Javan guides that there was something
more to be seen directly south of the village behind us. We accordingly
passed through it, and barely one hundred and fifty yards from the
temple, in a high sugar-cane and palma christi plantation, we came
suddenly on two pair of very magnificent gigantic porters, all facing
eastwards, each having stood about twelve feet from the others. The
pedestals of all these statues are nearly covered, or rather entirely
sunk into the ground. The height of each figure, from the top of
the pedestal, is five feet one inch and a half, and breadth at the
shoulders three feet six inches. They are generally much better
executed, defined, and consequently more marked and striking in their
appearance, than those I had seen. The countenance is much more marked
and expressive, the nose more prominent and pointed, the eyebrows
meeting in a formidable frown. The hair flows all round and down the
back in large ringlets and curls, and on the ankles, instead of
beads, are the small circular bells common in India, under the name of
_googoor_. These figures are called _Gopolo_. Behind the second pair
of porters, or west of them, is a heap of ruins of brick and mortar,
which proved on examination to be the remains of an ancient hall of
audience or state, originally standing on fourteen pillars, with a
verandah all round it standing on twenty-two pillars. The porters
guarded this building exactly in the centre of its eastern front: the
nearest pair scarcely thirty feet distant from it. The greatest length
of the building was east and west. The inner apartment over all gave
forty-seven feet in length, including the pillars: the width of the
hall was twenty-eight feet and a half in the same way. A verandah, of
twelve feet and a half wide all round over the pillars, surrounded the
hall.

It struck me forcibly, that the house at _Káli Sári_ was formerly the
residence of some great Hindu Raja of Java; the superb temple at _Káli
Béning_, the place of his devotions and prayers; this hall, a little
south of it, that of state or audience, perhaps also of recreation
after his devotions. Other ruins of brick-work, without any mixture of
stone, were close by, and perhaps served as out-houses.

BÓRO BÓDO.

In the district of _Bóro_, in the province of _Kedú_, and near to the
confluence of the rivers _Elo_ and _Prága_, crowning a small hill,
stands the temple of _Bóro Bódo_[210], supposed by some to have been
built in the sixth, and by others in the tenth century of the Javan
era. It is a square stone building consisting of seven ranges of walls,
each range decreasing as you ascend, till the building terminates in
a kind of dome. It occupies the whole of the upper part of a conical
hill, which appears to have been cut away so as to receive the walls,
and to accommodate itself to the figure of the whole structure. At
the centre, resting on the very apex of the hill, is the dome before
mentioned, of about fifty feet diameter; and in its present ruinous
state, the upper part having fallen in, only about twenty feet high.
This is surrounded by a triple circle of towers, in number seventy-two,
each occupied by an image looking outwards, and all connected by a
stone casing of the hill, which externally has the appearance of a roof.

Descending from thence, you pass on each side of the building by steps
through five handsome gateways, conducting to five successive terraces,
which surround the hill on every side. The walls which support these
terraces are covered with the richest sculpture on both sides, but more
particularly on the side which forms an interior wall to the terrace
below, and are raised so as to form a parapet on the other side. In
the exterior of these parapets, at equal distances, are niches, each
containing a naked figure sitting cross-legged, and considerably larger
than life[211]; the total number of which is not far short of four
hundred. Above each niche is a little spire, another above each of the
sides of the niche, and another upon the parapet between the sides of
the neighbouring niches. The design is regular; the architectural and
sculptural ornaments are profuse. The bas-reliefs represent a variety
of scenes, apparently mythological, and executed with considerable
taste and skill. The whole area occupied by this noble building is
about six hundred and twenty feet either way.

The exterior line of the ground-plan, though apparently a perfect
square when viewed at a distance, is not exactly of that form, as the
centre of each face, to a considerable extent, projects many feet, and
so as to cover as much ground as the conical shape of the hill will
admit: the same form is observed in each of the terraces.

The whole has the appearance of one solid building, and is about a
hundred feet high, independently of the central spire of about twenty
feet, which has fallen in. The interior consists almost entirely of the
hill itself.[212]

Near the site of this majestic edifice was found a mutilated stone
image of _Brahma_, and at no great distance, situated within a few
yards of the confluence of the rivers _Elo_ and _Prága_, are the
remains of several very beautifully executed and interesting temples,
in form and design corresponding with those in the neighbourhood of
_Brambánan_. In niches and on the walls of these are designed in relief
numerous figures with many arms, evidently of the Braminical order,
most of them having their several attributes perfect. It is remarkable
that at _Bóro Bódo_ no figures of this description occur.

The image of the harpy (No. 1. of the annexed plate) was taken from
the temple at _Bóro Bódo_ and brought to England: it is of stone, in
length about twenty inches, and exceedingly well executed. The other
subjects in this plate were not found in this neighbourhood. No. 2 is
a stone box about a foot square, containing a small golden _lingam_:
it was recently dug up near _Málang_ by a peasant, who was levelling
the ground for a cooking place. No. 3 and 4 are representations
of ornamental stone water-spouts, collected in the vicinity of
_Pakalung'an_. No. 5 is an ornamental corner stone, now lying among the
ruins of _Majapáhit_, the figure carved upon which is nearly as large
as life.

Next to _Bóro Bódo_ in importance, and perhaps still more interesting,
are the extensive ruins which are found on _Gúnung Díeng_, the
supposed residence of the gods and demigods of antiquity[213]. This
mountain, from its resemblance to the hull of a vessel, is also called
_Gúnung Práhu_. It is situated northward and westward of the mountain
_Sindóro_, which forms the boundary between _Kedú_ and _Bányumas_, and
terminates a range of hills running east from the mountain of _Tegál_.
There are no less than twenty-nine different peaks of this mountain, or
rather cluster of mountains, each of which has its peculiar name, and
is remarkable for some peculiar production or natural phenomenon.

On a table-land about six hundred feet higher than the surrounding
country, which is some thousand feet above the level of the sea, are
found the remains of various temples, idols, and other sculpture, too
numerous to be described in this place. A subject in stone, having
three faces, and another with four arms, having a ball or globe in one
hand and a thunderbolt in another, were the most conspicuous.

The ascent from the country below to the table-land on which these
temples stood is by four flights of stone steps, on four different
sides of the hill, consisting of not less than one thousand steps each.
The ascent from the southern side is now in many parts steep and rocky,
and in some places almost inaccessible, but the traveller is much
assisted by the dilapidated remains of the stone steps, which appear
to be of the greatest antiquity. Time alone, indeed, cannot have so
completely demolished a work, of which the materials were so durable
and the construction so solid. The greatest part of this wonderful
memorial of human industry lies buried under huge masses of rock and
lava; and innumerable proofs are afforded of the mountain having,
at some period since the formation of the steps, been in a state of
violent eruption. Near the summit of one of the hills there is a crater
of about half a mile diameter.

At no great distance from this crater, in a north-west direction, is
situated a plain or table-land, surrounded on all sides but one by a
ridge of mountains about a thousand feet above it. At some very remote
period it was perhaps itself the crater of a vast volcano. On its
border are the remains of four temples of stone, greatly dilapidated,
but manifestly by the effect of some violent shock or concussion of
the earth. The largest of them is about forty feet square: the walls
are ten feet thick, and the height about thirty-five feet. The only
apartment which it contains is not more than twenty feet square, and
has only one entrance. The roof is arched to a point in the centre,
about twenty feet high above the walls, so that the whole building was
almost one solid mass of masonry, composed of the most durable cut
stone, in blocks of from one to two feet long and about nine inches
square. Yet these walls, so constructed, are rent to the bottom. It
was particularly observable, that little or no injury had been done by
vegetation, the climate being unfavourable to the _waríngen_, whose
roots are so destructive to the buildings of the lower regions. The
entablatures of these buildings still exhibit specimens of delicate and
very elegant sculpture. Several deep excavations are observed in the
neighbourhood. These, it is said, were made by the natives, in search
of gold utensils, images, and coins, many of which have, from time to
time, been dug up here.

The whole of the plain is covered with scattered ruins and large
fragments of hewn stone to a considerable distance. In the centre are
four more temples, nearly similar to those before mentioned, but in a
much better state of preservation, the sculpture being in many places
quite perfect. Numerous images of deities are scattered about.

On a more minute examination of this plain, traces of the site of
nearly four hundred temples were discovered, having broad and extensive
streets or roads running between them at right angles. The ground-plan
of these, as far as it could be ascertained, with sketches of the
different images, ornaments, and temples, which distinguish this
classic ground, have been made by Captain Baker, who devoted three
weeks to the accomplishment of this interesting object. At present I
have it only in my power to exhibit a drawing of one of the temples, in
the state in which it was found in 1815, with the same temple restored
to what it originally was.

The whole of the country lying between _Gúnung Díeng_ and _Brambánan_,
in a line nearly crossing the central part of the island, abounds
with ruins of temples, dilapidated images, and traces of Hinduism.
Many of the villagers between _Blédran_ and _Jétis_, in the road from
_Bányumas_ through _Kedú_, have availed themselves of the extensive
remains to form the walls of their buildings. In the enclosures to
several of the villages (which are here frequently walled in) are
discovered large stones, some representing gorgon heads, others
beautifully executed in relief, which had formed the friezes and
cornices of temples, all regularly cut so as to be morticed together,
but now heaped one upon another in the utmost confusion and disorder.

Along the fields, and by the road-side, between _Jétis_ and _Mágelan_,
are seen in ditches or elsewhere many beautiful remains of sculpture,
and among them many _yonis_ and _lin-gams_, where they seem not only
to be entirely disregarded by the natives, but thrown on one side as if
in the way.

Thee following is the account given by Dr. Horsfield of the ruins found
in the Eastern Provinces of the native princes, in the year 1815.

KEDÍRI, &c.

In the districts of _Jagarága_, _Charúban_, _Ráwa_, _Kalángbret_,
_Trengáli_, _Pranarága_, and _Magetán_, these antiquities are dispersed
solitary at occasional points, and consist principally of images or
_réchas_. The remains of buildings, and of towns and cities, generally
distinguished by the name of _Kóta-bedáh_, are also noticed; but
_Mádion_, _Kértasána_, _Kedíri_, and _Sreng'át_, contain very important
and interesting antiquities.

In regarding them, the vicinity of the former capital of the princes of
the house of _Majapáhit_ strikingly offers itself for consideration;
and a traveller perceives them to increase in number, as he proceeds
from the western to the eastern districts.

Commencing my notices from the westward, I have to point out in
_Mádion_ four monuments, or stones covered with inscriptions: these,
with several pedestals and other remains of ancient buildings, have
been collected and employed at _Mauspáti_, the capital of _Mádion_,
lately established by _Ráden Ráng'ga_, the well known rebel of the
_Yúgya-kerta_ court. On the largest of these monuments the characters
of the inscription are still in a great degree distinguishable, and
these I have carefully taken off; on the others, which are smaller, the
characters, although completely perceivable, are too much obliterated
by the decomposition and decay of the substance of the stone to afford
a copy. Besides these inscriptions; remains of buildings, pedestals,
and _réchas_ of different sizes, have also been collected from various
parts of this province, and employed to decorate a well and bath near
the capital. After a considerable interruption, which contains no
remains at present, I discovered, in a direction almost due east from
_Mauspáti_, in the district of _Anjóg_, a monument with an inscription,
in a more perfect state. In form this, as well as the others,
resembles the common tomb-stones of our burial grounds, exceeding them
only in size: its dimensions have been carefully taken. Four sides are
covered with characters; two of these were in a state sufficiently
preserved to be copied with only occasional deficiencies. This stone
was placed near a _chándi_, of which the ruins only remain. It was two
stories high, built of elegant bricks, according to the usual plan and
distribution. In size, it nearly agrees with that of _Jábung_, near
_Probolíngo_. It is obvious, that both the dimensions and the general
plan of the numerous _chándis_ found in these eastern districts, built
of these materials, are similar; at least they do not exhibit that
variety, both in size and distribution, that is observed among the
larger edifices built of stone.

_Anjóg_ is connected in the east to _Kértasána_. In this province I
found two monuments covered with inscriptions, a _kótah bedáh_, or
destroyed capital, and various _réchas_. The district of _Brébeg_
has lately been separated from _Kértasána_. The newly-appointed
_Tumúng'gung_, in clearing and levelling the ground for a dwelling and
for a new capital, on the site of the village _Brébeg_, discovered,
by following the indication of water oozing from the surface, in a
slight concavity covered by a wild vegetation, the remains of a bath,
constructed with neatness, and not without taste and art. The principal
excavation, which appears to have been employed as a bath, is oblong,
and about ten feet in length. Six small outlets or fountains pour the
water into it, which was conducted from a rivulet flowing at some
distance, by small canals cut of stone, but bedded in a foundation of
brick. The fountains discharging the water are covered with sculpture
in relief, tolerably executed: one of these is a female figure pouring
small streams from the breasts. Adjoining to this bath are several
other reservoirs of water, included in the same square, and receiving
the supply by the same channels. Every thing is constructed massy of
regular and elegant bricks. The present _Tumúng'gung_ has collected,
near this bath, many _réchas_ and other antiquities from various parts
of the district: among these was found one small inscription. Towards
the foot of mount _Wílis_, in a southern direction from _Brébeg_, I
visited, at the village _Ng'etos_, a _chándi_ constructed of brick, and
still entire, with only partial dilapidation of the ornamental parts.
It is on the whole very similar to the appearance exhibited by the
remains of the _chándi_ at _Anjóg_, and to the others constructed of
bricks in the eastern districts above mentioned. Near this is a smaller
_chándi_, of the same construction, in ruins, with various other
remains of antiquity.

The environs of the capital of _Kediri_ abound with antiquities of
every kind; but it is evident that here, more than at other places,
great expense and labour has been bestowed to demolish the buildings
and to mutilate the images. In all parts of the site of the present
capital I noticed fragments covered with sculpture in relief, broken
_réchas_, and regularly chiselled oblong stones, of that kind which was
employed in the construction of the _chándis_, besides very extensive
foundations, in brick, of walls, buildings, &c. I am further led to
suppose, from the regularity and elegance of the materials employed,
that a Mahomedan temple and grave have been constructed almost entirely
from an ancient building demolished for the purpose, at the period
of the introduction of the Mahomedan religion. This temple is called
_Astána Gedóng_, but none of the present inhabitants can give any
information as to the period of its construction. As it is of Mahomedan
origin I took only a very slight view of it, to avoid the disagreeable
gesticulations which the natives always exhibited on the approach of
one of their sanctuaries; and it is a very comfortable circumstance
that a traveller is freely permitted to examine undisturbed, all those
antiquities which are unequivocally derived from a period preceding
the introduction of Mahomedanism, or from what the natives call "_wong
kúna_, _kapir_, or _buda_."

I shall shortly enumerate the principal antiquities of _Kedíri_
which I visited, and only mention the names of those villages where
the greatest number of _réchas_ are dispersed. These are _Pápar_,
_Kebo-gádung_, _Gadúngan_ and _Págot_.

The cave of _Séla-mángleng_ is situated about two miles in a western
direction from the capital, at the foot of the hill _Klótok_, an
appendage to the large mountain of _Wílis_: it consists of four small
apartments cut into the solid rock composing the hill, on a very
gentle eminence. The apartments are adjoining to each other, forming a
regular series, which stretches from north to south. The two middle
apartments, which are the largest, have each an entrance from without,
while those at the extremity communicate by an interior door, each with
the apartment next to it. They differ but little in size. Their form
is square or oblong; the largest is less than twenty feet in length.
The walls of the two principal apartments are covered with sculpture,
and various platforms and projections indicate the places of devotion
or penance. Several _réchas_ now arranged in the avenue leading to the
cave, as well as the sculpture covering the walls of the apartments
within, are handsomely worked; but the external sculpture of the rock
is coarse, and the steps by which one ascends, which are cut out of the
same general mass of rock, appear to have been made intentionally rude.
Several niches for _réchas_, lamps, &c. are cut in various parts of the
walls; a _lingam_, several reservoirs of water, and other figures are
arranged on the vestibule. Of an inscription on the external rock, one
regular line, stretching from the door of the outer apartments to the
northern extremity of the rock, is still discernible, but many of the
characters are probably too much effaced to afford an explanation.

In an eastern direction from the capital of _Kedíri_, the antiquities
of _Séntul_ and of _Prúdung_ are the most remarkable. _Séntul_ is
situated near the district of _Tiga-wángi_, in a forest, the condition
of which indicates an undisturbed vegetation for many successive ages.
The dimensions of the principal edifice, now remaining nearly entire,
are comparatively inconsiderable, but the workmanship is executed
in a style of elegance, equal to that of any antiquity found on the
island. By the present inhabitants the building is denominated a
_chúnkup_, which word, in as far as it admits of a precise translation,
denotes a place of burial or a repository of the dead. It appears
to resemble, in its general scheme, several of the other principal
antiquities of Java, being a solid massy structure, without any
internal apartment or chamber, as a _chándi_, but affording, on the
summit, an extensive platform or place of devotion, to which one of
the sides is appropriated to furnish an ascent, while the others are
perpendicular. The access to the _chúnkup_ was from the west. Not only
the sides of the stairs, but the perpendicular walls of the building,
are ornamented by entablatures, the internal divisions of which are
covered by elegant sculpture, while the projections are carved into
a great variety of forms, which can only be represented clearly by
a drawing. A few images, removed from their original situation, are
dispersed through different parts of the surrounding area, displaying
an exquisite workmanship. On the summit remains an highly elegant
reservoir of water of uncommon dimensions. The plan of this building is
a nearly regular square, the sides of which are about thirty-six feet
in length.

It contains in its foundation a subterraneous cell, to which the
descent is by very narrow steps, leading from the south: this consists
of three compartments, gradually decreasing in dimensions as they
extend into the body of the building. The height of the cell does not
permit a person to stand erect, and no vestiges indicate its former
appropriation, whether as a place of devotion or penance, or for the
reception of the remains of the person to whose memory devotion was
paid on the summit.

Near this _chúnkup_ is a smaller building of the same kind, equally
ornamented by handsome sculpture. The remaining bases of numerous walls
shew the division of the surrounding court into many compartments, and
the whole adjoining territory was included within a wall constructed of
brick, of which I found the vestiges in various points, and numerous
separate foundations and detached fragments of chiseled stone remain
within the exterior wall in the confines of the chúnkup.

In proceeding from _Séntul_, in an eastern direction, to the extremity
of the province of _Kedíri_, solitary remains of antiquity are
occasionally found; and it is probable that these extend, without
considerable interruption, towards the celebrated antiquities of
_Málang_. Among these, _túgus_ or landmarks are also observed.

The _chándi_ of _Prúdung_ is situated about eight miles south-west of
_Séntul_. Though constructed entirely of brick, this edifice deserves
particular notice. It exceeds in its dimensions and importance all
other edifices built of the same materials that I have seen. Besides
a principal apartment, the entrance to which is from the west, it
contains in the east, the north, and the south, smaller apartments
on the same floor, whose entrance corresponds to the niches usually
observed in the walls. The projecting base containing the stairs has
been destroyed, and one ascends at present to view the interior of the
_chándi_ by a ladder, the height of about twenty feet. The dimensions
of the ornaments and figures on the sides correspond to the size of the
building, and the sculpture is executed in a superior style. Following
a southern direction, _réchas_, reservoirs of water, mortars, fragments
of buildings and ornaments, are found at almost every village. Near the
boundary, but within the province of _Sreng'át_, a _chándi_ of brick,
of the usual size, still remains entire near the village _Genéngan_.

The _réchas_ which have been accumulated at the capital of
_Sreng'át_ from the vicinity, indicate the condition of the ancient
establishments, as the general review of the antiquities found in
this province, strongly points out that its former culture was very
different from its present rudeness. Places which are now covered with
almost impenetrable forests, like those surrounding the _chúnkup_ of
_Séntul_, the first appearance of which would indicate an undisturbed
growth from the origin of vegetation, are found to conceal the
most stupendous monuments of human art and labour. During various
botanical excursions which I made through this province, I discovered
(or rather was led to them by the natives) the _chándi_ of _Gedóg_,
the antiquities at _Penatáran_, and various monuments covered with
inscriptions, which I shall separately enumerate below.

The _chándi_ of _Gedóg_ is a structure in the usual style of brick, but
executed with superior excellence, while much of the ornamental work is
supplied of stone. Several of the sides are still entire, but the base
of the entrance or steps has gradually separated. _Gedóg_ is situated
near _Blitar_, formerly a capital, but now reduced to a simple village.
Here, also, interesting antiquities are found, among which the site of
a deserted capital, with its walls and many stone pedestals, attract
the notice of the traveller.

Proceeding in a nearly north-east direction, I visited the antiquities
at _Penatáran_. These, if not of the first rank, must doubtless be
considered as belonging to those of second importance and interest,
both on account of extent and execution; but a complete and accurate
description would require a detail too extensive for my present
purpose. The greatest part of these antiquities is now in ruins.
Their general plan indicates an appropriation both to purposes of
devotion and habitation. They comprize an extensive area of an
oblong form, which was surrounded by an external wall of which the
foundations can be traced throughout, and the whole was divided into
three compartments. The principal edifice is situated in the eastern
compartment, and was only accessible after passing three separate
gates, which are all discernible, although much decayed. They are
individually guarded as at _Chándi séwu_ and _Sínga-sári_, by porters
resting on their hams, while a knee is drawn up to support the hand
clasping a club of proportionate size. The principal gate, in ancient
times probably the only entrance, is of huge dimensions, and guarded
by porters of gigantic size. This led to the first subdivision of the
whole area, in which two elevated plains, of an oblong form, confined
by walls rising above the surrounding territory, and in all probability
the floors of former places of dwelling, are the most interesting
objects that now remain.

One of these plains extends to the north-east extremity, having been in
contact with the external wall, as appears from its relative situation
to the gate, and to the foundations that still exist; this is of great
dimensions: the other inclines more to the middle of this compartment,
and is somewhat less in extent. Both exhibit the appearance of having
supported a building, and are elevated at present about three feet
above the level of the surrounding forest, while the same depth is
concealed by a layer of vegetable mould, accumulated during many
successive ages. The sides of the smaller plain are covered with
elegant sculpture in relief, the detail of the design of which would
alone require a considerable time. Four entrances are indicated by as
many flights of steps, the sides of which are elegantly decorated, and
the pedestals still remaining at regular intervals along the confines,
having the form of truncated pyramids, appear to shew that it was
covered by a roof supported by wooden pillars, somewhat in the style of
the _pasébans_ of the present Javans. Similar pedestals are likewise
placed in regular order along the sides of the large plain, which has
the same number of entrances as the smaller, of which those in the
north and south are guarded by porters of comparatively small stature.

The second compartment is less extensive than the western: a small
_chúndi_ of excellent workmanship, built of stone, here attracts
particular notice. The remains of various buildings, pedestals, and
broken ornaments, are also observed, and it is probable that others are
concealed by the forest and mould which covers this compartment, which
must be considered as the vestibule to the third or eastern division,
containing the principal edifice: this of the various remains of the
whole area deserves the most attention. It is indeed a surprising and a
wonderful work: both the labour required in the construction, and the
art displayed in the decoration are incalculable. The general base is a
large square, but each of the sides has a particular projection in the
middle, the largest being in the west, where the ascents are placed, by
which the outline exhibits twelve angles. It belongs to the same class
of buildings as that at _Séntul_, containing no chamber or vacancy
within, but exhibiting a solid mass, highly decorated at the sides, and
affording externally places of devotion. It consists of three different
compartments, successively of smaller dimensions. Two pair of steps,
one to the north, the other to the south of the most projecting part of
the western side, lead to the area furnished by the lower compartment,
the form of which agrees with the general base. From the middle of the
most projecting part of the western side of this area, a single flight
of steps conducts to the second, and is immediately continued to the
third area on the summit of the whole building. The second compartment
does not agree in form with the general base, but by means of the
diverging of the sides in a direction opposite to the most projecting
parts of the lower area, it furnishes in the west a plain before the
steps, and in the north, the south, and the east, extensive areas or
squares, which were probably destined for particular worship. By the
form of the second compartment the second area is likewise modified;
but to demonstrate this a plan would be required; and I shall only
add, that the upper area was a regular square, but as appears from the
remains of various foundations, subdivided into partitions.

Here the figure of _Bráma_ (the _récha_ with four faces) is placed
alone, of a workmanship and finish superlatively excellent. It is to
be remarked in this place, that besides this, only one image is found
on this structure, attached to the walls of the second compartment,
facing the smaller area on the base, from which it appears to have been
worshipped. I shall not enter into a detail of the sculpture which
covers all the sides of the three compartments: its diversity far
exceeds the bounds of my examination or description. In the intelligent
visitor it excites astonishment, and displays a degree of art and of
taste, equal, as far as my opportunities for observation have extended,
to that of any of the other remains of antiquity found on Java.

In clearing up part of the rubbish that surrounded the southern sides
of this edifice, I was fortunate enough to discover a monument covered
with an inscription of the usual size and form; but the characters have
suffered much from time.

Of other antiquities which fell under my observation in the province
of _Sreng'át_, I shall only mention those at _Semánding_ and
_Sangráhan_. These, from their semblance to the edifice at _Séntul_,
appear to have contained the remains of the dead, and to have been
employed to celebrate their memory. They are considered as _chúnkups_
by the natives. Each has something particular in its structure and
appropriation; but I shall not extend these details. Various spots
were mentioned by the inhabitants, which are now covered with a close
forest, in which less considerable remains, _réchas_, &c. are found,
and others are probably concealed or unknown. They existed also on the
south side of the large river flowing from the east, a branch of the
river of _Kedíri_ and _Surabáya_, in the tract of _Ludáya_, celebrated
at present only on account of the wildness of the territory. Among
these I visited a monument covered with inscriptions in a highly
preserved condition. In my botanical excursions through this and the
neighbouring districts, I also met with various caverns and other
remains, the retreat of _fakirs_, hermits, &c. to which the approach
is difficult or painful: they are distinguished by the denomination of
_Ber-tápa_.

Proceeding further east, the ruins in the district of _Málang_ next
attract our attention. These I visited in 1815.

RUINS AT SINGA SARI, &c. IN THE DISTRICT OF MALANG.

We first proceeded from _Pasúruan_ to _Láwang_, mounting our horses at
the ruins of a fort, which for some time withstood the Dutch arms on
their first taking possession of these districts. Further on, between
_Láwang_ and _Málang_, the scene of a famous battle fought at that time
was pointed out to us. The family of the present Regent were first
appointed to the office for services rendered on that occasion. The
road from _Pasúruan_ to _Láwang_ lay principally through forests, in
which we observed the _waríngen_ to predominate.

On the next morning we visited the ruins of _Singa Sári_, which are
situated a few paces within the entrance of a teak forest, about four
miles from _Láwang_, and on the right of the high-road leading to
_Málang_.

The first object which attracted our attention was the ruins of a
_chándi_ or temple. It is a square building, having the entrance on the
western side: its present height may be about thirty feet. Over the
entrance is an enormous gorgon head, and a similar ornament appears
originally to have been placed on each of the other sides of the
building, over the niches, which correspond with the entrance on the
western side. In one of these niches we observed an image lying flat on
the ground, with its head off: in another, the pedestal of an image,
which we were informed had been taken away by Mr. Engelhard; and where
the traces of a third niche appeared, the stones had been removed, and
a deep hole dug, so as to disfigure, and in a great measure demolish,
this part of the building. This was also attributed to Mr. Engelhard's
agents.

On entering the _chándi_, to which we ascended by stones which
had evidently been once placed as steps, we observed a very deep
excavation, and a large square stone upset and thrown on one side. We
ordered it to be filled up and the large stone replaced. There was a
round hole passing completely through the centre of this stone, which,
whether it had been an altar, the pedestal to some image, or a _yóní_,
we could not ascertain.

Without the building, on part of the ruins which appeared to have been
the lower terrace, we noticed two porters, with clubs in their hands,
resting on the shoulder. The features were entirely defaced, and the
images rude; but we easily recognized their similarity to the porters
at _Brambánan_. They were, however, not above three feet high.

The devices, ornaments, and general style of this temple are not very
different from those of the great temple at _Brambánan_: the cornices
and mouldings are no less rich and well executed. The external form of
the building may differ, but the recess, or chamber within, seems on
the same principle. There is no inlet for the light from above.

Proceeding a short distance further into the forest, we found several
images of the Hindu mythology, in excellent preservation, and more
highly executed than any we had previously seen in the island. In the
centre, without protection from the weather, was the bull _Nándi_,
quite perfect, with the exception of the horns, one of which was lying
by the side of it. This image is above five feet and a half long, in
high preservation, and of excellent proportion and workmanship.

Near the bull, and placed against a tree, is a magnificent _Brahma_.
The four heads are perfect, except that there is a mutilation about the
nose. The figure is highly ornamented, and more richly dressed than is
usual.

Not far off we noticed _Mahadéwa_, known by his trident. On the stone
from which this is cut in relief are several _Devanágari_ characters.

Another stone, with a figure nearly similar, stood by it. A Hindu
Sepoy, who accompanied us, asserted that it represented a Bramin, but
it was too mutilated for us to ascertain the point.

A car or chariot of _Súria_, or the sun, with seven horses, of which
the heads were wanting, was the only other object of antiquity in this
groupe. The horses are at full speed, with extended tails, and the
square of the chariot seems to have once formed the pedestal of an
image.

At the distance of about a hundred yards from this spot, we were
conducted to a magnificent _Ganésa_ of a colossal size, most
beautifully executed, and in high preservation. The pedestal is
surrounded by skulls, and skulls seem used not only as ear-rings, but
as the decoration of every part to which they can be applied. The head
and trunk are very correct imitations of nature. The figure appears
to have stood on a platform of stone; and from the number of stones
scattered, it is not improbable it may have been inclosed in a niche or
temple.

Still further in the wood, at a short distance, we found another
colossal statue, of the same stamp as the porters at _Brambánan_. This
statue was lying on its face at the entrance of an elevated stone
terrace: but the people having excavated and cleared the earth around,
we were enabled distinctly to examine the face and front. It measures
in length about twelve feet, breadth between the shoulders nine feet
and a half, and at the base nine feet by five, and is cut from one
solid stone. The figure is represented as sitting on its hams, with the
hand resting on each knee, but no club, although it is not impossible
it may have been broken off. The countenance is well expressed and the
nose prominent; but this feature, as well as the mouth and chin, have
suffered injury from partial mutilation.

The statue seems evidently to have fallen from the adjacent elevated
terrace, which is about eighteen feet high in its present dilapidated
state, and is built of stones, the upper ones being immense slabs of
five feet by four, and three feet thick. A second figure of the same
dimensions was afterwards found in the vicinity; these were no doubt
porters who guarded the entrance to these temples.

Having visited all that could be traced in the vicinity of _Singa
Sári_, we proceeded on to _Málang_, distant thirteen _palls_ from
_Láwang_, and in the evening we visited the ruins of _Súpit-úrang_,
usually called _Kótah Bédah_, or demolished, fort, the site of the last
establishment of the refugees from _Majapáhit_.

The wall of this fortification is of brick, and the foundation is
traced without difficulty. We rode round it within side, and as far
as we could calculate it could not measure less than two miles round.
It is of an irregular figure, but in a position rendered remarkably
strong by two rivers, which run their course round three-fourths of
the wall, and then unite. The depth from the wall to the rivers is
from fifty to a hundred feet, and in some places still more; in many
parts the descent is nearly perpendicular. Where the rivers do not
encircle the walls, a deep moat is cut from one river to the other,
which is easily flooded by stopping the course of either river. It is
about seventy-five feet wide and not less than fifty deep, even in
its present state, filled up no doubt considerably, and in many parts
cultivated. There appear to be several dwellings, if not villages,
within the walls, and a good deal of cultivation, principally of
tobacco.

The next morning we proceeded to visit the ruins at _Kédal_ and _Jágu_,
the former about seven miles, the latter nearly four from _Málang_, in
a south-easterly direction.

At _Kédal_ are the remains of a very beautiful temple of stone: its
present height about thirty-five feet. The building is supported by a
lion at each of the four cornices, and one on each side of the steps of
the entrance. In the centre of each of the lower departments, between
the lions, are figures in relief upon the wall. The mouldings and
sculpture on this temple are in the same style as those of _Brambánan_
and _Bóro Bódo_, but of still greater beauty. The building is
surrounded by a square wall, and in the front is a raised terrace. The
chamber appears to be of the same form as most of the temples in Java.
Over the entrance is an immense gorgon head, and in the chamber itself
a deep hole.

There are no Hindu images or other traces of Hindu mythology, except
what may be afforded by the lions, and the figures in relief above
mentioned. These represent the same principal figure, but with
different attributes. On one side three immense serpents entwine over
the head, the tail of one of them evidently held in the right hand; on
another a water-pot, with a serpent's head attached to it, is on the
head of the figure; and on the other there is a female figure with a
serpent, the female reclining over the head.

This temple is just within the skirts of a forest.

At _Jágu_, also, we found the ruins a few yards within a forest, but
these appeared to have been more extensive than the preceding.

The base of the principal building is much larger than any of the
temples we visited in the eastern part of the island, and there
appeared to have been originally two or three terraces rising one
above the other to the height of thirty feet. The form of the entrance
still appears, but the roof, sides, and back part of the building,
have entirely given way. Behind the ruin, and apparently in the same
spot on which it originally fell, lies a dilapidated image of a Hindu
deity. The pedestal of this image is perfect, and lies near it. The
head had been carried to _Mélang_ some years ago by a Dutchman. On the
back stone we observed an inscription, evidently in the _Devanágari_
character, and which the Sepoy who accompanied us declared to be
Sanscrit. The characters on each side were extremely distinct, but
those at the back of the head of the figure were defaced.

This building is most richly ornamented with carved work, and various
devices in relief are cut in the first, second, and third stories. One
of these relievos represents a battle between an army of apparently
polished people and an army of _Rasáksa_. The figures are very rudely
carved and disproportioned, but in general richness of effect may
be compared to the style of the ornaments at _Bóro Bódo_. There are
a variety of processions and achievements represented in different
parts, but no where could we observe any image or particular object
of devotion. Along the cornices, which are most splendidly rich, we
noticed birds and beasts of various descriptions interwoven. In one
part a palm tree between two lambs approaching each other, in another a
perfect boar, apparently led to the sacrifice.

At a short distance from this principal building, say fifty yards,
stands the remains of what would appear to have been an elevated
terrace of about twelve feet high. The ascent is on one side, by
regular stone steps, still perfect.

Previously to leaving _Málang_ we took sketches of two images brought
in from the fort, and also of the image of a man, peculiar from the
manner in which the hair was tied. At _Málang_, also, I received
from the _Tumúng'gung_ a small square stone-box, containing a golden
_lingam_; this had been discovered three months before, about a cubit
under ground, by a peasant, while digging for stones to build his
cooking place. The _lingam_ had originally two very small red stones
within it, something like rubies; one of them was lost before it was
delivered to me, the other by the party examining it.

TEMPLES AT SÚKU.

The remains of antiquity still existing at _Súku_, though not to be
compared with those at _Brambánan_ and _Bóro Bódo_ in extent and
magnificence, seem to claim a peculiar interest, on account of the
indication they afford of a different form of worship. These ruins
were not known to Europeans until a short time previous to my visit to
the central districts, in May 1815. When I visited them, the native
inhabitants of _Súra-kérta_ were also ignorant of their existence,
and we are indebted for the discovery to the British Resident at that
court, Major Martin Johnson.

They lie in an eastern direction from _Séra-kerta_, and are distant
from that capital about twenty-six English miles, being situated on
the summit of one of the smaller hills to be found on the base of the
mountain _Láwu_. From _Súra-kérta_ our road was a continued ascent,
which increased as we approached the hills: the country most highly
cultivated, and in the immediate vicinity of the hills, where the dry
cultivation predominated, beautiful beyond description.

_Súku_ is the name of the village to which the lands in the
neighbourhood of these ruins are annexed; and we were not able to
ascertain that they were designated by any other name, or that the term
_Súku_ had any immediate reference or application to the buildings.

The principal structure is a truncated pyramid, situated on the most
elevated of three successive terraces. The ruins of two obelisks,
having the form of the section of a pyramid, are also observable in the
vicinity of the principal building, and on each side of the western
front appear several piles of ruinous buildings and sculpture. The
length of the terraces is about one hundred and fifty-seven feet; the
depth of the first, eighty feet; of the second, thirty; and of the
highest, one hundred and thirty feet.

The approach is from the west, through three porches or gateways, of
which the outermost alone is now standing; but enough remains of the
second and third to indicate a similarity of construction. This porch
is a building of about sixteen feet high, in tolerable preservation,
of a pyramidal form. The entrance is seven feet and a half high,
and about three feet wide; a gorgon head forms the key-stone of the
arch. The ascent is first by seven, and shortly after by three steps;
and in relief, on the centre of the flooring under the porch, is a
representation of the male and female pudenda.

On the outer face of the porch several figures are sculptured in
relief. On the right side, the principal figure is that of a man of
monstrous appearance devouring a child: to his right a dog sitting, the
head wanting, and a bird of the stork kind near the root of a tree,
on one of the branches of which a bird not unlike a dove or pigeon is
perched; over the figure is a bird on the wing, either the hawk or
eagle. Above the figure of a man with the tail of a writhing snake in
his mouth, is another which appeared to us to be that of a sphynx; it
is however represented as floating in the air, with the legs, arms, and
tail extended. The tail is similar to that of the lizard species, and
the hands appear to be webbed claws, but the body, limbs, and face, are
human: the breasts distinguish it as female. Over this again is a small
curling reptile, like a worm or small snake, reminding us of the asp.

On the north and on the south face of the gateway there is a colossal
eagle with extended wings, holding in its talons an immense serpent,
plaited in three folds, its head turned towards the eagle and
ornamented with a coronet.

It was impossible to reflect on the design of these sculptures, without
being forcibly struck with their reference to the ancient worship of
Egypt. The form of the gateway itself, and of all the ruins within
our view, was pyramidal. In the monster devouring the child we were
reminded of _Typhon_; in the dog, of _Anoubis_; in the stork, of the
_Ibis_: the tree, too, seemed to be the palm, by which the Egyptians
designated the year; the pigeon, the hawk, the immense serpents, were
all symbols of Egyptian worship.

Lying on the first terrace we observed several scattered stones, having
various devices sculptured on them, some of human figures, one of a
tiger wanting the head, which had been broken off, and several of
elephants and oxen. On one we noticed the representation of a man on
horseback, followed by five spearmen and a _páyong_ bearer. We then
ascended by five steps to the second terrace, on which were also some
scattered ruins of buildings and sculpture. Ascending again three steps
we came to the third terrace, when the principal building appeared in
front, at the distance of about ninety feet. The ruins of several other
temples and buildings also appeared in irregular heaps on each side of
its front.

This building is on the centre of the terrace. Its base is a perfect
square, of forty-three feet and a half to the side, decreasing in
size at each successive layer of stones, so as to form steps to the
height of nineteen feet; above this is a sort of cornice, four feet
nine inches high. The roof is twenty-one feet two inches from north
to south, and nineteen feet nine inches from east to west. In the
centre of it we observed a part raised, of about a foot square, pierced
by a small round hole. It had the appearance of being intended as a
pedestal, or step, to some object which had been removed.

The sides of the pyramid face the cardinal points. The western side
contains a flight of narrow steps. At the top, in the front of the
building, we noticed two serpents, which appear to have been used for
water-pipes; with this exception, the whole building was plain and
unornamented by sacred emblems. The sides of the staircase are faced
with flat stones. The upper story or cornice is constructed with
greater delicacy than the building generally. We were not able to
ascertain whether there was any chamber within, and the point cannot be
decided without material injury to the edifice. The eastern side seems
to have suffered most from the effects of time.

Upon the ground on each side of the ascent is a large stone, in the
shape of a tortoise, measuring not less than eight feet in length; the
back flat, but the head well executed. A little advanced in front there
is a third of the same description.

Near these, on the south side of the entrance, stand the remains of
two temples, in one of which we discovered the ashes of fire recently
kindled. The natives who attended informed us that the peasantry of
the neighbouring villages were still in the habit of burning incense
and kindling fire in this temple, and that when they suffered under or
dreaded any misfortune, they made an offering of this nature in the
hope of averting it. The building is about seven feet square, and on
all sides various images are sculptured on it.

The other building, which is still further south, has a terrace in the
centre, the steps ascending to which are still perfect. The building
appears to retain nothing of its original pyramidal form, except at the
south-east corner.

On different sides of this pile of building we noticed two
inscriptions, each consisting of four characters. As they both agreed
with various other inscriptions in this neighbourhood, except in the
last character, which was different in all, we concluded that they were
dates. To the north of the principal building, and almost contiguous
to it, is an oblong structure, running east and west. On this there
has evidently been a low terrace with a raised wall at the back. On
the upper part of this terrace, and near the principal building, is a
raised platform, from which rises an obelisk, somewhat similar to that
noticed in the south, but of a much larger base, and ornamented with
various devices on all sides. The spiral top is incomplete. Resting
inclined upon the west front of the obelisk, is a statue, about four
feet high and three feet broad[214].

On each side of the terrace, which is narrow and long, we observed,
both above and below, various devices cut in relief; also a stone vase
for containing water, respecting which a tradition runs, that it could
never be empty. We also raised from the ground and took sketches of
several slabs and stones in the vicinity, which had been thrown down on
their faces. Of these, one represents a horned boar[215]. On another is
an elephant, tolerably well executed. In another the chief figure is
represented striking off human heads[216]. On another there is a dog
standing erect, and dressed like a man, with some buildings remarkable
for the correctness of the perspective. On another is a representation
of the monkey flag[217], the standard of _Arjúna_, and even used at the
present day by the _Gládak_[218] established at _Súra-kérta_.

We discovered, nearly buried in the ground, two gigantic statues
with human bodies and limbs, but winged from the arms like bats, and
with spurs above the heel like those of a cock. This figure occurs
frequently in relief with some variation: sometimes with a fan-tail,
and its wings extended, so as almost to form a circle[219]; in another
the face appears devoid of flesh, and the figure is standing with one
foot on an elephant and the other on a tortoise[220].

On the lappet of the waistband of one of these colossal statues we
noticed an inscription of several lines; but the most interesting and
perfect was discovered on the back of the other, after we had with
much difficulty raised it to an erect posture. This last inscription
is in excellent preservation, and consists of lines, in each of which
there are characters. The perfect state of this part of the stone must
be attributed to its having been protected from the weather by its
position along the ground. This inscription, as well as all the others
which we discovered, are raised from the stone in relief, in the same
character as that first noticed, which differs from most which had
previously been discovered on the island[221].

We noticed particularly, as forming an exception to the sculptures in
general, another figure with four hands. It has a coronet on the head,
and ear-rings, and from the back of the ear on each side appear to
spring wings, which are half expanded over the back of each shoulder.
The arms and hands were too mutilated to enable us to distinguish the
attributes.

A little nearer to the north of the tortoises, in front of the
principal building, stands a large erect statue[222], apparently in
its original position; at the back of which, on a scroll hanging from
the waistband, is an inscription of several lines; a figure holding
a double-headed trident in each hand and having three spikes on each
elbow, rudely executed, and elsewhere a _phallus_, upwards of six feet
long and not less than five in circumference. It had been broken in
halves, but the two parts were easily brought together: round the upper
part are four large balls of equal dimensions: along the urethra is an
inscription in two lines, the letters being one above the other, and on
the upper part of one of these lines is the representation of a _kris_
blade, and two squares crossing each other just above the point, with
a circle and other ornaments in the centre, so as to represent the
sun; to the right of this is a representation of the moon in the first
quarter; and further again to the right a small circle, representing
a star: the whole in relief, very correctly executed, and in good
preservation.

On one of the temples adjacent there are representations of a similar
symbol cut in relief.

We observed several monstrous figures with clubs of different sizes.
One in particular fronting the principal building, grinning most
horribly, and two near the steps leading to the upper terrace from the
south.

Below the upper terrace, on the south side, we noticed the foundation
of a building of an oblong shape, with three large slabs, on which
were sculptured several objects which appeared much to interest the
Javans. On one we observed a manufacturer of _kris_ blades in the act
of striking the steel. Above him are placed, as in his workshop, among
several blades of different forms, a trident, a water-pot, a pair of
shares, and something not very unlike Mercury's wand. On another stone
is seen a man with the proboscis of an elephant, and in his hand a dog;
on the third is a man blowing a Javan bellows.

The natives informed us, that the country people were in the habit of
making offerings to these sculptures, which they highly esteemed, from
a tradition that they represented the original Javan _túkang bési_, or
workman in iron and steel.

The workmanship is ruder than that in the temples at _Brambánan_, _Bóro
Bódo_, or _Málang_, and the worship must have been different.

Most of the images which are not in relief have been decapitated, and
the heads are not to be found; but there still remains enough to enable
a person well acquainted with heathen mythology, to decide on the
classes to which they may generally be referred.

I could find no traditions regarding these temples; but subsequent
examination has enabled us to decide that the character found in the
inscriptions is an ancient form of the Javan, and that the dates are,
on one of the stones, 1361, and on the larger phallus, 1362.

Besides the ruins of temples in brick noticed by Dr. Horsfield in the
eastern provinces of the native princes, numerous buildings constructed
of similar materials, are found extending from the site of _Majapáhit_
eastward as far as _Probolíngo_, near which, a few yards off the high
road, are situated two temples in brick. The larger temple may be about
sixty feet high.

All the temples of this class (that is to say, constructed in brick,
for they all vary in their style) were probably built during the
latter years of the Hindu religion. Those constructed of stone must be
referred to a much earlier period.

Near Buitenzorg, and also at _Récha Dómas_, a few miles further inland,
both places adjacent to the site of the ancient capital of _Pajajáran_,
are found several rude images in stone, and among them a figure with
three faces (_trimúrti_). Images of the same kind, as well as casts
in metal, are also found in _Chéribon_. The latter are particularly
prized by the chiefs of _Telága_, who are descended from the princes
of _Pajajáran_, and consider these relics as representations of their
forefathers. In the possession of the present _Tumúng'gung_ of _Telága_
is an ancient manuscript written on Javan paper, and folded up in the
manner of the manuscripts of Ava. The characters appear to be ancient
Javan or _Káwi_, but ill written. This manuscript contains drawings of
deities, of the signs of the Zodiac, and numerous other astronomical,
or perhaps rather astrological devices[223]. Of the history of the
manuscript nothing is known, further than that the _Tumúng'gung_ and
his family believe it to have come with the relics before-mentioned
from _Pajajáran_. A copy of it has been brought to England.

Besides the extensive remains of temples and other edifices already
mentioned in the districts east of _Chéribon_, where alone the
antiquities deserve attention as works of art, there are to be found
on the mountains of _Ung'árang_ the ruins of several very beautifully
executed temples in stone, with numerous dilapidated figures, and among
them several chariots of _Súría_, or the sun. Most of them are sadly
mutilated, but enough was left to authorize a sketch of their original
design[224].

The _Chándi Banyukúning_ (yellow water), which are so called from
their vicinity to the village of that name, are situated within a few
yards of a small volcanic crater, which at the time I visited them was
in many parts too hot to be trodden with safety. They appear to have
been built on extensive terraces cut out of the mountain, and rising
one above another at intervals of some hundred yards. The natives
assert, that the temples were formerly far more extensive, and that
near the summit of several of the adjoining peaks other temples are
to be found. But here, as in most parts of Java, the mountains for a
considerable way below the summit have been covered for ages, with
an almost impenetrable forest: and where this is not the case, the
mountains have either been rent near their summit, or are covered
with lava or ashes from volcanic eruptions, so that whatever may have
formerly been the extent and grandeur of the edifices which once
crowned these towering heights, they are at present either concealed or
more frequently destroyed. Notwithstanding the diligent search made by
the British during the short period of their stay on Java, there are
doubtless many very interesting discoveries to be made.

In _Banyuwángi_, the most eastern province of the island, besides
figures of Hindu deities, several others are to be found of
extraordinary and grotesque appearance, which appear to represent the
local deities of the island, and corresponding with those which are
still worshipped on _Báli_. But whether they are to be considered as
the deities of the Javans or Bálians is doubtful, as the Bálians long
had possession of this province; and it is remarkable, that no such
figures are to be found in the provinces further westward.

The traditions of the country concerning the former seats of
government, enable us to trace at this day the site of _Médang
Kamûlan_, _Jang'gála_, _Gegélang_ or _Sínga Sári_, _Dahá_ or _Kedíri_,
_Pajajâran_, and _Majapáhit_, existing in remains of immense tanks,
heaps of building materials, and other unequivocal vestiges of former
cities.

_Médang Kamúlan_[225] was situated in the district of _Wirasába_, where
in the centre of an extensive forest is pointed out the site of the
_Setíngel_, distinguished by heaps of stones and bricks; and at no
great distance from it are the walls and excavations of an extensive
tank, several hundred feet in length and breadth. These ruins, of
which little more can be said than that they are clearly discernible,
are situated between _Penwadádos_ and the most eastern of the volcanic
wells alluded to in a former part of this work. The natives have a
superstition, that the site of this ancient capital cannot be visited
without some misfortune attaching to the party who undertake the visit.
Those whom I had, with some difficulty, induced to accompany me to the
spot, did not fail to assure me that I should lose my government within
the year. As the event justified the prediction, it is probable that
the superstition has rather gained ground than otherwise. Many Javans
maintain, that _Brambánan_ was the original of _Médang Kamúlan_; it is
at least highly probable that it was once the seat of empire.

The site of _Jang'gála_ is still pointed out in the district of
that name in the division of _Surabáya_, and the country around is
strewed with antiquities. The same may be said of _Síng'a Sári_ and
_Kedíri_. At _Pajajáran_, a heap of stones is pointed out as the ruin
of the _Setíngel_, and numerous lines crossing the country between
rivers, attest the care with which this position was entrenched. They
may be seen close by the road side, at a few hundred yards from the
governor-general's country residence, and in many places they have been
cut through to make a passage for the high road.

At _Majapáhit_, in the district of _Wirasába_, the marks of former
grandeur are more manifest. Here the walls of the tank, upwards of a
thousand feet in length, and not less than six hundred in breadth, are
quite perfect. They are of burnt brick, and about twelve feet high. The
whole area of the tank, when I visited it, was one sheet of beautiful
rice cultivation, and almost surrounded by a noble forest of teak.

A village adjacent is called _Tra Wúlan_, or _Tráng Wúlan_ (the light
of the moon): here we found the tomb of _Pútri Chámpa_. Proceeding
through three regular squares, each enclosed with a wall, and in each
of which were erected several _pendápas_ or sheds, we came to the
interior on ascending a few steps. On the right side of this enclosure,
and elevated a few feet, was the tomb of the princess and her nurse;
the tomb being in the Mahomedan style, and having upon it, in ancient
Javan characters, the date 1320, perfectly distinct and in relief.
On the other side are the tombs of _Kiái Tumúng'gung Jáya Báya_, _Den
Mas_, and nine other chiefs whose names are mentioned. The tomb is
religiously guarded by several priests.

The ruins of the palace and several gateways of burnt brick are to be
seen; but the whole country, for many miles, is thickly covered with a
stately teak forest, which appears to have been the growth of ages, so
that it is difficult to trace the outline of this former capital. Ruins
of temples, mostly executed in brick, are scattered about the country
for many miles, and attest the extent and grandeur of this "pride of
Java."

I observed near the former site of _Majapáhit_ two images of _Ganésa_,
and some other mutilated deities of the Hindu mythology. Near the tank
was the figure represented in one of the plates[226], partly human and
partly of the form of a bird, and a distorted figure, which the Javans
called _Ménak Jing'ga_; but in general the vicinity of _Majapáhit_ is
remarkable for the absence of any representations of the Hindu deities.
The temples are beautifully decorated with representations of flowers,
and other peculiar ornaments, which it would be difficult to describe.

The only collection which appears to have been made by Europeans of
these interesting remains of antiquity, previously to the establishment
of the British government in 1811, was by Mr. Engelhard, formerly
governor of _Semárang_. In the garden of the residency of that station,
several very beautiful subjects in stone were arranged, brought in from
different parts of the country. Of them, and of several others, which
appear to have been brought into some of the native villages from the
vicinity of the different temples, drawings have been taken, and the
representations of _Ganésa_[227] and _Dúrga_ (called _Lora Jóngran_),
both from subjects as large as life, wrought in close-grained stone,
will serve to convey some notion of the beauty and delicacy with which
they are executed.

I shall conclude this very general and imperfect account of
sculpture on Java, by referring the reader to the plate, containing
representations of several subjects in stone[228], collected and
arranged in the Chinese temple of worship in the neighbourhood of
Batavia. The period at which they were collected is not known, and the
subjects in general are not so well executed as those found in the
eastern parts of the island; but it is remarkable, that the Chinese,
whose form of worship is at present so different from that of the
Hindus (however similar it may have been formerly) should in a foreign
land thus prize and appreciate the idols of the people whom they affect
to hold in contempt[229].

Another plate exhibits several subjects in stone, collected from the
vicinity of _Bóro Bódo_ in _Kedú_. The originals are as large as life,
and the sculpture and ornaments are executed with great skill. No. 2 is
an image with three heads (or _trimúrti_,) similar to one on _Gúnung
Dieng_. No. 3 is a mutilated image of _Bráhma_, having four faces; this
was found in a field within a few hundred yards of the great temple of
_Bóro Bódo_. The image No. 4 also occurs on _Gúnung Práhu_.

The casts in metal which have been discovered in the central districts
of Java are numerous. The subjects represented in the plates annexed
were selected from a collection of about a hundred brought by me to
this country. They had most of them been found at different times
near the ruins of the temples, and preserved in the families of the
petty chiefs. I am indebted to Mr. Lawrence, the Resident of _Kédú_,
for many of them, which were brought in to him by the natives, on its
being generally known that subjects of the kind were interesting to the
British authorities.

These casts are generally of copper, sometimes of brass, and rarely of
silver. The majority and best executed were found in the vicinity of
_Gúnung Dieng_; and it is asserted that formerly many gold casts of a
similar description were discovered, which have been melted down. The
village of _Káli Béber_, situated at the foot of the mountain, is said
from time immemorial to have paid its annual rent, amounting to upwards
of a thousand dollars, in gold, procured by melting down the relics
of antiquity discovered in the vicinity; but for some years past, no
more golden images being found, the rents are paid in the coin of the
country.

Among the casts which are now exhibited will be observed two images of
_Bráhma_; one with eight arms, standing upon a male and female figure;
the other with four, on a pedestal surmounted by the lotus, having a
fragment of the goose in front. The former, in particular, is most
beautifully executed.

The casts vary from three to six inches in height, and abound in a
variety of delicate ornaments, which it has not been attempted to
represent in the plates.

Several copper cups, varying from three to five inches in diameter,
and having the signs of the zodiac and other designs represented upon
them in relief, have likewise been discovered in different parts of the
island. A fac simile (reduced) of them is given in the annexed plate.

As the Javans of the present day attach no particular designation
to the different deities, except that of _Gána_ and other terms to
_Ganésa_, and that of _Lóro Jóngran_ to _Dúrga_, I have not thought it
necessary to attach to all the representations the names which some of
them may bear in the Hindu mythology of continental India. Many of them
do not occur in Moor's Pantheon: some are decidedly Braminical, others
Budh, and some it is difficult to class under either head.

A variety of bells, tripods, and ornaments of various descriptions,
occur in casts of metal, and form part of the collection brought to
England. These are of a small size, seldom exceeding a few inches in
length, although bells sometimes occur much larger; several of them are
represented in one of the plates.

The inscriptions engraved on stone, and in characters no longer
understood by the people of the country, are innumerable: similar
inscriptions engraved on copper have also been found in particular
districts. The whole may be classed under the following heads:

1. Inscriptions in the ancient _Davanágari_ character of continental
India.

2. Inscriptions in characters which appear to have some connection with
the modern Javan, and were probably the characters used by the people
of _Súnda_.

3. Inscriptions in various characters, not appearing to have any
immediate connection with either the _Davanágari_ or the Javan
characters, and which it has not been practicable to decypher.

4. Inscriptions in the _Káwi_ or ancient Javan character.

Of these the first seem to lay claim to the highest antiquity. The
principal inscription of this kind, and indeed the only one of any
length, is that found at _Brambánan_, and noticed by Colonel Mackenzie
in his interesting account of the ruins of _Brambánan_, as a real
Hindu _Sassanum_. The stone, which is now broken into six parts, was
originally six feet nine inches long and three feet six wide, in the
shape of a tomb-stone, and the whole of one face is covered with
characters, which appear to have been very well executed.

Fac-similes of this inscription having been brought to Europe, the
characters were immediately recognized by Mr. Wilkins as an ancient
form of the _Devanágari_, in use upon the continent of India, probably
about eight or nine centuries since. It is to be regretted, that from
the constant exposure of the stone, and the fractures which it has
received, the characters are in many parts effaced, so as to render it
almost impossible to connect the sentences. No date can be discovered,
nor any name which might afford a clue to the object or origin of the
inscription. From such detached parts as are legible, it appears to be
a record of some grant of honour or riches to the party whose praises
it records. A specimen of a sentence from this inscription, of the same
size as the original, with the corresponding characters in the modern
_Devanágari_[230], appears in the chapter on Language and Literature.

Similar characters, though apparently somewhat more modern, are found
on several images at _Sínga Sári_, transcripts of some of which will be
seen in the plates to this work.

Of the second class are the inscriptions on the _Bátu túlis_, or
engraved stone, standing near the ruins of the ancient capital of
_Pajajárán_, and those found at _Kwáli_, in the province of _Chéribon_,
to which place it is related that some of the princes of _Pajajárán_
fled on the overthrow of that capital by the Mahomedans. The characters
on these inscriptions appear very nearly to resemble each other.
The stone at _Pajajárán_, as far as I could decypher it, with the
assistance of the _Panambáhan_ of _Súmenap_, appears to be a record in
praise of a certain _Maharája_, whose name is not mentioned. One of
these at _Kwáli_, a fac-simile of which is exhibited in the plate, we
were enabled to translate as follows:

"The _Pandíta_ is able to check the evil course of men, by washing
away their evil inclinations, and he can shew them the right way, and
prevent covetousness and slander by his good advice. 1363."

At _Kwáli_ there are several other inscriptions in the same character,
but in common with the whole of this class very rudely executed.
Several of the characters and signs were found, on strict examination,
to be on the same principle as the Javan.

Of the third class the reader will find a fac-simile on a reduced
scale[231].

But the inscriptions of the last of these classes are the most
numerous, the best executed, in the highest state of preservation, and
as they admit of translation, are of perhaps higher interest than the
others. Of these some have been already noticed in Dr. Horsfield's
account of the remains of antiquity in the vicinity of _Kedíri_
(formerly called _Dahá_); many have been found in the vicinity of the
supposed site of the ancient capital of _Jang'gála_, in the division of
the modern _Surabáya_, and some at _Bátu_, near _Sínga Sári_. These are
invariably engraved on large flat stones, in the shape of tomb-stones,
resting upon a kind of throne of lotus leaves[232]. Fac-similes of the
whole of these have been brought to England, and several have been
translated into English.

In the collection of inscriptions at _Surabáya_, the following dates
appear:

  On a stone found near _Jang'gála_     863
  On another found near the same place  845
  On another from the _Kendang_ hills   865

Several prior dates, as 116, 363, 647, 773, are mentioned in the body
of these inscriptions, which seem to refer to historical events of
preceding centuries; but the dates above mentioned, with some others,
appear in the usual place to shew the actual date of the inscription
itself.

The date of a similar inscription found in _Kedú_ is 505, and of
another stone found in the central districts, 506; but it has not yet
been ascertained what particular events these inscriptions record. The
annexed translations from three of the stones collected at _Surabáya_,
were made by Captain Davey at my request, with the assistance of the
_Panambáhan_ of _Súmenap_[233].

Inscriptions in the same character have likewise been found on copper,
very beautifully executed, and in a high state of preservation. The
date on one of these has been ascertained to be 735, and on another,
865. I found several collected in the Museum of the Society of Arts and
Sciences at Batavia[234].

The _Panambáhan_ of _Sumenap_ was able to read the latter without
difficulty; but finding them to be filled with terms of praise and
devotion which he could not comprehend, it was not attempted to render
a literal translation. One of the plates (No. 3), to which at my
request he devoted particular attention, contains an invocation to
_Sang yang Bráma_, to favour and prosper the country of _Gegélang_
(_Sínga Sári_), and to give assistance, by means of _Jáya Kátsang_,
in repelling all evils and attacks, so that the country may become
celebrated and flourishing.

The country of _Gegélang_ (_Sínga Sári_) flourished in the time of
_Pánji_.

Another of these plates (No. 9) contains an invocation of a similar
nature, in favour of the country of _Dahá_ (_Kediri_), which flourished
at the same time.

In some of the eastern districts of the Native Provinces and at _Súku_,
near the mountain _Láwu_, inscriptions on stone occur in relief. Some
of them occupy stones several feet high, and are written in well
executed letters, above an inch square. The date of one of these is
1363. A fac-simile of another of the same kind reduced, is given in the
plate[235].

The following is a translation of this inscription, as far as it could
be rendered into modern Javan by the _Panambáhan_ of _Súmenap_.

"This is an advice to mankind, whose ignorance arises out of a covetous
desire to obtain more than they possess. If mankind were not by their
disposition inclined to be covetous of what others possess, and to
scandalize each other, where would be the use of advice; when they are
receiving advice, they have a confidence in doing what is right, but
afterwards they follow their natural inclinations. Therefore, oh ye
men of the city, be advised by this, not to follow such dispositions,
but to do what is required of you by the times and the customs of the
country, and be not singular."

In the present burial place at _Grésik_ are the tombs of several of
the early Mahomedan missionaries, most of them of stone, bearing
inscriptions with dates. That of _Sheik Mulána Ibrahim_ is in marble,
and in good preservation, having the date 1334 (409 years since).
Here is also the tomb of _Mulána Mach'ríbi_, who was antecedent to
_Ibrahim_. This has, however, fallen to decay, and has no legible
inscription.

The entrance to the cemetery is through several squares enclosed by
walls and gateways, some of them very ancient, and in the same style of
architecture as distinguishes those of _Majapáhit_. On the side of the
gateway leading to the division in which are the most ancient tombs,
is a small stone pillar, with the date 1340 upon it in relief. Passing
on to the division in which the family of the regents is interred, are
also to be noticed many relics in stone, brought from some of the Hindu
ruins. Among these is a gigantic toad or frog, and an oblong vessel of
three feet long, having in relief the date 1246. On the side of the
tomb of the great grandfather of the present regent, is a _Yóni_, said
to have been brought from _Majapáhit_, and in this Mahomedan sanctuary
serving as a kneeling or resting place to the tomb. Similar relics are
to be found in other burial places in the eastern part of the island,
most of the chiefs priding themselves upon having some remnant of
_Majapáhit_. At the residence of the regent of _Surabáya_ are also
collected several curious remains; and in particular a large bath,
excavated from a solid stone about six feet long.

In the central and eastern districts of Java, in the vicinity of the
dilapidated temples, are found numerous ancient coins in brass and
copper, exhibiting various subjects in relief, and invariably with
a hole in the middle for the convenience of stringing them. Those
which are represented in the plate[236] are taken indiscriminately
from a collection of upwards of a hundred brought to England, the
dates annexed to each being determined by the _Chándra Sangkála_, as
explained for each particular coin by the _Kiái Adipáti_ of _Demák_.
Thus the last, which has the date 1568, is explained as follows:

  _Naga_  _hoba_  _wisaya_  _jalma_
  Snakes   move     work      men
    8       6        5         1

That is to say, "snakes are moving while men are working:" alluding to
the two snakes which appear entwining together between and above the
two men who are mastering an animal. The coin with the date 1489, bears
a Javan inscription of _Pangéran Rátu_, the title by which a prince of
Bantam, who reigned in that year, is recognized by the Javans.

The mode of determining these dates by the _Chándra Sangkála_, appears
however so uncertain and ill understood, that perhaps but little
reliance is to be placed on it. I have, nevertheless, given them, in
order to show the notion of the Javans on the subject, and as it is not
improbable they may be found useful in illustrating the early history
of the country. Many of the coins not European or Indian, found in the
Archipelago, as well as in China and Japan, have a hole in the centre.
These coins seem to have been of home manufacture: the execution is
rude; but the figures, such as they are, in general well defined and
clearly expressed. In the vicinity of the principal temples have been
found small silver coins, about the size of a Madras pagoda, bearing
the impression of a small cross, and of some rude and unintelligible
characters.

But perhaps the most striking and interesting vestige of antiquity
which is to be found in the Eastern Seas, is the actual state of
society in the island of _Báli_, whither the persecuted Hindus took
refuge on the destruction of _Majapáhit_, and where the Hindu religion
is still the established worship of the country. This interesting
island has hitherto been but little explored by Europeans, and what
we know of it is only sufficient to make us anxious to know more. I
visited the island in 1815, and such particulars concerning it as the
limits of the present work admit of will be found in Appendix K.

In the course of the present work it has been my object to convey
to the public, in as compressed a form as my time permitted, and
without bias from previously conceived opinions or new theories, the
information which I possessed. The antiquities of Java, however, afford
such an ample and interesting subject for speculation, that I shall
presume on the reader's desire for some opinion concerning their origin
and purpose.

With respect to the remains of architectural grandeur and sculptural
beauty which have been noticed, I shall simply observe, that it seems
to be the general opinion of those most versed in Indian antiquities,
that the large temple of _Bóro Bódo_ (a corruption perhaps of the
_Bára Búdha_, or the Great Budh,) and several others, were sacred
to the worship of _Budh_. The style and ornament of this temple are
found much to resemble those of the great _Budh_ temple at _Gai-ya_,
on the continent of India, and it is probable that it may have been
constructed by the same people, perhaps even by the same artists. The
_Devanágari_ characters on the inscription found at _Brambánan_ are
recognized by Mr. Wilkins to be such as were in use on continental
India eight or nine hundred years ago. The date of several inscriptions
in the ancient Javan characters, found in the central part of Java,
is in the sixth century, supposed to be of the present Javan era, and
the traditions of the Javans concerning the arrival of enlightened
strangers, and an intimate connexion between Java and continental
India, for the most part refer this intercourse to the sixth and three
following centuries, that is to say, to the period of the empires of
_Medang Kamúlan_ and _Jáng'gala_.

Mahomedanism having become the established religion in the year 1400
(A.D. 1475,) all the great works of a Pagan character must, of course,
be referred to an earlier period.

The ruins at _Majapáhit_ and its vicinity are distinguished by being
principally, if not entirely, of burnt bricks, a circumstance which
justifies us in assigning an anterior date to most of the edifices
constructed of a different material. The date found on the ruins
at _Súku_, and some few other places, may be an exception to this
rule; but the sculpture of these is coarse and rude compared to the
magnificent remains in stone found elsewhere. On this account it is
reasonable to conclude, that the arts at that period had considerably
declined. The edifices and sculptures at _Sínga Sári_ were probably
executed in the eighth or ninth century, that being the period of the
greatest splendour of this state; and as the style and decorations
of the buildings, as well as the execution of the sculpture, appear
very nearly to resemble those of _Brambánan_, _Bóro Bódo_, &c. it is
probable that the whole were constructed about the same period, or
within the same century, or at any rate between the sixth and ninth
century of the Christian era.

From the extensive variety of temples and sculpture, as well as from
that of the characters found in the ancient inscriptions, it is
probable that Java has been colonized from different parts of the
continent of Asia.

The Budhist religion is by many deemed of higher antiquity than what
is now called the Braminical; and it seems generally admitted, that
the followers of _Budh_ were driven by the Bramins to the extremes of
Asia and the islands adjacent. The Jains and Budhists had probably the
same worship originally, from which the Bramins or priests may have
separated, after the manner in which it has been said the Jesuits of
Europe once aimed at universal empire; and when we consider that the
religion of _Budh_, or some modification of it, is still the prevailing
worship of Ceylon, Ava, Siam, China, and Japan, we are not surprized to
find indications of its former establishment on Java.

To trace the coincidences of the arts, sciences, and letters of ancient
Java, and those of Egypt, Greece, and Persia, would require more time
and more learning than I can command. Such investigations I must
leave to the reader, deeming myself fortunate, if in recording their
vestiges in the traces of a high state of civilization, to be found
in the ruins, languages, poetry, history, and institutions of Java, I
have succeeded in obtaining any share of his interest and respect for
a people whom I shall myself ever consider with peculiar esteem and
affection.

In the archives of the princes of Java are deposited histories of their
country, extending from a remote antiquity to the latest date. It
is principally from abstracts of these, made at my request, in three
different parts of the country, by the _Panambáhan_ of _Súmenap_, the
late _Kiái Adipáti_ of _Demak_, and the secretary of the _Pangéran
Adipáti_ of _Súra-kérta_, all distinguished among their countrymen
for literary attainments, that the two following chapters have been
compiled. The abstract presented by the _Kiái Adipáti_ of _Demák_ being
the most continuous, forms the main stream of the narrative.

Copies, versions, and detached fragments of history, are found in the
possession of every family of distinction. Of these I have occasionally
availed myself.

So much of the native accounts as relates to the period anterior to the
establishment of the empire of _Jang'gala_, in the ninth century, is
confused, obscure, contradictory, and interpolated with the fabulous
and heroical histories of continental India; but from that epoch they
correspond essentially, and from the subversion of Paganism (A.D. 1475)
they are circumstantial, and claim attention, not only as illustrative
of the character of the people, but as historical records of the
transactions of the times. Much abridgment has been requisite: the
passages between inverted commas are however literal translations from
the native writings; and those so distinguished, subsequent to the
arrival of the Dutch, are from the original histories. In the course
of the narrative, a Dutch abstract of the native history, by Mr.
Middlecoop, has occasionally been consulted.

Besides these historical relations, called _Bábat_, as _Bábat
Jang'gála_, _Bábat Matárem_, &c. the native princes and chiefs have
been in the habit of keeping a register of the principal events, in the
form of a chronological table. These are not very consistent in what
regards events anterior to the Mahomedan conversion. From these tables
is formed that which is annexed to the following history. All that is
subsequent to the establishment of _Matárem_ is translated from the
records of the court of _Suru-kérta_.

FOOTNOTES:

[203] See Chapters on History.

[204] "The religion of the Javans is in general Mahomedan, but mingled
with many superstitious doctrines derived from the ancient Pagan
worship. The Javans, however, are far from bigots to their religion, as
other Mahomedans generally are. They are mild and tractable by nature,
and although they do not easily forget or forgive an injury, they would
be a quiet well disposed people under good laws and a mild government.
The murders, and other crimes, which are now committed in some places,
are to be attributed more to the present faulty administration than to
any bad dispositions in the people. The same may be remarked of the
indolence and indifference which now characterize them. Property in the
land, with personal and commercial freedom and security, would soon
render them industrious."--_Hogendorp's Memoir on Java_, 1800.

[205] The Javans observe of the Mahomedans of continental India, that
they would rather drink wine than eat pork; while the Javans, on the
contrary, would rather eat pork than drink wine.

[206] In the account which has been given of the literature of the
Javans, the most esteemed compositions connected with their ancient
faith have been referred to; but as most of these, such as the _Ráma_,
_Bráta Yúdha_, _Níti Sástra_, and others, are in many respects similar
to corresponding works on the continent of India, it may not be
uninteresting, while treating of the religion of the country, to give
some account of the _Mánek Máya_, a composition in prose, which in its
origin and story appears to be perfectly local, and which contains
many of the peculiar notions still entertained by the people of the
beginning of the world, &c. It is a work in high estimation among the
modern Javans, and continually referred to. The copy in the Javan
language from which the annexed translation was extracted, was procured
as an especial favour from the present _Susúnan_. It has obviously been
compiled since the establishment of Mahomedanism, but neither the time
at which it was written, nor its author, is known.

[207] Now Surveyor-General of India.

[208] _Bándar_ is the term given to the Chinese farmer of the toll
ports or transit duties; whence _bandáran_, the place or residence of
the _bándar_.

[209] _Récha_ is the term given by the Javans to all the remains of
antiquity generally, but particularly to the images of their former
worship.

[210] So termed by the people of the neighbouring villages. _Bóro_ is
the name of the district, _bódo_ means ancient.

[211] These figures measure above three feet in height in a sitting
posture, and with the images found in the towers exactly resemble those
in the small temples at _Chándi Séwu_.

[212] Drawings of the present and former state of this edifice, and
illustrative of the sculptural ornaments by which it is distinguished,
have been made, and have been long in the hands of the engraver.

[213] Here, according to the tradition of the Javans, are to be found
the ruins of _Arjúna_, _Gatut Kácha_, _Bíma_, _Derma Kasúma_, _Sa
Déwa_, and other characters who figured in the _Bráta Yúdha_, or war of
the _Pándus_.

[214] See No. 7 of the Plate, from the ruins of Subru.

[215] See No. 2, same Plate.

[216] See No. 1, same Plate.

[217] See No. 3, same Plate.

[218] An establishment consisting of a certain number of men and horses
always kept in readiness for the public service.

[219] See No. 4, same Plate

[220] See No. 6, same Plate.

[221] See No. 8, same Plate.

[222] See No. 10, same Plate: others of the same kind were subsequently
discovered at _Kedíri_ and farther east.

[223] For the signs of the Zodiac and extracts from this manuscript,
see Astronomy, vol. i.

[224] See Plate.

[225] See chapter on History.

[226] See Plate from subjects in stone, No. 5.

[227] See Plate.

[228] See Plate from a subject in stone, brought from Brambanay.

[229] See Plate.

[230] See Plate.

[231] See Plate of an inscription in the district of Balongan.

[232] See Plate.

[233] See Appendix I.

[234] See a fac simile of one of them in the Plate.

[235] See Plate of an ancient inscription at Suku.

[236] See Plate, Ancient Coins, with their supposed dates.

CHAPTER X.

  _The History of Java from the earliest Traditions till the
    Establishment of Mahomedanism._

Amongst the various traditions regarding the manner in which Java
and the Eastern Islands were originally peopled, and the source
whence its population proceeded, it has been related, that the first
inhabitants came in vessels from the Red Sea (_Láut Míra_), and that,
in their passage, they coasted along the shores of Hindustan; that
peninsula then forming an unbroken continent with the land in the
Indian Archipelago, from which it is now so widely separated, and
which, according to the tradition, has since been divided into so many
distinct islands, by some convulsions of nature or revolution of the
elements[237].

These people are supposed to have been banished from Egypt, and
to have consisted of individuals professing different religious
persuasions, who carried along with them to the land of their exile,
their different modes of worship and articles of belief. Some are
said to have adored the sun, others the moon; some the elements of
fire or water, and others the trees of the forest. Like all other
uncivilized men, they were addicted to the arts of divination, and
particularly to the practice of astrology. In other respects, they are
described as savages, living in hordes, without fixed habitations,
without the protection of regular government, or the restraint of
established law. Respect for age was the only substitute for civil
obedience. The oldest man of the horde was considered its chief, and
regulated its simple movements, or prescribed its political duties.
When the crop was gathered and the accustomed devotions performed,
it was he who appointed the mode and time of its departure from one
place to another. On these occasions, the horde, after offering their
sacrifices and feasting in an open plain, left the remains of their
repast to attract the bird called _úlunggága_[238]; and the young
men shook the _ángklung_[239], and set up a shout in imitation of
its cry. If the bird did not eat of the meal offered to it, or if it
afterwards remained hovering in the air, perched quietly on a tree, or
in its flight took a course opposite to that which the horde wished to
pursue, their departure was deferred, and their prayers and sacrifices
renewed[240]. But when the bird, having eaten of its meal, flew in the
direction of their intended journey, the ceremony was concluded by
slaying and burning a lamb, a kid, or the young of some other animal,
as an offering of gratitude to the deity; and for the favourable
omen a second feast was enjoyed, which ended with the most violent
demonstrations of joy, the whole party dancing and springing to the
music of the _ángklung_. Every thing being arranged for the journey,
the eldest of the horde, with his wife and children, were either placed
upon an elephant, or carried in a litter shaded by mats; the rest moved
on foot, preceded by young men and boys, shaking the _ángklung_ and
shouting aloud, for the double purpose of doing homage to the chief and
of frightening away the wild beasts, which at that time abounded in the
island[241].

But it is only from the supposed arrival of _Adi_ or _Aji Sáka_, that
the Javans, even in their traditions, enter with any confidence into
details. This event is generally referred to the first year of the
Javan era, which corresponds with the seventy-fifth of the Christian
era, and in some accounts is thus related.

"_Prábu Jáya Báya_ was a great and powerful prince of _Astína_, and the
fifth in descent from _Arjúna_, the son of _Pándu Déwa Náta_; after
whom had reigned successively, _Bimányu_, _Parakísit_, _Udayána_, and
_Gandra Yána_. His _Peng'gáwa_, or chief minister, being a man of
great enterprize and ability, was sent to visit and civilize foreign
countries. In the course of his travels, he landed on Java, then the
abode of a race of _Rasáksa_, and known by the name of _Núsa Kéndang_.
This happened in the first year of the Javan era, and is distinguished
in the _Chándra Sangkála_ by the words, _nir_, _ábu_, _tánpo_, _jálar_,
meaning literally, 'nothing dust, not any thing (but) man,' and
metaphorically the figures 0001.

"He here discovered the grain called _jáwa-wut_, at that time the
principal subsistence of the inhabitants; and, in consequence of this
discovery, he changed the name of the country from _Núsa Kéndang_ to
_Núsa Jáwa_. In his progress through the island he met with the dead
bodies of two _Rasáksa_, each holding a leaf with an inscription on it,
one in _púrwa_, (ancient), the other in Siamese characters: these he
united, and thus formed the Javan alphabet of twenty letters.

"He had several combats with the _Rasáksa_, particularly with one
_Dewáta Chéngkar_; and after fixing the date of his different
discoveries, and leaving mementos of his visit wherever he went, he
finally returned to _Astína_, and delivered to his sovereign a written
account of all he had seen and done."

The accounts of the real character of _Aji Sáka_ are various. Some
represent him as a great and powerful prince, who established an
extensive colony on Java, which a pestilence afterwards obliged him
to withdraw; whilst others consider him as a saint and deity, and
believe that on his voyage to Java he sailed over mountains, islands,
and continents. Most, however, agree in attributing to him the first
introduction of letters, government, and religion; the only trace
of anterior civilization being a tradition, that before his time
there existed a judicial code, under the title of sun and moon, the
punishments of which appear not to have been severe: a thief was bound
to make restitution of the property stolen, and to pay in addition a
fine in cattle or produce; and if the theft was considerable, he became
the slave of the injured party or his relations, without, however,
being transferable to another master: murder was not punished by death,
but by a heavy fine, and perpetual servitude in the family of the
deceased. This code _Aji Sáka_ is represented to have reformed; and
an abstract collection of ordinances, said to have been made from his
instructions, is believed to have been in use as late as the time of
_Janggála_ (A.D. 900), and even of _Majapáhit_ (A.D. 1300).

In the Sanscrit language _Sáka_ means an era, and is applied to the
founder of an era; and in the chronology of the Hindu princes of India,
_Sáka_ is a name or title, which has so often been assumed, that it
is sufficient to say to whom it is most appropriately due. According
to Sir William Jones, _Sáka_ is a name of _Budha_. In the chronology
of the kings of _Magádha_[242], by Major Wilford, the Hindus are
stated to have divided the _Kaliyúga_ into six unequal portions, or
subordinate periods, called _Sákas_, because they derived their origin
from six _Sákas_, or mighty and glorious monarchs, of whom three
have already made their appearance and three are still expected. The
third _Sáka_ was _Salavahana_, who is believed to have lived at the
same time with our Saviour, and is represented to have corresponded
with him in some of the principal features of his life. The era which
bears his name commenced from his death (namely, seventy-eight years
after the Christian era), and is doubtless that adopted by the Javans,
which corresponds with it within about three years: and the slight
difference between them may be accounted for, by the introduction of
the Mahomedan mode of reckoning during the last three centuries.

The same writer informs us, that the first _Bála Rája_, a title
peculiarly given to the ancient sovereigns of _Guj'rat_, and who is
supposed to have lived in the seventh century of the Christian era, was
called _Di Sáka_, or _Déva Sáka_; which being also one of the titles of
_Salivahana_, might induce an opinion that they were the same person,
if, as Major Wilford acknowledges, the confusion and uncertainty of the
Hindu records did not almost deter us from forming any fixed opinion
whatever. According to the Japanese historians, _Sáka_ lived a thousand
years before our Saviour; and the worship of that country is still
denominated by them the religion of _Sáka_ or _Siáka_[243].

According, however, to a prophetic chronology of the Javans, which is
now in the possession of the _Susuhúnan_, and is ascribed to the pen of
the _Aji Jáya Báya_, but is doubtless of a more modern composition, the
supposed arrival of _Aji Sáka_ did not take place till after the year
1000. In this chronology, the author himself is described as sovereign
of _Kedíri_ in the year 800 of the Javan era.

"What was first known of Java," says this account, "was a range of
hills, called _Gúnung Kéndang_, which extends along the north and south
coasts; it was then that the island first came into notice, and at that
period commenced the Javan era.

"After this the Prince of _Rom_ sent twenty thousand families to people
Java; but all of them perished, except twenty families, who returned to
_Rom_.

"In this year, twenty thousand families were sent to Java by the
Prince of _Klíng_ (India). These people prospered and multiplied. They
continued, however, in an uncivilized state till the year 289, when the
Almighty blessed them with a prince, named _Káno_, who reigned for one
hundred years, at the end of which period he was succeeded by _Básu
Kéti_. The name of the sovereignty was called _Wiráta_. _Básu Kéti_
dying, he was succeeded by his son, _Mángsa Páti_. The father and son
together reigned three hundred years.

"Another principality, named _Astína_, sprung up at this time, and was
ruled by a prince, called _Púla Sára_ who was succeeded by his son
_Abiása_, who was again succeeded by his son _Pándu Déwa Náta_; the
reigns of the last three princes together amounting to one hundred
years.

"Then succeeded _Jáya Báya_ himself, who removed the seat of government
from _Astína_ to _Kedíri_.

"The kingdom of _Kedíri_ being dismembered on the death of its
sovereign, there arose out of its ruins two other kingdoms, the one
called _Brambánan_, of which the prince was called _Báka_; the other
_Péng'ging_, of which the prince's name was _Angling Dría_.

"These two princes having gone to war with each other, _Báka_ was
killed in battle by _Dámar Máya_, the son-in-law of _Angling Dría_. On
the death of _Báka_, the kingdom of _Brambánan_ was without a prince,
and continued so, till _Angling Dría_ dying a natural death, _Dámar
Máya_ succeeded him and ruled the country.

"_Dámar Máya_ dying, and the sovereignty becoming extinct, there
arrived from a foreign country a person named _Aji Sáka_, who
established himself as Prince of _Méndang Kamúlan_, in the room of
_Dewáta Chéngkar_, whom he conquered.

"In the year 1018 the _Chándi Séwu_ (thousand temples) at _Brambánan_
were completed.

"The empire of _Méndang Kámulan_ and its race of princes becoming
extinct, the kingdoms which rose up and succeeded to it were;

  1.  _Jang'gála_,    of which the prince was  _Ami Luhúr_.
  2.  _Kedíri_,                                _Lémbu Ami Jáya_.
  3.  _Ng'aráwan_,                             _Lémbu Ami Sésa_.
  4.  _Sing'a Sári_,                           _Lémbu Ami Lúeh_.

"These kingdoms were afterwards united under _Pánji Súria Ami Sésa_,
the son of _Ami Luhúr_.

"_Pánji Súria_ dying, he was succeeded by his son, _Pánji Laléan_, who
removed the seat of government from _Jang'gála_ to _Pajajáran_. This
took place in 1200[244]."

In some accounts it is stated, that the religion and arts of India were
first introduced into Java by a Bramin named _Tritrésta_, who with
numerous followers landed on Java about this period, and established
the era, in consequence of which he is considered the same with _Aji
Sáka_. The descendants of _Tritrésta_ are accordingly said to have
succeeded to the government of the country; and a list of eighteen
princes is adduced, to bring down the history to the ninth century, in
which the empire of _Jang'gála_ was established. From these accounts,
with some minute details regarding the different adventurers, who are
supposed to have arrived during the three first centuries, it has
been inferred, that these were probably followers of the religion of
_Búdha_, and that those who crowded to Java, about the close of the
fifth century, are to be considered as the first settlers professing
the Braminical faith; but whatever authority this inference may derive
from the knowledge we possess of the religious revolutions which
have taken place elsewhere, and however probable it may be, that the
followers of _Búdha_ were at an early period established on Java, we
apprehend that the conclusion will derive but little support from
a chronology which, on the slightest investigation, will be found
borrowed from continental India. Even the names of the principal
characters, who are thus represented as having ruled Java for a period
of so many centuries, will be readily traced in the accredited lists of
Indian sovereigns[245]; and when it is considered, that the princes of
Java pretend to derive their descent from _Parakísit_, the descendant
of _Arjúna_, that the scene of the celebrated war of the _Pandáwa_,
which forms the subject of the most popular poem in the country, as
well as that of the great Indian poem, called the _Mahabárat_, is
believed to have been laid on Java, and that not only the countries
mentioned in that war, but the dwelling places and temples of the
different heroes who distinguished themselves in it, are at the present
day pointed out on Java, it is easy to account for the indistinctness
and inaccuracy of the line drawn between the princes of India and those
who may have actually ruled on Java.

Without entering into the mythology of the ancient Javans, which
has been more particularly treated of in another place, it may be
sufficient to observe generally, that in some of the copies of the
_Níti Sástra Káwí_, a work of the highest antiquity and celebrity, the
following is the duration prescribed for the several ages of the world.

"The _kérta yóga_ was of one hundred thousand years duration; the
_tréta yóga_ was of ten thousand years; the _duapára_ was of one
thousand years; the _sandiníka_ (which began A.D. 78) is now in its
course."

The _kérta yóga_ is considered to have terminated with the expulsion of
_Víshnu_ from _Suraláya_. The _tréta yóga_ commences with his becoming
incarnate in the person of _Arjúna Wijáya_, sovereign of _Mauspáti_,
and ends with the death of _Ráma_, an event supposed to have taken
place about the time of _Sákri_, in the following line of princes.

  _Mánu Manása,_
  _Tritrésta,_
  _Parikéna,_
  _Sutápa,_
  _Sapútram,_
  _Sákri,_
  _Pulasára,_
  _Abiása,_
  _Pándu Déwa Náta._

Many of these princes, with their descendants, are in the traditionary
accounts of the country, believed to have established themselves on
Java; and while we find _Tritrésta_ founding a colony in the first year
of the Javan era, or about seventeen hundred and forty years ago, it
is the less surprising that the war of the _Pándus_ should have been
transferred from the _duapára yóga_ to the present age, and believed to
have taken place in Java about twelve hundred years ago.

In the Javan, or modern version of the _Níti Sástra_, the following
periods are assigned to the principal events of fabulous history. "In
the beginning every thing was at rest and quiet. During the first
years, kings began to start up, and wars arose about a woman named
_Déwi Darúki_; at this period writing was introduced. One thousand
five hundred years after this, another war began, about a woman named
_Déwi Sínta_. Two thousand years after this, a third war broke out
about a woman named _Déwi Drupádi_; and two thousand five hundred years
afterwards another war took place, about the daughter of a spiritual
man, not named in history."

The following account of princes, commencing with _Tritrésta_, who is
believed to have established his government at _Gíling Wési_, at the
foot of the mountain _Se Míru_, with the dynasties which they severally
established, and the dates at which they respectively succeeded to the
government, while it shews the manner in which these islanders have
interwoven their fabulous history with that of the continent, will
prove how little credit is due to those accounts, which furnish local
details during a period so remote and obscure.

This account is extracted from a collection of the legends of the
country, compiled by _Náta Kasúma_, the present _Panambáhan_ of
_Súmenap_; a man who is not only distinguished among the Javans for
his eminent erudition and information, but who, from the superior
endowments of his mind, would command a high degree of respect among
the more civilized people of Europe.

"Before there were any inhabitants on Java, _Wísnu_ (Vishnu) presided
therein; but having offended _Sang yáng Gúru_, _Tritrésta_, the son of
_Jála Prási_, and grandson of _Bráma_, was sent to Java as sovereign of
the country. This prince was married, at ten years of age, to _Bramáni
Káli_, of _Kámbója_, and with eight hundred families from the country
of _Kling_, established the seat of his government at the foot or
_Gúnung Semíru_, the capital of which he called _Gíling Wési_. He had
two sons, _Mánu Manása_, and _Mánu Madéwa_, and his people increased to
20,000.

"In the country of _Kling_ there was a man named _Watu Gúnung_, son
of _Gána_, of _Désa Sangála_, who heard of the fame of _Sínta_ and
_Lándap_, two beautiful women residing at _Gíling Wési_. _Wátu Gúnung_
went in search of them, and finding them under the protection of
_Tritrésta_, attacked and defeated him. _Tritrésta_ was slain, and
_Wátu Gúnung_ reigned as sovereign of _Gíling Wési_ for one hundred and
forty years. Under his government the country became very flourishing.
He adopted forty sons and as many daughters of the princes of the
country, and gave them the names of the deities of _Súrga_ (Swerga),
for which, and for other acts, he was in the end punished with death by
_Wísnu_, in the year 240[246].

"After this _Batára Gúru_ sent _Gutáka_ from the mountain _Sawéla
Chála_ in _Kling_, to be sovereign of _Gíling Wési_, where, after a
reign of fifty years, he died, and was succeeded by his son, _Ráden
Sawéla_, in the year 290. This last prince reigned twenty years, and
was succeeded by _Gutáma_, who removed from _Gíling Wési_ while yet
unmarried, and went to a country (_Astína_), which was possessed by an
elephant that desired the princess _Endrádi_ in marriage. He fought and
killed the elephant, and married the princess, and afterwards proceeded
to _Lagrestína_.

"There was a _Pandíta_ of _Gúnung Jáli_, in the country of _Kling_, who
had a son called _Ráden Dása Wirià_, who, when twelve years of age,
having obtained leave of his father to go to Java, took up his abode at
the foot of the mountain _Láwu_. His son, _Dása Báhu_, when ten years
of age, determined to make himself independent, and travelled with one
hundred followers, until they smelt the dead elephant which had been
killed by _Gutáma_. There he established himself, calling his capital
_Gája-huia_, or _Astíná Púra_. This was in the year 310.

"_Dása Báhu_ was succeeded by his son _Suantána_, who had wars with the
giant _Púru Sáda_. This prince had a son, named _Déwa Bráta_, whose
mother died immediately after the birth of the child; and the prince
finding no one from whom the child would take milk, was obliged to
carry it about in search of some one to whom it might take a liking.

"Of the descendants of _Tritrésta_ were first, _Mánu Manása_; second,
_Sutápa_; third, _Sapútram_; fourth, _Sákri_. The last begot _Púla
Sara_, who had a son named _Abiása_. It happened that _Abiása_, when
an infant, was borne in the arms of his mother _Ambu Sári_, at the
time when _Suantána_ was in search of a wet nurse for his son. Upon
seeing her the infant _Déwa_ immediately cried out and wanted milk from
her, which, however, she would not consent to give, until after much
altercation _Suantána_ agreed to give his country in exchange; so that
_Ambu Sári_ received the country of _Astína_ for her son _Abiása_, who,
when arrived at a proper age, succeeded as sovereign in the year 415.
_Déwa Bráta_ was made Prince of _Kumbína_.

"_Abiása_ was married to a woman advanced in years, by whom he had
three sons: _Drésta Ráta_, who was blind; _Pándu Déwa Náta_, who was
very handsome; and _Ráma Widára_, who was lame. After twelve years he
retired, and transferred the government to his second son.

"_Pándu Déwa Náta_, at the age of fourteen, then succeeded as sovereign
of _Astína_, and married _Déwi Kúnti_, daughter of _Básu Keti_, Prince
of _Madúra_, by whom he had three sons, _Kúnta Déwa_, _Séna_, and
_Jináka_. _Déwa Náta_ also married _Madrín_, daughter of the Prince
of _Mandarága_, and died, leaving her pregnant. She was delivered of
two sons, and died also; but _Déwi Kúnti_ gave the children milk,
and called the one _Sadéwa_ and the other _Nakúla_. At that time the
children of _Pándu Déwa Náta_ were very young; _Drésta Ráta_ was
therefore nominated protector during their minority; but instead of
resigning the kingdom to them, he gave it to his own son, _Suyudána_;
who, becoming sovereign of _Astína_, the five children were sent by
_Abiása_, with a thousand families, to establish a new country, to
which they gave the name of _Amérta_.

"_Suyudána_ married the daughter of the Prince of _Mandarága_, by
whom he had a son, and the country became great, flourishing, and
happy. There was none more powerful; and the dependant chiefs were
the Princes _Kérna_ of _Awáng'ga_, _Bísma_ or _Déwa Kráta_, of
_Kúmbina_, _Jáya Páta_ of _Dála Sejána_, _Jákar Sána_ of _Madúra_,
and _Sália_, of _Mandarága_. But _Púnta Déwa_ and his brothers in the
country of _Amerta_ were not satisfied: they wished for their father's
inheritance, and sent their cousin, _Krésna_ of _Diarawáti_, to confer
with _Suyudána_, and to demand their rightful possessions. For the
sake of peace with their cousin, they offered to accept of half:
but _Suyudána_ rejected their demand and replied, 'that without the
decision of the sword they should have none.' Then began the war called
_Bráta Yúdha_, because it was a contest for their just rights. The war
lasted long, and during its continuance the sons and followers of both
parties were nearly all killed: at last _Suyudána_ himself fell, after
a reign of fifty years[247].

"_Púnta Déwa_ then became sovereign of _Astína_ in the year 491; but
after two years he transferred the government to _Parikísit_, son of
_Abimányu_, and grandson of his brother _Jenáka_. After defending the
country successfully against the giant _Usi Aji_, of _Surabáya_, whom
he slew, he was succeeded by his son _Udayána_, who died after a reign
of twenty-three years. His son _Jáya Dérma_ succeeded. This prince
had two sons, named _Jáya Misána_ and _Ang'ling Dérma_. The former
succeeded his father after a reign of twenty-seven years, and died at
the expiration of five years. During the reign of _Jáya Misána_ there
was a dreadful pestilence and a violent earthquake, which destroyed the
country, and his son removed to _Miláwa_, where he became a _tápa_.

"To this country _Ang'ling Dérmá_ had already removed with three
thousand families, during the lifetime of his brother, and was
acknowledged as sovereign of _Miláwa Páti_, where he reigned in
prosperity for ten years. At the expiration of this period, it is
related that his princess burnt herself, in consequence of being
refused the knowledge of a certain prayer, by which she might
understand the language of all animals. The prince afterwards became
insane, wandered about, and was transformed into a white bird.

"The son of _Jáya Misána_, _Jáya Purúsa_, begat _Púspa Jáya_, who begat
_Púspa Wijáya_, who begat _Kasúma Wíchítra_, who again begat _Ráden Aji
Nirmála_, who reigned for twenty years at _Miláwa Pati_, but in whose
days the country was greatly afflicted with pestilence. In consequence
of this, his son, _Bisúra Champáka_, departed with his followers, and
proceeded to _Méndang Kamúlan_, where he abode as a _Pandíta_. He had,
however, a son, named _Ang'ling Dérma_, from whom descended _Aji Jáya
Báya_, who became sovereign of the country, and gave it the name of
_Púrwa Chiríta_; under his government the country greatly increased,
he acquired large possessions, and all under his administration was
flourishing and happy. It is related of him, that he dictated the poem
of the _Bráta Yúdha_, by order of _Déwa Batára Gúru_, in the year 701.
He was succeeded by his son, _Salápar Wáta_, in 756, whose son, named
_Kandiáwan_, afterwards came to the government, under the title of
_Jáyu Langkára_. This last named prince had a sister, called _Chándra
Suára_, four sons, _Subráta_, _Pára Yáta_, _Játa Wída_, and _Su
Wída_, and a daughter, named _Pambáyun_. His _Páteh_ was named _Jáya
Singára_, and among his dependents were _Gaja Iráwan_ of _Ludáya_,
_Lémbu Súren Gúna_ of _Jang'gála_, _Wíra Tíkta_ of _Kedíri_, and the
_Arias_ of _Síng'a Sári_ and _Ng'ráwan_.

"In course of time this prince became very wicked, and married his
sister, _Chándra Suára_. When his _Páteh_, chiefs, and followers,
heard of it, they rose in arms, but feared to attack the prince, as
it had been predicted that he could only be killed at the full of the
moon. The prince, in the mean time, being informed of the conspiracy,
immediately attacked the party, and killing the _Páteh_, committed
great slaughter among his followers.

"When the battle was over, he assembled his sons, and after telling
them they were not ignorant of his deeds, and that it was his intention
to burn himself at the full of the moon, he desired that they would
thereupon remove from the place, and leave the country of _Méndang
Kamúlan_ to become a wilderness. He then divided his possessions
into four parts: to the eldest son, _Subráta_, he gave the country
of _Jang'gála_; to his second son, _Pára Yára_, he gave _Kedíri_; to
his third, _Játa Wída_ he gave _Síng'a Sári_; and to his fourth son,
_Su Wída_, he gave _Ng'aráwan_: and these princes severally became
independent chiefs of those kingdoms.

"When the full of the moon arrived, _Sri Jáya Langkára_, with his
wife and sister, _Chándra Suára_, went to the _Sáng'gar_ of _Déwa
Pabayústan_, where they burnt themselves. The families of the _Páteh_
and the chiefs slain in the late battle also accompanied him, and
committed themselves to the flames. _Pembáyun_, his daughter, was
not however permitted to sacrifice herself, in consequence of which
she bore great ill will to her father; and it is related that she
is the same person who afterwards went to _Jáng'gála_, and abode at
_Wána Kapucháng'an_, where she assumed the name of _Kíli Súchi_, and
went about from place to place, being much beloved; for she was very
learned, and made inscriptions upon stones, one of which is called
_Kála Kérma_[248]."

But other accounts, which attempt to draw a line between the Indian
and Javan princes, date the commencement of the latter, five centuries
subsequently to the first landing of the _Aji Sáka_, and consider the
kingdom of _Méndang Kamúlan_ as the first regular establishment on
Java. As these, if not the most consistent with the historical data
which have been admitted on continental India, have the advantage
of being the least confused, a more particular account of the first
establishments may be interesting. With regard to the statements that
commence with a more remote antiquity, it may be sufficient to shew,
at one view, the line of princes who are represented to have ruled
on Java, according to the two different authorities which have been
referred to.

                         LINE OF HINDU SOVEREIGNS

     _Who ruled on Java, according to the Manuscript ascribed to Aji
        Jáya Báya, in the Possession of the present Susuhunan._

  ------------------+-------------------+--+---------------------------
  Date of Accession,|SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.|  |SOVEREIGNS.
  Javan Year.       |                   |  |
  ------------------+-------------------+--+---------------------------
        289         | Wiráta            | 1|Bàsu Keti.
                    |                   | 2|Mángsah Pati.
        700         |                   | 3|Púla Sára.
                    |                   | 4|Abiása.
                    |                   | 5|Pándu Déwa Nàta.
        800         | Kedíri            | 6|Aji Jáya Báya.
                    | Péng'ging         | 7|Angling Dría.
        900-2       | Brambánan..       | 8|Báka.
                    |                   | 9|Dámar Máya.
       1002         | Méndang Kamúlan   |10|Aji Sáka.
                    |{Kedíri            |  |Lémbu Ami Jáya.      }
                    |{Ngaráwan          |  |Lembu Ami Sésa.      }
       1082-4       |{Singa Sari        |  |Lembu Ami Lúeh.      }[249]
                    |{Jang'gala         |11|Lembu Ami Luhúr.     }
                    |                   |12|Panji Súria Ami Sésa.}
       1200         | Pajajáran         |13|Laléan.
                    |                   |14|Banjáran Sári.
                    |                   |15|Méndang Wáng'i.
       1301         | Majapáhit         |16|Jáka Sura, or
                    |                   |  |Browijáya 1st.
                    |                   |17|Browijáya 2d.  }
                    |                   |18|Browijáya 3d.  }
                    |                   |19|Browijáya 4th. }[250]
       1381         |                   |20|Browijáya 5th. }
                                                     ¦         ¦
  ------------------+-------------------+--+---------------------------

                         LINE OF HINDU SOVEREIGNS

    _Who reigned on Java, according to the Manuscripts of the Eastern
    Parts of Java, Sumenap, and Bali, as collected by Náta Kusúma, the
                    present Panambahan of Sumenap._

  ------------+-----------------+----+-----------------------------
    Date of   |     SEAT OF     |    |
   Accession, |   GOVERNMENT.   |    |         SOVEREIGNS.
   Javan Year.|                 |    |
  ------------+-----------------+----+-----------------------------
         1    | Gíling Wési     |   1| Tritrésta.
       140    |                 |   2| Wátu Gúnung.
       240    |                 |   3| Gutáka.
       290    |                 |   4| Sawéla.
       310    | Astina          |   5| Gutáma.
              |                 |   6| Dása-báhu.
              |                 |   7| Sawantána.
       415    |                 |   8| Abiása.
       427    |                 |   9| Pándu Déwa Náta.
       480    |                 |  10| Suyudána.
       491    |                 |  11| Pónto Déwa.
       533    |                 |  12| Parikísit.
       575    |                 |  13| Udiána.
       588    | Maláwa Páti     |  14| Ang'ling Dérma.
       598    |                 |  15| Jáya Misána
              |                 |  16| Púspa Jaya.
              |                 |  17| Púspa Wijaya.
              |                 |  18| Kasúma Wichítra.
       638    |                 |  19| Aji Nirmála.
       658    | Méndang Kamúlan |  20| Bisura Champáka.
       671    |                 |  21| Ang'ling Dría.
       701    |                 |  22| Aji Jáya Báya.
       756    |                 |  23| Séla Prawáta.
       818    | Jang'gála       |  24| Kandiáwan, or Jaya Langkára.
       868    |                 |  25| Subráta, or Déwa Kasúma.
       927    | Kóripan         |  26| Laléan.
              |                 |  27| Banjáran Sári.
              |                 |  28| Múda-níng-kung.
              |                 |  29| Múda-sári.
      1084    | Pajaráran       |  30| Ráden Pánkas.
              |                 |  31| Siung Winára.
      1158    | Majapáhit       |  32| Jáka Susúru, or Brá Wijáya.
              |                 |  33| Prábu Anom.
              |                 |  34| Uda nínkung.
              |                 |  35| Prábu Kánya, a Princess
              |                 |    |   married to Dámar Wúlan.
              |                 |  36| Lémbu Ami Sáni.
              |                 |  37| Bráma Túnggung.
              |                 |  38| Ráden Alit, or Browijáya.
  ------------+-----------------+----+-----------------------------

The following is the chronology of the Javan princes, according to the
legends abstracted by _Kiai Adipáti Adi Mang'gála_, formerly Regent of
_Demák_, and in which the Javan princes commence in the sixth century.

  ------------------+--------------------+---+----------------------
  Date of Accession,| SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.|   |   SOVEREIGNS.
  Javan Year.       |                    |   |
  ------------------+--------------------+---+----------------------
                    |                    |   |
      525           |Méndang Kamúlan     |  1|  Sawéla Chála.
                    |                    |  2|  Ardi Kasúma.
                    |                    |  3|  Ardi Wijáya.
                    |                    |  4|  Rési Déndang Géndis.
      846           |Jang'gála           |  5|  Déwa Kasúma.    }
                    |                    |  6|  Lémbu Ami Luhúr.}[251]
                    |                    |  7|  Panji Kérta Pati}
     1000           |Pajajáran           |  8|  Pánji Maisa Tandráman,
                    |                    |   |    or Laléan.
                    |(2)                 |  9|  Múnding Sári.
                    |                    | 10|  Múnding Wángi.
                    |                    | 11|  Chiong or Siung Wanára.
     1221           | Majapáhit          | 12|  Tandúran.
                    |                    | 13|  Bro Kamára.
                    |                    | 14|  Ardi Wijáya.
                    |                    | 15|  Mérta Wijáya.
                    |                    | 16|  Anáka Wijáya.
  ------------------+--------------------+---+----------------------

"When _Prábu Jáya Báya_ of _Astína_ died, he was succeeded by his son
and descendants, named _Ami Jáya_, _Jaya Ami Sána_, _Páncha Dría_, and
_Kasúma Chitra_. During the reign of the last of these princes, either
the seat of government had been removed, or the country had changed
its name, for it was then called _Kúj'rat_ or _Gúj'rat_; and it having
been foretold that it would decay and go to ruin altogether, the prince
resolved to send his son[252] to _Jáwa_, and possessing the written
account of _Aji Sáka_, which had been preserved in his family, he gave
it to his son, and embarked him with about five thousand followers for
that island. Among these followers were _Jálma-táni_, _Jálma-undági_,
_Jálma-újam-dudúkan_, _Jálma-pangniárik_, _Jálma-prajúrit_; that is
to say, people skilled in agriculture, artificers, men learned in
medicine, able writers, and military men.

"They sailed in six large ships and upwards of a hundred small vessels,
and after a voyage of four months reached what they conceived to
be the island of _Jáwa_, and many landed; but as it did not accord
with the account given by _Aji Sáka_, they re-embarked. In a few
months, however, they came in sight of an island with a long range of
mountains, and some of them, with the prince at their head, effected
a landing at the western extremity, while a part were driven to the
southward. They soon met with the grain _jáwa-wut_, as described
by _Aji Sáka_, and ascertained that they had at last reached their
destination: then opening the book of _Aji Sáka_, the days of the week
and the _panchawára_[253] were named. The prince, however, did not
long remain in this part of the island; for on clearing the forest, a
lingering sickness appeared among his followers, and many died from
drinking the water: so he moved to the south and east, in quest of a
more salubrious position, and with the hope of falling in with their
companions. These they found at that part of the island now known by
the name of _Matárem_, when the high priest opening the book of _Aji
Sáka_, and referring to the prophecy, that _Jáwa_ should become an
inheritance to the descendants of _Prábu Jáya Báya_, he summoned the
whole party together, and formally proclaimed the prince sovereign of
the country, under the title of _Browijáya Sawéla Chála_. The name of
_Méndang Kamúlan_ was then given to the seat of government.

"The prince now found that men alone were wanting to render it a great
and flourishing state, and he accordingly applied to _Gúj'-rat_ for
assistance. The ambassadors whom he sent proceeded down the river and
embarked at _Grésik_, so called from _Gíri-sik_, in consequence of the
hills (_Gíri_) running in this part of the island close to the sea
shore (_sik_); and when they reached _Gúj-rat_, the father of _Sawéla
Chala_, delighted to hear of his success, immediately sent him a
reinforcement of two thousand people. The kindred and friends of the
new colonists were permitted to proceed in great numbers to _Jáwa_,
where they established themselves principally in the southern and
eastern provinces. The prince lost no time in improving his capital,
which became an extensive city in the year 525. From this period
_Jáwa_ was known and celebrated as a kingdom: an extensive commerce
was carried on with _Gúj'rat_ and other countries, and the bay of
_Matárem_, then a safe place for shipping, was filled with adventurers
from all parts."

In some of the accounts, the father of _Sawéla Chála_ is named _Bália
Achar_; and previously to the establishment of _Méndang Kamúlan_,
_Sawela Chéla_ himself is usually known by the name of _Awap_.

"Nothing, however, is represented to have tended more to the prosperity
of this establishment, than a supposed union which is said to have
taken place between the family of _Sawéla Chála_ and that of _Aru
Bándan_, a prince who had recently arrived from the Moluccas, and
established himself on _Balambángan_. Hearing of the arrival of
_Sawéla Chála_, this prince, with his followers, proceeded to _Méndang
Kamúlan_ and submitted to his authority, on condition that the eastern
provinces, including _Balambángan_, should be confirmed to him and his
descendants. According to the tradition of the country, this prince
was principally induced to submit, in consequence of the other party
being able to explain the inscription and signs of _Aji Sáka_, which
he himself could not, and in consequence of the production of the
writings, in which it was prophesied that the country should become the
inheritance of the family of this prince.

"_Sawéla Chála_, after a long and prosperous reign, was succeeded by
his son, _Ardi Kasúma_; and he again, on his death, by his son, named
_Ardi Wijáya_.

"During the sovereignty of these princes, the country advanced in
fame and prosperity, and the city of _Méndang Kamúlan_, since called
_Brambánan_ or _Prambánan_, increased in size and splendour. Artists,
particularly in stone and metals, arrived from distant countries; the
temples, of which the ruins are still extant, both at this place and at
_Bóro Bódo_ in _Kédu_, are stated to have been constructed during this
period, by artists invited from India; and the remains of the palace,
situated on a range of low hills near the site of the thousand temples,
still attest the existence of this first capital of Java.

"_Ardi Wijáya_ had five sons, besides a numerous illegitimate
offspring. The eldest was appointed chief of the class of cultivators,
the second of the traders, the third to the charge of the woods and
forests, the fourth chief of the manufacturers of oil, sugar, and
spirits, and the fifth, named _Rési Déndang Géndis_, remained as
assistant to his father.

"When this prince died, his youngest son, _Rési Déndang Géndis_,
found himself in charge of the capital, and invested with the general
administration of the country; but his brothers having formed
independent governments in other parts of the island, refused to
acknowledge his supremacy. One of them was established at _Bágalen_,
another at _Japára_, and a third at _Kóripan_. He is said to have
died of a broken heart, in consequence of these secessions, leaving a
numerous progeny, who established themselves in different parts of the
country.

"The next prince who," according to these accounts, "appears to have
succeeded to the government of _Méndang Kamúlan_, was _Déwa Kasúma_,
who being of an ambitious character, is said to have proceeded
eastward, and established the kingdom of _Jang'gála_, the capital
of which, so called from his attachment to the chace (_jang'gála_
signifying "a dog" in the Javan language) was built in the forest of
_Jeng'áwan_, a few miles to the eastward of the modern _Surabáya_,
where its site, with many interesting remains of antiquity, is still
pointed out. This event is supposed to have taken place about the year
846."

Of the earlier history of Java it is probable, that each of these three
accounts contains some true particulars; but without unnecessarily
discrediting the claims which that country asserts to a higher
antiquity, we must confess ourselves unable, in the present state of
our information, to separate truth from fable, till we arrive at a
period when its records are more consistent. Unconnected with the line
of princes whose names have been brought forward, many small states,
petty dynasties, and separate interests, no doubt existed on Java in
earlier times: of which little mention is made by tradition, which
seldom busies itself, except with extensive and sanguinary wars, or
great political changes. Among these may have flourished the celebrated
_Jáya Báya_, in whose reign the _Bráta Yúdha_ is said to have been
composed by the _Pandíta Puséda_. In the account obtained from
_Súra-kérta_, this prince, as we have seen, is related to have reigned
in the eighth century in the country of _Kedíri_.

The temples at _Brambánan_ (the extensive remains of which, with the
numerous casts in metal found in their vicinity, prove the high state
which the arts had attained in a remote age, and afford incontestible
evidence of the establishment of the Hindu worship in the earliest
periods of Javan history), are stated in some accounts to have been
constructed in the year 525, and in others in the year 1018; but as
far as the general tradition may be relied on, it seems most probable
that they were the work of the sixth or seventh centuries. This opinion
derives confirmation from the fact, that during this period idol
worship increased in Japan. Abundance of idols and idol carvers, and
priests, arrived in that quarter from several countries beyond sea; and
local traditions assert, that at that time similar emigrations first
took place to Java and the eastern islands[254].

_Déwa Kasúma_ is represented by the Javan writers to have been a
prince of great talent and enlarged views, and by his mild and
beneficent government to have induced many of his relations to submit
to his authority, which in a short time extended over all the provinces
eastward of _Jawána_. But the most interesting fact related of him is,
that he sent his children, consisting of four sons and a daughter,
to India _(Kling)_, in order that they might there be educated and
instructed in the religion of _Bráma_; from whence the eldest son
having married the daughter of one of the greatest princes of the
country, returned to Java with three large ships, laden with long cloth
and other valuable manufactures, and bringing with him able artists
of different professions, and a thousand chosen troops presented to
him by his father-in-law as a body guard. How far this relation is
correct it may be difficult to determine; and a suspicion may even be
entertained, that it was a fiction invented by national vanity, for
the purpose of concealing from posterity the successful invasion of
foreign adventurers. What we know for certain is, that during the reign
of the reputed sons of this prince, the Hindu religion, institutions,
and literature, with the ornaments of continental India, were very
generally introduced and diffused; and it is from this date that we may
speak with some degree of confidence as to history.

_Déwa Kasúma_, on the return of his children from India, divided his
kingdom among them. To the eldest, _Ami Luhúr_, he gave the succession
to Jang'gála, with a jurisdiction of limited extent; to _Ami Jáya_ he
gave the country of _Gegélang_ or _Sínga Sari_; to _Lémbu Meng'árang_
he gave the country _N'garáwan_ or _Browérno_, and to _Lémbu Ami Luhúr_
he gave the country of _Dahá_ or _Kedíri_; so that, when he died, the
island of Java became divided into four kingdoms. His daughter, who
was the eldest of his children, and named _Déwi Kilí Súchi_, remained
unmarried, and performed a conspicuous part in the transactions of
those days. The temples at _Síng'a Sari_, the ruins of which still
remain, are stated to have been constructed by that princess.

The reign of _Ami Luhúr_ is celebrated for the extensive intercourse
which at this period took place with foreign nations, and still more
on account of the exploits and adventures of his son, _Pánji Ino Kérta
Páti_, the issue of his marriage with the Indian princess, and who,
under the name of _Pánji_, became the most renowned hero of Javan
story. The adventures of _Pánji_ are described in numerous romances,
which form the subject of still more numerous dramatic exhibitions,
and constitute a principal portion of the polite literature, as well
as of the popular amusement of Java. In these romances the hero is
represented as devoted to love and war. At an early age he marries
_Angréné_ or _Sékar'táji_, the daughter of his father's _Pepati_, to
whom he is passionately attached. His father, desirous of uniting him
with his cousin, the daughter of the chief of _Kedíri_, causes the
first object of his affections to be put to death. _Pánji_ on this
embarks with the dead body, and a storm arising, most of the vessels
which accompanied him being lost, he is supposed to have perished. He,
however, reaches the island _Tanábang_ in safety, and after burning the
body of his lamented _Angréne_, proceeds with all the followers he can
muster to _Báli_, where he assumes the name of _Klána Jáyang Sári_.
Having obtained assistance from the prince of the island, _Andáya
Prána_, and received in marriage the princess his daughter, usually
known under the name of the _Pútri_ or princess of _Báli_, he crosses
to _Balambángan_, the most eastern province of Java, and also uniting
in marriage with the princess of that country, he obtains numerous
auxiliaries, and moves westward to _Kedíri_, in quest of the princess
_Chándra Kirána_, the fame of whose beauty and accomplishments had been
widely celebrated. Here, in consequence of his change of name, and the
general belief that he had perished in the storm, he is considered as a
powerful Raja from _Sábrang_, or the opposite shore, and joining the
chief of _Kedíri_, he secretly makes himself known to his daughter, and
marries her.

According to some of the romances, a prince from _Núsa Kanchána_,
or the Golden Isle, with numerous followers, and accompanied by two
princesses from _Núsa Rétna_ arrives at _Jang'gála_ about this period,
and giving himself out for the long-lost _Pánji_, imposes on the
credulity of the father, who receives him as his son. This prince is
represented as the son of a _Bramána_ possessing supernatural gifts,
which enable him to succeed in the deception, and is said to have been
lord of many rajas, among whom were _Báka_, _Mordáda_, and many others
who are named. He is reported to have had a sister, named _Angréna
Suára_, excelling in beauty, and in every respect resembling the
princess _Angréné_, who with her nurse accompanied his four wives and
numerous concubines to Java.

_Klána Jáyang Sári_ now resuming his name as the real _Pánji_, his
father, the prince of _Jang'gála_, proceeded to _Kedíri_ with the
auxiliaries brought over by the impostor, when a combat takes place
between the two princes, and the true _Pánji_ becomes manifest.

According to other accounts, the storm in which _Pánji_ was supposed to
have perished, occurred when the princess _Angréné_ was living. She is
cast on the _Báli_ shore, where assuming a male habit, and becoming a
favourite of the prince, she in time obtained the sovereignty of that
island under the title of _Jáya Ang'ling Dára_. _Pánji_ is thrown on
the south shore of Java, and afterwards sent by his father to reduce
the refractory chief of _Báli_, in whom he recognizes _Angréné_. In
another romance his second wife, _Chándra Kirána_, is represented as
becoming chief of _Báli_, under the title of _Kuda Narawáng'a_.

It is also related, that, about this period the Prince of _Sínga-sári_
being attacked by the _Bálians_ under _Klána Ráng'ga Páspíta_, and
defeated in an engagement near _Arára Bidáli_, applied for assistance
to _Jang'gála_ and _Browérno_. The forces sent as auxiliaries from
_Jang'gála_, were defeated, and it was not until the arrival of a
celebrated warrior from _Browérno_, that the _Bálians_ were obliged to
retreat. The river which flowed by the scene of action still bears the
name _Káli Géti_, from its stream having been converted into blood on
this occasion.

With regard to the Raja of _Núsa Kanchána_, it is related that he
possessed very extensive influence over all the islands of _Sábrang_.
He is sometimes called _Klána Tánjung Púra_, and said to have obtained
his authority by means of a _Bramána_, named _Kánda_ or _Sakéndo_,
and sometimes _Satírti_, who performed a severe penance on the island
_Tambína_. His first establishment was at _Goa_ on Celebes; afterwards
he attained supreme power: every island which he visited submitted to
his sway. He established himself on Sumatra, in the country which has
since been called _Palémbang_, whence he waged war against Java, in
order to obtain the celebrated princess of _Dáha_ in marriage. In other
accounts, again, this prince is supposed to have been the son of the
chief of _Browérno_ on Java, carried off when an infant by a _Bramána_,
who left his own son in his place.

In the dramatic performances of the _Bálians_, _Klána Tánjung Púra_ is
the same with _Si Maláyu_, which means a wanderer, and from which it
has been supposed probable that the _Maláyus_ have derived their name.

The poetical latitude given to the compositions which describe the life
and adventures of _Panji_, leaves it doubtful whether he was in fact
the real son of a Javan prince, or some aspiring adventurer from India,
whose attachment the chief of _Jang'gála_ might have found it his
interest to secure. In the dramatic exhibitions of the same subject, it
is difficult to decide whether the heroes of the piece are intended to
represent the real personages whose names appear in history, or whether
they are merely invested with historical titles, for the purpose of
giving dignity to fictitious characters.

Some idea may be formed of the reverence in which _Pánji_ is held by
the Javans, from their representing him as an incarnation of _Vishnu_,
and his second wife, _Chándra Kirana_, under the name of _Déwi Gélu_,
as an incarnation of _Sri_.

This belief, together with the miraculous transformations and
supernatural events attributed to the interference of the Hindu
deities, while heightening the colours of these compositions may have
rendered them more popular subjects for dramatic exhibition, but it
has deprived them of nearly all authenticity and value as historical
records. Perhaps the only inferences, with respect to the hero of them,
which we can be justified in drawing, is that the prowess, enterprises,
and accomplishments of this chieftain, who has been termed the
Charlemagne of the East, far excelled those of his cotemporaries, and
that he visited _Báli_. It appears also, that during this period some
government was established in the other islands of the Archipelago, in
which a similarity of religion, character, and usages prevailed. As
descriptive of the manners and customs of the country, and as affording
incontestible evidence, not only of the existence of the Hindu religion
on Java, but of its universal diffusion as the prevailing worship of
these islands at this period of their history, these traditionary
remains possess a high value; and with the traces of foreign influence
still to be found in their languages, and in the numerous monuments
of the arts, will materially contribute to the developement of their
earlier history, while they throw light on the character of the people,
and the progress that had been made in civilization.

The _kris_ is believed to have been first introduced into the Eastern
Islands by _Pánji_; and some go so far as to assert, that all the
countries in which it is now worn acknowledged his supremacy. The
_gámelan_, or musical instruments of the Javans, together with the
various dramatic exhibitions which still form so essential a part of
the popular amusement, and compose so distinguishing a characteristic
of national literature, are all supposed to have been introduced by him.

The adventures of _Pánji_ are related in the Malayan romances, where
that hero is represented under the appellation of _Chékel Wáning Páti_
(literally, "when young brave to death"), and in the Malayan annals a
particular account is given of a chief of _Sábrang_, who, according to
their story, obtained the princess _Chándra Kirána_ in marriage[255].

About this period the first intercourse with China is believed to have
taken place: a large Chinese _wángkang_ was wrecked on the north coast
of Java, and the crew landed, some near _Japára_, others at _Semárang_
and _Tégal_. The rider of the vessel is represented as bringing with
him a magical stone, by which he performed many wonderful effects, and
by means of which he ingratiated himself with the chief of _Tégal_,
who allowed him to collect the remainder of his crew into a regular
establishment, and conferred upon them many privileges.

The accounts regarding the succession of _Pánji_ to the throne of
his father are very discordant. In some he is represented as having
succeeded on his death, and having continued to administer the
government for several years; in others, he is represented as dying
prematurely, during the lifetime of his father: _Prába Jáya Sangára_,
chief of _Madúra_ (then called _Núsa Antára_, or the island lying
between), jealous of the power of _Jang'gála_, is said to have landed,
and in a desperate action killed _Pánji_ with an arrow from his own
bow, in fulfilment of a prophecy which foretold that he would be
invulnerable, except to the iron staff of _Jáya Langkára_, of which, it
is added, this prince had manufactured his arrow. The account of this
affair, as related in the _Madúra_ traditions, is as follows:

"Then the prince of _Núsa Antára_, called _Klána Prábu Jaya_,
consulted with _Gúra Bramána Kánda_, and others of his council, on
the probability of his being acknowledged as chief prince over the
adjacent countries. _Gúru_ observed, that while _Déwa Kasúma_ lived
he could not permit the attempt; but the prince informing him that
intelligence had been received of the death of that prince, then
said, '_Gúru_, it is well; you are permitted to effect your object by
force, if necessary, but in the first instance try negotiation.' A
letter written on the leaf of a tree was then dispatched, and when the
messenger arrived at _Jang'gála_, he found the prince _Angráma Wijáya_
seated on his _setingel_, attended by his _patéhs_, _Kúda Nawársa_
and _Brája Náta_. At that time they were discussing the prince's
intention of transferring his title to his son, _Ino Kérta Pati_[256].
The question was not decided when the messenger appeared. The prince
declined reading the letter himself, but desired his minister to do so.
As soon as _Brája Náta_ read the demand of the prince of _Núsa Antára_
to be acknowledged the superior, and the threat that he would lay waste
the lands of Java in case of refusal, he became enraged to the highest
degree, and without communicating the contents tore the letter, and
seizing the messenger by the neck, threw the pieces in his face, and
desired him to return to his master. After his departure _Ino Kérta
Páti_ arrived, and being apprized of the circumstances, entreated his
father to permit him to go over in disguise to _Núsa Antára_.

"On the return of the messenger to _Núsa Antára_, he reported the
result of his mission, when preparations were immediately made for the
attack upon _Jang'gála_, and the chief, on this occasion, received the
title of _Jáya Sankára_. But before the troops had departed, _Ino Kérta
Páti_ contrived to carry off from the palace the wife of the prince,
named _Dewi Sinawáti_, which raised the enmity of the parties to the
highest pitch.

"The prince of _Jang'gála_, when he was informed of these preparations,
summoned his brothers from _Ng'aráwan_ and _Sínga Sári_, who resolved
to unite with him against the expected attack. The three princes were
in conversation, when information was brought them that the hostile
troops had landed in great numbers. Then they drew out their people,
and a battle ensued with the prince of _Núsa Antára_, who lost many
chiefs and followers. This prince finding the battle going against
him, recollected the advice of _Gúru Bramána Kánda_, the loss of his
wife, and the many insults he had received from _Ino Kérta Páti_: then
throwing off his princely attire, he disguised himself as a common man,
and arming himself with an arrow mixed with the people of _Jang'gála_,
and went in search of _Ino Kérta Páti_. He had no sooner found him,
than he discharged his arrow, and _Ino Kérta Páti_ fell dead, it having
been foretold that this chief could not be killed except by the iron
staff of _Jáya Langkára_, of which the prince of _Núsa Antára_ had made
his arrow, _kris_, and knife.

"_Brája Náta_ immediately acquainted his prince with the fall of _Ino
Kérta Páti_, who thereupon rose and rushed into the thickest of the
fight. The prince of _Jang'gála_ attacked the prince of _Núsa Antára_
with his _kris_, and slew him. _Gúru Bramána Kánda_ seeing his prince
slain, wished to escape, but his supernatural power was no more; and
being seized by the prince of _Jang'gála_, he was put to death, with
all the people of _Núsa Antára_, who did not save themselves by flight.
Thereupon _Agráma Wijáya_ assembled his council as before the war, and
seated upon his setingel declared, that as _Ino Kérta Pati_ was no
more, it was his intention to nominate his grandson, _Máisa Laléan_, to
succeed him. _Máisa Laléan_ accordingly became chief of _Jang'gála_ in
the year 927, and after a time made his uncle, _Brája Náta, Tumúnggung_
of _Jang'gála_, and retired himself to the district of _Kédu_. He
had a son, named _Banjáran Sari_, who succeeded him, after whom were
_Múdaníngkung_, and _Múda Sári_, who had a son called _Ráden Pánkas_,
who succeeded to the government of Java in the year 1084. This prince
established his capital at _Pajajáran_."

The fame of _Pánji_ naturally throws the other events of the day
into the back-ground, and whatever credit may be due to the earlier
administration of his successor, it is eclipsed by the brilliancy of
his exploits. But it seems agreed that _Kúda_, or _Máisa Laléan_,
who is the next prince in the line of succession of whom tradition
makes mention, at an early period of his reign induced the separate
authorities which had been established at _Browérno_, _Sínga Sári_,
and _Kedíri_, to acknowledge the supremacy of _Jang'gála_. Having,
however, come to the throne at a tender age, and being under the
influence of a crafty and designing minister, named _Báka_, who, with
one of the brothers of the prince, entered into a league to deprive him
of his inheritance, he quitted his capital, and on the dismemberment
of his eastern kingdom, became the founder of a new one in the west.
The causes which induced him to leave his capital are related to
have been a dreadful sickness, which at that period prevailed in the
eastern districts of Java, and the designs of his minister, who hoped
to possess the means of aggrandizing himself in the attempt to form
a new establishment. The first eruption of the mountain _Klut_, of
which tradition makes mention, is recorded to have taken place at this
time, when the discharges from it are represented "to have been like
thunder, and the ashes to have involved the country in impenetrable
darkness." The sickness having continued to prevail after the departure
of the prince, the inhabitants who had remained at an early period, are
said to have embarked in vessels and proceeded to sea, no one knowing
whither they went or hearing more of them.

_Kúda Laléan_, accompanied by his mother _Chándra Kirána_, proceeded
west as far as _Blóra_, where he laid the foundation of a new capital,
under the designation of _Méndang Kamúlan_, the name of the ancient
capital of the island. From thence, however, owing to the treachery
of his minister _Báka_, who aspired to the sovereignty, he was soon
obliged to fly, and to take refuge with a devotee, until the chief
of _Gíling Wési_, named _Prau Chátor_, going to war with _Báka_, an
opportunity was afforded him of regaining his authority. Uniting with
the forces of that chief, he succeeded in overpowering _Báka_, and
laying waste his capital, which he afterwards burnt.

This _Báka_ is said to have had a criminal passion for his own
daughter, and in consequence of her refusing to gratify his desires,
to have secreted her in an adjoining forest. In his service was
a man named _Bándung Prakúsa_, descended from _Aru Bándung_, of
_Balambángan_, and also from _Káran Kálang_, the last chief of
_Brambánan_. This man aspired to obtain the daughter in marriage. The
father consented to the match, on condition that he would remove the
temples from the old site to the new _Méndang Kamúlan_. Having made
the usual offerings at the _Sáng'gar_, and done penance for forty days
without sleeping, in the middle of the last night, when his _tápa_ was
all but accomplished, it happened that a maiden rose in her sleep, and
without awaking, began to beat the rice block. On this, considering it
daylight, he quitted his penance, and finding the stars still bright,
he called down a curse on the women of _Brambánan_, that they should
never be married till their hair was grey. This man is then said to
have been transformed into a dog, or in other words, to have become a
wanderer as a dog in the forests, where he met with the daughter of
_Báka_. From their intercourse is born a son, who in time destroys
his father and marries his mother. From this union the people known
at this day by the term _Kálang_, trace their descent, although it is
more generally believed that they are the real descendants of the first
inhabitants of the island.

The brother of _Kúda Laléan_, _Chítra Arung Báya_, also called _Chamára
Gáding_, being deceived by _Báka_, formed a party at _Jung'gála_, and
embarked from thence for the island of Celebes, where he established
himself, and is supposed to be the same with _Sawíra Gáding_, the first
prince of whom the _Búgis_ accounts make mention.

_Kúda Laléan_ having been requested by the chiefs of _Bányu Mas_,
_Lúrung Téng'a_, and _Tégal_, to render them assistance against the
Chinese, who, by their extortions and oppressions, had thus early
become troublesome to the people of the country, attacked them, and
killing their chief, relieved the inhabitants of these districts from
their oppressions. From this period the Chinese have been dispersed
over the whole island.

_Kúda Laléan_ with his followers then proceeded westward, as far as
_Gíling Wési_, which was situated in the southern provinces among
the mountains of _Chidámar_, a district of the modern province of
_Sukápura_, and in the fabulous and mythological accounts supposed
to have been the ancient capital of _Wátu Gúnung_. Finding two brass
cannon in the neighbourhood, he considered them as the signal for the
foundation of his new capital, and built a city and _kráton_ on the
spot, to which he gave the name of _Pajajáran_, where, assuming the
sovereignty of the country, he was acknowledged under the title of
_Browijáya Máisa Tandráman_.

This prince was a great promoter of agriculture, and encouraged the
common people in the labours of cultivation by his personal example.
He was the first who introduced the rice husbandry into the western
provinces, and trained the buffalo to the yoke, from which circumstance
he is called _Maisa_, and his descendants _Múnding_, both signifying
a buffalo, the former in the Javan and the latter in the _Súnda_
language. According to the tradition of the _Súndas_, the wild
buffaloes came from the woods of their own accord during the reign of
this chief.

This prince had two sons, the elder of whom, not contented to remain at
home, engaged in foreign commerce and went beyond sea; and the younger
succeeded his father in the year 1112, under the title of _Prábu
Múnding Sári_.

It was seven years before he was enabled permanently to establish
his authority; and soon after he had done so, his elder brother
returned, who having resided in India and having become a convert to
the Mahomedan faith, is known by the title of _Háji Púrwa_. He was
accompanied by an Arab from the country of _Koúje_, who was descended
from _Sáyed Abás_, and attempted in vain to convert his brother and
family to the same faith. The troubles which were occasioned by
their intrigues, and the endeavours which they used to effect their
purpose, and which are allegorically described by the rapid growth and
destructive effects of the _lagóndi_ plant, were such as led to the
removal of the capital further westward. In this new site it still
retained the name of _Pajajáran_, being situated in the district of
_Bógor_ and in the vicinity of the modern _Buitenzorg_, the country
residence of the European governor of the colony.

_Háji Púrwa_ being unsuccessful in his attempts, and fearing the rage
of the common people, quitted this part of the country, and is believed
to have found an asylum in _Chéribon_, then an uninhabited wilderness.

This is the first mention of the Mahomedan religion on Java.

The next chief of _Pajajáran_ was _Múnding Wáng'i_, who succeeded to
the government about the year 1179. He had four legitimate children;
the eldest a daughter, who refusing to be married was banished to the
southern coast, where her spirit is still invoked, under the title of
_Ratu Kidul_; the second, also a daughter, was born white and diseased,
and was in consequence sent to an island off _Jakatra_ (named from
this circumstance _Púlu Pútri_), from whence she is said to have been
carried away by the white men, who according to the Javan writers
traded to the country about this period; the third a son, named _Aria
Babáng'a_, who was appointed _Rája_ of _Gálu_; and the fourth _Raden
Tandúran_, who was destined to be his successor in the government. He
had also a son by a concubine; but in consequence of the declaration of
a devotee, who had been unjustly executed by _Múnding Wáng'i_, that his
death would be avenged whenever the prince should have a child so born,
he was desirous of destroying him in his infancy, but not being able,
on account of the extreme beauty of the child, to bring himself to kill
it with his own hands, he enclosed it in a box, and caused it to be
thrown by one of his _Mántris_ into the river _Kráwang_. The box being
carried down the stream was discovered by a fisherman, who brought
up the child as his own, until he arrived at twelve years of age.
Finding him then to possess extraordinary abilities, he carried him to
_Pajajáran_ for further instruction, and placed him under the charge of
his brother, who was skilled in the working of iron and steel. To the
boy he gave the name of _Baniák Wédi_.

The youth soon excelled in the manufacture of all kinds of iron-work,
and in the wild tradition of the country, he is said to have fashioned
the red hot iron with his fingers. In a short time he was made chief of
the _Pándi_, or ironsmiths, and admitted to the familiar intercourse
of his father, _Múnding Wang'i_. Having constructed an iron chamber
or cage, which particularly attracted the attention of the prince, he
succeeded in persuading him to sleep in it, when closing the door, he,
according to some accounts, burned him alive; or, according to others,
caused him to be thrown into the South Sea at _Kándang Wési_, thus
fulfilling the prophecy of the devotee.

_Baniák Wédi_ now assumed the government, declaring who he was; but
being opposed by his brother, _Tandúran_, who had been destined
to succeed his father, it was some time before his authority was
acknowledged. At length defeating his brother in a general engagement,
the latter escaped with only three followers, and _Baniák Wédi_ was
declared sovereign, under the title of _Browijáya Chióng Wanára_.

_Ráden Tandúran_ arriving at the river _Gúntung_, took refuge at
the house of a widow, and afterwards meeting with his sister, who
was performing a penance on the mountain _Chérmai_ (the mountain
of _Chéribon_), he was encouraged by her to proceed further east,
following the course of a bird which she desired that he would let
loose for the purpose, till he reached the district of _Wirasába_.
Here he observed a plant, called the _mája_, entwined round a tree. He
wished to eat of the fruit, but finding it extremely bitter threw it
away, and asked one of his followers, _Kiái Wíra_, the reason of its
bitterness. "I have heard," replied _Kiái Wíra_, "that it was here your
forefathers fought in the war _Bráta Yúdha_." On which the prince said,
"Then let us stop here and establish our kingdom, and let us call it
_Majapáhit_" This was in the Javan year 1221.

In the Javan language _mája_ and _páhit_ both signify "bitter;" but the
name of this kingdom, also called _Mauspáhit_, is more probably derived
from _Maus Páti_, the ancient capital of _Arjúna Wijáya_, in whom the
Javans believe _Vishnu_ to have been incarnate.

_Ráden Tandúran_ was first assisted by the people of _Túban_, who
hearing of the arrival of a prince of royal descent, immediately
flocked to his standard. Afterwards _Aria Babáng'a_, who had been
driven from _Gálu_ by the forces of _Chióng Wanára_, joined his
younger brother, _Ráden Tandúran_, and was appointed to the charge
of the eastern districts along the Solo river, under the title of
_Aria Panúlar_. In a short time considerable emigrations took place
from _Pajajáran_, in consequence of the heavy demands made upon the
people. Among others, _Bráma Dedáli_ at the head of eighty _Pándi_,
or ironsmiths, with their families, are said to have deserted their
country. They were pursued as far as the river _Pamáli_ in _Brébes_,
but effected their escape, and were received with open arms at
_Majapáhit_.

_Chiong Wanára_, on demanding that the _Pándi_ should be delivered
up, received a positive refusal, and in consequence declared war
against his half-brother, whose authority by this time extended as
far as _Bátang_. Both princes, with their respective armies, moved
towards the centre of the island: the forces of _Majapáhit_ encamped
at _Ung'árang_, and those of _Pajajáran_ at _Kaliwúngu_. A general
engagement now took place; which proving indecisive, a personal combat
between the two chiefs was about to occur, when it was mutually agreed,
that from thenceforth the countries to the west should be subject to
_Pajajáran_, and those to the east to _Majapáhit_, a line being drawn
due south from a stone column placed near the spot in commemoration
of the agreement. This column is still to be seen at _Túgu_, a few
miles west of _Semaráng_. This treaty, supposed to have been made in
the Javan year 1247, does not appear to have lasted longer than the
life time of _Chiong Wanára_; for several of the finest provinces, and
particularly those to the east of _Chi Pamáli_, had been laid waste,
and the succeeding chiefs not being able to reduce the country to order
and submission, appear to have placed themselves under the immediate
protection of _Majapáhit_. They accordingly delivered up the gun _ng'ai
stómi_, and several of smaller calibre, which were considered as the
_pusáka_ (inheritance or regalia) of _Pajajáran_, and are still held
sacred by the princes of Java. The gun _stómi_ is now in the possession
of the _Susuhúnan_.

An ineffectual attempt was made by _Rátu Déwa_, a native of _Kuníng'an_
in _Chéribon_, who, on the departure of _Aria Ba-bang'a_, had been
entrusted with the administration of _Gálu_, to maintain an authority
independent of _Majapáhit_; but he lost his life in the struggle, and
his widow, _Torbíta_, who persevered, and was for a time successful,
was at length overcome, and went over to _Majapáhit_[257].

A different account of the first establishment of the _Majapáhit_
empire is given in a manuscript recently obtained from _Báli_, which
may deserve attention, in as far as it differs from the usually
received opinion in Java. This account is as follows:

"The history of the kingdom of _Tumápel_, being an account of the
origin and rise of the kingdom of _Majapáhit_, written on the day of
_Respáti_ (Thursday,) the 10th of the fifth season. Date

     5        6       4         1
  _wisaya_  _rasa_  _toya_  _wasitan_

(literally 1465.)

"In the kingdom of _Tumápel_ there reigned a king, named and styled
_Rátu Sri Jáya Purúsa_, who in his demise was succeeded by his son,
known by the name and title of _Sri Láksi Kirána_, who on dying left
two sons, the elder named and styled _Sang Sri Síwabúda_, who succeeded
to the throne; the younger _Ráden Wijáya_, who was remarkable for the
beauty of his person.

"During the reign of _Sáng Srí Síwabúda_ the state had very much
declined. Every district was going to ruin, in consequence of which the
_páteh_, named _Mángku Rája Náta_, addressed himself to the prince,
reminding him of the manner in which his forefathers used to treat the
people, and which the welfare of his kingdom required of him to follow.
To this, however, the prince would not listen, and as a punishment to
the _páteh_ for his presumption, he immediately ordered him to quit
_Tumápel_.

"_Sang Sri Síwabúda_ had a man in his service named _Wíra Rája_, whom,
in consideration of his useful services, he had made ruler over the
eastern part of _Madúra_ called _Súmenap_. On being informed that the
king intended to accuse him of a crime of which he was innocent, and
considering himself in danger, sent a messenger to _Sri Jáya Kátong_,
sovereign of _Kedíri_, to say, 'that as the kingdom of _Tumápel_ was
almost in a state of confusion, he might attack and conquer it without
difficulty.'

"_Sri Jáya Kátong_, on hearing the intelligence, was very much
delighted, and accordingly he ordered his _patéh_, _Kébo Mundárang_, to
make preparations for the purpose of invading _Tumápel_.

"When every thing was ready the king gave orders to his _patéh_ that
he should march with a considerable force to _Tumápel_, and attack the
southern part of the kingdom, while himself and his followers began the
attack on the west.

"_Sri Síwabúda_ being informed that his kingdom was invaded by the
sovereign of _Kedíri_, appointed his younger brother, _Ráden Wijáya_,
to command the forces, and meet the enemy coming from the west.
Instead of marching out himself to meet the attack from the south he
remained in his _kadáton_, and amused himself with his concubines.
This enjoyment, however, was soon interrupted; for _Mundárang_ having
reached the _kadáton_ obliged him to come out and meet him, and on his
making his appearance, _Mundárang_ and his followers lost no time in
deciding his fate. _Sri Síwabúda_ was accordingly killed before the
palace gate. _Ráden Wijáya_ and _Jáya Kátong_ had by this time fought
several battles, as well as skirmishes, in which a great number of men
were killed on both sides.

"They continued to oppose each other when _Mundárang_ came up and
attacked _Wijáya_ in the rear. This soon determined the victory in
favour of _Kedíri_, and obliged _Wijáya_ to fly to _Súmenap_ for the
safety of his person, where he remained in the house of _Wíra Rája_, to
whom he gave a full account of all the circumstances.

"Among the spoils which _Mundárang_ had taken from the palace was
the beautiful wife of _Wijáya_, who was afterwards delivered to the
sovereign of _Kedíri_. He was very much struck with her beauty, and
proposed to make her his lawful wife.

"This proposal was however refused, and the king, instead of being
offended by the refusal, adopted her as his daughter.

"_Ráden Wijáya_ had by this time remained a good while with _Wíra
Rája_ at _Súmenap_, and was then advised by him to repair to _Kedíri_,
that _Jáya Kátong_ might forgive him, and employ him in some way or
other. He accordingly went over to _Jáya Kátong_, who received him very
kindly; and he had not remained long at _Kedíri_ when _Jáya Kátong_
granted him an extensive forest, with which he might do as he liked.

"_Wijáya_, with a view of making a large town in the forest, sent
a messenger to _Wíra Rája_ to get some assistance. _Wíra Rája_
accordingly sent over a good many people to _Wijáya_, who, after
procuring every thing necessary for such an undertaking, began to cut
down the forest. While they were at work they found a large _mája_
tree loaded with fruit, but when they tasted the fruit they found it
quite bitter; whence the place was called _mája páit_, (literally the
bitter mája.)

"_Ráden Wijáya_, after making _Majapáhit_ a very large town, assumed
the title of _Bopáti Sang Browíjáyá_, having for his _Páteh_ a son of
_Wíra Rája_, whose name and title was _Kiaái Pateh Ráng'ga Láwé_.

"The population of _Majapáhit_ increasing very rapidly, _Browijáya_
thought, that with the aid of _Wíra Rája_ he should be able to invade
_Kedíri_. He accordingly sent a messenger to _Wíra Rája_ to request
some assistance. _Wíra Rája_ willingly sent a considerable force to
_Browíjáya_, and after the two armies had joined together Browíjáya
began his march to _Kedíri_.

"_Jáya Kátong_, on being informed that a considerable force from
_Majápáhit_ was coming to invade his kingdom, immediately sent out a
band of fighting men to meet the enemy. Several battles were fought in
which many fell on either side.

"_Jáya Kátong_, previous to the invasion of _Browijáya_, had promised
his guest, the King of _Tátar_[258], whose name and title was _Srí
Laksemána_, to give him his adopted daughter (wife to _Browijáya_) in
marriage. This was however delayed. Several times did _Laksemána_ press
_Jáya Kátong_ to fulfil his promise, but he never received a positive
answer.

"_Laksemána_ therefore being informed that _Browijáya_ of _Majápahit_
had attacked _Kedíri_, forthwith sent a letter to him, saying that he
would co-operate with the people of _Majapáhit_, provided _Browijáya_
would be on good terms with him.

"_Browijáya_ on receiving this intelligence was very much delighted,
and accordingly returned a letter of approbation to _Laksemána_.

"_Láksemána_ and his followers then joined _Browijáya_, and fought
several battles with _Jáya Kátong_, in which a great number of men, as
well as chiefs, were killed on both sides.

"In the heat of the action _Jáya Kátong_ and _Laksemána_ met, and a
fierce encounter took place between these chiefs. _Jáya Kátong_ threw
his javelin at _Laksemána_, but missed him; and _Laksemána_, in return,
struck him on the breast with his poisoned spear, and killed him on the
spot.

"_Páteh Mundárang_, and the whole force of _Kedíri_, perceiving that
their king was fallen, immediately surrendered.

"_Browijáya_ then eagerly went into the _kadáton_, and was received by
his faithful wife. They embraced with tears of joy; and _Browijáya_ was
so enraptured at recovering her, that without taking further notice of
the _kadáton_, he returned with his wife to _Majapáhit_. He invited the
King of _Tátar_ to visit him. On his arrival _Browijáya_ received him
with every attention, and made him a present of a beautiful virgin.

"_Laksemána_ remained for some time at _Majapáhit_, during which
_Browijáya_ gave him two or three grand entertainments. He afterwards
embarked on board of his own vessel and returned to his kingdom of
_Tátar_."

The story concludes with stating that _Browijáya_, with his _Páteh,
Rang'ga Lawé_, reigned at _Majapáhit_, and governed the whole of the
island of Java, and his people were very happy.[259]

Under the second prince of _Majapáhit_, called _Brokamára_
or _Brow'yáya_ the second, the manufacture of arms of various
descriptions was brought to the highest perfection; and the first
damasked _krises_ were now made by the _pándi_ (smiths) from
_Pajajáran_, who became so distinguished that they were appointed to
the charge of districts with a thousand _chácha_ each. The _kris_,
which was afterwards placed on the tomb of _Susúnan Gíri_, is said to
have been manufactured at this time from a piece of old iron found by
the prince.

The reign of the third prince of _Majapáhit_ was of very short
duration, and he was succeeded by _Ardi Wijaya_, who putting to death
the prime minister, eventually fell a sacrifice to the just revenge of
the minister's son.

This prince, however, is distinguished by the extent of his conquests,
and for the victory he obtained over _Sri Sin Dérga_, King of
_Sing'apura_ on the _Malayan_ peninsula, whose subjects lived by
piracy, but by this event became tributary to _Majapáhit_.

To him succeeded the fifth prince of _Majapáhit_, named _Mérta Wijáya_,
whose minister, _Gúja Mada_, became celebrated for his virtues and
abilities, and for the code of regulations which at this day exists
under his name. In his reign the conquest of _Indragíri_, or Sumatra,
which had begun by his predecessor, was successfully completed.

Accounts differ regarding the successor of his prince, some considering
_Ráden Alit_, his brother, to have succeeded at an early age, and
others that _Ráden Alit_ is the same with _Angka Wijáya_, the last
sovereign of _Majapáhit_. According to the latter accounts, many of the
principal events reported to have taken place in the reign of _Alít_
are brought under that of _Mérta Wijáya_.

One of the sovereigns of _Majapáhit_, according to the Malayan annals,
had two sons by the daughter of the Raja of the mountain _Sa Guntang_;
the eldest named _Ráden Ino Mérta Wángsa_, and the younger _Ráden Mas
Pamári_. The eldest succeeded to the government of _Majapáhit_, the
authority of which then extended over the whole of Java, and all the
Rajas of _Núsa Tamára_ (probably _Báli_) likewise paid allegiance for
half their lands. The sovereign of _Majapáhit_ heard of the extensive
country of _Malacca_ which did not owe him allegiance, and sent a large
fleet against it, under the command of _Demáng Wirája_. The Javans,
however, did not succeed: they were forced to retreat to their _práhus_
and to return to _Majapáhit_.

Through the wisdom of the minister, _Gája Máda_, who was continued in
office, and the prudent direction of _Alit Wijáya_, the kingdom of
_Majapáhit_ rose to the highest pitch of wealth and glory. Several
nations on Sumatra, and among them the people of _Palémbang_, as well
as the inhabitants of the southern states of Borneo, who had no regular
government at that period, obtained from him protection against the
people of _Lámpung_, and in return acknowledged the supremacy of
_Majapáhit_. The authority of this empire now extended eastward over
_Balambángan_ and _Báli_, and westward over what was then termed the
kingdom of _Súnda_, which included the western districts of Java,
part of Sumatra, and all the islands situated in the straits. The
inhabitants of the islands situated in the straits of Sunda consisted
for the most part of the dregs of all nations, who having fled from the
wars, or having been otherwise obliged to desert their own country, had
elected a chief, under whom they committed extensive depredations by
sea and land.

During the reign of _Alit Wijáya_, the _pusáka kris_, named _jala
sémlang jándring_, was carried off by stealth, by emissaries employed
by _Ménak Dáli Púti_, prince of _Balambángan_; but was recovered by
the dexterity of a _pándi_ (or smith) named _Súpa_, who in reward for
his services was made chief of _Madirángin_ (now called _Sidáyu_),
and was the first distinguished by the title of _Adipáti_. This chief
afterwards proceeded with a force to _Balambángan_, and an engagement
took place near the river _Káli Tíkus_: _Ménak Dáli Púti_ was defeated
and put to death, and his family obliged to seek refuge with the chief
of _Bálí Klóngkong_. The enemy was pursued as far as his capital;
_Máchang púti_, and the whole coast was divided into districts, under
the sovereignty of _Majapáhit_.

The chief of _Báli Klóngkong_ sent an embassy to _Majapáhit_, and
concluded a treaty acknowledging its authority.

During this reign, a violent volcanic eruption took place from one of
the mountains in the western districts of _Balambángan_.

_Mérta_, or according to others, _Alit Wijáya_, left two children, a
daughter named _Kanchána Wúnga_, and a son named _Angka Wijáya_, who
according to some accounts administered the government jointly. The
princess, however, is better known as an independent sovereign, under
the title of _Prábu Kánya Kanchána Wúng'u_. It is related, that during
this reign the chief of _Balembángan_, named _Ménak Jéng'ga_, made a
successful attack on _Probolíng'go_, and reduced under his authority
all the countries which had been dependent on _Majapáhit_, as far west
as _Túban_, so that the capital was nearly surrounded by enemies. In
this state of affairs, _Ménak Jéng'ga_ offered terms, on condition of
obtaining the hand of the princess in marriage; but she, disgusted by
the deformity of his person, and a stench that exhaled from his body,
not only rejected his suit, but declared she would give her hand to
the man who would destroy him. _Dámar Wúlan_, the son of a _tápa_ or
devotee, named _Udára_, and a descendant of _Aria Babáng'a_, obtained
a single victory over the rebels at _Probolíng'go_, and cut off the
head of _Ménak Jéng'ga_: he was rewarded by the hand of the princess;
and all the provinces again fell under the authority of _Majapáhit_.
According to some accounts, _Dámar Wúlan_ had also been successful in
repelling an invasion from _Kambója_.

_Angka Wijáya_ having by this time attained a sufficient age, assumed
the chief authority; the princess retiring with _Dámar Wúlan_, to
whom was entrusted the charge of _Probolíng'go_ with the more eastern
districts, and of _Súmenap_ and _Sámpang_ on _Madúra_.

The first attempts to introduce the Mahomedan religion in the eastern
provinces of Java, appear to have been made at _Grésik_, about the
close of the thirteenth century of the Javan era. In the origin and
rise of _Grésik_, they are thus related by the native writers:

"_Mulána Ibrahim_, a celebrated _Pandíta_ from Arabia, descended
from _Jenal Abidin_, and cousin to the Raja of _Chérmen_ (a country
of _Sábrang_), had established himself with other Mahomedans at
_Désa Léran_ in _Jang'gála_, when the Raja of _Chérmen_ arrived at
Java. This prince, who was a Mahomedan, perceiving with regret that
the inhabitants of the large and populous island of Java were still
heathens, resolved to attempt the conversion of the King of _Majapáhit,
Prábu Angka Wijáya_, and with this view to present to him his maiden
daughter in marriage. Embarking with his daughter, and all his
relatives and followers of every description, he reached _Jang'gála_ in
safety, and landing at the _Désa Léran_ he immediately built a mosque
there, and in a short time succeeded in obtaining many converts.

"The Raja of _Chérmen_ having consulted with his relations whom he
found at _Léran_, deputed his son, _Sídek Mahómed_, to proceed to
_Majapáhit_, and apprise the king of his intended visit. He afterwards
set out himself, with all his party, among whom were forty holy men,
his relations, who had come with him from _Sábrang_.

"The King of _Majapáhit_ came forth, and met Raja _Chérmen_ at the
confines, where they both remained under a _pasang'grahan_, erected for
their accommodation. _Angka Wijáya_ evinced the greatest respect for
Raja _Chérmen_, and treated him with every mark of hospitality.

"The Raja of _Chérmen_ now presented to the King of _Majapáhit_ a
pomegranate in a basket, in order that, by his acceptance or rejection
of it, he might ascertain whether or not he would become a convert.
The king accepted of the present, but not without wondering how a Raja
from _Tána Sábrang_ could think of presenting him with such a fruit,
as if it had been unknown on Java. His thoughts, however, he kept to
himself; but _Raja Chérmen_ knew what was working in his mind, and
soon after took his leave, and returned with his people to _Léran_.
His nephew, _Mulána Máhfar_ (son of _Mulána Ibrahim_) alone remained
with _Angka Wijáya_. Some time after this, the king having contracted
a kind of giddiness in the head, opened the pomegranate; when, instead
of the usual seeds, he found it filled with precious stones (rubies).
Surprised at this, he observed to his minister, that _Raja Chérmen_
must indeed be a very superior kind of person, and sent _Mulána Máhfar_
to request the Raja to return; but the Raja refused to do so, and
proceeded on.

"When _Raja Chérmen_ had been four nights at _Léran_, his people fell
sick and many died. Among them there were three out of five cousins,
who had accompanied him from _Sábrang_, named _Sáyed Jáfar_, _Sáyed
Kásem_, and _Sáyed Ghárt_, whose tombs are known by the name of
_Kúbur Pánjang_[260]. The princess also fell sick, when her father
attended upon her himself, and besought the Almighty to spare her and
restore her to health, that his intention of giving her to the Raja of
_Majapáhit_ might be fulfilled: he prayed, however, at the same time,
that if it was ordained that _Angka Wijáya_ was not to be converted,
her days might be shortened. The princess shortly afterwards died, and
was interred near the graves of her relations[261].

"The usual tribute having been paid to the memory of the deceased, on
the different days appointed for the performance of the ceremony, and
_Mulána Ibrahim_ having been appointed to look after and take care of
the graves, the _Raja_ of _Chérmen_, with all his people, set out to
return home. On his way _Sáyed Jáfar_ died. He was sent on shore at
_Madúra_, and his remains were interred to the west of the village
_Plakára_. _Sayed Rafidin_, the only remaining cousin of the _Raja_,
died near _Bovian_, and was buried on that island.

"_Angka Wijáya_, desirous of meeting again with _Raja Chérmen_, arrived
at _Léran_ three days after his departure, and hearing of the death of
the princess, observed, that he thought the religion of _Rajá Chérmen_
would have prevented such a calamity as the premature death of the
_pútrí_ (princess), that it would have enabled her to hold out against
the sickness of Java, and that he must now think meanly of it: to
which _Muléna_ replied, that such ignorance was only the consequence
of worshipping _Déwas_ instead of the true God. _Angka Wijáya_ became
highly enraged at this retort; but being pacified by his followers,
returned to _Majapáhit_, without taking any further notice of it. This
happened in the year 1313.

"_Múlana Ibrahim_, who remained in charge of the tombs of the deceased,
afterwards removed from _Léran_ to _Grésik_, which, however, had not
become a separate state. Here he died, twenty-one years after the
departure of the Raja of _Chérmen_; and here his tomb, which is known
by the name of _Gapúrá Wétan_, is still to be seen. He died on Monday,
the twelfth of _Rabíulawal_, in the Javan year 1334.

"It is related, that about this period there was a woman of _Kamboja_,
named _Niái Gédi Pináteh_, the wife of the _patéh_, or minister of that
country, who on account of her being a great sorceress was banished
to Java, where, on her arrival, she went to the king of _Majapáhit_
and implored protection. The king taking pity on her, the more so as
she was a woman of advanced age without any children, and had been
removed from a situation where she had once been comfortable and
happy, provided for her by making her a kind of _shabándar_ (chief
of the port) at _Grésik_, where there was already a mosque and a
considerable population. _Niái Gédi_ afterwards became very religious
and charitable, and was revered for becoming the foster-mother of
_Susúnan Gíri_. Her death took place forty-five years after that of
_Múlana Ibrahim_; being a short time previous to the destruction of
_Majapáhit_, and her tomb is still to be seen at _Gresík_."

To return, however, to the proceedings of the King of _Majapáhit_,
it appears that early in his reign, _Angka Wijáya_, hearing from the
merchants who resorted to Java of the beauty and accomplishments of a
princess of _Chámpa_, sent an embassy to that country to demand her in
marriage; and on her arrival at _Grésik_, received her there in person,
with great attention and state. The princess, nevertheless, for a long
time refused to cohabit with him, on account of the great number of his
concubines, and particularly on account of the powerful hold obtained
over his affections by a Chinese of great beauty, who had been sent to
him as a present from one of the chiefs of China, at the request of the
merchants and with the consent of the emperor, with a view to obtain
greater privileges for their trade with Java.

The princess is represented as the second daughter of the Raja of
_Chámpa_. Her name was _Dára Wáti_, and her eldest sister had been
married to an Arab, by whom she had a son, named _Ráchmat_.

Previous, however, to this marriage, _Angka Wijáya_ is said to have
had an intrigue with a woman, of whom there are various accounts, some
describing her as a witch, residing on the mountain _Láwu_, and others
as a _rasáksa_. The fruit of this illicit connection was a son, called
_Aria Dámar_. Unknown to his father, this youth distinguished himself
at an early age, by bringing together all the wild animals of the
forest, as an amusement for the prince and his family. In consequence
of an exploit so hazardous, he was first appointed chief of a province,
and afterwards promoted to the command of an army proceeding against
_Báli_, during a war in which the forces of _Majapáhit_ suffered
great loss, but were ultimately successful[262]. The capital, called
_Klónkong_, was surprised and carried, and the chief himself, with the
whole of his family, except one sister, put to the sword. She being
very beautiful, was sent to _Majapáhit_. The island of _Báli_ became
tributary to _Majapáhit_.

_Aria Dámar_, on his return, presented the various arms which had been
taken as tokens of his success; and his conduct being highly approved
of, he was appointed _Adipáti_, or chief, of _Palémbang_ on Sumatra.

The discontent of the Princess of _Chámpa_ still continuing, the
Prince came to the resolution of parting with his Chinese consort,
and gave her to _Aria Dámar_, on condition that he would not cohabit
with her until she was delivered of the child, of which she was then
pregnant, and that he would afterwards rear up the child as his own.
_Aria Dámar_ then accompanied by the princess, and about three hundred
chosen troops, given to him by the prince of _Majapáhit_, embarked for
_Palémbang_, where he was well received, and immediately acknowledged
as chief. He soon, however, became involved in a war with the _Lámpung_
states and the neighbouring isles of _Súnda_, the inhabitants of
which were continually committing depredations in the territories of
_Palémbang_. He proceeded into the _Lámpung_ country, but before he
could reduce it to subjection, internal commotions obliged him to
return to _Palémbany_, where the Chinese princess was now delivered of
a son, to whom he gave the name of _Ráden Pátah_. He had afterwards a
son by this princess, whom he named _Ráden Húsen_; but observing that
the people of _Palémbang_ disliked the princess, on account of her
Chinese extraction, he took from one of the first families of the place
another wife, whose son might become his successor, and resolved to
send _Ráden Pátah_ and _Ráden Húsen_ to _Majapáhit_.

After _Aria Dámar_ had resided about three years at _Palémbang, Ráden
Ráchmat_, son of the Arab priest, who had married one of the daughters
of the Raja of _Chámpa_, arrived there, being the bearer of letters
and presents for _Majapáhit_. _Ráchmat_ was then about twenty years of
age, carefully educated, and well instructed in the Mahomedan religion.
In a short time _Aria Dámar_ felt inclined to embrace the faith, but
on account of the attachment of the people of _Palémbang_ to their
ancient worship, he dared not openly profess it. _Ráchmat_ remained two
months at _Palémbang_, and then proceeded on his voyage to _Majapáhit_,
touching at _Grésik_ on the way, where he visited _Sheik Mulána Jomadil
Kóbra_, a devotee who had established himself on _Gúnung Jáli_, and who
declared to him that his arrival at that particular period had been
predicted by the prophet; that the fall of paganism was at hand, and
that he was elected to preach the doctrine of Mahomed in the eastern
parts of Java, where a rich harvest of conversion awaited his apostolic
labours.

Arriving at _Grésik_ he proceeded to _Majapáhit_, where he was
kindly received by the prince, and by his relative the princess of
_Chámpa_. _Angka Wijáya_, notwithstanding he disapproved of his
religious principles, and himself refused to become a convert to them,
conceived such an attachment for his person and such a respect for
his character, that he assigned to him three thousand families, and
formed an establishment for him at _Ampel_, situated in the vicinity of
_Surabáya_, where he allowed him the free exercise of his religion,
with permission to make converts of those who were inclined. In a short
time _Ráchmat_ gained the affection of all those placed under him, and
most of them were by degrees converted to the faith, whence he acquired
the title of _Sunan_, meaning, according to some, "_messenger from
God_," or he of whom requests are made, and which title, indifferently
termed _Sunan_ or _Susuhunan_, the sovereigns of Java have since
continued to assume[263]. As a further testimony of his regard for
_Ráchmet_, the prince of _Majapáhit_ gave to him in marriage the
daughter of his first _Klíwon_, whose brother, _Wíla Tíkta_, he had
appointed chief of _Túban_. By this wife _Ráchmat_ had three children,
a daughter and two sons, who were afterwards appointed _Adipátis_ of
_Bónang_ and _Drájat_, now called _Lasem_ and _Sedáyu_.

The next Arab missionary who arrived at _Grésik_ was _Mulána Ishak_,
the father of the celebrated _Súnan Gíri_. The circumstances attending
his arrival, and the establishment of his son, are thus related.

"_Mulána Ishak_, otherwise called _Mulána Alul Islam_ of _Pási
Málaca_, a celebrated _Pandíta_, who had given himself up to penance
and mortification, having heard that there was at _Ampel_, on Java, a
prince who was busily employed in propagating the Mahomedan religion,
and that many persons, through his means, had embraced the faith,
went over and assisted _Súnan Mákdum_ in the work of conversion: and
having received his sanction to go to _Balambángan_, for the purpose of
teaching the Mahomedan religion, there embarked in a _práhu_, and set
out on the sacred mission.

"It happened that at this time the chief of _Balambángan_ was greatly
distressed on account of his daughter, who was very sick, and whose
malady would not yield to the power of medicine. One night a voice from
heaven told him, that if he would have his daughter speedily recover he
must send her to _Gúnung Patukáng'an_, where there would be found a
_Pandíta_ from _Sábrang_, who would cure her, and afterwards become her
husband.

"A storm arising, the _práhu_ in which _Malána Ishak_ had embarked was
driven close to the foot of _Gúnung Patukáng'an_, and he landed there,
when the chief, having sent his daughter to the mountain, directed that
the _Pandíta_ might be conveyed thither, in order that the prophecy
might be fulfilled. _Malána Ishak_ first objected to undertake the
cure, on the plea that he was not skilled in medicine, but at last
agreed to comply, on condition that the chief would embrace the
Mahomedan religion if he were successful. To this the latter consented,
on which _Ishak_, addressing the priest, said, 'I am not a person
skilled in medicine, neither do I know how to administer it, but if
your daughter would be well she has now only to wish herself so.' The
princess immediately recovered.

"The prince afterwards bestowed upon the _Pandíta_ his daughter in
marriage, and she soon acquired a thorough knowledge of the tenets of
Mahomedanism.

"On one occasion, when the prince was sitting in the hall of audience
before all his people, the _Pandíta_ went up to him and reminded him
of his promise to become a Mahomedan, adding, that he was ready to
instruct him in the doctrine of that system. On this the prince became
angry, and told him in haughty terms that he never would change his
religion. No sooner had he spoken than his mouth was distorted. At
this, however, he only became the more exasperated, and approaching the
_Pandíta_, was going to strike him, when his legs gave way under him
and he fell to the ground.

"The _Pandíta_, returning to his wife, took leave of her, exhorting her
to adhere to the religion he had taught her, and telling her that he
must now proceed upon the mission on which he had originally embarked.
Though desirous of accompanying him he would not permit her. After he
was gone the land was afflicted with a pestilence, which carried off
great numbers of the people.

"The prince, greatly vexed, and enraged at the havock thus made among
his subjects, told his minister that it must be in consequence of his
daughter being pregnant by the _Pandíta_; and that, as soon as the
child should be born he was determined to make away with it.

"The Almighty, however, took the child under his especial protection,
and it was safely conveyed to _Grésik_ in a trading vessel, where it
was brought up by _Niái Géde Pináteh_, until it was twelve years of
age; when, turning out a promising boy, she resigned him to _Ráden
Ráchmat_, then called _Súnan Ampel_, for the purpose of his receiving
religious instruction. The _Súnan_ soon discovered the boy was of
Arab descent, and gave him the name of _Ráden Páku_, observing, that
he would one day become the _pepaku_ (that is, the _support-nail_, or
axle) of Java; he subsequently gave him his daughter in marriage.

"_Ráden Páku_ afterwards, accompanied by _Mákdum Ibrahim_, son of the
_Súnan_, proceeded on a pilgrimage to _Mecca_; but touching at _Pási
Malácca_, they were there presented to the great and holy teacher,
_Mulána Alúl Islam_, who persuaded them, instead of prosecuting their
voyage, to return to their own country, in order to make converts and
become great and glorious; and giving to each of them an Arab turban
and a long gown, at the same time conferred upon them the names of
_Prábu Suswáta_ and _Prábu Anyak Kraswáti_. He moreover told them, on
their return to _Grésik_, to erect a mosque at _Gíri_.

"On reaching _Ampel_, after their return to Java, the _Súnan_ informed
_Ráden Páku_ that the holy man to whom he had been presented at _Pási
Malácca_ was his own father, and that by obeying his instructions in
building a mosque at _Gíri_ he would fulfil a prophecy, and he and his
companion become great princes in Java.

"_Ráden Páku_ then went to _Gíri_, and having cleared a spot, a mosque
and dwelling were soon erected. Numerous proselytes being attracted
thither, he was called _Prábu Satmáta_, and sometimes _Susúnan Rátu
Ainul Yákin_, but more commonly _Súnan Gíri_. He was afterwards
appointed by the king of _Majapáhit_ to be chief of the province of
_Grésik_, in the same manner as _Susúnan Ampel_ had been previously
appointed. He was born A. J. 1355. _Prábu Anyák Kraswáti_, his
companion, afterwards assumed the title _Susúnan Bónang_, under which
name he was a distinguished character in subsequent transactions."

In the western provinces the work of conversion was also advancing,
under the influence of _Sheik Ibn' Mulána_, who in A. J. 1334 had
established himself in _Chéribon_, where he is better known as _Susúnan
Gúnung Játi_, a name given him on account of his fixing his abode on
the hills so named. A woman afflicted with the leprosy (a complaint
which has been declared incurable) was recovered by him, and thus
procured for him the character of being able to perform miracles.
The number of people who in consequence of the cure resorted to
_Gúnung Játi_ was so great, that the chiefs, in the first instance,
thought themselves bound to interfere, and did so with the hopes of
success; but finding afterwards that they could not resist the tide,
many of them, among whom were the chiefs of _Gálu_, _Sukapúra_, and
_Limbangan_, became themselves converts to the faith.

When _Lémbu Pétang_, son of _Angka Wijáya_, by the Princess of
_Chámpa_, was appointed to the charge of the island of _Madúra_, under
the title of _Panambáhan_, the _Súnan Gíri_ deputed _Sheik Sárif_,
commonly called _Kalipha Kúsen_, to accompany him, in order to make
converts on that island. This missionary was buried at _Aros Báya_,
where he had built a mosque, and is generally known on _Madúra_ by the
name of _Pangéran Sárif_.

In the meantime the name of _Majapáhit_ stood high among surrounding
nations; and at no time was the authority of that state more
extensively acknowledged. Some disturbances, however, had taken place
on _Báli_, promoted by chiefs of districts, who oppressed their
subjects, and interfered with the authority of each other. These
commotions were so exasperated by the difficulties which arose in
collecting the tribute, that the prince was obliged to send an army
thither, under the command of _Adáya Níngrat_, the _Adipáti_ of _Pájang
Peng'ging_, who soon restored order and tranquillity. In return for
this and other eminent services he obtained in marriage _Rátu Tímpo_,
the legitimate daughter of _Angka Wijáya_. _Déwa Agung Kátut_, a
natural son of the prince by the princess of _Báli_, being then
appointed chief of that island, proceeded thither with a select force,
and continued tributary to _Majapáhit_ until its downfall.

[The following account is given of the further success of the
_Majapáhit_ arms in the Eastern Seas, under _Andáya Níngrat_, commonly
known by the title of _Rátu Péng'ging_, and of the motives which
induced the Prince of _Majapáhit_ first to give him his daughter in
marriage, and afterwards to admit him to a share in the government.]

"Every time that the Prince of _Majapáhit_ received accounts of the
success of _Rátu Péng'ging_ his alarm and uneasiness increased; for
in these accounts it was stated that he wanted no further assistance,
as he met with but little opposition, all the rajas of _Sábrang_
submitting to him, among whom were those of _Makásar_, _Góa_, _Bánda_,
_Sembáwa_, _Endé_, _Tímor_, _Ternáté_, _Súlu_, _Síram_, _Maníla_, and
_Búrni_, in short, he and his followers conquered wherever he went,
being themselves invulnerable.

"At length the Prince of _Majapáhit_ recollected that _Palémbang_ had
not yet submitted, and in consequence sent a handsome present to _Ratu
Péng'ging_, accompanied by a request to subdue _Palémbang_ without
delay.

"The Prince of _Majapáhit_ then calling his minister, _Gaja Máda_,
inquired of him how it was that _Rátu Péng'ging_ met with such success,
and was becoming so great, that no country could withstand him, and
told him, that his alarm was excited even for his own safety, least on
his return to _Péng'ging_ the island of Java should become subject to
two chiefs. To which _Gaja Máda_ replied, 'he knew not how to account
for it, or to remove the uneasiness of the prince, but that he was
always ready to obey the orders of his prince: in the present case
_Rátu Péng'ging_ had been thrown into the greatest danger possible, and
yet his life was preserved; what more could be done?' The prince then
said, 'let us both perform penance, and inquire of the Deity how to
remove this uneasiness.' _Gaja Máda_ assenting to this proposal, they
both kept themselves apart from the people of the court, and fasted
for forty days and forty nights, at the expiration of which _Batára
Naráda_ appeared to _Gaja Máda_, saying, 'it is impossible for you to
destroy or kill _Rátu Péng'ging_, for he is a good man, and favoured
by the gods; but if the Prince of _Majapáhit_ wishes to get rid of his
uneasiness, he had better make him his son-in-law, by giving him his
eldest daughter, _Rátu Pambáyun_, in marriage.'

"The prince on hearing this became much astonished, adding, that he had
received a similar communication from _Sang'yang Túng'gal_ (the great
and only one,) and it was agreed to send for _Rátu Péng'ging_ without
delay.

"In a short time _Rátu Péng'ging_ reached _Majapáhit_, with numerous
princes in his suite, in proof of what he had written, that all the
rajas of _Sábrang_ had submitted, and were willing to obey the will of
_Majapáhit_. _Rátu Péng'ging_ then informed the prince, that in the
conquest of _Palémbang_ the raja of that country had been killed, and
that he had himself appointed a person to administer the government
provisionally, until the Prince of _Majapáhit_ should nominate a new
raja.

"The prince received him with great distinction, saying, he knew not
how to reward such eminent service, and offering to him his daughter in
marriage.

"After the marriage had taken place the prince assembled all his
chiefs, and placing _Rátu Péng'ging_, now his son-in-law, on the
_setíngel_, appointed him in their presence, under the title of _Prábu
Anom_, to a joint administration of the country with himself.

"The prince, however, some time after, became jealous of the authority
of this chief, and removed him to _Péng'ging_, afterwards called
_Pájang_.

"During the administration of _Lémbu Pétang_ on _Madúra_, _Súmanap_
with the subordinate islands became a separate province under _Járan
Panúlan_, a native of _Pamakásan_, who, by his skill and courage, had
raised himself to the rank of commander of the _Majapáhit_ cavalry, and
was married to an illegitimate daughter of the prince.

"About the year 1360 ambassadors arrived from _Pánjar Másin_, when the
prince sent one of his sons, _Kúda Banjáran Sâri_, also called _Chákra
Nagára_, to be the chief of that country. He proceeded with many
vessels, and numerous followers and troops.

"The prince afterwards gave one of his daughters, the sister of
_Chákra Nagára_, in marriage to a celebrated commander, named _Járan
Línau_, who was appointed _Adipáti_ of _Lokáno_, and appointed _Pánji
Diwírio_ chief of _Pranarága_, with the title of _Batára Kátong_.

"The prince falling ill of a complaint, declared by the physicians to
be incurable, was advised, as the only means of recovery, to cohabit
with one of his female slaves, a woolly-haired girl. The fruit of this
intercourse was a son, who, on account of his birth, was called _Búndan
Kajáwan_. This child, shortly after its birth, was delivered over to
_Kiái Géde Tárup Siséla_, chief of the prince's _sáwa_, or rice lands,
with directions to bring it up as a foundling."

Returning, however, to the progress of Mahomedan conversion, which
is now more rapidly advancing, the history goes on to state that the
sons of _Aria Dámar_, of _Palémbang_, who were destined to take a most
conspicuous part in succeeding events, came to _Grésik_, the former at
the age of twenty, and the latter of eighteen. _Ráden Pátah_, aware of
his extraction, and of the treatment which his mother had received,
would not proceed to _Majapáhit_, but remained with the _Susúnan_ at
_Ampel_ for some time. _Húsen_, however, went to _Majapáhit_, with
injunctions not to say any thing of _Ráden Pátah_. He was well received
there, and soon after was appointed to the command of the troops, and
to administer the district of _Trong_.

_Ráden Pátah_ afterwards marrying the grand-daughter of _Súnan Ampel_,
and leaving her during her pregnancy, proceeded to the westward, in
order to form an establishment, which he was directed to fix at a
place where he should find the sweet-scented grass, called _bíntara_.
This he discovered in a place where there were but few dry spots to be
found, in an extensive swamp, termed in Javan _Demalákan_, whence the
contraction _Demák_, first called _Bintára_.

As soon as the prince of _Majapáhit_ heard of this new establishment
at _Bintára_, he directed _Húsen_ to proceed thither and destroy
it, unless the chief was willing to acknowledge the authority of
_Majapáhit_. _Húsen_ in consequence prevailed on _Ráden Pátah_ to
accompany him to _Majapáhit_, where he was recognised by his likeness
to the prince, and permitted to return to _Bintára_ with the title of
_Adipáti_.

When _Ráden Pátah_ quitted _Majapáhit_, instead of returning to
_Bintára_ he went to _Ampel_, and communicated to him the shame and
rage which he felt on the discovery of his birth and a determination
which he had made to destroy _Majapáhit_. The _Súnan_, however,
moderated his anger, by telling him that while the prince was just and
beloved, and he himself received such benefits from him, his religion
did not admit of his making war against him, or in any way injuring him.

_Ráden Pátah_ then returned to _Bintára_, taking with him his wife,
but leaving with the _Súnan_ his son, _Ráden Abdala_. _Bintára_ now
rose in consequence and prosperity, proselytes became numerous, and the
population daily increased.

Shortly after the mosque had been commenced, intelligence was received
of the severe illness of the _Súnan Ampel_, in consequence of which
_Ráden Pátah_, together with all the chiefs and people who had embraced
Mahomedanism, proceeded to _Ampel_, where, after they had attended him
for a few days, he died, previously delivering into the hands of the
_Súnan Gíri_ a _pusáka kris_, which had been given to him by the prince
of _Majapáhit_, and which he required of him never to transfer into
unhallowed hands.

The prince of _Majapáhit_ is represented as paying every honour to
the deceased, and as having provided the usual feast on the occasion.
After this event, _Ráden Pátah_ returned to _Bintára_, whither eight
missionaries, who had assumed the title of _Súnan_, viz. _Súnan
Bónang_ of _Túban_ (son of _Súnan Ampel_), _Súnan Undang_ of _Kúdus_,
_Súnan Gíri_ of _Grésik_, _Súnan Agum_ (_Mulána Jomadil Kobra_ of
_Chéribon_), _Sunan Káli Jenar_, _Sunan Káli Jága_, _Súnan Tanggung_
(of _Tegal_), and _Súnan Drája_ of _Sidayu_, now proceeded to assist in
the completion of the mosque. This mosque is still standing, and is of
a shape different from those constructed at a later period, having, as
it is asserted, eight pillars, to commemorate the circumstance of the
eight religious men engaged in its construction. This event occurred in
the year 1390.

It was now that _Ráden Pátah_, finding advisers who were perhaps less
scrupulous than the revered _Súnan Ampel_, gave vent to his deep-rooted
animosity against his father, and formed a league with the assembled
missionaries to make war upon the pagan empire of _Majapáhit_. In
consequence of this confederacy, which was joined by all those who had
embraced the Mahomedan faith, with the exception of _Húsen_ and his
followers, who remained true to the prince, a numerous army was soon
collected at _Demák_, where _Ráden Pátah_ openly declared war.

_Súnan Undang_ of _Kúdus_ was appointed to the chief command, and under
him the Mahomedan army marched towards _Majapáhit_; but owing to the
dexterity of _Húsen_, who commanded the _Majapáhit_ forces, a general
engagement was avoided, and for four years the hostile army was kept at
bay. The troops of _Majapáhit_ at last dissatisfied with this uncertain
state of affairs and constant harassing, called loudly for action, and
in compliance with their wishes a decisive battle was fought near the
_Sidayu_ river, in which the Mahomedans were completely routed, and
their chief, _Súnan Undang_, killed. _Húsen_ is accused of not having
followed up this victory to the utmost of his power, on account of his
fraternal affection for _Ráden Pátah_. The remains of _Súnan Undang_
were interred in the north side of the temple at _Demák_.

The prince of _Majapáhit_, after this success, again endeavoured to
reduce _Ráden Pátah_ to obedience by amicable means, and for that
purpose invited him to _Majapáhit_. _Pátah_ promised to comply as soon
as he should recover from a distemper which then confined him. By this,
and other excuses, which were only urged to gain time, he contrived to
deceive the prince; and _Bintára_, with the other provinces, continuing
to pay the usual tribute, his vengeance was disarmed.

Considerable depredations were now made by the _Súnda_ people, who
landing on the north coast proceeded by the river _Losári_ into the
interior of the country, as far as _Bányumas_ and _Dáyu Lúhur_, which
probably attracted the attention of _Angka Wijáya_, more than the
immediate danger which threatened his empire from the members of his
own family.

_Ráden Pátah_, in the meantime, was very active in making preparations
for a fresh attack, and sent to _Palémbang_, for the double purpose of
asking assistance from that state and of reconciling _Aria Dámar_ to
the part which he was now taking against _Húsen_.

To the latter part of the message _Aria Dámar_ replied, "that it was
the will of God to extirpate paganism, and to establish the doctrine
of Mahomed; that therefore, if _Húsen_, who was a Mahomedan, still
continued to assist the infidels, he must abide by the consequences,
and that he, as his father, would in such case take no vengeance for
the death of his son, should it ensue."

The confederates gaining courage from this support, the several chiefs
sent numerous troops to _Demák_, and a second army was soon assembled.
The overthrow of the ancient kingdom, if we are to believe the
Javans, was not to be effected by human means alone, and supernatural
expedients were resorted to. _Aria Dámar_ is said to have sent to
_Ráden Pátah_ the box which had been given him by his mother before
he quitted Java, directing him to carry it to the wars. _Súnan Gúnung
Játi_ sent him a _báju ránté_, or chain jacket, with an injunction not
to open it until the engagement was at its height, when thousands of
rats would issue from it, and assist in putting an end to the struggle.
_Súnan Gíri_ contributed with the same instructions the sacred _kris_,
from which a swarm of hornets was to issue; and _Súnan Bónang_ sent a
magical wand or cane, which in cases of extremity possessed the power
of producing allies and warriors on all sides.

Thus provided, the Mahomedan army took the field under _Pangéran
Kúdus_, son of the deceased _Súnan_. The progress of the confederates
is thus described.

"The army of the faithful, highly elated and determined upon the
downfall of paganism, were met by the united forces of _Majapáhit_,
under _Húsen_, and a severe and desperate battle took place, which
lasted for seven successive days. In this protracted engagement the
former were at first worsted; but the commander, _Pangéran Kúdus_,
availing himself of the enchanted box and miraculous weapons, at last
succeeded in driving the enemy before him, and the city of _Majapáhit_,
surrounded on all sides, submitted to the hostile forces, the prince
and his immediate followers having previously quitted it in disorder
and fled to the eastward."

Thus in the year 1400 fell the great capital of Java, the boast and
pride of the Eastern Islands: thus did the sacred city of _Majapáhit_,
so long celebrated for the splendour of its court and the glory of its
arms, become a wilderness. "Lost and gone is the pride of the land."

The main force of the allies remained at _Majapáhit_; but _Pangéran
Kúdus_ proceeded to _Trong_, whither _Húsen_ had retreated, raising
combatants, by means of the magical wand of _Súnan Bónang_, as he
advanced. Here he attacked _Húsen_, who had entrenched himself in a
strong position, and soon carried his lines. That chief immediately
acknowledging his defeat, entered into terms, and accompanied the
_Pangéran_ to _Demák_, taking with him his principal followers and
daughter, whom _Ráden Pátah_ was allowed to dispose of. He was well
received, and his daughter given in marriage to _Pangéran Aria_ of
_Túban_.

On their way _Pangéran Kúdus_ and _Húsen_ went to _Majapáhit_, whence
the regalia had already been removed to _Demák_, and assisted in
the further removal of all property, public and private, of every
description: so that in the course of two years the country was
entirely laid waste, 1402.

  _Kedélang_  _sírna_  _warnáni_  _nagára_
      2          0         4         1
  To be seen  nought     form    city[264].

Nothing certain is known of the fate of the prince of _Majapáhit_.
According to some accounts, he, his family, and immediate adherents
were put to death on the assault of the city; according to others,
he fled to _Málang_, and ultimately to _Báli_. But the temporary
establishment formed at _Málang_, after the fall of _Majapáhit_, is
ascribed by the tradition of that district, not to the sovereign, but
only to the _Adipáti_ of _Majapáhit_, probably one of the sons of
_Angka Wijáya_, who had remained with his father, and was indifferently
termed _Depáti Gúgur_ or _Depáti Majapáhit_. The date at which _Angka
Wijáya_ ascended the throne scarcely allows us to believe that he
was living at the period of its final overthrow. This date may be
determined from the inscriptions on several tombs still in a state of
preservation. The year marked on the tomb of the princess of _Chámpa_
(which is within the ruins of _Majapáhit_) is 1320; that on the tomb
of _Mulána Ibrahim_, who died twenty-one years after the arrival of
the _Raja Chérmen_ in 1313, is 1334; and as the princess of _Chámpa_
must have been living at the period of _Aria Dámar's_ being sent
to _Palémbang_, when that prince had at least attained the age of
puberty, the accession of _Angka Wijáya_ to the throne of _Majapáhit_
must have been anterior to the year 1320, and a reign of eighty years
more than exceeds the limits of probability. All the accounts which
are given of the fate of this prince and his family agree in stating
that the princess of _Chámpa_, who must, if living, have been nearly a
hundred years of age, fell into the hands of the conquerors, and found
an asylum with the _Súnan Bónang_ of _Túban_: but this statement is
disproved by the recent discovery at _Majapáhit_ of the tomb of this
princess, who appears to have been buried according to the Mahomedan
custom, and on whose tomb-stone the date 1320 is found, in the old
Javan characters, in the highest state of preservation.

In those accounts which represent the prince as having retreated from
_Majapáhit_ the following particulars are related.

"About twelve months after the establishment of the supreme authority
at _Bintára_, or _Demák_, the people of the more eastern provinces
again reverted to the standard of _Browijáya_, who had received
assistance from his son established on _Báli_; upon which _Pangéran
Aria_ of _Kúdus_ and _Húsen_ were directed to proceed against them with
a powerful army. A desperate engagement took place near _Málang_, in
which the _Pepáti Sindu Rája_ was killed. The Mahomedan forces were
however victorious, and following up their success, they pursued the
_Majapáhit_ people to _Grojógan_ (_Balambángan_) whence _Browijáya_ and
those of his followers who still adhered to his fortune took refuge in
boats, and fled to _Báli_. This event happened in the Javan year 1403."

The following, however, is the traditionary account given by the people
of _Málang_, of the party who retreated thither from _Majapáhit_.

"When the people of _Majapáhit_ were defeated, and obliged to fly
their capital, the _Páteh_ of _Majapáhit_ took refuge at a place now
called _Sing'gára_, to the south-west of _Málang_, where he met with
protection from a devotee, named _Kiái Gédé Seng'gára_, who becoming
attached to him gave him his daughter in marriage.

"After the death of the _Pátah_ of _Majapáhit_, and of _Kiái Gédé
Seng'gára_, the son of the former disagreeing with his wife, quitted
_Seng'gára_, and built a small village at _Gedádang_, where afterwards
he constructed a fort, and assumed the name of _Ráng'ga Permána_.

"In a short time this new country was known by the name of _Súpit
úrang_: its inhabitants commenced the manufacture of bricks, of which
the walls of the town and ramparts were completed; they then dug a moat
or ditch round the whole, and rendered it a place of great strength.

"The fame of this new establishment had no sooner reached the ears of
the Mahomedan chief of _Demák_, who had now assumed all the authority
formerly possessed by _Majapáhit_, than he sent his forces against
it. The people of _Súpit úrang_ remaining however within their
fortification, the besiegers continued a long time before the place
without being able to make any impression upon it, and were about to
retire, when it occurred to them that a stratagem might be successful.
This was to catch ten doves or pigeons, which in the course of the day
might come from without the fortification in search of food, and, after
fastening to their tails lighted brands, to let them loose into the
city. The project succeeded, for the birds, flying towards their homes,
set fire to the buildings within _Súpit úrang_, (which were constructed
of light materials,) and all was confusion. The conflagration becoming
general alarmed the people, who fled in every direction; the prince
proceeded eastward as far as _Gúnung Buréng_ (a rising ground within
sight of the town,) where he is supposed to have perished, as nothing
was afterwards heard of him. The besiegers then took possession of
the place, which since that period has been called _Kóta Bedak_ (the
deserted fort.)"

All the chiefs and priests went to _Gíri_ on their return from
_Seng'gára_, to offer up thanks for their victory. The _Súnan_ was
much indisposed when they arrived, and soon after died, at the age of
sixty-three years. The tomb of the _Súnan Gíri_ is still kept in a
state of preservation, and highly revered. It is remarkable for still
containing the _pusáka kris_, which he desired should be placed near
his grave, and to which superstition has attached many virtues[265].

To return, however, to _Ráden Pátah_. No sooner had this chief caused
the removal of the regalia from _Majapáhit_ to _Demák_, than the
_Súnans_, _Gírí_, _Bónang_, and _Káli Jága_ formally invested him with
the government, under the title of _Panambáhan Jímbun_, and declared
him the deliverer from paganism and the head of the faithful. The
manner in which _Ráden Pátah_ obtained the sovereignty is otherwise
related in other accounts.

While these events were passing in the eastern and more populous
districts of Java, the missionaries were not idle in the western
districts. _Sheik Mulána_, of _Chéribon_, after effecting the
conversion of the chiefs and people in his neighbourhood, sent his son,
_Mulána Hásen-u-din_, to Bantam, where, in the vicinity of the mountain
_Pulasári_, a body of eight hundred recluses at once embraced the
faith, and his disciples soon became numerous.

_Hásen-u-din_ went afterwards with his father to Mecca. On their return
they visited the court of _Menangkábau_ on Sumatra, where they were
received with great distinction by the Raja, who at their departure
presented the father with a celebrated _kris_. From _Menangkábau_ they
proceeded to the mountain _Pulusári_ in Bantam, whence the father
returned to _Chéribon_, leaving the _Menangkábau kris_ with his son.
_Hásen-u-din_ shortly after went to _Chéribon_, to be married to
a daughter of the _Súnan Demák (Ráden Pátah)_, and from thence to
_Demák_, where he found _Ráden Pátah_ engaged in war with the prince of
_Majapáhit_. He there obtained his daughter in marriage, and assisted
in bringing the war to a favourable conclusion, after which he returned
with his wife to Bantam. Bantam at this period was a province dependent
on _Pajajáran_.

About twelve months after his return to Bantam, where he assumed the
chief authority, _Hásen-u-din_ went over to the _Lampung_ country in
Sumatra, accompanied by _Pangéran Bálu_, a chief of _Tulangbáwang_,
and proceeded as far as _Indrapúra_, where he married the daughter of
the Raja as his second wife. On this occasion it is said that the
Bencoolen river was fixed upon as the boundary of his possessions in
that direction; but it does not appear whether, by this new boundary,
his possessions became more extended or more circumscribed than before.

During the whole of his progress from _Tulangbáwang_ to _Indrapúra_, it
is said that the sword was never out of the scabbard. It is therefore
probable, that his title to these more distant regions was founded
upon some previous claim, and either that the _Lampung_ country was
transferred to his father, _Sheik Mulána_, along with the _Menangkábau
kris_[266], or that Palembang and the southern part of Sumatra
might have devolved to Bantam, in consequence of _Hásen-u-din's_
marriage with the daughter of _Ráden Pátah_, who had then assumed the
sovereignty of Java and its dependencies.

On _Hásen-u-din's_ return from _Indrapúra_, he assembled a large body
of men, principally from the southern districts of Sumatra, and marched
against _Pákuan Pajajáran_, the chief of which, with his followers,
still adhered to the ancient faith, and attacking that capital at
midnight completely annihilated its authority. On this occasion
_Kráwang_ is said to have been fixed as the boundary between the
possessions of _Sheik Mulána_ of _Chéribon_ and those of Bantam, there
being at that time no intermediate power.

The manner in which this ancient capital was annihilated, is described
with great minuteness in the different traditions of the _Súnda_
people, and the descendants of those who escaped and continued to
adhere to their ancient faith, are to be traced in the districts of
Bantam, where they still continue distinguished from the rest of the
population under the designation of _Bedui_[267].

Among the articles removed from _Majapáhit_, and still preserved with
superstitious veneration, was the _paséban_, or hall of audience, a
large building, supported by a double row of lofty pillars. This was
placed in front of the mosque at _Demák_, where it is still to be seen.
At _Kúdus_ there is a carved door belonging to the place of worship
which _Browijáya_ used to attend; and in the burial places at _Túban_,
and several of the eastern districts, are still to be found relics of a
similar kind, which are reverenced as sacred.

On the destruction of _Majapáhit_, the numerous _pándi_, or workers in
iron and steel, who were considered the strength of the empire, and who
in consequence enjoyed many privileges, were dispersed over the eastern
districts of Java, Madúra, and Báli, forming separate establishments
under their respective chiefs. At this period the custom of wearing the
_kris_ is said to have been introduced among the common people.

FOOTNOTES:

[237] Middlekoop's Collection.

[238] Supposed to have been a crow or raven.

[239] A rude instrument of music still in use, particularly in the
_Súnda_ and mountainous districts.

[240] The _Dáyas_ of Borneo still hold particular kinds of birds in
high veneration, and draw omens from their flight, and the sounds which
they utter. One of the principal of these is a species of white-headed
kite, which preys on fish, snakes, and vermin. Before the _Dáyas_
enter on a journey or engage in any war, head-hunting, or indeed any
matter of importance, they endeavour to procure omens from these kites,
and, for this purpose, invite their approach by screaming songs, and
scattering rice before them. If these birds take their flight in the
direction they wish to go, it is regarded as a favourable omen; but
if they take another direction, they consider it as unfavourable,
and delay the business until the omens are more suitable to their
wishes.--_Transactions of the Batavian Society_, vol. vii.

[241] The manner in which the mountaineers of the _Súnda_ districts
still spring and shout to the sound of this rude instrument, as already
described, corresponds with this account; and on occasions of public
rejoicings or ceremony, the native princes of the eastern part of the
island frequently introduce a party of wild men, with dishevelled
hair, and covered with leaves, shaking the _ángklung_, and shouting,
springing, and distorting their limbs in the rudest manner: the object
being to exhibit the original inhabitants, in contrast with what they
have been rendered by civilization.

[242] Asiatic Researches.

[243] Kempfer's Japan, vol. i. p. 148.

[244] This history, which is written in the Mahomedan style of
inspiration and prophecy, commences by a declaration on the part of
_Jáya Báya_, that it is clearly ascertained, the island of Java will
be annihilated in two thousand one hundred years from the date of
its first existence; and after detailing every event, down to the
Javan year 1743 (the present year, A.D. 1816), has the following
extraordinary conclusion.

"The whole of the above chronological relation of events, from the
first year to the present date, was written by the inspired _Aji
Jáya Báya_, who himself lived about the year 800. What follows is a
continuation of events which were foretold by him, and which are still
to happen, viz.

"In the year 1801, _Sura-kerta_ being no more, the seat of government
will be removed to _Katáng'ga_, which being afterwards demolished, the
seat of government will be removed in 1870 to _Kárang Báya_.

"In 1950, the seat of government will be removed to _Kedíri_, where
it was of old. The _Pringi_ people (Europeans) will then come, and
having conquered Java, will establish a government in the year 1955.
The Prince of _Kling_, however, hearing of the conquest and ruin of
Java by the _Príngis_, will send a force which will defeat and drive
them out of Java; and having given up the island once more to its Javan
government, will, in the year 1960, return to his own country.

"On regaining possession of the country, the new Javan government will
desert the former capital of _Kárang Báya_, as being an unlucky site,
and remove it to _Waríngin Kúbu_, which is near the mountain _N'gmárta
Láya_. This will take place in 2020.

"By the year 2100 there will be an end of Java entirely."

[245] Vide Asiatic Researches.

[246] See account of _Watu Gúnung_ in vol. i. Literature.

[247] See vol. i. Poetry--_Brata Yudha_.

[248] To this popular account of the early and fabulous history of
Java, it may be interesting to add the equally popular and generally
received ancient history of _Madúra_, formerly called _Mandúra_, and in
the _basa_, or court language, _Mandurétna_.

"_Batara Rama Yana_ having completed the wars, and conquered _Dasa
Muka_, of the country of _Alinka_, thought of making a new settlement
from the wilderness. To this he gave the name of _Durjayapura_;
and after a long reign, resigned the government of it to his son,
_Butlawa_, ending his days in solitude. _Butlawa_ reigned for some
years over the country of _Durjayapura_, and was succeeded by his son,
_Kunti Buja_, who married the daughter of his _Páteh_, named _Kasa_.
This prince removed the seat of government, or rather changed the
name of it, to _Mandura Rája_, and was succeeded by his son, _Basu
Keti_, who ascended the throne at nine years of age. During his reign
there arrived a beautiful woman, named _Dewi Sani Gatra_, daughter of
_Bengawan Adi Rusa_, who had fled from the Prince of _Nusa Kambangán_,
called _Jura Mataraja_. The prince married her, and was in consequence
attacked by _Jura Mataraja_; but by the assistance of _Pula Sara_,
the father of _Abiasa_, who afterwards became sovereign of _Astina_,
he defeated him, and remained in quiet possession of his country. By
the princess he had four children; three sons, named _Basu Dewa_,
_Aria Prabu_, and _Angrasana_, and a daughter named _Dewi Kunti_. When
_Basu Dewa_ was fifteen years of age, his father wished him to marry
a princess of the country, but the youth having fixed his affections
upon the daughter of _Raja Sirwonga_, named _Dewi Angsa Wati_, refused
compliance, and was in consequence dismissed from the royal presence.

"_Basu Dewa_, learning that the daughter of _Sirwonga_ had been carried
off by a giant into the woods, succeeded in overpowering the giant,
and married _Dewi Angsa Wati_; but intelligence being given thereof
to the chief, the prince of _Ambulutiga_, a chief called _Tiga Warna_
(tri-) was sent in pursuit of _Basu Dewa_, whom he overtook on
his return to _Mandura Raja_. _Basu Dewa_ was vanquished and fell into
a cave: the princess fell into the hands of _Tiga Warna_.

"It was about this time that _Pula Sara_ obtained the kingdom of
_Astina_ for his son _Abiasa_, and was desirous of betrothing him to
_Dewa Ambalika_ of _Astina_; but the young prince would not consent;
and one day, when he was wandering in the forests, he heard a voice
issue from a cave, and discovered _Basu Dewa_, who related his case and
intreated his aid in the recovery of his wife. The young princes then
proceeded in search of _Tiga Warna_, and having discovered him, _Basu
Dewa_ discharged an arrow at him and killed him. _Dewi Ansga Wati_ was
in consequence restored to her husband. _Basu Dewa_ and _Abiasa_ then
exchanged vows of perpetual friendship between themselves and their
descendants, invoking a curse upon whomsoever of them should be guilty
of breaking it. After this, _Basu Dewa_ returned to _Mandura Raja_.

"_Basu Dewa_ at length succeeded his father in the government of
_Mandura Raja_, and had several children; of whom one was white, named
_Kakra Sana_, the other black, named _Kresna_. He was succeeded by a
son whom he had exposed in the woods, but to whom he afterwards became
reconciled, named _Raden Kangsa_, to whom he gave the country. At
this time _Pandu Dewa Nata_ reigned over the kingdom of _Astina_. One
night a voice said to him in a dream, 'When you meet with children
of _Madura_, white or black, put them to death.' His father, who was
still living, apprehensive for the fate of his favourite sons, _Kakra
Sana_ and Kresna, sent them to _Widara Kandang_ for concealment, with
_Angga Gopa_. These two princes afterwards hearing of an exhibition
of fighting men, proceeded with their sister _Sambádra_ to the _Alun
alun_, where the combatants were assembled, and here they met _Raden
Aria Jenaka_ and _Sena_, sons of _Pandu Dewa Nata_, from _Astina_, who
when their father died heard of the fame of _Madura_, and came in quest
of the country.

"_Raden Kangsa_ was seated in the _paseban_, surrounded by his chiefs,
when his _Páteh_ informed him that the proscribed children had at last
appeared. The prince, delighted that those whom he had so long sought
in vain had now appeared of their own accord, ordered his _Páteh_
immediately to seize them; but _Kakra Sana_ fought with the _Páteh_,
and drove him back upon the prince, who then seized him himself, and
throwing him on the ground with violence, blood gushed from his mouth.
_Kakra Sana_ then called for assistance from _Krésna_, who with _Raden
Sena_ immediately came and overpowered _Raden Kangsa_. Upon this Kakra
Sana put him to death with his weapon _Lugúra_. The _Páteh_, ignorant
of the fate of his prince, rushed upon the parties, but was pierced
with a spear by _Kakra Sana_, who immediately exclaimed, 'I am _Resi
Anapita_ of _Repat Kapanasan_; I am _Resi di Jala dana Baladewa_, the
son of _Basu Dewa_ of _Madura_.'

"Then his uncle, _Aria Prabu_, spoke; and having embraced him, carried
him to his father, _Basu Dewa_, who conferred the country upon him.
At night, however, _Kakra Sana_ heard a voice in his sleep, saying,
'to-morrow will I be revenged in the war _Brata Yudha_: there will be
one of the country _Chámpala Raja_, I am he.' _Kakra Sana_ replied,
'well I dare you.'"

[249] The Chandi Sewu, or one thousand temples at Brambanan, according
to this chronology, are supposed to have been completed in the year
1018.

[250] The temple of Boro Bodo is also supposed to have been completed
in 1360.

[251] At this time there were also three other cotemporary kingdoms,
_Daha_, _Singa Sári_, and _Ng'arawan_.

[252] By these accounts, _Sawela Chala_ is represented as the thirtieth
in descent from _Nurchaya_, and the eleventh from _Arjúna_, according
to the following line of Indian princes who ruled at _Astína-púra_ and
_Guj'-rat_.

  -- _Arjuna_,
   1 _Bimanyu_,
   2 _Parakisit_,
   3 _Udiana_,
   4 _Gandra Yana_,
   5 _Jaya Baya_,
   6 _Ami Jaya_,
   7 _Ami Sama_,
   8 _Chitra Sama_,
   9 _Pancha Dria_,
  10 _Kasuma Chitra_
  11 _Sawela Chata_

[253] For an explanation of the week of five days, so termed, see vol.
i. Astronomy.

[254] "King _Me_ succeeded his brother (as Emperor of Japan) in the
year of _Synmu_, of Christ 540.

"He was a very religious prince, and very favourably inclined to the
foreign pagan _Budsdo_ worship, which during his reign spread with
great success in Japan, insomuch that the emperor himself caused
several temples to be built to foreign idols, and ordered the idol of
_Buds_, or _Fotoge_, to be carved in _Fakkusai_, that is in China.

"My Japanese author mentions what follows, as something very
remarkable, and says, that it happened in the thirty-first year
of his reign, and contributed very much to the advancement of the
_Budsdo_ religion. About a thousand years ago, says my author, there
was in "_Tsiutensiku_ (that is the middle _Tensiku_, whereby must be
understood the country of the Malabarians and the coast of Coromandel
in India) an eminent _fotoke_ called _Mokuren_, a disciple of _Siaka_.
About the same time the doctrine of _Jambaden Gonna Niorai_ (that
is, _Amida_ the great god and patron of departed souls) was brought
over into China, or _Fakkusai_, and spread into the neighbouring
countries. This doctrine, continues he, did now manifest itself also in
_Tsinokuni_, or Japan, at a place called _Naniwa_, where the idol of
_Amida_ appeared at the entry of a pond, environed with golden rays,
nobody knowing how it was conveyed thither. The pious emperor, in
memory of this miraculous event, instituted the first _Nengo_ in Japan,
and called it _Konquo_. The idol itself was by _Tondo Josijmitz_,
a prince of great courage and piety, carried into the country of
_Sinano_, and placed in the temple of _Sinquosi_, where it afterwards,
by the name of _Sinquosi Norai_ (that is, the _Norai_ or _Amida_ of
_Sinquosi_) wrought many great miracles, which made that temple famous
all over the empire. Thus far my Japanese author. He was succeeded by
his son, _Fit Atzu_, or _Fint Atz_, in the year of _Synmu_ 1232, of
Christ 572. My author makes no mention of his age, but sets down the
following remarkable events which happened during his reign.

"In the third year of his reign, on the first day of the first month,
was born at the emperor's court _Sotoktais_, the great apostle of the
Japanese. His birth was preceded and attended with several remarkable
circumstances.

"The idol worship in general increased greatly in Japan during the
emperor's reign. Abundance of idols, and idol carvers, and priests,
came from several countries beyond sea.

"In the eighth year of his reign the first image of _Siaka_ was
brought over from beyond sea, and carried to _Nara_ into the temple of
_Kobusi_, where it is still kept in great veneration, possessed of the
chief and most eminent place in that temple.

"In the fourteenth year of his reign one _Moria_, a great antagonist
and professed enemy of _Sotoktais_, occasioned great troubles and
religious dissensions in the empire. He bore a mortal hatred to all
the _Fotoge_ or idols of the country, which he took out of the temples
and burnt wherever he could come at them: but within two years time
his enemies got the better of him, for he was overcome, and paid with
his life for his presumptuous enterprise. It is added, that having
thrown the ashes of the idols, which he had burnt, into a lake, there
arose suddenly a most dreadful storm of thunder, lightning, and
rain."--_History of Japan by Kempfer_, vol. i. page 167.

It is remarkable, that a peculiar people seem to have traversed Mexico
in the following century, and according to Humboldt in like manner to
have left behind them traces of cultivation and civilization. "The
_Toultecs_," says that eminent author, "appeared first in 648, the
_Chichimecs_ in 1170, the _Nahualtics_ in 1178, and the _Aztecs_ in
1196. The _Toultecs_ introduced the cultivation of maize and cotton;
they built cities, made roads, and constructed those great pyramids
which are yet admired, and of which the faces are very accurately
laid out. They knew the use of hieroglyphical paintings; they could
found metals and cut the hardest stones, and they had a solar year
more perfect than that of the Greeks or Romans. The form of their
government indicated that they were the descendants of a people, who
had experienced great vicissitudes in their social state." "But where,"
asks Humboldt, "is the source of that cultivation; where is the country
from which the Toultecs and Mexicans issued?"--_Humboldt's Political
Essay on New Spain._

[255] In these annals, the princess _Chándra Kirana_ of _Daha_ is
represented as being demanded in marriage by the son of the Mahomedan
_Raja_ of _Malacca_, and the story, in which an account is evidently
given of a visit to Java at a much later period of its history, blended
with the earlier romances of Java, after detailing the particulars by
which the prince of _Tanjung-pura_ became _Raja_ of _Majapáhit_, is
thus told:

"The _Batára_ had a daughter, named _Raden Galu Chandra Kirana_,
"whose beauty was celebrated far and wide, and many _Rajas_ sought
her in marriage. Her fame reached _Malacca_, and _Sultan Mansur_
became enamoured of her by description. He ordered _Paduka Raja_, the
_Bendahara_, to fit out a fleet of five hundred large _prahus_ with
innumerable small ones. At _Singapura_ were fitted out a hundred with
three masts, and at _Singi Raya_ as many more of the same sort.

"Then the prince selected forty nobles of the country, and forty
virgins of noble family. He summoned _Maha Ruja Merlang_ of
_Indragiri_, and the _Raja_ of _Palémbang_, the _Raja_ of _Jambi_, and
the _Raja_ of _Linga_, to attend him to _Majapahit_; all the young
warriors attending the prince, and all the great men remaining for the
government of the country.

"When they reached _Majapahit_, they were well received by the
_Batara_. At this time the _Rajas_ of _Daha_ and _Tanjungpura_, the
younger brothers of the prince, were present at _Majapahit_.

"Among the chieftains who accompanied the _Raja_ of _Malacca_ was the
celebrated _Hang Tuah_ or _Laxamana_, who was highly admired, and
exhibited wonderful feats.

"The _Batara_ gave his daughter, _Chandra Kirana_, in marriage to the
_Raja_ of _Malacca_; and the _Batara_, delighted with his son-in-law,
caused him to be placed on a seat of equal honour with himself, both on
public occasions and at meals.

"Then being about to depart, the _Raja_ requested to be presented with
the kingdom of _Indra-giri_, which was accordingly given to him. He
then bestowed _Siantan_ on _Laxamana_, from which time the rulers of
_Siantan_ are descendants of _Laxamana_.

"By the princess he had a son, named _Raden Galang_, who was killed one
day by a man running _amok_."--_Malayan Annals._

[256] Pánji.

[257] According to the traditions of the _Sunda_ people, these two
brothers, _Chiong Wanara_ and _Raden Tanduran_, were descended from
a prince of _Galu_, and their empires were divided by the river of
_Brebes_, thence called _Chi Pamali_, or the River of Prohibition.

"_Raja Galu_, otherwise known by the name of _Raja Pamakás_, and whose
country was called _Bajong Galu_, had two sons, named _Raden Aria
Bang'a_ and _Tanduran_. There was a pestilence in those days, which,
carrying off great numbers of the inhabitants, caused the prince to
be much afflicted in his mind; whereupon, sending for his _patéh_ (or
minister), he thus addressed him: 'Go thou to _Bukit Padang_, and
call one there named _Si Ajar_, failing not to bring him along with
thee, as it may perhaps be in his power to administer relief to my
distressed and suffering subjects.' The _patéh_ immediately took leave
of his Sovereign, and repaired forthwith to _Bukit Padang_ to summon
_Si Ajar_, who soon after appeared before the _Raja_, presenting him
with some herbs which he had brought for that purpose. When _Si Ajar_
had seated himself in the usual manner before the monarch, the latter
thus addressed him: '_Ajar_, a great pestilence at present rages in the
country, and makes great havock amongst my subjects; it is therefore
that I have sent for thee, in hopes that thou mayest be able to put a
stop to the mortality which now prevails.' _Ajar_ immediately replied,
'O _Raja_, it is my opinion, that he to whom the country belongs is
the proper person to do what is requisite for the good of it and its
inhabitants.' When the _Raja_ heard these words, he was exceedingly
wroth; so much so, that he was on the point of putting _Ajar_ to
instant death, when the latter thus addressed him; 'Prince! if you
are determined to kill me, I resign my life, but depend upon it you
will be made to answer for it, and that by your own son.' _Si Ajar_
then returned to _Bukit Padang_, wherupon _Raja Galu_ thus spoke to
his _patéh_: 'Repair instantly to _Bukit Padang_, and put _Si Ajar_
to death; let him not longer live.' The _patéh_ accordingly went,
and having executed the _Raja's_ orders, returned and reported the
circumstance to his prince, who felt much joy on the occasion. Shortly
after this the _Raja's_ concubine became pregnant, and when her time
was come she was delivered of a son, whose features were exquisitely
beautiful. When the prince was informed of this, he desired the child
might be brought to him. The prince no sooner cast his eyes upon it,
than he thought of the words of _Si Ajar_; upon which he administered a
dose of poison to the child, which however did not cause its death. He
then told his _patéh_ to take the child, and having put it in a basket,
to send it floating down the river. The _patéh_ took the child, and
having disposed of it as he was ordered, returned and made his master
very happy by the report of what he had done. The basket in which the
child was turned adrift on the river _Chitandui_ being stopped by
some stakes placed there by a fisherman, named _Ke Balangantrang_,
it was picked up and carried home by him. He was highly pleased with
the child, and adopted it, and gave it the name of _Ke Jakah_, and
cherished it till it arrived at the age of manhood. _Ke Jakah_ then
invited his reputed father to accompany him to _Bajong Galu_. They had
nearly got half way, when _Ke Jakah_ looked up and saw a bird fly past.
He asked _Ke Balangantrang_ what might be the name of that bird? and
was told that it was called _chiong_ (the black minor of India). _Ke
Jakah_ then saw a form like that of a human being, and inquiring what
it was, he was told that it was a _wanara_ (monkey). _Ke Jakah_ then
exclaimed, 'if such is the case, then must my name be _Chiong Wanara_.'

"After this the travellers prosecuted their journey, and in due
time arrived at _Bajong Galu_, where they went to the house of a
relation of _Ke Balangantrang_, named _Ke Haziali_, the chief of
all the blacksmiths. _Chiong Wanara_ was then delivered over by _Ke
Balangantrang_ to _Ke Haziali_, who treated him as his own son, and
instructed him in the art, in which he soon became eminent.

"_Chiang Wanara_ had not been long in this new situation, before _Raja
Galu_, hearing of the circumstance, sent for and begged him of the head
blacksmith. The _Raja_ in time owned him for his own son, and was so
delighted when he first beheld him, that he sent for his son, _Raden
Aria Bang'a_, and desired him to take every care of his newly-found
brother.

"A short time after this, _Chiong Wanara_ went to his royal father, and
asked him to give him some hereditary property. When the _Raja_ heard
this, he immediately addressed _Chiong Wanara_ thus:--'My son, the
whole of my property I have bestowed on thy eldest brother, and nothing
is left except the head blacksmith, whom thou hadst better accept of.'
_Raden Chiong Wanara_ said he would take him with much pleasure.

"Soon after the head blacksmith came into his possession, _Raden Chiong
Wanara_ went again to his father, and solicited permission (which was
granted to him) to construct an iron cage of very great strength, and
of the most exquisite workmanship. _Chiong Wanara_ then gave orders to
his head blacksmith to have this cage made, and all the blacksmiths
in the kingdom having been set about it, it was very soon finished,
and had all the strength and beauty that was intended and wished for.
Carpets and cushions, such as princes are accustomed to recline on,
were spread within it. _Chiong Wanara_ then went and acquainted _Raja
Galu_ that it was completed. When the _Raja_ saw it, he was greatly
pleased, and being entreated by _Chiong Wanara_ to enter and examine
whether or not there might be still something wanting to render it more
complete; without suspecting any treachery, he did as he was requested.
No sooner was he fairly in, than _Chiong Wanara_ closed and locked the
door, saying, at the same time to _Raja Galu_, 'Now is fulfilled the
prediction of _Ajar_ of _Bukit Padang_, whom you caused to be unjustly
put to death.' The _Raja_ answered from within the cage, 'I submit to
this just judgment.'

"When _Raden Aria Bang'a_ saw his father shut up in the cage, he could
not contain his rage against _Chiong Wanara_, and a quarrel between the
two brothers ensued.

"_Raja Galu_ perceiving this, immediately exclaimed, 'For shame!
that two brothers should thus fight with each other; such conduct is
strictly forbidden by the elders of the people.'

"Without paying any regard to the words or admonition of _Raja Galu_,
the two brothers engaged in single combat, stabbing, pushing, and
striking each other in turn. Both parties being of equal strength, they
continued fighting all the way from the place above described until
they got far to the eastward, when finding themselves fatigued, they
suspended the conflict under a certain tree. _Chiong Wanara_ forthwith
asked his brother what the name of the tree was under which they were:
_Aria Bang'a_ answered, it is called _mája_. They then took one of the
fruit, and having split it in two, each took a part. That which _Aria
Bang'a_ ate was sweet, but that which _Chiong Wanara_ ate was on the
contrary very bitter (_pait_); so _Chiong Wanara_ called the place
_Majapait_, or as more generally pronounced, _Majapahit_.

"The combat was then renewed with the same vigour as before, and they
continued fighting towards the westward, until they came to a row of
trees (_jajar_), where they halted. On being asked by his brother the
name of those trees, _Chiong Wanara_ answered _paku_: _Raden Aria
Bang'a_ then said, 'the name of the place must be _Pakuan Pa-jajar-an_.'

"The two brothers then recommenced fighting, till they came to a river
of _Brebes_, where being both much fatigued, they rested by the side of
it and drank of its water.

"_Raden Aria Bang'a_ then said: 'It was declared by our father to be
wrong for brothers to fight with each other, it is also contrary to
ancient usage, let us therefore put an end to this forbidden contest,
and let us call this river _Chi Pamali_' (that is to say, the river of
prohibition). The river _Brebes_ thus obtained the name of _Chi Pamali_.

"_Raden Aria Bang'a_ then said to his brother: 'do thou go to _Pakuan
Pajajaran_ while I go to _Majapahit_.' They accordingly separated,
_Raden Aria Bang'a_ proceeding to _Majapahit_, and _Chiong Wanara_
returning to _Bajong Galu_, for the purpose of visiting his father in
the cage.

"When _Chiong Wanara_ arrived at _Bajong Galu_, and found the cage
empty, his astonishment was very great. He then addressed himself to
one of his people, named _Ke Jampang_, and asked what was become of
_Raja Galu_. _Ke Jampang_ replied, 'he went out of the cage of himself,
without the assistance of any one, and has returned to his usual place
of residence at _Surga Luka_, where he now is, having assumed the name
and title of _Guru Putra Hinga Baya_.'

"When _Chiong Wanara_ heard all this he thought he might as well throw
away the empty cage, which he accordingly did, on the beach of the
south coast, from whence the place is called _Tana Kandang Wesi_, or
the land of the Iron Cage.

"_Chiong Wanara_ forthwith invited _Ke Jampang_ to accompany him to
_Surga Luka_, in search of his father, _Guru Putra Hinga Baya_.

"In a short time they arrived at _Surga Luka_, and _Chiong Wanara_
surrendered himself, entreating his father's forgiveness for what had
passed. _Guru Putra_ then said, 'to a certainty there must be two
kingdoms on the island of Java, of which the (intermediate) boundary
will be the river _Pamali_. The kingdom of _Raden Tanduran_ will be to
the eastward, and shall be called _Majapahit_; that of _Chiong Wanara_
will be to the westward, and shall be called _Pakuan Pajajaran_: the
latter kingdom will cease first (_tunda dahulu_.') Whence the people
under _Chiong Wanara_ were called _Orang Sunda_, and their language
_Sunda_.

"_Guru Putra_ then gave _Chiong Wanara_ a black monkey-skin jacket,
which the latter forthwith put on, and immediately became in appearance
like that animal. He at the same time gave him the name of _Guru
Minda-sida tanda Prabu lutung Kasarong_, and furnished him with some
rice-seed, and appointed _Ke Jampang_ to be his follower.

"_Guru Minda_ and _Ke Jampang_ then took their departure: and when they
came to a place not far from _Bajong Galu_ they set out about sowing
their rice-seed, distributing it among all the poor people of the place
for that purpose.

"_Pandi Chacha Domas_ and all the _Peng'gawas_, as well as all the
people of _Bajong Galu_, who were attached to _Chiong Wanara_ at the
time he went to see _Guru Putra Hinga Baya_ of _Surga Luka_, being
without a sovereign, went all of them to the eastward, to reside in the
country of _Majapahit_.

"When _Prabu Lutung Kasarong_ had given orders for the sowing of the
rice, he and his follower, _Ke Jampang_, proceeded to a place on the
south sea coast, called _Kedu Pondok_, where _Ke Jampang_ being left
to settle, the place took its name from him, and was ever after called
_Chutak Jampang_.

"After _Prabu Lutung Kasarong_ had left _Ke Jampang_ at _Kedu Pondok_
he went through the woods, till coming near _Pakuan Pajajaran_ he found
a very large tree, called _pundi_, situated on the banks of the river
_Chili-wong_. He remained under it to rest himself, and gave the place
the name of _Kampung Pundi_.

"_Kuwu Mangkubumbi_, of _Jambadipa_, in the district of _Jelebud_,
had several children, all of them females. The youngest was called
_Purba Sari_, and was established in the interior, near the tree called
_gadug_, from which the _kampung_ so called took its name.

"Having placed his youngest daughter, _Purba Sari_, in the interior of
the country, he was desirous to send out people to shoot birds with a
pellet, and accordingly created and appointed one a pellet-shooter,
who went regularly every day to shoot, agreeably to the order of _Kuwu
Mangkubumi_. One day the pellet-shooter came to the large _pundi_ tree,
and observing on it what he supposed to be a large black monkey, he
wished to shoot it, whereupon _Prabu Lutung Kasarong_, whom he mistook
for the monkey, thus addressed him: 'Don't shoot at me; you had better
go home and tell your master to come here to me himself.' When the
pellet-shooter perceived that the black monkey was gifted with speech
he stood aghast and astonished beyond measure, and returned immediately
to his master to acquaint him with the circumstance.

"_Kuwu Mangubumi_, together with the pellet-shooter, then repaired to
the great _pundi_ tree. On his arrival there he called to _Prabu Lutung
Kasarong_, who was upon it. No sooner did the latter hear the summons,
than he descended and talked with the _Kuwu_, who then took him home
with him, highly delighted at being possessed of so extraordinary and
accomplished a creature. In the course of a short time he wished to
present him to his eldest daughter, and on her refusing to accept of
him he offered him to a younger one, but neither would receive _Prabu
Lutung Kasarong_.

"He then gave him to the youngest of all, named _Niái Purba Sari_, who
accepted of him with great pleasure.

"In the course of time, _Niai Purba Sari_ built a house at _Wangun_,
and the place was afterwards called _Kampung Wangun_. He then planted
some _tagur_ trees, from which the place received the name of _Kampung
Tagur_. After this, _Prabu Lutung Kasarong_ caused _Niai Purba Sari_ to
remove from the _gaduga_ tree to _Kampung Wangun_.

"When _Niai Purba Sari_ became _Prabu Lutung's_ wife, he laid aside the
black monkey's skin with which he was clothed, and immediately resumed
his former and usual beautiful appearance.

"He afterwards received the name of _Niang Galarang_, and established
himself at _Pakuan Pajajaran_, where the _Batutulis_ (inscribed stone)
now is, and which was the seat of government of the _Maha Raja Prabu
Niang Galarang_. After this his wife became pregnant, and _Prabu Niang
Galarang_ left _Pakuan Pajajaran_ to the care of his _Peng'gawas_,
or ministers of state, and went to _Bukit Padang_, where he became a
_Pandita_.

"When the time was come, _Niai Purba Sari_ brought forth a son of
the most exquisitely beautiful features, to whom she gave the name
_Silawang'i_.

"When _Silawang'i_ grew up, he removed from _Pakuan Pajajaran_ to
_Sumedang Larang_, where he was soon afterwards married; first to _Niai
Raden Raja Mantu_, and then to the daughter of the _Peng'gawa_ of that
place, so that he had many wives. He at the same time received the
title of _Baginda Maha Raja Prabu Silawang'i_.

"_Prabu Lutung Kasarong_ had afterwards two other sons, the elder named
_Ke Glap Nyawang_, the younger, _Ke Kedang Panjang_, both of whom were
strong and well made; and when they grew up they went with their father
to _Sumedang Larang_, where they all remained with _Prabu Silawang'i_.

"_Prabu Silawang'i_, when he had got a number of wives and
_peng'gawas_, returned to _Pakuan Pajajaran_, bringing them all with
him, as also his two sons, and his man _Ke Jampang_, who was then
called _Purwa Kala_. In returning to _Pakuan Pajajaran_, _Prabu
Silawang'i_ first went to a place on the south coast, called _Nusa
Kambangan_, and there embarking in a vessel with all his family, he
sailed westward, till they came to the anchoring place, to which
was given the name of _Palabuan Ratu_ (Wyn Coops Bay), and having
disembarked, they all proceeded to _Pakuan Pajajáran_.

"On his arrival there, _Prabu Silawang'i_ established himself as
_Raja_, and having assembled all the _Mantris_, _Peng'gawas_, and
other chiefs and officers, together with all the military forces, he
caused great rejoicings to be made on the occasion, and each day and
night every kind of play was performed to amuse him. _Pakuan Pajajaran_
was crowded with the happy and delighted multitude, and so great and
powerful did _Prabu Silawang'i_ become at that time, that all the
princes from the river _Chi Pamali_ beyond Java Head (in Bantam) on the
west, submitted to him and were subject to _Pakuan Pajajaran_.

"_Prabu Silawang'i_ then built without the _kraton_ (or palace) a hall
of audience (_paseban_), which was styled _Sasaka Domas_, or the hall
of eight hundred pillars; and in the interior of the _kraton_ another,
called _Rarawis Kanchana_ (or that of golden flowers). This was where
the _Batutulis_ now is."

The tradition goes on to relate, that _Prabu Silawang'i_ had one
hundred and fifty wives, and that his sons-in-law, of whom there were
also one hundred and fifty, were made great public officers.

In the course of a little time one of his highness's wives, named _Niai
Mantri Manek Mayang Sunda_, the sister of _Ke Marugal Sang Mantri
Ayung_, became pregnant, and in due time brought forth a beautiful boy,
who was called by his father _Raden Guru Gatangan_, and who was made
_Raja Muda_ of _Pakuan Pajajaran_, with the name and title of _Prabu
Guru Gantangan_.

Both father and son continued as _Raja Tuah_ and _Raja Muda_ to live
in the _kraton of Pakuan Pajajaran_, happy and on good terms with each
other; the management and direction of the state being entirely vested
in the hands of the _Raja Muda_.

[258] The Javan traditions furnish no information respecting the
locality of this state.

[259] Having thus detailed the traditions which exist among the
Javans respecting the establishment of foreign colonies in the
Eastern Archipelago, and brought down this part of the history to the
establishment of the kingdom of _Majapahit_, it may not be amiss to
transcribe those which prevail among the _Malayus_, who, it is well
known, endeavour to trace their descent from the Macedonian hero,
Alexander the Great. The following account is taken from the _Sejara
Maláyu_, or Malay annals, a work written in the year 1021 of Hejirat:

"It happened that _Raja Sekander_, the son of _Raja Darub_ of _Rum_, of
the race of _Makaduniah_, the name of whose empire was _Zulkarneini_,
wished to see the rising of the sun, and for this purpose came to the
confines of the land of Hind. There was a Raja in Hindustan, named
_Raja Kideh Hindi_, who was very powerful, and whose empire extended
over the half of Hindustan. Immediately on the approach of _Raja
Sekander_, _Raja Kideh Hindi_ sent his prime minister to collect his
forces, and marched out to meet him. The armies engaged, and a battle
ensued, as is fully recorded in the history of _Raja Sekander_. _Raja
Kideh Hindi_ was defeated and taken prisoner, after which he was sent
back to his own country. This _Raja Kideh_ had a daughter: after
sending his minister, _Perdana Mantri_, to consult with the minister
of _Raja Sekander_, he gave her in marriage to _Raja Sekander_, on
condition of receiving three hundred thousand dinars of gold.

"_Raja Sekander_, after tarrying ten days in honour of the ceremony,
pursued his journey towards the rising sun, attended by his bride. On
their return, however, her father requested her to remain some time
with him: _Raja Sekander_ consented and took his leave.

"The princess was already pregnant by _Raja Sekander_, but he was
unacquainted with this circumstance; nor was the princess herself aware
of it, till a month after her return to her father. At the expiration
of her time, the princess was safely delivered of a son, whom _Raja
Kideh Hindi_ named _Aristan Shah_.

"_Raja Aristan Shah_ was in course of time married to the daughter of
the Raja of _Turkistan_, by whom he had a son, named _Raja Aftus_.

"After an absence of forty-five years, _Raja Sekander_ returned to
_Makaduniah_, and _Raja Kideh Hindi_ died, leaving as his successor
_Raja Aristan Shah_, who (or rather whose dynasty) reigned three
hundred and fifty years. After him reigned the following princes in
succession:

_Raja Aftus_, who reigned one hundred and twenty years.

_Raja Askayinat_, do. three years.

_Raja Kasidas_, do. twelve years.

_Raja Amastubusu_, do. thirteen years.

_Raja Zamzeius_, do. seven years.

_Raja Khuras Khainat_ do. thirty years.

_Raja Ahat Sakayinat_.

_Raja Kuda Zuguhan_, son of _Amastubusu_.

_Raja Nikubus_, who reigned forty years.

_Raja Ardasir Migan_, who married the daughter of _Raja Nushirwan
Adel_, sovereign of the west, by whom he had a son, named _Raja Derm
Nus_.

_Raja Tarsia Burdaras_, son of _Raja Zamarut_.

The last of these princes married the daughter of _Raja Sulan_ of
_Amdan Nagara_. This _Raja Sulan_ was the mightiest prince of the land
of Hind, and of all the Rajas under the wind. By the princess, his
daughter, _Raja Narsa_ had three sons:

_Raja Herian_, who reigned in the country of Hindostan:

_Raja Suren_, whom _Raja Sulan_ appointed in his own place; and

_Raja Panden_, who reigned in _Turkestan_.

"After a short time _Raja Sulan_ died, and his grandson, _Raja Suren_,
reigned in his place in _Amdan Nagara_, with still greater authority
than his predecessors, and all the lands of the East and West, except
China, acknowledged him.

"Then _Raja Suren_ formed the design of subjugating China, and for this
purpose marched towards that country. Two months he marched on without
any obstruction, and every country submitted, till he approached the
country of _Gang'ga Nagara_, the Raja of which was named _Gang'gi Shah
Juana_. Here an engagement took place, in which _Raja Suren_ smote
off the head of _Raja Gang'gi Shah Juana_, whose subjects having lost
their chief submitted to _Raja Suren_, who married _Patri Gang'ga_,
the sister of the deceased Raja. From _Gang'ga Nagara, Raja Suren_
advanced to the country of _Klang Kins_, which in former times was a
great country, possessing a fort of black stone (supposed to be up the
river _Johor_). The name of the Raja of this country was _Chulen_, who
was superior to all the Rajas of the country lying under the wind.
Here another desperate engagement took place, in which _Raja Chulen_
also was killed, and the country submitted to _Suren_. Then _Raja
Suren_ married the daughter of the deceased monarch, and advanced
to _Tamarak_. He returned, however, to the land of _Kling_ without
proceeding on to China. On the return of _Raja Suren_ he founded a
city of great size, the fame of which became renowned, and the name of
which was _Bisnagur_ (a well known and celebrated city of the south of
India), which even at the present time is a great city in the land of
_Kling_.

"_Raja Suren_ had by the daughter of _Raja Chulen_ a daughter, named
_Chandu Wani Wasias_, and by _Putri Gang'ga_ he had three sons, one
of them named _Bichitram Shah_, another _Palidutani_, and the third
_Nilumanam_.

"_Palidutani_ succeeded to the government of _Amden Nagara_, and
_Nilumanam_ was appointed to the government of _Chandukani_: but on
the eldest son, _Bichitram Shah_, was only conferred a territory of
small extent, which so displeased the young prince, that he resolved
to abandon the country. He accordingly embarked with twenty vessels,
fitted out with all the appurtenances of war, determining to conquer
all the maritime countries; but his fleet was dispersed by a storm, and
part of them returned to their country.

"_Bichitram Shah_ is then represented as arriving in the country now
called _Palembang_, where _Demang Lebar Daon_, great grandson of _Raja
Chulen_, was chief. Here marrying the daughter of the Raja, he assumed
the government, under the title of _Sang Sapurba Trimurti Tribuna_,
and had by her four children; two daughters, named _Chandra Dewi_ and
_Putra Sri Dewi_, and two sons, named _Sang Mutiaga_ and _Sang Nila
Utama_.

"After some years _Sang Sapurba_ was seized with a desire to view the
ocean, and went in search of a good situation for a new settlement,
leaving the younger brother of _Demang Lebar Daon_ in the government
of _Palembang_; and the fleet being prepared, they set sail from the
river of _Palembang_, and after steering six days and nights towards
the south, arrived at _Tanj'ung pura_, where _Sang Sapurba_ was very
honourably received by the Raja, and a thousand chiefs introduced him
into the country, seated him on the throne, and honoured him like a
prince. As soon as the news of his arrival reached _Majapáhit_, the
_Bitara_, who was very powerful, came to make him a visit. _Sang
Sapurba_ received him very graciously, and gave him in marriage
his daughter _Chandra Dewi_. After this ceremony the _Bitara_ of
_Majapáhit_ returned to his capital; and it is from this marriage (say
the Malayan traditions) that the rajas of _Majapáhit_ are descended.

"After a long residence at _Tanj'ung pura, Sang Sapurba_ set out again
in search of some other country; but he first married his son, _Sang
Mutiaga_, to the daughter of the Raja _Tanj'ung pura_, and established
him on the throne of that country, giving him a superb crown. After
leaving _Tanj'ung pura_ he traversed the sea until he arrived in the
strait of _Sambor_, in view of the hills of _Ling'ga_ (Lingen.) The
news quickly reached _Bentan_, at this time under the sway of a queen,
named _Pramiswari Sehander Shah_. _Sang Nita Utama_, the younger son of
_Sang Sapurba_, was married to her daughter, named _Wan Sri Bini_, and
afterwards became raja of the country.

"_Sang Sapurba_ then left _Bentan_, and having sailed for a day and a
night, arrived at _Ruko_, whence he proceeded to the point of _Balang_,
and ascended the river _Buantan_, where it was reported the country was
extremely populous. When he had ascended far up the river he arrived at
_Menangkabau_: all the _Menangkabaus_ were surprized at his appearance,
and the splendour of his diadem, and they all came to inquire whence
he came. As soon as they heard of his adventures, and that he was a
descendant of Sultan _Sekander Zulkarneiné_, all the chief men of
_Menangkabau_ consulted about appointing him Raja, since they had none;
and after he had, as a condition, succeeded in destroying an immense
snake which harassed the country, he was unanimously elected Raja by
the people of _Buantan_, and of him are descended all the generations
of the Rajas of _Pagaruyang_.

"_Sang Nila Utama_ afterwards quitted _Bentan_, and founded the city
of _Singa pura_, situated on the southern extremity of the Malayan
peninsula. This event is supposed to have taken place A.D. 1160.

"The successors of _Sang Nila Utama_ were _Paduka Sri Wikrama_, _Sri
Rama Wikrama_, and _Sekander Shah_, who, being driven out of _Singa
pura_ by the _Majapáhit_ forces, afterwards established the city of
_Malaca_. His successor, _Mahomed Shah_, first embraced Mahomedanism,
in the year 1276."--_Malayan Annals._

[260] The long graves which are still pointed out near _Léran_.

[261] Her tomb is still preserved.

[262] The occasion, of the war with _Báli_ is thus related:--"At this
period the royal family of _Báli_ consisted of three brothers; the
eldest of whom was named _Maya Dináwa_; the second, _Dewa Machuwel_,
who was the chief; and the youngest, _Kabu Wihaha_. _Kabu Wihaha_ is
said to have been of extraordinary size, and to have had a head like
a hog, devouring the flesh of that animal in great quantity. He was,
moreover, very wicked and destructive, regardless of the rights or
property of any one. On this account the people became dissatisfied
with his sway, and his brothers, desirous of getting rid of him,
advised him to proceed to _Majapáhit_, in order to obtain in marriage
_Loro Jongrang_, of the family of _Browijaya_, a lady whom they
represented as of a stature similar to his own. The Raja of _Báli_,
as a further inducement to him to go, sent an embassy to make the
request; but _Browijaya_, considering it as the forerunner of war, made
his preparations accordingly. He sent for a celebrated painter, named
_Sung'ing adi Warna_, and putting down the dimensions of a large woman,
such as had been requested, desired him to paint the figure of a most
beautiful woman of the same size, and when it was done dismissed the
ambassadors, accompanied by _Aria Damar_, who had especial instructions
to make observations of every thing in _Báli_, to that the way might be
clear for hostilities, should the same become necessary."

[263] _Súnan_, in the Javan language, means the ridge pole of the roof;
and _tíang_ the pillars or supports of a house. The former is the term
adopted by the sovereign! the latter is applied to the common people or
men in general.

[264] The following account of this great capital, and of the
country in general, is given by the _Chinese_; it was furnished by
_Han-Cham-pit_, a Chinese, whose family have for many generations been
settled on Java, and translated into English by Mr. Crawfurd, when
Resident of Surabaya.

       *       *       *       *       *

"_Extract from a Chinese book called_ Bun-kyan-tong-ko, _printed at_
Pekin _one hundred and five years ago, in the reign of the Emperor_
Bang-he, _and compiled under the direction of his ministers_, Tyn-eng,
Ong-un-Chin, Ong-Tam, Tyn-yong-twan, _and others_.

       *       *       *       *       *

"There is a country called _Jaw-wa_, formerly called _Cha-po_; on the
sea-coast of it there is a country called _Po-kya-lung_, by which is
the entrance into the country.

"In the reign of the Emperor _Hut-pit-lyat_, of the family of _Gívan
Jaw-wa_, it was described as being bounded in the following manner: to
the east by _Ko-li-gin_, to the west by _Sam-bu-che_, to the north by
_Ko-ta-sit_, and to the south by _Cham-Sya_.

"Subject to this country of _Cha-po_ are _Sokit-tan_, _Ta-pan_,
_Ta-kong_, _Te-but_, and other countries.

"In coming from _Chwan-cha_ (_Emwi_) by sea one first makes _Cham-Sya_.

"The people of that country are of a strange appearance, and
exceedingly ugly.

"In genius, habits, and language, they are entirely different from the
Chinese.

"_Jaw-wa_ became first known to the sovereigns of _China_ in the reign
of _Saow-Gil-yang_, of the dynasty _Song_[268]. The intercourse was,
however, afterwards interrupted.

"After this, in the reign of _Tyo-kong-in_, of the family of
_Tyo_[269], the king of _Jaw-wa_, whose name was _Bak-lo-cha_, sent an
embassy with gifts to the Emperor of China.

"The intercourse was again renewed in the reign of _Tyo-kyat_, of the
same family, when the Javans sent a mission with gifts to _China_.

"Afterwards, in the reign of the Emperor _Hut-pit-lyat_, and in the
thirteenth year of his reign, soldiers were sent from _China_, but the
Javan subjects were very numerous, and they could not succeed[270].

"The water of that country is called _pa-chak-an_. Here is the mouth
of a river. This is the place to invade the country. It was here that
_Su-pit_ and _Rohin_, the generals of _Hut-pit-lyat_, fought the people
of the country.

"The country of _Jaw-wa_ is divided between two kings, one to the west,
and one to the east. In the reign of the Emperor _Chee-Te_, of the
dynasty of _Beng_, when that prince had sat five years on the throne,
the western prince, whose name was _Fo-wan-pan_, made war on the prince
of the eastern half of the island, and overthrew his kingdom.

"In the reign of the same Chinese prince, and in the sixteenth year
of his reign, the western king of _Jaw-wa_, whose name now was
_Yang-wi-see-sa_, sent a mission to China, with a present of a white
parrot.

"Half a day's journey to the south-west of the river is the king's
palace, close to a tank. Within this are two or three hundred houses.
Seven or eight persons wait on the king, clothed in silk of various
colours.

"The king's palace is built of bricks. In height the wall is thirty
feet. Its circumference is about 30,000 paces. The hair on the king's
head is in appearance like growing grass; he wears a cap ornamented at
top with gold fashioned like leaves. A piece of silk is wrapped over
his bosom; round his waist he has a piece of embroidered silk; he wears
a short weapon; his feet are bare. Sometimes he rides on an elephant,
and sometimes on a bullock.

"With respect to the people, the hair of the men has the appearance of
growing grass. The women tie it in a knot at the top of the head; they
wear a coat and a long cloth. The men invariably wear a short weapon at
the waist, which is of exquisite workmanship.

"Their laws never punish by corporal infliction. They take no account
of the measure of a man's offences; the criminal, in all cases, is
secured with rattans, and then put to death by stabbing him.

"In their traffic they use the money of China, but of a coinage older
than the present times. These coins bear a value double of what they do
in China.

"The inhabitants of the country have names, but no surnames. They are
of a quarrelsome disposition. In their persons they are ill-favoured
and filthy. Their colour is a blueish black. Their heads are like
those of large monkeys, and they go bare-legged. They believe in evil
spirits. In sitting and sleeping they neither use chairs nor beds: in
eating they use neither spoons nor _chop-sticks_. With respect to food,
they do not reject snakes, caterpillars, worms, and insects. They do
not scruple to eat and sleep with their dogs.

"In their marriage ceremonies it is the practice for the man to go to
the house of the woman, where he stays five days; at the end of this
time the bride is received with music and noise at the house of the
bridegroom. The bride wears no coat, her hair is loose, her feet are
bare, and she wears a piece of silk round her bosom. Sometimes she
wears ornaments of gold, pearls, and precious stones.

"With respect to the dead, some are thrown into the water, some burnt,
and some buried; all this according to the will of the person expressed
before his death. The exports of the country are gold, silver, pearls,
rhinoceros' horns, elephants' teeth, tortoise-shell, beetle-nut, black
pepper, sapan wood, garu wood, kanglong, cotton, Sundit birds, green
pigeons, and doves of various colours, parrots of various colours, red,
green, and white, with white deer and white monkeys."

[265] Various stories are related of this kris.

[266] Known by the name of _Kemándang_.

[267] The _Bedui_ are to be found at three different places in Bantam.
At _Gunung Perahiáng_, where the chief is called _Girang Pohon_, there
are twelve families; at _Gunung Párangkujang_, where the chief's name
is _Wanklang_, there are forty men and women; and at _Gunang Bungbang_,
where the chief is called _Kiang_, there are twelve families. In the
_Rawayans_, the name given to the place in which they respectively
reside, this exact number is constantly preserved, by the removal of
any increase that may occur, and by supplying any deficiency from those
without who have not embraced the Mahomedan faith.

The history of these people, who consider themselves as descendants
of _Prabu Seda_, the last chief of _Pajajaran_, is intimately
connected with the period of which we are now treating, and with the
establishment of Mahomedanism in the western districts. The origin of
the _Bedui_ is thus related:--

"During the reign of _Prabu Seda_, the last prince of _Pajajaran_,
he was informed that a certain recluse, named _Seda Sakti_, had an
incestuous intercourse with his sister, and determined to punish him
for thus bringing disgrace upon the country; the man pleaded his
innocence to no purpose, and was put to death by being pressed between
two large logs of wood, previously making a stipulation, which was
deemed reasonable enough, and which obtained the concurrence of all
present, _viz._ that if he had actually been guilty of the crime laid
to his charge, his descendants might lose their religion and live in
the low lands; if not, that _Prabu Seda_, with his nobles and court,
might lose their religion and place of residence, and become for ever
slaves: and as a sign that this stipulation was approved and ratified
from on high, immediately the sun was eclipsed, the rain descended in
torrents, the thunder roared, the earth shook, and under the mountains
were heard sounds like the discharge of great guns.

"_Pachukaman_, son of _Prabu Seda_, who resided with his people at
_Gunung Pulusari_, at the period when the Mahomedan religion was about
to be introduced, apprehended the consequences of the stipulation made
with _Seda Sakti_, and determining not to change his ancient faith on
any account, he quitted the place in secret, leaving his people, of
whom eight hundred, who were holy men, went in search of him in vain,
and only returned to deplore his loss."

_Hasen-u-din_ subsequently fell in with these eight hundred _recluses_
and converted them. He afterwards invaded _Pajajaran_. On his return to
_Pulusari_, he was accustomed to come down to _Sirang_ twice in seven
days to sell fruit, and in the course of time he became acquainted with
every thing relative to the people of Bantam. He afterwards subdued
_Girang_, the ancient capital, situated a few miles inland of _Sirang_,
of which the ruins are still visible, more by means of conversion than
by arms, and when firmly established, _Prabu Seda_ and his children,
who refused to become converts, were there put to the sword.

The _Bedui_ are the descendants of those who on the fall of _Pajajaran_
escaped into the woods, and who refused to change their religion,
remaining firmly attached to that of _Prabu Seda_. There is a tomb
of one of them which they hold sacred, and which they will not allow
any one but themselves to approach, even to this day. In after times,
when the _Bedui_ submitted to the Sultan of Bantam, and shewed no
disposition to oppose the Mahomedans, they were exempted from the
necessity of becoming converts, upon the condition, at the time they
yielded, that the number in each _Rawayan_ allowed to profess the
ancient worship should be limited[271].

When the Mahomedan religion became more generally established, it was
declared that all those people who should not have embraced the faith
before a certain day, should, with their descendants, be considered as
outcasts or slaves. This is the origin of the people termed _Abdi_, and
who are quite distinct from the _Bedui_.

The name, however, given in the _Sunda_ traditions to the last chief
of _Pajajaran_, is _Sila Wangi_; and it is from some of his original
adherents, who became converts to Mahomedanism, that the present
regents of the _Sunda_ districts are descended. One of them, _Guru
Gantang'an_, with many followers, is said to have retired to the
forests on the mountain _Gedé_, since called _Recha Domas_ (eight
hundred images), where many rude idols are still to be found. There it
is said they afterwards became extinct, and according to the notion
of the _Sundas_, the term _Per-hiang'an_, still retained by the
descendants from _Nga-hiang_, signifying annihilated, is derived from
the fate of this people.

[268] "Thirteen hundred and ninety-four years ago."

[269] "Eight hundred and fifty-one years ago."

[270] "Four hundred and fourteen years ago."

[271] For a further account of these people, see vol. i. page 372.

CHAPTER XI.

  _History of Java, from the Establishment of Mahomedanism_ (A.J.
    1400), _till the Arrival of the British Forces in A.D. 1811._
    (A.J. 1738).

About a year after the establishment of the chief authority at
_Demák_, the Sultan, accompanied by the different heads of the
Mahomedan worship, visited _Sheik Mulána Ibrahim_ at _Chéribon_. On
this occasion, the chiefs were distributed over different quarters
appropriated for them, in the vicinity of _Palimánan_, and the places
where they resided still bear their respective names.

_Kábu Kanigára_, the chief of _Pájang_, second son of _Andáya Níngrat_
by one of the daughters of _Browijáya_ and the princess of _Chámpa_,
was put to death, although he had embraced the Mahomedan religion, for
refusing to acknowledge the supremacy of Sultan _Demák_, by presenting
himself at court when required. The following is the account of this
transaction, as given by the native writers.

"The _Pangéran Kúdus_ then departed alone, and having entered the
_dálam_ was observed by a female attendant of the chief, who demanded
his name and errand; to which he replied, that he should have the
honour to make himself known to her master. The female observed that
the prince was ill, and in mourning for the death of one of his best
friends, _Kiái Gédé Tingkir_. _Pangéran Kúdus_ then desired her to tell
her master that he was a messenger from the Almighty, who brought good
tidings. Having thus obtained admittance to the chief, he informed
him that he was commissioned to require his immediate attendance
at _Demák_, and in case of refusal to put him to death. But _Kábu
Kanigára_ still persisted in his refusal, and delivered his _kris_
into the hands of the _Pangéran_, who immediately wounded him in the
arm, of which he shortly expired. He had however previously stipulated,
that as his wife was pregnant, the circumstances of his death should be
kept secret from her, and that her life should be preserved. The widow
shortly after quitted the _dálam_, and found an asylum with the widow
of _Kiái Gédé Tingkir_, where she was delivered of a son, destined to
perform a conspicuous part in the transactions of those days."

_Panambáhan Jimbua_ reigned according to some twelve, and according
to others nine years after the fall of _Majapáhit_. He had several
children, one of whom, named _Pangéran Sábrang Lor_, succeeded him
as sultan of _Demák_: another, named _Niái Bintára_, was married to
_Mulána Ibrahim_ of _Chéribon_, who was in consequence honoured with
the title of _Panambáhan Makdum Játi_.

_Panambáhan Jimbun_ is represented as having resided in a small
unadorned dwelling, while the principal buildings at _Demák_ were
constructed by _Pangéran Kúdus_, who had married the daughter of
_Húsen_, and being entrusted with the highest offices, was considered
as the second person in the state.

_Pangéran Sábrang Lor_, who succeeded his father in 1409, after a reign
of less than two years, died of an inflammation of the lungs, and was
succeeded, in 1412, by his brother, named _Pangéran Tranggána_, the
third sultan of _Demák_.

On the inauguration of _Pangéran Tranggána_, he received the
benediction of _Panambáhan Mákdum Játi_, and _Pangéran Kúdus_ was
appointed high priest. Two _krises_ and a _bádi bádi_ were made by the
celebrated smith named _Súra_, from the iron wand which was supposed to
have wrought miracles in the _Majapáhit_ war. One of them was presented
to the new sultan, and became a royal _pusáka_; the other was delivered
to the _Pangéran_ of _Kúdus_, with the appointment of _Susúnan
Pangúhu_, or high priest. The _bádi bádi_ was sent to _Súnan Bónang_.

Before the year 1421, the whole island of Java had submitted to the
authority of _Pangéran Tranggána_, the chiefs of the several provinces,
from _Bantam_ to _Balambángan_, presenting themselves at his court, and
universal tranquillity was restored. The Mahomedan religion was now
firmly established throughout the island: the mosque was completed, and
treaties of amity and peace were concluded with the princes of Borneo,
_Palémbang_, _Báli_, _Singapúra_, _Indragírí_, and other states of the
Archipelago, which had become independent of Javan authority after the
fall of _Majapáhit_.

This prince is represented to have been an intelligent, good, and
virtuous man, and to have enforced the strictest obedience to the
laws. Under his superintendence was composed a work, entitled _Jáya
Langkára_, in which the principles of the Mahomedan law and precepts
were blended with the ancient instructions of the country, and thus
rendered agreeable to the people.

It is related, that on the occasion of the assemblage of the different
chiefs at the funeral of the deceased Sultan, and the inauguration of
_Bangéran Tranggánaa_, a dreadful storm arose, with much thunder and
lightning, when a youth, named _Jáka Siséla_ (the son of _Browijáya_
by _Búdan Kajáwan_, who had been delivered over to the superintendent
of his _sáwah_ or rice fields) going out of the mosque to observe the
weather, saw a meteoric stone fall on the ground beside him, without
doing him harm. This stone he carried to the _Súnan Kali Jága_, who
declared it to be an omen prophetic of much good to the youth. After
thanks were returned to the Almighty for having averted the danger from
the mosque, a sketch was made of the stone, which is still exhibited on
the door facing the north. This youth _Siséla_ failing in an endeavour
to become chief of the sultan's guards, and afterwards in an attempt
upon the prince's life, was obliged to fly from the capital.

It is necessary here to advert to _Jáka Tingkír_, the offspring of
_Kábu Kanigára_, a chief who had been put to death by order of the
first sultan of _Demák_. It having been foretold that he would one day
become sovereign of Java, he was taken by his mother to _Demák_ in his
eleventh year, where he soon found means to ingratiate himself with
the Sultan, who gave him the name of _Pánji Mas_, and caused him to
be instructed in the Mahomedan religion and in the precepts of _Jáya
Langkára_, appointed him to the command of the body guard consisting
of eight hundred men, and afterwards, in the year 1449, gave him
his daughter in marriage, with the administration of the province
of _Pájang_, where, with the permission of the Sultan, he built a
_kráton_; but afterwards having put to death a person who had arrived
from the _Kedú_, applying for an appointment in the body guard, he
was banished to the forests. During his exile he visited a village
named _Bányu-bíru_, near the _Solo_ river, where he was instructed
by a _Pandíta_ how to conduct himself for the future, the holy man
predicting, at the same time, that he would become sovereign of Java
and hold his court at _Pájang_.

Several exploits against alligators are recorded of him; and the
opinion that no descendant of the princes of _Pájang_ need fear injury
from these animals is so prevalent, that it is not unusual for a Javan
of the present day, seeing himself in danger from one of them, to
exclaim aloud that he belongs to that family.

Not long after the return of _Pánji Mas_, the island of Java was again
formed into two separate and independent governments, corresponding
with the former limits of _Majapáhit_ and _Pajajaran_. The eastern
provinces remained subject to the Sultan of _Demák_, and the western
were ceded in perpetuity to _Mulána Ibrahim_, with the title of Sultan.
To both sultans was reserved the right of dividing their lands on their
demise among their children, as they might think proper. The _Súnan
Káli Jága_ obtained as an hereditary property, free from all kinds of
requisitions, the small district of _Adilángu_, in the province of
_Demák_, where he was afterwards buried.

From this period until the death of the Sultan of _Demák_, the eastern
provinces enjoyed the most undisturbed tranquillity; but the Sultan of
_Chéribon_ found some difficulty in establishing his authority over the
western people, and in converting them, particularly those of Bantam,
to the Mahomedan faith.

The Sultan of _Demák_, besides several natural children, had two sons
and four daughters. Of these daughters one was married to a Madurese
prince, who resided at _Lampung_; another, _Balíga_, to a son of
the Sultan of _Chéribon_, who was the chief of _Bantám_; a third to
_Ráden Pánji_, who after the return of the Sultan from _Chéribon_ was
appointed chief of _Pájang péng'ging_; and the fourth to the son of
_Pángéran Kedíri_, who was chief of _Japára_.

_Pangéran Tranggána_, the third Sultan of _Demák_, died in the year
1461, having previously made a division of his dominions among his
children.

His eldest son, _Aria Ráng'ga_, was appointed Sultan of _Prawáta_,
to which was annexed all the land to the eastward along the Solo
river, as far as _Surabáya_, together with _Demák_ and _Semárang_. His
son-in-law, _Pangéran Hadíri_, was made _Súnan_ of the _Kali Niámat_,
and possessed all the districts of _Japári_, _Páti_, _Rémbang_, and
_Jawána_. The _Adipáti_ of _Pájang Péng'ging_ (_Ráden Pánji_) received
the title of _Brébo Páti_ of _Pajang_ and of _Matárem_, with the lands
attached to it. His son, _Mas Timor_, was appointed _Adipátí_, with the
lands of _Kedú_ and _Bágalen_. His son-in-law, the prince of _Madúra_,
was made chief of _Madúra_, _Suménap_, _Sedáyu_, _Grésik_, _Surabáya_,
and _Pasúruan_. His youngest son, _Ráden Panángsang_, was appointed
chief of _Jípang_.

The Sultan of _Chéribon_, better known by the name of _Súnan Gúnung
Játi_, died in 1428, at an advanced age, leaving three sons by
his wife, the princess of _Demák_, and one son and a daughter by
a concubine. His eldest son, _Hásen_, succeeded him as Sultan of
_Chéribon_ and of the provinces lying between the _Chi-tárum_ river
and _Túgu_, and stretching in a southern direction to the _Kéndang_
hills, so as to include all the _Priáng'en_ districts and lands lying
to the east of the _Chi-tárum_. From this prince are descended the
present Sultans of _Chéribon_. To his second son, _Baradin_, he left
the kingdom of _Bantam_, which extended westward from the river of
_Táng'ran_, to the south-east part of Sumátra, including all the
islands in the straits of _Súnda_. From him are descended the present
kings of _Bantam_. His third son, named _Chenámpui_, died when
young, and was buried at _Mándu_ in _Chéribon_. To his natural son,
_Káli Játan_, he assigned the lands lying between the _Chitárem_ and
_Tang'ran_ rivers, which had formerly formed part of _Chéribon_ and
_Bantam_. This prince assumed the title of _Raja_ of _Jokárta_ or
_Jákatra_, fixing his capital near the _kámpung_ of that name, where he
and his descendants continued to reign, until they were expelled, in
the year 1619 of the Christian era, by the Dutch, who established on
its ruins the modern Batavia, the capital of their possessions in the
East Indies.

The tomb of the _Susúnan Gúnung Játi_, situated on the mount so called,
at a short distance from the present town of _Chéribon_, is still an
object of the highest veneration and respect.

Thus was the ancient empire of Java divided under no less than eight
separate and independent governments. _Bantam_, _Jokárta_, _Chéribon_,
_Prawáta_, _Kaliniámat_, _Pajang Kedú_, and _Madúra_; the several
chiefs of which, in general, either assumed the title of _Kiái Gédé_ or
Sultan, or the more religious distinction of _Súnan_.

In about a year after the death of the Sultan _Tranggána_, the country
of _Pájang_ rose to considerable importance; its chief, on account of
his possessing the regalia of state, being considered as the first in
rank of the several princes in the eastern districts. Hatred, envy, and
ambition, however, soon inflamed the breasts of the different princes
of Java. The most ambitious among them, and the first who disturbed the
peace of the country, was the _Adipáti_ of _Jípang, Ráden Panángang_.
The history proceeds thus:

"The _Adipáti_ of _Jípang_, by the advice of _Súnan Kúdus_, dispatched
one of his body guard, named _Rákut_, to Sultan _Prawáta_, with orders
to watch an opportunity and assassinate him. On the arrival of _Rákut_,
it happened that the Sultan was labouring under an indisposition;
but when he was sufficiently recovered, he went one evening after
prayers, and sat down at the second gate of the _dálam_, his wife
standing behind and holding his head, accompanied only by some female
attendants. At that moment, _Rákut_ went up to him, and declared his
commission; to which the Sultan replied, 'I am aware that my time is
come; execute your orders, but do not hurt any one but me.' Upon this,
_Rákut_ drew his _kris_ and stabbed him; after which, retreating a few
steps, it occurred to him that the chief might not be actually dead;
and returning with an intention of completing his purpose, he missed
his aim, and struck the wife. The prince observing this, immediately
threw his _kris_ at the assassin, which, striking him in the leg,
threw him on the ground, where he was soon dispatched by the people,
who were assembled by the cries of the women."

The prince and his wife soon after died of their wounds, and left their
dominions and property to their brother, the _Súnan Káli Niámat_, with
authority to administer the same until their son, _Aria Pangíri_,
should come of age. Both the prince and his wife were interred in
the burial place of their ancestors at _Demák_; and the provinces of
_Prawáta_ thus became incorporated with those of _Káli Niámat_.

The _Súnan Káli Niámat_ immediately went to _Kúdus_, and demanded that
justice and condign punishment should be inflicted on the persons
concerned in this murder; and the _Súnan Kúdus_, expressing great
indignation at the act, promised compliance; but the _Sunan_, while
returning to _Káli Niámat_, was murdered on the road by persons in
the pay of the _Adipáti_ of _Jípang_. This prince, having thus far
succeeded in his designs, then plotted the death of the chief of
_Pájang_, hoping by that means to remove the only obstacle to his
obtaining the supreme authority in the eastern districts of Java. The
assassins, however, whom he employed for this latter purpose were not
equally successful. They found the prince at midnight in an inner
apartment, sleeping among his wives: but while approaching him to
execute their design, one of them happened to tread upon a woman, whose
shriek awoke the prince. He demanded the reason of their visit, and
promised them pardon, on their confessing by whom they were employed:
they disclosed the whole, and obtained pardon with their dismissal.
Thus disappointed in his scheme, the _Súnan Kúdus_ invited the chief
_Patéh_ of _Pájang_ to visit _Kúdus_, and assembled as many religious
people as possible, in the hope that an opportunity might be afforded
of assassinating him when off his guard; but a letter arriving at this
period from the Sultan of _Chéribon_, upon whose protection the widow
of the _Súnan Káli Niámat_ had thrown herself, in which the Sultan
declared that he should hold the _Súnan Kúdus_ responsible for the
discovery of the murderers, the intended assassination was deferred.

The chief of _Pájang_ having communicated with his sister, the widow
of _Súnan Káli Niámat_, who had made a vow never to rest or to leave
her home until the death of her husband, brother, and sister, should be
avenged, informed his _Panambáhan_, that if they could find a suitable
opportunity to take revenge on _Ráden Penánsang_, they had his full
consent. The meeting which took place between the parties is thus
described.

"After having laid the troops in ambush, the chiefs of _Pájang_ crossed
the river, and seizing one of the grass-cutters belonging to _Ráden
Penánsang_ they cut off a piece of his right ear, and told him to go to
his master with a letter, which they hung about his neck, containing
a challenge from the prince of _Pájang_; they then returned to their
own camp. In the meanwhile the grass-cutter running with a great noise
to the quarters of _Ráden Penánsang_, who happened to be at dinner,
delivered the message.

"At this summons the _Ráden_ came forth in a great rage, and ordering
his horse and spear, galloped down to the river side, and called upon
the prince to come over to him; but the chief of _Pájang_ answered,
that if he was the man of courage he pretended to be, he would
himself cross to the side he occupied. The _Ráden_, accompanied by
two _Panakawans_ only, then crossed the river, and inquiring for his
opponent, was informed that he remained in his _póndok_, and had sent
his son to fight in his room, and would only appear in the event of
his being conquered. _Ráden Penánsang_ then said with a contemptuous
smile, 'Is the _Brébo Patéh_ afraid, that he sends me a child with
whom he knows I will not fight? I will teach him something. Go, child,
and call your father.' He then amused himself galloping about, until
one of the chiefs of _Pájang_ let loose a number of mares, on which
his horse became unmanageable, and he was thrown, and killed on the
spot. _Túmung'gung Matáok_, his principal chief, now crossed the
river with all his followers; but they were soon overpowered, and the
_Tumúng'gung_ being slain, his head was stuck upon a pole by the river
side."

From this period the provinces of _Jípang_ became subject to the chief
of _Pájang_; and his sister at _Kali Niamat_, being informed of this
success by _Panambáhan_ expressed her readiness to fulfil a promise
which she had made, of conferring upon him all her lands and property,
_Panambáhan_ declined accepting this offer, alleging that he had only
obeyed the orders of his sovereign. He however received from her, on
this occasion, two _pusáka_ rings, in one of which was set a large
diamond, in the other a ruby, which had formerly belonged to the house
of _Majapáhit_.

The spoil taken in the war was then divided according to usage, and to
_Panambáhan_ was assigned a population of eighteen hundred working men
in the district of _Mentáuk_, afterwards called _Matárem_. The lands of
_Káli Niámat_ were left in the possession of his sister, and those of
_Demák_ restored to his nephew. _Aria Pangiri_ received the title of
Sultan of _Demák_.

The province of _Mentáuk_ or _Matárem_, at that period did not contain
more than three hundred villages, scattered in different parts of
the country. On the arrival of _Panambáhan_ near _Brambánan_, he was
received by the _Súnan Adi Jága_, who would not allow him to perform
the usual ceremony of kissing his feet, thus by implication predicting
the future greatness of his descendants. At _Páser Gédé_, then a
wilderness, _Panambáhan_ was duly installed, under the title of _Kiái
Gédé Matárem_.

When the government of _Kiái Gédé Matárem_ was fully established,
he was desirous of obtaining his son from the prince _Pájang_, who
had retained him as an adopted child, and feared to part with him,
in consequence of the prophecy of which he was aware, predicting the
future greatness of the descendants of _Jáka Sisíla_; but on the
entreaties of the _Súnan Káli Jaga_, he consented to part with him,
under a stipulation, upon oath, from _Panambáhan_, that he would not
undertake any thing prejudicial to him during his lifetime.

In the year 1490, the chief of _Pájang_, from religious motives, paid
a visit to _Súnan Gíri_, accompanied by _Kiái Gédé Matárem_, and a
numerous retinue of chiefs and priests. He was mounted on an elephant,
and assumed all the pomp which had been customary with the sultans of
_Bintára_. On this occasion he was formally installed as sultan, in
the presence of the chiefs of the eastern provinces. The _Súnan Gíri_,
at the same time, noticing _Kiái Gédé Matárem_, and being informed of
his descent, declared that his family would one day rule all Java,
and urged the Sultan of _Pájang_ to protect and befriend him. It was
during this visit that the Sultan of _Pájang_ gave orders for digging
the extensive fish-ponds which are now preserved at _Grésik_ for the
_Ikan Bándang_.

On the return of _Kiái Gédé Matárem_ to his capital, he called together
his relations, and recommended to their kindness the forty friends
who had accompanied him on his first coming to _Matárem_, and their
descendants, enjoining them, on no account whatever, to shed their
blood, whatever crime they might commit, but if necessary, to punish
them in some other way. To this they most solemnly bound themselves;
and from this period, strangling is said to have been introduced as a
capital punishment among the Javans.

His son, now called _Mas Anghebái Súta Wijáya_, had an amour with the
grand-daughter of _Sheik Wáli ben Húsen_, who was intended to become
one of the concubines of Sultan _Pájang_. Upon her becoming pregnant,
he fled first to _Chéribon_, where he implored protection from the
Sultan, but to no purpose, and afterwards towards _Luánu_, where
collecting the rabble of the country, he commenced hostilities against
the chief. The Sultan of _Pájang_, however, at length offering him a
pardon, on condition of his marrying the girl, he returned, and was
again received into favour; but not before he had reduced the chief
of _Luánu_ to submission, and rendered that province tributary to
_Matárem_.

The chiefs of _Surabáya_, _Grésik_, _Sidáyu_, _Túban_, _Wirasába_,
_Pranarága_, _Kedíri_, _Mádion_, _Blóra_, _Jípang_, and _Pasurúan_,
declared themselves independent of the prince of _Madúra_, and
elected _Pánji Wíría Kráma_, the _Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_, who
acted as _Widána_ to Sultan _Pájang_, to be their chief. About the
same time, _Sánta Gúná_, the chief of east _Balambángan_, with the
assistance of auxiliaries from _Báli_ and Celebes, again reduced the
western districts of that province under his authority, subduing the
principality of _Panarúkan_ and expelling the prince and his followers.

_Kiái Gédé Matárem_ died in the year 1497, after having, by his mild
and equitable administration, converted the province of _Matárem_, from
a wilderness into a fertile and populous country, and induced many of
the surrounding districts voluntarily to submit to his authority.

The relations of the deceased appearing at the court of the Sultan
of _Pájang_, he appointed his son, _Anghebái Súta Wijáya_, to succeed
him as chief of _Matárem_, conferring upon him, at the same time, the
command of all the troops of the empire, under the title of _Kiái Gédé
Agung Senapáti Ingalága_, commonly distinguished by the single title of
_Senapáti_, enjoining him annually to present himself at his court on
the feast of _Múlut_.

It is noticed, that at this period the island was frequented by
Portuguese and other European navigators, who had established factories
at Bantam.

The ambition of the court of _Matárem_ being kept alive by various
predictions, dreams, and enchantments, by which _Senapàti_ was promised
the assistance of _Kiái Gédé Laut Kidúl_ the goddess of the great South
Sea, who declared herself wedded to him, he was instigated to build an
extensive _kráton_ on the spot where his _dálam_ then stood.

He now placed guards at the limits of his territories, burnt some
of the adjacent villages, and assumed an attitude of complete
independence, subjecting by degrees many of the neighbouring districts.
Ambassadors were immediately sent from _Pájang_ to demand an
explanation. They were in the first instance duped by the flattering
manner in which they were received; but afterwards discovering the
real state of affairs, and reporting it to the Sultan their master,
he is represented as having called his son before him, and having
said, "the will of Providence rules all events. _Senapáti_ will not,
during my life, commence hostilities against me, but after my death he
will render you subject to him. Yield to his power, on which depends
your happiness and that of your descendants." At length, however, the
chiefs of _Túban_ and _Demák_, apprehensive of the growing power of
_Matárem_, prevailed upon him first to banish the _Tumung'gung Pájang_,
as the instigator of this feud, and afterwards to send a considerable
force against _Matárem_. The _Tumung'gung_, however, was rescued by
forty chosen men dispatched by _Senapáti_, and a stratagem induced the
forces of _Pájang_ to retreat. The _Pájang_ forces consisted of five
thousand men, commanded by the Sultan's son: those of _Senapáti_ did
not exceed eight hundred. The latter seeing that it was rash to risk an
engagement against such a superiority of numbers, particularly as the
few troops he had raised on the emergency were altogether unexperienced
and undisciplined, while those of _Pajáng_ were in the highest order,
halted at a short distance from _Brambánan_, where the enemy's forces
were encamped. During the night he burned all the villages in the
vicinity, and set fire to the reeds and long grass at some distance
from _Brambánan_, and to the rear of the enemy's camp, by which means
he persuaded them that the _Matárem_ forces had taken their departure,
in order to obtain _Pájang_ by surprize.

During the succeeding night there was a heavy thunder storm, and on
the following morning the mountain _Merbábu_ burst with a dreadful
explosion, throwing out ashes and large stones; the rivers overflowed
their banks and inundated the low country, occasioning great confusion
and destruction in the _Pájang_ camp, and inducing the commander to
retreat with his army forthwith to _Pájang_. Halting at the village
_Tumpáit_, situated near _Kárbu Súru_, he visited the tomb of the
_Pangéran_ of that name, who was descended from _Abdálah_, the eldest
son of _Ráden Pátah_. Here the sultan is said to have been informed of
a prophecy which foretold the immediate downfall of _Pájang_, and to
have fainted and fallen from his elephant in consequence.

_Senapáti_ immediately bent his course to _Pájang_, where the sultan
was again willing to receive him as his adopted son, and to pardon his
past conduct; but a youth in the retinue of _Senapáti_, after first
proposing to assassinate the sultan, a proposition to which _Senapáti_
refused to listen, at last of his own accord succeeded in administering
poison to him, of which he died. This happened, however, after the
return of _Senapáti_ to _Matárem_.

Being summoned by _Ráden Benáwa_, son of the deceased, _Senapáti_
immediately repaired to _Pájang_, where he found already assembled
_Pangéran Kúdus_ and the principal chiefs of the country, who after
the funeral proceeded to the election of a new sultan. _Senapáti_ was
for investing the son of the deceased with the authority enjoyed by
his father, but the _Súnan Kúdus_, who though he had been the cause
of his son's death, still breathed vengeance against the _Pájang_
family, for the ignominious manner in which the punishment was carried
into effect, opposed this nomination, and favouring the pretensions
of Sultan _Démak_, that chief was duly proclaimed Sultan of _Pájang,
Ráden Benáwa_ being appointed chief of _Jípang_. From this period the
different states which had acknowledged the supremacy of _Pájang_
successively broke off from their allegiance.

The new Sultan of _Pájang_ commenced his career by removing from office
most of the _Pájang_ chiefs, and replacing them by his adherents
from _Demák_, which occasioned a general discontent. At last _Ráden
Benáwa_, who was not inclined quietly to submit to the loss of his
kingdom, succeeded in inducing _Senapáti_ openly to adopt his cause,
and join the forces which he could himself send from _Jípang_ and the
discontents of _Pájang_.

_Senapáti_ accordingly marched against _Pájang_, and an engagement
taking place, most of the troops deserted the sultan's cause, and the
remainder, who continued faithful, were soon put to flight. _Ráden
Benáwa_, alarmed at a dream, in which he heard a voice saying, "Every
thing in life has a beginning and an end, all worldly greatness is
vanity, and no man can call himself happy until his death; do you
always bear this in mind:" withdrew, and having followed the course of
the _Sólo_ river down to _Grésik_, proceeded thence to _Kendál_, where
he attracted many followers by his irreproachable conduct. At last he
settled on the mountain _Parákan_, where he was buried.

_Senapáti_, after this success, proceeded to carry the _kráton_ by
assault, and having entered the front gateway, the wife of the sultan
came forth, entreating that her husband's life might be spared; but
_Senapáti_ reminding her that he was the friend of her father, and had
nothing to fear, desired her instantly to produce her husband, which
being complied with, he informed the sultan that the people of _Pájang_
being displeased with him he could no longer remain sovereign, but that
he and his followers might return to _Demák_ as soon as they pleased,
the sovereignty being now conferred on _Ráden Benáwa_.

Search was made for _Ráden Benáwa_ without effect, but that chief was
duly proclaimed as sultan, and the brother of _Senapáti_ appointed to
administer the country until his arrival.

The retreat of _Ráden Benáwa_ being at length discovered, and that
chief declining to accept the government of _Pájang_, his brother,
_Pangéran Gája Búmi_, was appointed sultan in his room. The latter
shortly after died, and was succeeded by the son of _Benáwa, Ráden
Sidawíni_, on whom the title of _Pangéran Pájang_ was conferred.

As soon as order was again restored, _Senapáti_ returned to _Matárem_,
carrying with him the saddle called _gatáya_, the head-dress called
_máchang gúguh_, and a set of _gámelan_ called _sekar dalíma_, which
he had taken at the assault of _Pájang_, as trophies of his victory,
together with the cannon called _niái stómi_, and all the insignia and
ornaments of royalty, which had descended for the most part from the
princes of _Pajajáran_ and _Majapáhit_, and which are still preserved
in the regalia of the princes of Java.

_Senapáti_, in consequence of these arrangements and the possession of
the regalia, transferred the seat of empire to _Matárem_, and lost no
time in raising his family to the highest dignities. Assuming himself
the title of sultan, he elevated his nephews to the rank of _Pangérans_.

His ambitious views being now so far realized, he consulted the _Súnan
Gíri_, wishing to obtain his opinion, whether the time for the complete
fulfilment of the prophecy was not arrived. The _Súnan_ replied, that
if the Sultan of _Matárem_ wished to be sovereign of the whole island
of Java, it was essential that he should, in the first instance, bring
the eastern provinces under subjection. In consequence of this reply,
the sultan immediately collected his troops, trained them to the use
of arms and regular discipline, and in the month of _mohárem_ marched
eastward.

The _Adipáti of Surabáya_, who had held the supreme authority over all
the eastern districts, as _Widána_ to the sultan of _Pájang_, no sooner
heard of these preparations, than he directed all the subordinate
chiefs with their forces to assemble at _Jípang_, there to await the
arrival of the army from _Matárem_; but at the moment when a general
engagement was about to take place between the two armies, an open
letter was delivered to both chiefs from the _Súnan Gíri_, requesting
them to desist, and proposing an arrangement, by which the eastern
provinces were to become subject to _Matárem_, but to continue under
the immediate administration of the _Adipáti_. This arrangement was
agreed to by both parties, but the _Adipati_ soon repented of it, who
in consequence was preparing for hostilities, when an open rapture was
again averted by the interference of the _Súnan Gíri_; but soon after
being joined by the forces of _Pranarága_ and _Madion_, the _Adipáti_
assembled his troops and marched to invade _Matárem_.

_Senapáti_ no sooner heard of these hostile preparations, and that the
_Adipáti_ was levying the revenue of _Pájang_, than accompanied by his
uncle, _Kiái Gédé Páti_, he marched towards _Madion_, and obtained
possession of the _dálam_, the chief having previously fled with his
son to _Surabáya_, leaving behind him a daughter whom _Senapáti_
married. His uncle, displeased at his conduct, returned to _Páti_; but
_Senapáti_ prosecuted his march towards _Pasúruan_, with an intention
to render himself master of that province.

The chief of _Pasúruan_ was inclined to surrender at discretion, but
was dissuaded from doing so by his _Páteh_. One day when _Senapáti_
accompanied by only forty men of his body-guard, was reconnoitering
the enemy's camp, he met the _Páteh_, who had come out with a similar
intention, when a skirmish taking place, the _Páteh_ was wounded by a
lance and fell to the ground. The sultan lifting him up and placing
him on a mare, sent him back to the chief, with a letter tied round
his neck. The chief no sooner saw him in this disgraceful predicament,
than he repented of having taken his advice, and ordering his head to
be immediately severed from his body, sent it to _Senapáti_ in token of
submission.

After this _Senapáti_ returned to _Matárem_, where he married one of
his daughters to the son of the late chief of _Madion_, and appointed
him chief of _Jipang_.

_Súra Manggála_, a chief of _Kedíri_, was now willing to submit to
the authority of _Matárem_, but _Senapáti_ returned no other answer
to his messenger, than that it was his intention to march at the next
_mohárem_, when it would be the duty of _Súra Manggála_ to surrender
that province. Accordingly, in the month of _mohárem_, an army
proceeded against _Kedíri_: the _Matárem_ forces were successful, and
the chief and his three brothers submitted. _Senapáti_ was so pleased
with the conduct of _Súra Mang'gála_ on this occasion, that he
appointed him to the command of the _Matárem_ troops.

This chief, better known by the name of _Senapáti Bálek_, served the
sultan of _Matárem_ with great ability and fidelity. He gained numerous
victories, brought all the western provinces, as far as _Chéribon_,
to acknowledge the supremacy of _Matárem_, limiting the authority of
that chief within the rivers of _Losári_ and _Indramáyu_. He is said to
have removed the mud wall which surrounded the _kráton_ of _Matárem_,
and built in its stead a strong wall of stone. He was at last killed
in a desperate engagement with the eastern people, which took place in
_Pájang_, in which however the _Matárem_ troops were successful.

Shortly after the death of this chief, _Senapáti_ received intelligence
of hostile preparations against _Matárem_ being made by his uncle,
_Kiái Gédé Páti_. He accordingly proceeded to meet him, accompanied by
all his sons and a numerous army. After a long and a desperate action,
the _Matárem_ forces were again successful, and the sultan returned to
_Matárem_, with the wives, children, and all the valuables of his uncle.

His son, _Pangéran Séda Krápiak_, being wounded on this occasion,
the sultan published a proclamation, declaring that prince to be his
successor after his death, by the title of _Panambahan Senapáti_.

The continued opposition of the eastern people, however, and the revolt
of _Kedíri_ and _Pasúruan_, obliged him again to take the field, when
finding the numbers and strength of the enemy far superior to his
own, he conducted an able but slow retreat to his capital, and during
the whole course of his reign found it impracticable to subject these
provinces to his authority. To the provinces, however, of _Matárem_,
_Bágelen_, _Bányumas_, _Pájang_ and _Jípang_, which descended to
him from his father, he added those of _Páti_, _Kúdus_, _Semáráng_,
_Kendál_, and _Kaliwúng'u_.

The days of _Sénapati_, the founder of the _Matárem_ empire, and of the
dynasty which still retains a nominal rule on Java, were now brought to
a close, after a reign of continued warfare. As the founder of the last
native empire on Java, his memory is naturally held in high estimation;
but he is also respected for the discipline he introduced into his
army, and the valour, ability, and noble-mindedness which he displayed
throughout. With the Javans he is considered as another Alexander,
and he is the first in their modern history who is considered to have
understood the art of war.

He was succeeded, in the year 1524, by his son, since called _Séda
Krápiak_, from the place of his interment, but who during his reign,
bore the title of _Panambáhan Senapáti_. The succession was, however,
opposed by his elder brother, _Pangéran Púger_, who did not attend
to kiss the sovereign's feet, as customary, on the day following
his installation. This chief proceeding to hostilities, was soon
taken prisoner near _Ungárang_. He was banished to _Kúdus_, and his
minister was put to death, which offended one of his younger brothers,
_Jajarága_, so much, that he instantly quitted _Matárem_ and proceeded
to _Pranarága_, of which province he had formerly been appointed chief,
with an intention of stirring up a rebellion in the distant provinces;
but the sultan obtaining information of it, secured his person and
banished him also. He was shortly afterwards pardoned and permitted to
return.

It was during this reign that the Dutch and English first visited Java.

This prince reduced the provinces of _Madion_ and _Pranarága_, and
built a palace, the walls of which are still standing at _Krapiak_,
a place at the foot of a range of hills lying along the South Sea, a
short distance from _Matárem_. He died after a reign of twelve years,
esteemed on account of the general tranquillity which prevailed after
the firm establishment of his government.

He was succeeded by his eldest son, named _Panambáhan Merta Púra_,
in the year 1540; but this prince not being able to conduct the
government, on account of his infirm state of health, or more probably
removed by the intrigues of his family, who declared him to be insane,
made way for his younger brother, who was raised to the throne in the
following year.

This prince, distinguished by the title of _Agung_, or the great,
commenced a flourishing reign by a signal victory over the _Surabáyan_
and _Madurese_ forces, by which he brought the eastern provinces of
_Málang_, _Untung_, _Jápan_, _Wirasába_, _Pasúruan_ and _Surabáya_,
under subjection; and following up his success, subdued all the
eastern provinces, as far as _Balambángan_. Dissensions arising at
this period between the people of Bantam and those of the _Súnda_
districts, the chief of _Súmedang_ applied to _Matárem_ for assistance;
and being invested by the sultan with the chief authority over those
districts, soon brought the whole of the western chiefs, alarmed at
the approach of _Matárem_ arms, to acknowledge his supremacy. A force
was now sent to _Madúra_, and that island being conquered was united
to his dominion, which then extended through all Java and Madúra. An
enemy, more powerful than any with whom he had been accustomed to
contend, and destined to strip his posterity of all but the semblance
of sovereignty, now appeared. The Dutch, availing themselves of the
divisions and convulsions by which the empire had been previously
distracted, had established themselves at _Jákatra_.

On their first arrival at Bantam, the prince of that country was absent
on an expedition against _Palémbang_, which country, as well as a great
part of the north and west coast of Sumatra, was then subject to his
sway. They found the influence of the Portuguese, who had previously
established a factory there, on the decline, and with little difficulty
entered into a treaty with the chief, on whom the administration of the
country was provisionally conferred during the absence of the prince.
By this treaty, the contracting parties agreed to trade honestly and
fairly with each other, and to afford mutual assistance in case of
being attacked by an enemy.

Complaints, however, were soon made of the high tone which the Dutch
assumed, and of the insolence of their menaces. Hostilities ensued,
and according to the Dutch account, upwards of a hundred of the
natives were killed or wounded. The consequence was, that they were
obliged to quit Bantam. Touching at _Jákatra_, _Japára_, _Túban_, and
_Sidáyu_, they had an affair with the Madurese, but ill calculated
to make an impression in their favour. The prince of that country,
anxious to pay his respects to the Europeans, requested, through his
interpreter, to be permitted to visit the principal person among them,
and an arrangement was accordingly made that he should be received on
board a particular ship. As the prince left the shore with his suite,
accompanied by their women and children, the Hollanders became alarmed
at the appearance of so numerous an assemblage, and observing that they
did not appear to be proceeding direct to the ship pointed out for
their reception, discharged three guns. The terror occasioned by the
report threw the procession into the utmost confusion, all the people
in the boats falling as if killed. The crews of the other European
vessels taking these guns as a signal for action, threw themselves
with such impetuosity upon the native boats, that out of this numerous
assemblage only twenty-one are said to have escaped. Among the slain
was the prince, and his interpreter or high priest, and their bodies,
as soon as discovered, were thrown with indignity into the sea.

It is remarkable, that the leading traits which distinguish the
subsequent administration of the Dutch on Java (a haughty assumption
of superiority, for the purpose of overawing the credulous simplicity
of the natives, and a most extraordinary timidity, which led them to
suspect treachery and danger, in quarters where they were least to be
apprehended) were manifested in their earliest transactions in this
quarter. On their first arrival at Bantam, we find the clerks of their
trading vessels styling themselves captains; and such was the state
and consequence assumed by Houtman, the chief of the expedition, who
took the title of Captain Major, that a Portuguese, who had known him
before, asked him significantly if he had been created _a duke_ since
he last saw him. The murder of the unfortunate prince of _Madúra_ and
his followers (for it can be called by no other term) was as detestable
and unjustifiable as the subsequent massacre of the unfortunate and
unoffending Chinese in the streets of Batavia. In neither case was
there a plea to palliate the crying guilt, but such a degree of danger,
as the basest cowardice could alone be sensible of.

This aggression did not pass unpunished, for the Dutch Admiral having
allowed some of his men to land near _Arosbáya_, then the capital of
the island, they were seized by the Madurese, and their enlargement
was not effected without the loss of many lives and the payment of a
liberal ransom.

Bantam was already a place of considerable trade: Chinese, Arabs,
Persians, Moors, Turks, Malabars, Peguans, and in a word, merchants
from all nations were established there. The principal produce for
the European market was pepper. With this province the Dutch renewed
their commerce in the year 1598 A.D., and four years afterwards they
obtained permission to establish a factory there. In the following
year, accordingly, they erected a permanent building, and formed a
commercial establishment. At this time they had granted passes to the
vessels belonging to the chief of _Túban_; and, in 1609, they left an
agent at _Grésik_. A second treaty was now entered into with the king
of Bantam, in which the States General stipulated to assist him against
foreign invaders, particularly Spaniards and Portuguese; and the king
on his side agreed to make over to the Dutch a good and strong fort,
a free trade, and security for their persons and property, _without
paying any duties or taxes_, and to allow no other European nation to
trade or reside in his territories. The Dutch observing the serious
differences which occurred among the chiefs of Bantam during the
minority of the sovereign, made overtures, in the same year, to the
prince of _Jákatra_, and removed to that province soon after.

In 1612, a convention was entered into between them and the prince of
_Jákatra_, by which a free trade was allowed to them, together with an
eligible place to reside at; both parties contracting to assist each
other in war on the territory of _Jákatra_. It was moreover stipulated,
that all goods should pay duty, except such as were imported in Dutch
ships, or Chinese junks; and that the prince should prohibit the
Spaniards and Portuguese from trading with his dominions.

On the 19th January, 1619, a further treaty was made with the same
prince, confirming the former contracts, and stipulating that the fort
should remain in its present state until the arrival of the Governor
General, and that the English should be obliged to build their factory,
and the other nations their houses, at a certain distance from the
fort; but on the 1st of February following, in consequence of the
success of the English, who had espoused the cause of the native
chiefs, we find a convention entered into by the prince of _Jákatra_,
the commanding officer of the English, and the commandant of the Dutch
fort, by which the latter promised to deliver over the fort to the
English, and the treasure, merchandize, &c. to the prince: the English
agreeing to furnish the Dutch garrison with a ship and a safe conduct
for six months.

On the 11th March, a contract was entered into between the king of
Bantam and the commissioners of the Dutch Company, still in the fort of
_Jákatra_, whereby the former promised to protect the Dutch against all
hostile attempts, and to permit the re-establishment of a free trade on
its former footing. The Dutch, on their part, agreed to keep the fort
in good order, and to abandon the same on the arrival of their ships,
when they would also deliver to the king (in return for the protection
he afforded them) one-fourth of the Company's property, and one-half of
the ordnance, &c.

In consequence, however, of the arrival of reinforcements from Europe,
under Koen, and of the political understanding which then existed
between the English and Dutch nations, the Dutch still maintained
their ground, and in the month of August following laid the foundation
of their establishment at _Jákatra_ on an extensive scale. They had
previously, in the years 1618 and 1619, plundered and laid in ashes the
town of _Japára_, because the chief of that province had, in the former
year, taken possession of the factory, made prisoners of the Dutch, and
sent them into the interior.

The Javan historians considering the Dutch in the light of other
foreign nations, who were in the habit of trading to the sea coasts, do
not furnish us with any information concerning the disputes which took
place at Bantam, or in the first instance at _Jákatra_. Even in their
accounts of the occasion of the first hostilities which took place
with the sultan of _Matárem_, they convey rather a notion of what is
the general impression regarding the first establishment of the Dutch,
than any particulars calculated to throw light on the history of that
period. "The Dutch," say they, "before they arrived at _Jákatra_, had
formed an alliance with the sultan of Bantam. They subsequently treated
with the English, and with _Pangéran Jokárta_; but in a short time
they found the way to play off a foul stratagem on the latter. In the
first place, when they wished to ascertain the strength and resources
of _Jákatra_, they landed like _máta-mátas_ (peons or messengers), the
captain of the ship disguising himself with a turban, and accompanying
several _Khójas_ (a term by which the natives of the Coromandel coast
are distinguished). When he had made his observations, he entered upon
trade, offering however much better terms than were just, and making
more presents than were necessary. A friendship thus took place between
him and the prince: when this friendship was established, the captain
informed the prince that his ship wanted repair; and the prince, at
his request, allowed the vessel to be brought up the river. There the
captain knocked out the planks of the bottom and sunk the vessel, to
obtain a pretence for farther delay, and then requested a very small
piece of ground, on which he might build a shed, to store the sails and
other property, while endeavours should be made to raise the vessel.
This request was also complied with. The captain then made a wall or
mound of mud, so that nobody could know what he was doing, and in the
mean time courted the friendship of the prince. He afterwards waited
on the prince, and requested as much more land as could be covered
by a buffalo's hide, on which he might build a small _póndok_. This
being complied with, he cut the hide into strips, and claimed all the
land he could enclose with them. To this also the prince, after some
hesitation, consented. The captain then went on with his buildings,
engaging that he would pay all expenses. When the fort was finished,
the mud wall was removed; batteries were unexpectedly displayed, and
under their protection the Dutch refused to pay a _doit_. War then
commenced, in which the Dutch were reduced to such an extremity, as to
be obliged to use stones in lieu of balls, which were expended. Even
this resource failed; and, as a last expedient, bags of the filthiest
ordure were fired upon the Javans, whence the fort has ever since borne
the name of _Kóta tái_."

Such is the aversion of the Javans for the _Khójas_, as well on account
of their general character as of their conduct on this occasion, that
it is a proverb among them, "If you meet a snake and a _Khoja_ in the
same road, kill the _Khoja_ first, and afterwards the snake."

Another account is as follows. "The Dutch having obtained the desired
spot built on it a storehouse, and formed a garden for vegetables. When
_Pangéran Jokárta_ inquired why they did this, they replied, they
must have their conveniences, and that it was not the custom of the
Dutch to live and eat like the Javans. The _Pangéran_ was satisfied
with the reason given, and allowed the work to proceed; but they had
no sooner completed several buildings, by means of the people landed
from their ships, than they began to surround them with a battery. The
_Pangéran_ again was roused, and inquired the reason of this, to which
they replied, that there were a great many traders about to arrive, and
that it was necessary to protect their property from thieves. When the
batteries were completed they planted cannon in them: the _Pangéran_
inquired the reason of this preparation, to which they only replied, it
was to keep off bad people.

"In a short time, however, when the Dutch had increased in numbers,
they fired one of the guns, and the ball discharged from it fell in
front of the _Pangéran's_ palace. The _Pangéran_ inquired why they
did so, to which they replied, they were only trying how far the gun
would carry, in order that they might be able to assist the _Pangéran_,
should he be attacked by an enemy. The _Pangéran_, however, was not
satisfied with this reason, and demanded a fine of two thousand dollars
for the insult, which the Dutch immediately paid. But it was not long
before they fired another gun, the ball of which went over the palace,
on which the _Pangéran_ became highly incensed, and demanded a fine of
four thousand dollars, threatening if it was not paid forthwith, to
write to the sultan of _Matárem_, who would order them immediately to
be driven from the island. To this menace the Dutch said nothing, but
paid the money, which the _Pangéran_ received with delight. The Dutch,
at last, fired a gun, the ball of which fell within the palace, on
which the _Pangéran_ conceiving it to be their intention to attack him,
immediately considered them as enemies, and collected his people, in
order to fall upon them and destroy them without delay. As soon as the
Dutch saw the people thus assembled, they fired from their batteries,
dealing slaughter all around, and obliged the _Pangéran_ and his people
to retreat out of the reach of the shot."

While these events were in progress in the western provinces, a serious
revolt took place in the central and eastern districts, in consequence
of the intrigues of _Aria Mandúra_, the favourite and chief minister of
the sultan, who by means of his treacherous conduct to the chief of
_Pájang_, had obtained the administration of that province for himself.
The chiefs of _Madúra_ and _Surabáya_ availing themselves of the
disturbance thus occasioned at _Pájang_, declared their independence of
_Matárem_, and were not reduced to subjection till two armies had been
sent to the eastward against them.

Not long afterwards, the chief of _Surabáya, Tumúnggung Sapánjang_,
having refused to give up two beautiful horses which the sultan
demanded of him, an army was sent to compel his obedience; but the
chief being reinforced from _Madúra_, repulsed the _Matárem_ forces,
obliging them to return to their capital.

The sultan, who had hitherto shown himself anxious to maintain a good
understanding with the Dutch, and consented to their enjoying a free
trade to the different parts of Java, with permission to establish a
factory at _Japára_, is represented as having acted upon their advice
in the present juncture, in marching to the eastward in person with
his whole forces; but they no sooner saw him undertake the expedition,
than availing themselves of the opportunity, they took possession of
_Jákatra_.

He immediately sent two armies against them, under the command of
_Tumúnggung Wíra Kusúma_, and a battle ensued, in which the Javan
chief, with about ten thousand of his followers, were either slain or
drowned in the river _Chilúang_. _Tumúnggung Náta Jawána_ coming up
afterwards, collected the fugitives, and joining them with his forces
surrounded the town. He posted troops on all the roads towards the
south and west, at the distance of cannon-shot from the town, at the
same time cutting channels to lead off the streams by which the Dutch
were supplied. After an unsuccessful attack made by the chiefs _Mandúra
Réja_ and _Wíla Tíkta_, for which they were put to death by their
commander, a sally was made on the part of the besieged with so much
success, that _Tumúnggung Jawána_ determined to break up with his army,
and no further attempt against the Dutch was made until the year 1629,
A.D.

"In this year a second army from _Matárem_, composed of Javans and
Madurese, appeared before Batavia. The siege lasted for a considerable
time, and the assaults on the town and fort, as well as the sallies
of the besieged, were very bloody. Anxious to know the fate of his
army, the sultan dispatched his uncle, _Pangéran Purbáya_, to Batavia,
to obtain information. This chief having destroyed the Dutch factory
at _Japára_, embarked in a swift sailing _práhu_ of the size of the
trunk of the largest teak tree, which when seen at a distance looked
like a serpent on the sea. On reaching the bay of Batavia, _Purbáya_
perceived three ships at anchor. Two of them, after firing upon him,
were sunk, and notwithstanding the fire from the third he brought his
_práhu_ safe up to _Jákatra_, when he was fired upon from the fort.
On this _Purbáya_ with three followers landed from the _práhu_, and
passing like a shadow to the Dutch fort, which he touched with his
hands, proceeded on to the Javan lines, where he informed them that he
had come by order of the sultan, to give them a proof how near they
might approach the Dutch fort. He then hastened back to _Matárem_ and
reported the disastrous state of the war, on which the sultan withdrew
his forces to _Kaliwúngu_."

The Dutch sent an ambassador with rich presents, and the war ended in
the Javan year 1551.

During the latter part of this prince's reign the country appears
to have enjoyed tranquillity, the only two occasions in which it
was disturbed being the revolt of the chiefs of _Balambángan_ and
_Súmedang_, which may be considered as the extreme points of the
_Matárem_ dominion, _Jákatra_ and _Bántam_ having been effectually
separated from them.

Sultan _Agung_ is represented, even by the Dutch, as a well informed
and enlightened prince. He extended his dominion not only over all Java
and _Madúra_, but carried his conquests to _Lándak_ and other states on
Borneo. He died in the Javan year 1568, and was succeeded by his son,
_Pangéran Aria Prábu_, or _Aria Matárem_, then twenty-six years of age.

This prince, on account of his mother being a princess of _Chéribon_,
succeeded, to the prejudice of his elder brother: he held his court
at _Pléret_, and is represented as the most severe and tyrannical of
Javan sovereigns. During a visit made by the chief of _Chéribon_ to
_Matárem_, he received the distinction of _Abdul Ráchman Sakiden_,
in addition to the title of _Susúnan Amangkúrat Senapáti Ingalága_,
which he had assumed on his accession. On this occasion it is stated,
that he again conferred on the sultan of _Chéribon_ all the eastern
districts of the island to the westward of _Túgu_, the supposed limit
of the _Majapáhit_ empire, that is to say the districts of _Brébes_,
_Tegál_, _Pamálang_, _Ulujámi_, _Wiradésa_, _Pakalóng'an_, _Bátang_,
_Kendál_, and _Kaliwúngu_. The Dutch had already firmly established
their capital at Batavia, and secured an influence in many of the
former dependencies of Java, particularly at _Sukadána_ on Borneo and
_Palembang_ on Sumatra.

During the troubled reign of this prince, the Dutch appear first to
have entered into a written agreement with the acknowledged sovereigns
of Java. A treaty was ratified at Batavia in the second year after his
accession, on the 24th September 1646, the conditions of which were
that the _Susuhúnan_ should be informed annually, by an ambassador,
of the nature of the curiosities which had arrived from Europe; that
all priests, or other persons, whom he might be desirous of sending to
foreign countries, should be conveyed thither in the Company's ships;
that all persons who should desert to either country, for the purpose
of evading their debts, should be given up; that the Company and the
_Susuhúnan_ should assist each other against their common enemies; that
the vessels of the _Susuhúnan's_ subjects should be allowed to trade to
all places under the Company's authority, except _Ambon_, _Banda_, and
_Ternáté_, and that those bound to _Malácca_, or places situated to the
northward of that settlement, should be obliged to touch at Batavia and
to apply for passes.

A treaty was also entered into on the 10th July 1659, between the Dutch
and the sultan of Bantam, through the mediation of the ambassadors
of the _Pangéran_ of _Jámbi_, in which it was stipulated, that all
prisoners of war and deserters should be mutually restored, with the
exception, on the part of the sultan, of those who had embraced the
Mahomedan faith more than three months previous to that date, those who
had submitted to circumcision since that date to be sent back, or if
slaves and unwilling to return, the sultan to pay the value of them to
their masters: that the Dutch should, as heretofore, have a permanent
residence at Bantam, for which purpose the same building was to be
given which they had occupied before the war, free of rent, and this
building to be secured, at the sultan's expense, against any hostile
attempts: that the river of _Untung Jáwa_ should form the boundary of
the Bantam territory.

Certain provisions were made also to prevent illicit trading.

Shortly after his accession, the chief of _Balambángan_, aided by
forces from _Báli_, again revolted, and an army was sent against
him. The troops, however, were no sooner set in motion, than a plot
was concerted against the prince's life, with the knowledge of his
younger brother, _Alit_; but intelligence of it being communicated
to the prince, _Aria Salíngsing_, who had been the instigator of the
plot, was with his son beheaded, on the spot where a new _kráton_ was
erecting. On the intercession of _Pangerán Purbáya_, the prince was
disposed to be lenient to his brother, as well on account of his age
as a strong affection which he bore towards him. Ascending the royal
eminence, the prince ordered the heads of the parties to be brought,
and summoning his brother _Alit_ into his presence, placed the heads
before him, saying, "behold the reward of those who have attempted
to overthrow my authority. Bring before me without delay all your
followers." The _Pangéran_ immediately retired, and not knowing what
was to be the result, immediately assembled all his adherents and
attendants, and informed them of what had passed, when they unanimously
agreed to _amók_ the _Susúnan's_ party, urging that, as soon as the
_Matárem_ people saw them commence to _amók_, they would join them.
The _Pangéran_, who was quite a youth, gave into the plan, and they
forthwith proceeded to the _alun alun_, where they were not joined
by a single man of the _Matárem_ people. They however commenced
_amók_, and the people fled in every direction, until _Pangéran Chákra
Níngrat_ of _Madúra_ approached _Alit_, kissed his feet, telling him
it was the order of the prince, who was aware of this proceeding,
that his person should be seized, but on no account wounded or hurt,
and implored him to surrender; but _Alit_, disregarding his proposal,
drew his _kris_ and stabbed the _Pangéran_, who died on the spot. The
Madurese, who witnessed this scene, immediately fell upon _Alit_, who
was soon dispatched. The _Susúnan_ was deeply affected at the loss of
his brother, and in the violence of his agitation, on receiving the
account of what had passed, wounded himself in the left arm; and from
this period, the Javan historians state, "that he never forgave an
offence however trifling. When he was unhappy, he always put to death
those who were the cause of his unhappiness, and on the slightest
occasions was subject to the most violent gusts of anger."

It is related that the prince evinced great sorrow for the loss of his
brother, and that when the time of mourning had expired, he wreaked
his vengeance on the supposed authors of this calamity, by a massacre
unparalleled in the annals of the country. A rigorous investigation
was instituted to ascertain the abettors and accomplices in this
attack against the prince's life, and for this purpose a commission
was appointed under the direction of his favourites. The chiefs of the
four quarters of the capital were directed to inscribe the names of
all the priests within their respective divisions, under pretext that
the prince intended to confer certain marks of distinction upon those
who resided at _Matárem_, but in fact to prevent their escape; for no
sooner were the registers made than a cannon was fired from the palace,
as a signal to commence the slaughter, and within less than half an
hour all the priests, whether guilty or innocent, with their wives and
children, amounting to upwards of six thousand souls, were inhumanly
and indiscriminately butchered.

On the following morning when the _Susúnan_ appeared in public, he
seemed much agitated, and remained without saluting his courtiers or
uttering a word for the space of an hour. He then addressed himself to
his uncle _Purbáya_, saying that the priests, who ought to have set an
example to others, had conspired against his life; and to cover the
atrocity of the massacre, he brought forward three or four priests, who
had been purposely saved from the general slaughter, and from whom it
was easy to obtain whatever evidence best suited his purpose.

In the war against _Balambángan_, although the _Matárem_ forces were
successful in obtaining possession of the capital, the chief and his
principal adherents fled to _Báli_. _Wíra Gúna_ was anxious to follow
them; but a serious illness breaking out among the troops, he was
obliged to withdraw them, and retreat with the few who had survived,
in number not exceeding a thousand. On reaching _Kedíri_, intelligence
was sent to _Matárem_ of the failure of the expedition, when the
_Susúnan_ immediately ordered the chief, _Wíra Gúna_, with all his
family, to be put to death, under the pretext of punishing his want of
success, but in reality to satisfy a revenge, which he had long been
anxious to gratify against this chief, on account of his having, during
the lifetime of his father, preferred a complaint against him for
carrying off one of his concubines.

It is said that the father of his first _rátu_ (queen) having a
pet fowl, which had been produced from a jungle hen and a domestic
cock, brought it as a curiosity into the _kráton_ and gave it to the
_Susúnan_. The _Susúnan_ conceiving it to be an omen, that as soon
as the _Pangéran Adipáti_ became of age he would quickly obtain the
throne, assembled his _pengáwa_ and informed them of his apprehensions.
The _Pangéran_ on hearing of it, immediately called all his family
together, to the number of sixty persons, who, on the first day
that the _Susúnan_ appeared in public, sat themselves down in tears
under the _waríngen_ tree. The _Susúnan_ inquiring their object,
they called God and the Prophet to witness, that they were innocent
of the bare thought of any thing which should alarm the mind of the
_Susúnan_, and intreated that, if he anticipated sorrow or misfortune
from them, he would put them to death immediately, and avert the
apprehended calamity. The _Susúnan_ desired them not to listen to
people who told them such stories, and retired. Some time afterwards,
the _Pangéran Adipáti_ fell desperately in love with a young woman,
who from her infancy had been brought up under an aged _mántri_ for
the royal embrace. Becoming dangerously ill on her account, he at
length communicated the cause to his grandfather, _Pangéran Pákik_,
who prevailed on the _mántri_ to part with her for two thousand
rings, one thousand dollars, and a _káti_ of gold. The young pair
were immediately married. As soon, however, as the _Susúnan_ became
apprized of the transaction, he caused his son, the _Pangéran Adipáti_,
to appear before him with his young bride, and then directed him, in
his presence, to stab her to death. He afterwards banished his son,
and sentenced the _Pangéran Pákik_, with all his family, to capital
punishment; and this aged chief, with his wife, _Rátu Pándan_, and his
relations, to the number of forty, were accordingly put to death on the
_alun alun_.

It is even related, among the atrocities committed by this prince, that
he violated his own daughter, _Rátu Bráwa_, who was affianced to the
son of _Panambáhan Gíri Láya_ of _Chéribon_, and that on the death of
one of his wives, _Rátu Pamálang_, he confined sixty of her attendants
in a dark room, and deprived them of food until they all died.

The injustice and severity of the _Susúnan_ became still greater as
he advanced in years. His fits of anger became more frequent, and the
day and night were employed in barbarous executions. Life enjoyed no
security: every one was upon his guard, and fears and apprehensions
wrought among people of the highest and the lowest rank. At length the
attention of the chiefs having been directed to the _Pangéran Adipáti_,
who had evinced a kind disposition in the presents he was continually
making to the poor, they implored him to assume the government; and
the young prince, entering into their views, formed an agreement with
the celebrated chief, _Trúna Jáya_, who was the nephew of the _Bopáti_
of _Madúra_, _Chákra Níngrat_. It was by these means arranged, that
while _Chákra Níngrat_ was at _Matárem_, _Trúna Jáya_ should forthwith
proceed to _Madúra_, and there heading the Madurese and the people of
the eastern provinces, first rear the standard of rebellion, while
the young prince himself, to preserve appearances, should remain at
the court of his father, in seeming ignorance of what was going on.
No sooner had _Trúna Jáya_, in prosecution of this plan, declared
the independence of _Madúra_, than there arrived at _Pasúruan_ a
considerable force from _Makásar_, headed by _Dáin Galéngsong_ and
_Dáin Manápok_. An army sent against them from _Matárem_ was repulsed,
and the provinces of _Pásúruan_, _Probolíngo_, _Wirasába_, and _Jápan_,
submitted to their arms.

The first establishment of the Makásars in Java, appears to have
taken place A.D. 1675, when a chief from _Celebes_, named _Kráin
Monte-maráni_, with numerous followers, left his country in discontent
and settled in Java, to the eastward of _Surabáya_, near _Besúki_,
where he collected all the vagabonds of the country, and committed
great depredations by sea and land.

In this dilemma, and finding himself unequal either to dislodge the
Makásar establishment or to reduce the Madurese to submission, the
_Susúnan_ dispatched his son, _Pangérán Púgar_, to the Dutch, A.D.
1676, with various presents, soliciting their aid.

A second army was immediately assembled, and directed to proceed by the
route of _Japára_, where, according to the Javan accounts, the chiefs
had instructions to ask the assistance of all the white people who had
factories there, Dutch, French, and Portuguese, and in case of refusal,
to drive them from the country. On this occasion the Dutch commandant
at _Japára_ is represented as having said, "that this application on
the part of the _Susúnan_, was what the Dutch had been long anxious
for, and that he was ready to obey his orders and sacrifice his life in
his service."

This army was not more successful than the former in reducing the
revolted provinces to submission; but by the aid of the Dutch, who had
embarked a considerable force from _Japára_, the Makásar chief was
driven from his post: all the wounded were brought to _Japára_. They
also saved the body of their chief, _Pra Wira Trúna_, who was killed on
the occasion, and sent it to _Matárem_.

It appears that the assistance sent by the Dutch on this occasion,
consisted of four ships and several smaller vessels with troops, which
were reinforced at _Japára_ by the _Susúnan's_ troops and vessels.
"Having arrived to the northward of _Madúra_, they landed the troops,
during the night, in the forest, and in the morning sent a present to
the Makásar chief, requesting his permission to take in fresh water, of
which they stood in need, alleging it to be their intention to depart
immediately. This request being granted, the guns were landed, and
batteries thrown up behind the water-casks. An attack was then made
upon the enemy's works, and in a few days the whole were demolished,
the chief, _Krain Monte-maráni_ killed, and numerous prisoners taken."

On this intelligence reaching _Matárem_, the _Susúnan_ assembled all
his family and chiefs, and directed another attack to be made upon the
hostile forces. A third army was soon assembled at _Japára_, where the
Dutch were ready to join them: in the mean time, however, _Trúna Jáya_
formed an alliance with the Makásars.

The _Pangéran Adipáti_, who was appointed to a command in this army,
had charge of the rear division, which he had so arranged as to be able
to act as emergency might require: but he was soon released from his
doubts, for _Trúna Jáya_ forgetting the agreement which he had entered
into with this prince, no sooner saw himself thus successful in the
eastern provinces, than he assumed the sovereignty himself, and caused
himself to be installed, under the title of _Prábu Máduréta Senapáti
Ingalága_, and confirmed his alliance with the Makásars by giving his
daughter in marriage to their chief, _Dáin Galéngsong_.

The conditions of this alliance are said to have been, that _Trúna
Jáya_ should be placed on the throne of _Matárem_, _Dain Galéngsong_
appointed chief of _Surabáya_ and _Pasúruan_, _Dain Manápok_, chief
of the eastern and western districts of _Balambángan_, and _Sheik
Kajúran_, a crafty Arab chief of _Madúra_.

After a desperate engagement, the forces of _Trúna Jáya_ were again
successful. As a last effort, therefore, the venerable _Pangéran
Purbáyá_, uncle of the _Susúnan_ and nearly eighty years of age,
summoned all the chiefs to follow him, and going himself into the field
of battle, performed extraordinary feats of valour, till his horse
having been shot under him, and having himself for some time fought on
foot, he was overpowered, and his scattered forces compelled to retreat
towards _Matárem_.

_Trúna Jáya_ being now in full possession of _Surabáya_ and the eastern
districts, pursued his success as far as _Japára_. Here, however, he
was effectually resisted by the chief, _Angébái Wángsa-dípa_ and the
Dutch, and obliged to retreat.

As another division of his army, under _Ráden Dánang Wichána_, rapidly
approached _Matárem_, the _Susúnan_ again applied to the Dutch, who
sent one of the members of government, Admiral Speelman, to assist him
with a considerable force by land and sea. The admiral left Batavia
in December, 1676, A.D., and shortly appeared before _Chéribon_,
reducing to submission the coast districts from thence to _Japára_.
The fruit of this success, on the part of the Dutch, was the contract
of February 1677, of which the chief stipulations were:--that the
_Susúnan_ and Dutch should assist each other against their common
enemies, on condition that the expenses of the war should be repaid
by the party assisted: that the Dutch jurisdiction at Batavia should
extend to the _Kráwang_ river, and the Javans living to the westward
of a line drawn from that river to the southern shore, should be
considered on the Dutch territory: that the Dutch should be allowed to
export and import all species of goods and merchandize duty free, and
to establish a factory on any spot which they might deem convenient:
that Makásars, Maláyus, and Moormen, who had not Dutch passes, should
not be permitted to trade or settle in the states of the _Susúnan_:
that the _Susúnan_ should engage to reimburse the Dutch for the expense
incurred in assisting him against the Makásars and Madurese, amounting
to two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, and three thousand lasts
of rice, deliverable at Batavia: that in the event of a peace being
concluded between his highness and his enemies, through the mediation
of the Dutch, his highness should abide by their decision; but, that if
no accommodation was effected by the 30th July following, he should pay
to the Dutch monthly the sum of twenty thousand reals, for the expenses
of the war: that the Dutch should station an adequate force on _Japára_
hill, in order to preserve that place for the _Susúnan_, which force
was also to be maintained at the expense of his highness.

Admiral Speelman was invested by the _Susúnan_ with full powers to act
against the Madurese and Makásars, and to conclude such treaties with
them as he should deem proper, without any restriction whatsoever, and
all the _Susúnan's_ subjects were commanded to join the standard of the
admiral wherever he might arrive.

In May following the allied forces of the Dutch and the _Susúnan_
gained a victory over _Trúna Jáya_, who was obliged to fly to _Kedíri_,
leaving behind him upwards of a hundred pieces of cannon.

At length, the enemy being still in possession of all the central
provinces, and the trifling force which it was in the power of the
_Susúnan_ to raise being defeated in every skirmish, fear and dismay
struck the remnant of the _Matárem_ forces; and the invading army
having subdued _Pájang_, were entering _Matárem_, when the _Susúnan_,
seeing no hope for safety except in flight, assembled his family in the
dead of the night, and collecting the regalia, quitted his capital with
his four sons, and mounted on an elephant, took a westerly direction.
This was in the Javan year 1600.

On the next day June 1677 the hostile troops entered _Matárem_, when a
force was immediately detached in pursuit of the fugitive prince, who
had pushed on to the _Kéndang_ hills, and halted at _Kájinar_, with an
intention of making a stand. Hearing of the strength of the pursuing
force, however, he left his family at that place, and proceeded with
only his son, the _Pangéran Adípáti_, to the village _Pasiráman_, where
being seized with a mortal complaint he soon died. On his death-bed,
informing his son that he felt his end approaching, he thus addressed
him: "You must assume the sovereignty of Java, which has descended
to you from your forefathers. Make friends with the Dutch, and by
their assistance you may be enabled to reduce the eastern provinces
to submission. I deliver over to you part of the sacred _pusáka_ and
regalia of the country; and now let my body be carried to a spot where
the earth is fragrant, and there let it be buried."

In conformity with the wish of the deceased his body was carried across
the country towards _Tegál_, in search of a spot where the earth was
sweet-scented, and deposited a few miles inland from the town. The tomb
is still held in high veneration; and it is from this circumstance
that this prince is distinguished by the appellation of _Susúnan
Tegál-wáng'i_, or _Tegál-árum_; _árum_ and _wáng'i_ signifying fragrant.

The rebel forces had, in the mean time, taken possession of _Matárem_,
and found among the articles of plunder the crown of _Majapáhit_,
with several other parts of the regalia, which had been left behind
in the hasty departure of the prince, together with two of his
daughters, named _Keletíng Wúng'u_ and _Keletíng Kúning_. The plunder
was immediately dispatched to _Kedíri_, where the rebel chiefs had
established their head quarters, and equally divided between _Trúng
Jáya_ and _Dain Galéngsong_, with the exception of the regalia and of
the daughters of the _Susúnan_, whom _Trúna Jáya_ espoused.

The loss on the side of the _Matárem_ people is estimated at fifteen
thousand killed, and on the side of the eastern people at somewhat less.

It is said in some accounts that the late _Susúnan_ having failed to
persuade his son, _Pangéran Adipáti_, to assume the government, gave
to another of his sons, _Pangéran Púgar_, the _pusáka kris_, _máisa
núlar_, and the spear _kiái paléret_, in consequence of which _Pangéran
Púgar_, with his brothers, returned to _Bágelen_, where, assuming the
title of _Susúnan Senapáti Ingalága Abdul Ráchmen Sahídin Panatagáma_,
he assembled a considerable force, and proceeding to _Matárem_ regained
possession of it.

After the interment of the deceased _Susúnan_ at _Tegál_, _Márta Láya_,
the chief of that province, urged the _Pangéran Adipáti_ to assume the
government, and first to establish himself at _Tegál_, until he had
collected a sufficient force to attack the eastern people, offering
his services to collect for him as many people as would be required;
but the prince still declined, not having the courage to attempt the
recovery of the authority that belonged to his family, and requested
_Márta Láya_ to procure for him a vessel, in which he might proceed to
_Mecca_, being resolved to relinquish for ever the cares of government,
and to become a _Háji_. _Márta Láya_, although he had vessels at his
disposal, evaded a compliance with the prince's request, in the hope
that he might alter his resolution, and still be induced to assume the
government. The prince retired to _Bányumas_, and performed a penance
in one of the mosques. He is said on the seventh day to have fallen
asleep, and to have dreamt, "that the roof of the mosque opened, as if
it were carried up in the air, when a full and bright moon appeared,
which diffused its lustre over all Java, after which it approached and
entered his breast." Encouraged by this omen, the prince changed his
determination, and recollecting the words of his father, bethought
himself of obtaining the assistance of the Dutch. He in consequence
dispatched two messengers to Batavia for aid.

The prince then sent orders to _Márta Láya_ at _Tegál_ to collect as
many forces as possible; he likewise dispatched trusty people to the
_Désa Dúnan_, in search of the flower called _wijáya mála_, there being
a superstitious notion among the Javans that if in their distress they
are able to obtain this flower, whatever they undertake will prosper.

_Márta Láya_ immediately exerted himself with great zeal and effect to
assemble his adherents, in the hope that by shewing a large force he
might induce the prince to relinquish his idea of receiving succour
from the Dutch. On the arrival of this succour at _Tegál_ he addressed
him publicly as follows:--"Sire, I have felt excessive shame in hearing
that your highness is desirous of soliciting aid from the Hollanders,
as if you were yourself in want of men. I am now ready, with numerous
followers, to perform whatever you please, if you will only confer
upon me the necessary authority. Give me but your orders and I will
myself extirpate your enemies." The prince replied, "What signifies
your shame, _Márta Láya_? I have requested assistance from the Dutch,
because it is always agreeable to rely on one's friends; and it was
foretold by my great grandfather, _Sultan Agung_, that the Dutch would
assist his descendants." _Márta Láya_ was silent. The messengers
now returned with the _wíjaya_ flowers, on which the prince assumed
the title of _Susúnan Amangkúrat Senapáti Ingalága_, &c.; and soon
afterwards the Dutch agreed to give him the assistance required.

When the Dutch force was landed, the _Susúnan_ received the visit of
the admiral and officers in state. The Dutch officers being introduced,
stood in a row with their hats in their hands; but _Márta Láya_,
considering it disrespectful that any one should stand in the presence
of the sovereign, ordered them immediately to sit down in the manner
of the Javans, and was proceeding to compel the admiral to do so, when
the _Susúnan_, seeing the confusion in which all were thrown, applied
to his late ambassador to the Dutch for an explanation. When he learnt
that they shewed respect by bowing their heads only, he was satisfied,
and desired _Márta Láya_ not to interfere with them.

"The _Susúnan_ then inquired the name of the commander, who after
informing him that he had the rank of admiral, approached him,
saying, that he was ordered by the government of Batavia to proceed
to _Tegál_, with a force of Europeans, Makásars, &c., and to afford
him every assistance he might require in the establishment of his
authority. There were landed valuable presents for the prince, among
which was very splendid apparel as worn by the Hollanders, to which
the prince took such a liking that he immediately clothed himself in
it. The Dutch force was then divided, and the admiral embarked with
one division for _Japára_, while the other accompanied the prince, who
proceded by land to _Pakalóngan_, and afterwards with his followers by
sea to _Japára_."

"On the arrival of the admiral at _Japára_, he inquired of _Wángsa
Dípa_, the chief of that place, who had rendered assistance in
repelling the rebels, at the time they attacked _Japára_? To which the
latter replied, 'The successful resistance was principally owing to the
conduct of the French, English, and Dutch factories.' The admiral then
consulted with his officers, and observing that the English and French
seemed to be preferred to the Dutch, or at any rate considered on the
same footing, he called the chiefs of the French and English factories,
and presenting them with twenty thousand dollars, said it was the gift
of the _Susúnan_, who directed that they would quit _Japára_. The
chiefs of the two factories took the money, but did not wish to depart,
alleging that there were no vessels to convey them away; to which the
admiral replied, that in that case he had the further orders of the
_Susúnan_ to provide them with a vessel. The people belonging to the
two factories were then, with all their property, public and private,
embarked on board a Dutch transport. The vessel sailed, but nothing
more was ever heard of the English and French who were embarked in her.
The Dutch then repaired their instruments of war."

Another account is as follows: "When the admiral arrived at _Japára_,
he found there two foreign vessels, an English and a French ship, the
officers of which said they had put in there in distress, and could not
proceed further on account of the bad state of their ships. They also
represented that they had assisted the Dutch when the rebels attacked
_Japára_. The admiral thanked them for the service they had rendered,
and presented them with ten thousand dollars, and ordered them to
proceed to their own country in one of his vessels."

"On the arrival of the _Susúnan_ at _Japára_, he was joined by a
considerable force from _Tegál_ and _Demák_; and among those who
were most active in the support of the _Susúnan's_ authority was
_Márta Láya_, whose aversion to the Dutch still continued. The
admiral, apprized of his sentiments, applied to the _Susúnan_ for his
destruction, supporting his application by a written request to the
same effect from the government of the capital, and threatening an
immediate departure to Batavia in case of non-compliance.

"To accomplish this end, the _Susúnan_ first attempted to send him to
_Kedíri_ against _Trúna Jáya_; but _Márta Láya_ obtaining information
of the demand made by the Dutch for his life, refused to attend the
summons, on the pretence of sickness. His disobedience so enraged the
_Susúnan_, that he ordered his instant death, which was effected in the
following manner. _Márta Púra_ having received the orders of the prince
to put _Márta Láya_ to death, went to his house, accompanied by two
hundred followers. _Márta Láya_ having been apprized of the _Susúnan's_
anger, he collected an equal number of men.

"When _Márta Púra_ approached him he was seated on a yellow carpet
with a drawn _kris_ in his hand, and being informed that he was to be
put to death by order of the _Susúnan_, _Márta Láya_ replied, 'If it
is the wish of the prince that it should be so, do your duty, I am
prepared.' _Márta Púra_ then drew his _kris_ and stabbed _Márta Láya_
in the belly; but while he did so his neck received in return the
_kris_ of _Márta Láya_, which separating the throat in two, killed him
on the spot. The two chiefs were no sooner wounded than the followers
of both parties rushed on each other, and a most bloody and obstinate
engagement ensued, which lasted till the bodies of nearly the whole lay
weltering round those of the chiefs."

Measures had already been taken for the dispersion of the rebel
forces in _Kedíri_. A Makásar chief, named _Kráin Kadádrang_, in the
service of the Dutch, discovered his relationship to the Makásar chief
_Galéngsong_, and offered to bring him to terms. He was in consequence
dispatched secretly to _Kedíri_, where he had an interview with the
_Makásar_ chief, who was his brother. On the part of the Dutch, he
promised that they would assist him on Celebes. He hesitated to come
over immediately, lest he should betray _Trúna Jáya_, but promised to
join the allied forces when they should arrive and attack _Trúna Jáya_.

Having thus secured an interest with the Makásars, one division of
the Dutch forces, under the admiral, embarked for _Surabáya_, and the
other, with the _Susúnan_, commenced their march by land. A decisive
battle took place at _Kedíri_; on the evening previous to which, it
is asserted the Dutch had a communication with _Dain Galéngsong_, to
know his intentions, when the latter told them, "Attack me to-morrow,
and I will make arrangements for the flight of my forces." Accordingly
the next morning, before the daylight, the Dutch troops marched to the
hostile camp, where they found no preparations for resistance. _Dain
Galéngsong_ immediately ordered a retreat, and fled himself the first,
leaving behind him all the plunder that had been taken at _Matárem_,
and among other things the crown of _Majapáhit_.

The siege of _Kedíri_, according to the Dutch accounts, lasted fifty
days, and it was at last taken by assault, _Trúna Jáya_ making his
escape. Great riches were found in the interior of the palace, and many
chests of Spanish dollars, besides ingots of gold and the most valuable
part of the regalia. The _Susúnan_ claimed nothing but the crown of
_Majapáhit_, leaving the remainder to be distributed among the troops.

When the crown was delivered to him, it appeared that its most splendid
ornament, the large centre diamond, was missing. This the _Susúnan_
immediately noticed, and inquiries were set on foot; but to the great
affliction of the _Susúnan_ and all the Javan chiefs, the jewel was
never recovered.[272]

Nine Makásar chiefs afterwards surrendered to the Dutch on the 9th
December, when they received pardon, and a promise that they should be
sent to Makásar.

After this _Trúna Jáya_ collected all his forces, and marshalled them
upon the plain, as if to receive the enemy; but on the approach of the
Dutch troops from the left and the Javans from the right, his army was
panic struck and fled in various directions, he himself with his two
wives escaping to Antang. The _Susúnan_ allowed the Dutch soldiers to
plunder and possess themselves of every thing left by the rebels.

_Chákra Níngrat_ having quitted his place of banishment and joined the
_Susúnan_, was sent to urge the submission of his half-brother, _Trúna
Jáya_. _Chákra Níngrat_ accordingly went in search of _Trúna Jáya_,
accompanied by a very few followers, and having found him at _Antang_
he addressed him as follows. "Brother! what are you doing and whither
would you fly? Depend upon it, if you persist in your resistance to the
will of the _Susúnan_, he will disappoint your expectations, and if you
compel him to send people to arrest you, you will excite his implacable
displeasure. I have come to you as quickly as possible, for my heart
yearns towards you, and I dread lest you should come to any misfortune.
If you wish it, I will go and meet the _Susúnan_. Bring your two wives,
who are both the sisters of the _Susúnan_, throw yourselves together
at his feet, ask forgiveness for any offence you have committed, and
perhaps he will be merciful towards you and grant you pardon. If you
come alone in that way, the _Susúnan_ cannot act against you, for are
you not married to his sisters?" _Trúna Jáya_ reflected upon what
_Chákra Níngrat_ said, and was inclined to follow his advice, saying,
"I return abundant thanks to you for your kindness towards me. Your
advice is good and I will follow it: I will follow you, accompanied by
my wives." _Trúna Jáya_ with his wives afterwards accompanied _Chákra
Níngrat_ to _Kedíri_.

_Chákra Níngrat_ then led _Trúna Jáya_ with his wives to the hall of
audience, where the _Susúnan_ was seated with the admiral and numerous
Dutch officers. _Trúna Jáya_ on this occasion did not wear his _kris_,
but rolled a _chíndi_ cloth round his body, as if he were a prisoner.

They fell at the feet of the _Susúnan_, imploring forgiveness for the
offence of _Trúna Jáya_, on which the _Susúnan_ said, 'It is well!
_Trúna Jáya_, for this time I forgive you. Go without and clothe
yourself in becoming apparel, and then return to me, when I will
present you with a _kris_, and instal you as my minister, in the
presence of all assembled.' The _Susúnan_ then gave orders that he
should be served with apparel. The heart of _Trúna Jáya_ became highly
elated: he went out and received the apparel from the _Susúnan's_
people, and then returned into the presence, but without wearing a
_kris_, as the _Susúnan_ had intimated his intention to present him
with one.

"As he approached, the _Susúnan_ desired his women to bring him the
_kris_ named _Kiái belábar_, which was still unsheathed. As soon as
it was delivered into the hands of the _Susúnan_, he said to _Trúna
Jáya_, 'Know, _Trúna Jáya_, that I have given my word that I would
never sheathe this _kris_ except in your body: receive now your death
from it in punishment of your offence.' _Trúna Jáya_ was silent, while
the _Susúnan_ standing up approached and stabbed him with his _kris_ in
the breast. Returning then to his throne he seated himself, and ordered
his people who were assembled to finish the work which he had begun,
whereupon they all fell upon _Trúna Jáya_, the unfortunate wretch,
stabbing him in a thousand places and cutting his body to pieces. They
then severed the head from the trunk, rolled it in the mud, made a
mat of it, and at last cast it into a ditch by the express order of
the _Susúnan_. The admiral and all the Dutch officers and party were
present at this execution; but though they appeared astonished at the
conduct of the _Susúnan_, they remained quiet spectators of it."

Such is the account given by the Javans, without reference to the share
which the Dutch had in the transaction; but from the Dutch accounts it
appears that _Trúna Jáya_ delivered himself up under a stipulation with
the Dutch that his life should be spared. A young officer of the name
of _Jengker_, who had been placed by the General (Cooper) in charge of
the _Susúnan's_ guard, was sent by the _Susúnan_ to treat with _Trúna
Jáya_, without any communication with or authority from his commanding
officer. Valentyn says positively, that _Jengkér_ promised him pardon,
and assured him of his life; but Cooper, annoyed that the credit of
taking this chief should thus have been wrested from him by a junior
officer acting without authority, exasperated the _Susúnan_ against
_Trúna Jáya_, and threw that unfortunate chief in his way at a moment
when his passion was at its height. This catastrophe, says Valentyn, is
to be ascribed to no one but the jealous Cooper, who brought it about,
in order that his bad conduct, oppressions, and extortions, which were
well known to _Trúna Jáya_, and which he had intended to complain of,
should remain concealed.

_Trúna Jáya_, at the time of his surrender, was dressed in a Portuguese
jacket, and wore on his head a black turban edged with lace. He gave
short and pertinent answers to the questions put to him. On his coming
before _Jengker_ he fell at his feet, saying, that in his youth it
had been predicted that, however great his fortune might be, still he
should, at one time of his life, be taken prisoner, and that since
this was his destiny, he rejoiced in having fallen into the hands of
a person so well known for his humanity. He then presented to him his
_krís_ with a golden bow, requesting _Jengker_ to keep them in token of
his esteem. _Jengker_ lifted him up, promised that his life should be
spared, and further, that all his influence with the Dutch government
and the _Susúnan_ should be used in his behalf. It is alleged in the
Dutch accounts, that the immediate cause of the _Susúnan's_ conduct on
this occasion, was the irreconcilable hatred which _Trúna Jáya_ still
evinced towards that prince, who, he said, had in his youth encouraged
him to the steps he had taken, and afterwards abandoned him.

_Trúna Jáya_ surrendered on the 25th December, 1679, A.D., and general
tranquillity ensued, which however was not of long duration. The
_Panambáhan Gíri_ having in his possession the _kris_ deposited in the
tomb of the first _Súnan_, it was demanded of him by the _Susúnan_ as
royal property; but the _Panambáhan_ not being inclined to part with
it, and disapproving of the conduct of the _Susúnan_, who was guided
by Dutch councils, and had even adopted their dress, replied, that he
did not wish to know any thing of the _Susúnan_, or to be acquainted
with him; that he wished to wear the _kris_, _kálam múning_, himself,
and that he preferred his own dignity to that of such a chief. The
_Susúnan_, enraged at this answer, proceeded to _Gíri_ with his Dutch
allies, where an engagement took place and the _Gíri_ people were
obliged to fly: the _Panambáhan_ was taken and put to death. In this
affair, a cousin of the _Súnan Káli Jága_ of _Adilángo_, who had
followed the _Susúnan_, distinguished himself in destroying the brother
of the _Punambáhan Pangéran Sínga Sári_, who was running _amók_, and
doing much mischief; as a reward for which service the _Súnan_, in
the presence of the Dutch commander, declared that, for ever after
that, the descendants of that chief should be permitted to reside at
_Adiláng'o_, and not be called upon to perform any duties of the state.

The whole of the eastern provinces having now submitted, the _Susúnan_
returned to _Semárang_, where when he had made acknowledgments to the
Dutch for the assistance they had rendered him, the commander requested
that he would give them a small piece of ground at _Semárang_ to build
a fort upon, which would not only be convenient for the protection of
their trade, but would enable them to come to the assistance of the
_Susúnan_, if necessary, at a shorter notice.

The admiral having promised that he would station a suitable force at
_Semárang_, which the _Susúnan_ might at any time employ as he thought
proper, obtained the permission he applied for.

The Javans have a superstitious belief, that when once misfortune has
fallen on a place so generally as to extend to the common people (which
was the case at _Matárem_), it will never afterwards prosper; it was
therefore determined by the _Susúnan_ to change the seat of empire, and
some were for fixing it at _Semárang_, but at last it was determined to
erect it in the wood _Wána Kérta_, in the district of _Pájang_, which
was good land but uninhabited.

The new capital was called _Kérta-súra_, the walls of which are still
to be seen on the road to _Súra-kérta_, the present capital of the
_Susúnan_.

During all these transactions _Pangéran Pugar_ remained at _Matárem_.
The _Susúnan_ now, for the first time, sent him information of his
establishment, and required his attendance at court. The _Pangéran_,
who having heard that the _Susúnan_ was in the constant habit of
dressing after the Dutch fashion, had been strengthening himself as
much as possible, under an impression, that the _Susúnan_ supported by
the Dutch was not his brother, but a foreigner, whom they had raised
to answer their own purposes, received this intimation with great
surprise, and sent two of his family to ascertain the truth. The
messengers, who were interested in upholding the separate authority of
their master, determined to encourage his mistake, and they represented
the _Susúnan_ as a foreigner from _Sábrang_, elevated by the Dutch.
Upon this report the _Pangéran_ informed the _Susúnan_ that he could
not proceed to _Kérta Súra_, as he preferred remaining at _Matárem_,
where he was established as the legal sovereign. A force, consisting of
Dutch and Javan troops, was in consequence marched against _Matárem_;
at first the troops of _Kérta-súra_ were defeated, but in a second
attack they were more successful, and the _Pangéran_ was obliged to
take to flight.

By means of the _Adipáti_, the _Pangéran_ was afterwards assured of
the _Susúnan_ being his brother, when he agreed to go to _Kérta-súra_,
provided the _Susúnan_ would throw off his Dutch dress and appear in
his native costume. To this the sovereign consented, and publicly
received his brother with the greatest demonstrations of joy and
affection.

The authority of the _Susúnan_ was now firmly established, and general
tranquillity prevailed for some years.

A new character now appears on the stage, under the title of
_Surapáti_. This man, whose name was _Sí Untung_, had been the slave
boy of a Dutchman at Batavia, of the name of Mor, who is represented
to have been of low origin, but to have been advanced to the highest
dignities, even a seat in the high regency, by means of the riches and
influence he had acquired through the services of this slave, to whom
he became, in consequence, much attached. Mor, however, discovering an
improper intimacy between _Untung_ and his natural daughter, chastised
him severely, and afterwards had him confined in the public block
or stocks. _Untung_ contrived to effect his escape from them during
the night, and to release his fellow prisoners. They then fell upon
the guard which came to mount at daylight, and taking them unawares
massacred the whole. Being thus committed, _Untung_ bent his course to
the high lands, and afterwards to _Chéribon_. While in the high lands
he formed a connection with a formidable party from Bantam, where a
civil war had been excited, in consequence of the Dutch having elevated
to the throne a son of the deceased king, contrary to the express
directions of the father. One of the brothers, _Pangéran Purbáya_,
was prevailed upon to join a certain _Abidin_, a fanatic rebel, who
had raised about two thousand followers, and with him passed through
_Jasíngá_ and the _Jákatra_ and _Preángan_ highlands, increasing their
numbers as they went.

_Abidin_ having proposed to proceed by that route to _Matárem_, there
to stir up the _Susúnan_ against the Dutch, the _Pangéran_ being
tired of the journey surrendered to the Dutch force sent against
them; but _Abidin_ stood a severe engagement, and was only induced
to surrender by means of an artifice practiced upon him. An European
officer belonging to the Dutch troops disguised himself as an Arab,
and being well versed in the Arabic and Malayu languages, obtained an
interview with _Abidin_, to whom he represented, that having himself
been once taken prisoner by the Dutch he had been so well treated that
he would advise him to go and surrender himself. The unfortunate man
took his advice, and was conveyed to the commanding officer, then at
_Chikálong_, who immediately forwarded him to Batavia, whence he was
sent to the Cape of Good Hope for the rest of his life.

The party of runaway slaves under _Untung_, who had now assumed the
name of _Santána_ being surprized by the Dutch force, were by special
orders from Batavia allowed to remain undisturbed for the present.
The chief appears to have been useful to the Dutch, and to have been
employed, in order the better to secure the surrender of _Pangéran
Purbáya_. When the Dutch officer went with a small party to receive the
submission of this chief, he found that he had already tied his spears
together (the sign of surrender) and kept no arms but his _kris_.
Ignorant of the customs of the country, the officer demanded that the
_Pangéran_ should also deliver this weapon and his personal ornaments.
The demand created the utmost astonishment in the _Pangéran_, who
instantly asked if it was not sufficient humiliation to a prince of the
royal blood that he and his people had given up their arms. _Santána_
entreated of the Dutch officer not to urge the delivery of the _kris_,
and to consider "that the bird, although caught, was not yet in the
cage," but to no purpose: the officer persisted in his demand, and
insulted _Santána_ in presence of all who were there assembled. The
_Pangéran_ seeing that resistance was now vain, promised compliance
next morning; but during the night, to the inexpressible mortification
of the officer, he effected his escape. The rage of the officer now
fell so violently upon _Santána_, that a quarrel ensued. _Santána_ and
his followers fell upon the Dutch party and killed many of them; the
officer however escaped. _Santána_ then moved towards _Chéribon_, where
he had an affair with a chief, named _Ráden Surapáti_, which being
reported to the sultan, that chief was put to death, and his title of
_Surapáti_ conferred upon _Untung_. _Surapáti_ then proceeded towards
_Kérta-súra_ to beg assistance against the Dutch, leaving several of
his followers in _Bányumas_, under the direction of two chiefs, who
soon became dreaded as noted _kramans_ or rebels. At _Kérta-súra_
he found protection from the prime minister, to whom he related all
the particulars of the story, with the exception of that part which
related to the establishment he had formed in _Bányumas_. This district
being now declared in a state of revolt, he offered to bring it to
submission, and was employed by the _Susúnan_ for that purpose; he
accordingly proceeded secretly to _Bányumas_, where, aided by the
plan he had before laid, he caused the heads of the two _krámans_ to
be secretly cut off in the night, and the rebels to disperse; when
returning to _Kérta-súra_ and producing the heads, he was received into
the highest favour by the _Susúnan_.

The Dutch hearing of his fortune, demanded from the _Susúnan_ that his
person should be given up; but the reply of the _Susúnan_ was, "that
_Surapáti_ having thrown himself on his protection and performed a
signal service to the empire, he could not give him up; but that if the
Dutch wished that he should be arrested, they were at perfect liberty
to arrest him in any part of his dominions."

The Dutch, accordingly sent a force, consisting of four hundred
Europeans and six hundred islanders, under the orders of one Tak,
an officer who had incurred the suspicion of having purloined the
centre diamond from the _Majapáhit_ crown, and on whom, according to
the impression which pervades the Dutch accounts, the _Susúnan_ had
determined to be revenged.

On the approach of the Dutch troops, the _Susúnan_, alarmed lest they
should succeed in arresting _Surapáti_, determined to afford him every
assistance, and for that purpose directed, that when they arrived,
the _Ráden Adipáti_ (prime minister), who had given his daughter in
marriage to _Surapáti_, should openly espouse his cause, and proceed,
in the first instance, to attack the lines of the _Adipátis_ of
_Madúra_ and _Surabáya_, who after a skirmish should retreat to the
_alun alun_ in confusion, exhibiting all the appearance of a defeat,
while the united party of the _Ráden Adipáti_, and _Sarapáti_ should
appear to threaten the _kráton_. The _Pangéran Púgar_ being strongly
attached to _Surapáti_, received orders, that if, in the affair with
the Dutch, the party of _Surapáti_ and the minister should be worsted,
he should render them assistance, by sending his people to them clothed
in white, the distinction adopted by _Surapáti_.

When the Dutch arrived, to cover appearances, a new prime minister was
appointed. The commander requested assistance from the _Susúnan_, who
pointed out to him the apparent state of affairs, and induced him to
believe that he was himself in danger from the attack of _Surapáti_.
Under this impression, Tak made his arrangements; and the Dutch troops
appeared on the front _alun alun_ at eight o'clock in the morning, when
they were immediately attacked by _Surapáti_. After four hours of hard
fighting, _Surapáti_ was repulsed; but reinforcements being sent by
_Pangéran Púgar_, and by the whole population of the city, the Dutch
were completely destroyed. Tak, at his last extremity, ordered out from
the fort two hundred soldiers remaining there; but as they could not
join their companions, they were immediately surrounded and cut up.
Of the two thousand men, eleven hundred and eighty-three lost their
lives; and among them Tak, who was mortally wounded in the neck by the
celebrated _pusáka_ spear of _Pangéran Púgar_. The weapon was found
blunted at the point by the chain jacket which Tak is said to have worn
on the occasion.

The _Susúnan_ now directed the _Ráden Adipáti_ and _Surapáti_ to take
refuge in the province of _Pasúruan_, and assume the habit of devotees;
while to the _Adipátis_ of _Madúra_ and _Surabáya_ orders were given
to follow them at a certain distance, burning the villages and laying
waste the country, as if in pursuit of an enemy. When _Surapáti_
reached _Pasúruan_, he took the name of _Adipáti Wíra Nagára_.

The few Dutch who had survived made their escape to the fort of
_Japára_, which was then more extensive than that at _Semárang_.

After this the _Susúnan_ wrote to the commanding officer at _Japára_,
informing him that Tak, with all the party, had been killed by the
_Ráden Adipáti_ and _Surapáti_, who had also attacked him, but that
they had at last driven them to the eastward, by the force he had
collected under the _Adipátis_ of _Madúra_ and _Surabáya_. He also
informed him that he had elected a new prime minister, in lieu of the
one who had espoused the cause of _Surapáti_. The _Susúnan_, fearing
lest this story might not be believed, and that he might be suspected
of having assisted _Surapáti_, sent with this letter five _píkuls_
of birds' nests, forty oxen, and other articles of value, which he
entrusted to the care of a _priái gándok_ (a messenger of distinction)
named _Jága Rága_, with instructions to mark well the thoughts of the
commander or officer who was the chief of _Japára_, and if he shewed
the least suspicion of the part the _Susúnan_ had taken, mainly to
deny it, and firmly to insist that the _Susúnan_ was true-hearted to
the Hollanders. He moreover promised to his ambassador, that if he
succeeded in averting the anger of the Dutch, he would reward him on
his return.

This messenger accordingly proceeded to _Japára_, when the chief
officer, after reading the letter, said he had heard the _Susúnan_
was of one heart with _Surapáti_; to which _Jága Rága_ replied, that
what he had heard was false, and that perhaps the story might have
originated in the part taken by the _Ráden Adipáti_, whose attachment
to _Surapáti_ was well known. He then referred to the circumstance
of the country's being laid waste by _Surapáti_ on his flight to the
eastward, in proof of his enmity. The commander heard this explanation
with patience, and after receiving the presents, with which he was
much pleased, returned for answer to the _Susúnan_, that he had first
heard that he was favourable to _Surapáti_, but was now convinced,
from the explanation afforded, that these reports were unfounded, and
that he was satisfied of the lasting attachment of his highness to
the Dutch. He then thanked him for his present, and in return sent
one thousand ducatoons, with an assortment of velvets and cloth. The
messenger having thus succeeded, was raised to the rank and station of
_Tumúng'gung_ of _Japára_, by the name and title of _Kiái Tumúng'gung
Márta Púra_.

The next indignity offered to the Dutch was by this man, who laid hold
of a half cast Dutch soldier at _Japára_, and insisted upon his sitting
on the ground on his hams and dancing the _tandák_, after the fashion
of the Javans, for his amusement. The Dutch, highly incensed, demanded
the immediate release of the man; but the _Tumúng'gung_ refusing, an
application was sent to the _Susúnan_, requesting that _Márta Púra_
might be put to death. The _Susúnan_ immediately sent for _Pangéran
Púgar_ and his minister, and desired them to communicate with _Márta
Púra_, and if they found he had the courage to oppose the Dutch to give
him assistance under hand, or to promote his success by some stratagem,
in the same manner as he had done to _Surapáti_; but if not, to let him
be sacrificed, as a punishment for his cowardice. He then replied to
the commodore, saying, that he had sent his own people to arrest _Márta
Púra_, and to deliver him to the commander, who might act with his
person as he thought proper. When the minister arrived at _Japára_ it
was agreed that _Márta Púra_ should be invited into the Dutch fort, and
there apprehended early next morning; but in the meantime the agents
of the _Susúnan_ had a secret interview with the chief, who declared
himself ready to oppose the Dutch, and it was determined that their
pretending to seize him should be a signal for all to join and _amók_
the Hollanders: but in the morning the heart of _Márta Púra_ failed
him. He twice refused to quit his retreat, and when at last he came
into the presence of the party, he appeared trembling and pale, and
his knees tottered under him, so that he was scarcely able to stand.
They then gave him a chair to sit down upon, and plied him with wine.
An officer having taken his _kris_ from behind him, he rose from his
chair and attempted to escape, but was bayoneted by a soldier on his
way. The agents of the _Susúnan_, enraged to see him so thoroughly
frightened, gave him no assistance, but ordered the dogs to devour his
carcase. When the _Susúnan_ heard of the cowardly conduct of _Márta
Púra_ he ordered that it should be publicly prohibited, on pain of his
severest punishment, to harbour or afford assistance to his relations
or children.

Afterwards the former _Tumúng'gung_ of _Japára_, _Sécha Nagára_, was
replaced, and a communication was, through him, made to the Dutch,
intimating the willingness of the _Susúnan_ to co-operate against the
_Surapáti_, in consequence of which orders were given for the Dutch
troops to proceed from Batavia. When the _Susúnan_ had thus drawn the
Dutch into a second attack upon this chieftain, he is represented "as
being most delighted at the prospect which it afforded, that on the
present occasion more of the Dutch troops might be sacrificed, in the
same manner as in the recent affair at _Kérta Súra_."

The _Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_ and _Madúra_ were immediately dispatched
to _Pasúruan_ to meet the Dutch, but having waited some time in vain
for the arrival, a mock battle took place with _Surapáti_, when it was
arranged that the _Kérta Súra_ troops should take to flight, burning
and laying waste the country as they retreated. A regular communication
appears to have been kept up during the whole time between _Surapáti_
and the _Susúnan_, who allowed him quietly to possess himself of the
adjoining districts of _Málang_ and _Mádion_. The _Ráden Adipáti Aúrang
Kasúma_ died about this time.

The Dutch troops now arrived in the eastern districts, and the
commandant of _Japára_ applied for the assistance of the _Susúnan_;
but the latter, alleging that his chiefs had been recently beaten and
obliged to retreat from _Pasúruan_, urged delay, on the plea of waiting
a more favourable opportunity of attack.

In the meantime family feuds disturbed the peace of the _kráton_. The
hereditary prince, _Pangéran Adipáti Amángku Nagára_, had married the
daughter of his cousin, _Pangéran Púgar_, but after the expiration of
the forty days he disregarded her, and she returned to her father's
protection. One of the most distinguished characters at the court was
the son of the prime minister. The hereditary prince, jealous of the
universal admiration which he enjoyed, determined to lower him by the
infliction of the greatest disgrace which could be endured. Naturally
of a fiery disposition, he became excessively enraged at an accident
which occurred to him while hunting in the forest of _Ránda Wahána_,
and which occasioned a lameness in his legs. As soon as he returned
home he sent for this youth, whom he immediately ordered to be bound
and severely flogged with a rattan: he then directed him to be tied to
a tree abounding with ants, which soon covered his body; a favourite
mode of inflicting cruel punishment. There the young man suffered
dreadfully, but his tortures were not at an end: he was afterwards
flogged till he nearly expired, and then sent to the house of his
father, the prime minister, who, although much enraged, was obliged to
suppress his resentment. Determined afterwards to revenge himself, he
seduced the wife of the _Pangéran Adipáti_, who had returned to her
father's house, as above stated. The connection was discovered, and all
parties were put to death.

The _Susúnan_ becoming now dangerously ill, from an affection of the
spleen which he had contracted at the time of the massacre of the Dutch
under Tak, called into his presence his eldest son, the _Pangéran
Adipáti_, his brother, _Pangéran Púgar_, and his two firm adherents,
the _Adipátis_ of _Madúra_ and _Surabáya_, and thus addressed them:
"The time which is allotted to me in this world has nearly expired; but
before I depart let me impress upon you all the necessity and advantage
of your mutually supporting each other. If you hold together, then
will the sovereignty of Java become pure and strong. The _Adipátis_
of _Madúra_ and _Surabáya_ will be as the surface of the _támpa_ (or
sifter) on which rice is cleansed from the husk; the _Pangéran Púgar_
as the _wángku_ (or rim of the sifter); and the _Pangéran Adipáti_ will
be as the one who sifts or fans the rice. When the _Pangéran Adipáti_
ascends the throne, let him attach himself to the other three, by which
means he will cleanse and strengthen his government, even as the rice
is cleansed from the husk in the _támpa_. Let him study the writings
_Níti Prája_, _Níti Sastrá_, _Srúti_, _Asta Bráta_ and _Jáya Lángkara_;
to abandon his vicious habits, never to ill use his wives, and to
be kind and constant to his present wife (another daughter of the
_Pangéran Púgar_.)"

In a short time the _Susúnan_ died. The _Pangéran Adipáti_, who was
destined to succeed him, excited much disapprobation and disgust by
his ungrateful neglect of the customary rites due to the body of the
deceased, and his indecent eagerness to ascend the throne before it
was even vacated. The practice of the country required him to wash
and purify the corpse with his own hands; but he left the task to the
women, while he shut all the gates of the _kráton_ and seated himself
in front on the _setíngel_. The deceased was buried at _Megíri_, and
his widow, _Rátu Kanchána_, attended the procession, distributing money
as she past along, to the amount of one thousand dollars and more.

As soon as the body was removed the _Pangéran Adipáti_ assembled all
his chiefs, and addressed them to the following effect: "All ye who are
present bear witness, that the _Pangéran Adipáti Amángku Nagára_ has
succeeded to the sovereignty of his late father, _Susúnan Mangkúrat_,
and as ye acknowledged and respected the father, now do the same to the
son;" to which they all ejaculated assent. To this _Ráden Subráta_, who
wished to shew his attachment to the young prince by raising him in
the eyes of the people, added, "the sovereignty descends to you by the
will of the Almighty; it has not been assumed by yourself;" but no one
answered. All the chiefs present, however, approached the prince and
kissed his feet, in proof of their acknowledgment of his authority. The
new _Susúnan_ then declared _Rátu Kanchána_ his queen, and nominated
the principal officers of state: and as soon as he returned to the
_dálam_ addressed three letters, one to the Governor General of
Batavia, one to the commandant at _Japára_, and one to the commandant
at _Semárang_, informing them of his having assumed the sovereignty
in succession to his ancestors. He likewise entrusted a letter for
Batavia, and another for the Governor General, to the care of Captain
Knol at _Semárang_.

On first granting their support to the deceased prince, the Dutch
required that he should enter into a bond, dated 10th October 1677,
confirming the treaty of the 25th February preceding, and acknowledging
a debt to the Dutch of thirty thousand dollars, together with three
thousand _kóyans_ of rice, as a security for which he was required to
mortgage to the Dutch all the sea-ports from the river _Kráwang_ to the
eastern extremity of the island. The whole revenues of these places,
including in particular all the rice deliverable to the state, were
also to be received by the Dutch in diminution of this debt.

At the same time, also, the _Susúnan_ was called upon to execute a
deed of cession, confirming the act of the 28th February preceding,
and setting forth that his father, having already verbally expressed
an intention to make over to the Dutch his rights on the kingdom
of _Jákatra_ (or land lying between the river of _Untúng Jáwa_ and
_Kráwang_ and the northern and southern sea-coasts), the said grant
was further confirmed, and the whole of the province of _Jákatra_
ceded accordingly, the inhabitants who wished to remain being ordered
to acknowledge the Dutch as their lawful sovereign, but all being at
liberty to place themselves under the _Susúnan_ and to leave the Dutch
territory, till the expiration of twelve months after the publication
of this act.

By this deed of cession, the _Susúnan_ also ceded to the Dutch, in
acknowledgment of the services rendered by Admiral Speelman against the
rebels, the country between the _Kráwang_ and _Pamanúkan_ rivers, in a
straight line to the South Sea, with all the immunities and privileges
attached to it.

This document further prohibited the importation of cloths and opium
by any one except the Dutch, and contained the appointment of _Adipáti
Mandaráka_ to be chief of _Tegal_ and the western, and _Aria Urawán_ to
be chief of _Jápara_ and the eastern sea coast.

On the 15th January 1678, a charter was procured from the _Susúnan_,
placing the sugar trade of _Japára_ entirely in the hands of the Dutch.
A grant was made them of the management of the town and jurisdiction of
_Sámrang_ and the village of _Kaligwái_, that is to say, the right of
appointing governors of their own at those places, without the least
interference on the part of the _Susúnan_; on condition, however, that
the revenues should be duly accounted for and paid to his highness's
officers by those of the Dutch. But as his highness was still in debt
to the Dutch, those revenues were provisionally taken in diminution of
the debt.

In Bantam the Dutch had made various treaties with the princes.

On the 17th April 1684 a contract was signed with the sultan of Bantam,
by which it was stipulated, among other articles, that the contract of
the 10th July 1659 should be renewed and confirmed; that the sultan
should give no kind of assistance to the enemies of the Dutch, and
undertake nothing hostile against their allies, particularly the
_Susúnan_ and the prince of _Chéribon_; that the _Táng'ran_ river, from
its mouth to its origin, and from thence a line drawn from south until
it meets the South Sea, should be the boundaries fixed upon between the
Dutch jurisdiction and the Bantam country, it being understood that the
whole of the _Táng'ran_ or _Untong Jáwa_ river, with its mouths, should
be the property of the Dutch, together with six hundred rods of land
to the northward from fort _Bábakan_ to the sea, with liberty to erect
such _pággars_, or forts, on the western banks of the river, as should
be deemed necessary for purposes of safety; the inhabitants of the
Bantam side to be permitted to fish in the river, and to appropriate
its waters to the purposes of cultivation, but no vessels to be allowed
to enter the river from the sea without Company's passes; that the
claims of the Dutch on the government of Bantam should be reduced to
twelve thousand rix dollars, or one-eighth of its original amount;
that his highness should give up all claims to the principality of
_Chéribon_; that the fourth article of the contract of 1659 should
remain in force, and consequently that no ground or factory rent should
be paid by the Dutch, but that the sultan should give as much ground
gratis, as the purposes of the factory might require; that his highness
should conclude no contracts with other powers contrary to the present
treaty.

On the same day, however, a bond was executed by the Sultan, in favor
of the Dutch, for the payment of the expenses incurred in assisting
his highness against the rebel sultan, and his friend the British
resident, who it is stated in this document would have received the
punishment due to his conduct but for the interference of the Dutch,
to whose protection he was indebted for the moderation with which his
highness had restricted his punishment to a final removal from Bantam.
This obligation states the sultan's debt to be six hundred thousand
rix-dollars, which he promises to pay either in specie or pepper,
or by remission of duties; and he also grants therein to the Dutch
the sole trade in pepper and cloths, in the countries of _Bantam_,
_Lampung_, and _Silebar_.

On the 28th April 1684, a deed was executed, by which the sultan of
Bantam's debt of six hundred thousand rix-dollars was remitted, on
condition that the Company should enjoy the privileges mentioned in
the bond of the 17th instant; but whenever the above privileges were
violated on the sultan's part, the Dutch held themselves justified in
requiring payment of the debt in question.

On the 15th February 1686, an agreement was entered into with the
sultan of Bantam, by which, among other stipulations, the Dutch
engaged to assist the sultan against his rebellious subjects, with
men, ammunition, and vessels, on condition that he would pay the
expense; it being stipulated that they should not leave their factory
during the night; that they should not be permitted to walk outside
the town without the sultan's and the Resident's permission; that
they should not enter the houses of the natives, much less stay there
during the night; that they should not take away any articles in the
bazars without duly paying for the same; that they should not enter
any gardens or premises without permission from the proprietors; that
they should not enter any temples without previous leave; that they
should not detain any females in their houses, nor stop them in the
streets; on meeting the sultan in the streets, that they should shew
his highness the accustomed honours; that they should not stop whenever
the sultan or sultana bathed in the river, but pass without looking at
their highnesses; that they should not interfere with the disputes and
judicial proceedings of the natives. By the eighteenth article it was
mutually agreed, that offenders, of either party, should be punished
according to their respective laws, and each by his own nation; and
that the whole of the black and white pepper produced at Bantam should
be sold to the Dutch at a fixed price.

On the 4th December 1687, on the occasion of the accession to the
throne of a new sultan of Bantam, an act of renovation of all former
treaties was passed, together with a renewal of the bond for six
hundred thousand dollars, and of the deed remitting the same, on
condition that the privileges heretofore specified were granted to the
Dutch at Bantam.

On the 3d March 1691, on occasion of the elevation to the throne of
another sultan, an act of renewal was passed of the contracts concluded
at different periods between the Dutch and the sultans of Bantam.

On the 6th January 1681 an agreement was signed with the three chiefs
of _Chéribon_, setting forth the gratitude of those princes for the
signal services rendered them by the Dutch, and their determination
to follow the Dutch Company's advice under all circumstances, and to
assist the Dutch government whenever their aid might be required, on
condition that they should, in like manner, be assisted by the Dutch
in cases of emergency, each party bearing the expense of all armaments
undertaken for his benefit. The three princes promised to live upon
good terms with the _Susúnan_.

In the event of one of the three princes, or other persons, committing
any acts prohibited by the present articles, or derogatory to his
highness the _Susúnan_, it was agreed, that such conduct should be
punished with the utmost severity.

The other stipulations of importance were, that no fortifications
should be erected by the princes without the consent of the
Governor-General, who should have leave to build a factory at
_Chéribon_, and to cause all species of merchandize to be imported
_duty free_. That all pepper growing in the kingdom of _Chéribon_
should be disposed of to the Dutch at the bazaar price; that the trade
in sugar and rice should be free to all, upon payment of an export
duty of two per cent. to the princes; that vessels belonging to powers
at war with the Dutch should not be permitted to enter the ports of
_Chéribon_, but be dealt with as enemies.

On the 7th September 1680, another contract was entered into with the
princes of _Chéribon_, by which all former differences were declared
to be forgotten, and _Panambáhan_, _Chéribon_, and sultan _Anom_,
promised to respect and honour their elder brother, sultan _Sépu_, as
the first-born of their _Panambáhan Kiái Gíri Láyah_. Sultan _Sépu_
promised, on the other hand, not to slight his brothers in any way, but
on the contrary to treat them, on every occasion, with the deference
due to their rank. It was agreed, that there shall be one place only
for holding tournaments, where the royal brothers would appear every
Saturday in their state dresses, attended by their _mántris_, and
that, to prevent disputes, they should be seated to the right and
left of sultan _Sépu_, and all the _mántris_ below; but that, should
indisposition prevent one of them from attending the tournament,
they should send due notice thereof on the Saturday morning. At the
tournament the sultan only had the right to speak; but sultan _Sépú_
not being present, that right was to devolve on the second, and in
his absence on the third chief. In the event of all the princes
being prevented from attending, the eldest sons of sultan _Sepu_ and
_Anom_ should make their appearance, and the command devolve on the
_Pangéran_. That in consequence of frequent disputes having arisen
among the princes, with reference to the appointment and super-cession
of prime minister, the right of nominating to that office was vested
exclusively in the governor-general of Batavia. That in the event of
any difference occurring between the princes, which they could not
adjust themselves, the resident of _Chéribon_ should be requested to
act as arbitrator on the part of the Dutch. That should one of the
princes refuse to comply with this article, the other brothers should
on no account molest him, but simply report the matter to the Batavian
government, through their ambassadors. The dissenting prince should,
however, in that case, voluntarily place himself in the resident's
custody, who should not be permitted to convey him out of _Chéribon_.

Mr. Middlekoop mentions, that during the reign of this prince, the
principality of _Madúra_ was conferred by the _Susúnan_ on _Chákra
Diníngrat_; but the inhabitants of _Súmenap_ being discontented with
this choice, they informed the _Susúnan_ that they would rather die
than submit to that authority; upon which the _Susúnan_ thought proper
to divide that country into two parts, giving to _Chákra Diníngrat_
the western district, and the eastern, or _Súmenap_ district, to _Mas
Yáng Wúlan_, who took the name of _Yúdha Nagára_. In the year 1683,
the whole island of _Madúra_ revolted, and became subject to the Dutch
government.

But to return to _Pangéran Adipáti Amángku Nagára_, usually called
_Mangkúrat Más_. The authority of this prince seems to have been
attacked almost immediately after his accession to the throne; for
_Ráden Súria Kasúma_, a son of the _Pangéran Púgar_, having accompanied
the procession which attended the body of the late _Susúnan_ to the
grave, persuaded many of the party to declare him sovereign of Java,
under the title of _Súnun Panatagáma_. The _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_ no
sooner heard of this, than he became highly enraged with his uncle, the
_Pangéran Púgar_, and sent back to him his daughter, the queen _Ratu
Kanchána_. He afterwards ordered the _Pangéran_ with his wives and
children into his presence, and commanding them to be seized, publicly
exposed them on the _alun alun_, in a pen or railing made for that
purpose, which the Javans call _betek_. _Ráden Suria_ was apprehended.

On the one hundredth day after the death of the late _Susúnan_, the
wives of the chiefs being assembled to prepare a customary feast,
intended "to give a blessing to the journey of the deceased," the
_Susúnan_ conceived a passion for _Ayu Pakúwati_, the wife of the
_Adipáti_ of _Madúra_, and availed himself of his power over her
to gratify it. She, however, soon made her escape, and reported
the particulars to her husband, who in revenge concurred with the
_Adipáti_ of _Semárang_, in urging the _Pangeran Púgar_ to assume the
sovereignty. "So large a party," said these chiefs, "being in favour
of your pretensions, you can never be condemned for assuming the
government; for as with men who drink a bottle of wine, if there are
few of them they must necessarily become intoxicated, but if there are
many, truly it is nothing at all."

Being assured by the _Adipáti_ of _Semárang_, that the Dutch were
not cordial friends of the present _Susúnan_, the _Pangéran_ was at
last prevailed upon to escape with his family and a chosen band to
_Semárang_, where the Dutch received him, and conditionally proclaimed
him sovereign of Java.

As soon as the _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_ was informed of the departure
of the _Pangéran_, he applied to the commissioners at _Semárang_ to
have him delivered up; but received for reply an intimation, that
he was under the protection of the Dutch, and that if the _Susúnan_
wanted him he must come for him himself. Enraged at this evasion, he
ordered that _Ráden Súria Kasúma_, the son of the _Pangéran_, should
immediately be put to death. The young prince was accordingly brought
into his presence for the purpose, when a great eruption suddenly
took place from _Merápi_, the mountain emitting a sound louder than
thunder, and flame which enlightened all _Kérta Súra_. The _Susúnan_,
thinking that his end was approaching, sent the young king back into
confinement, when the sounds immediately ceased, and the mountain
emitted no more flame. The _Susúnan_ conceiving all danger at an end,
once more ordered the execution of the prince, but a more violent
eruption than the first instantly rent the mountain asunder. The alarm
of the _Susúnan_ was increased, and considering this was a _gáro-gáro_,
or sign, that the prince was favoured by the Almighty, he altered his
intentions, received his intended victim into favour, and appointed him
a _Pangéran_, under the title of _Pangéran Ang'ebái Saléring Péken_,
with an assignment of one thousand _cháchas_ of land.

He appointed the _Adipáti_ of _Madúra_, under the name of _Panambáhan
Chakra Níngrat_, chief over all the coast districts, from _Brébes_
to _Banyuwángi_, and the _Tumúng'gung_ of _Surábaya_, under the name
of _Adipáti Jaeng Rána_, to be his _Páteh_. To the _Tumúng'gung_ of
_Semárang_ he also gave the title of _Adipáti Súra Adimang'gála_.

Immediately after his accession he had written to the Dutch government;
but it appears that the letter was not forwarded from _Semárang_ to
Batavia until after the _Pangérang Púgar_ had taken part against him.
According to the Dutch accounts, the ambassadors of both parties
arrived nearly at the same time at Batavia, were admitted to audience
the next day, and were received, not like ambassadors, but rather as
messengers.

The objections urged by the Dutch to the acknowledgment of the
_Susúnan_ were the following:--1st. Because he was a great tyrant, and
well known to have instigated his father to a rupture with the Dutch,
and to have himself menaced hostilities against them, as soon as he
should have mounted the throne. 2d. Because his embassy did not consist
of princes of his family, and the prime minister, as usual, but of
two common regents only. 3d. Because the letter which communicated
his father's death, and announced his own accession, although it
contained a request for protection against his enemies, did not apply
for their sanction or confirmation, nor declare his readiness to renew
the contracts, to acknowledge the debts, and to fulfil the engagements
formerly stipulated, though he ought to have known that this was the
basis upon which alone the Dutch could have recognized his title as
sovereign of Java. 4th. Because letters had been intercepted, in which
he invited the prince of _Madúra_ to join him against the Dutch,
calling them his mortal enemies, whom he intended to expel from the
island of Java.

These combined circumstances induced the Dutch government not to
acknowledge him as successor to his father, although they, with a view
to gain time until the arrival of a fleet expected from Holland with a
reinforcement of troops, wrote to him, merely declining to receive his
ambassadors as such, and requiring him to send others, whose family
connections and rank might entitle them to more consideration, and with
whom they might treat.

After it was arranged that _Pangéran Púgar_ should become sovereign,
the three chief Dutch authorities then at _Semárang_ waited upon him,
to inform him thereof, at the same time requiring that, in return for
the assistance intended to be afforded him, he should, on assuming
the authority, cede to the Dutch the provinces of _Demák_, _Japára_,
and _Tégal_, in compensation for the expenses they might incur on his
account. _Pangéran Púgar_ feeling no inclination to comply with these
conditions, though anxious to avoid a rupture with the Dutch, proposed,
instead of a cession of territory, that he should become generally
responsible for all the expenses of the war; "for," said he, "if it is
through the assistance of the Dutch that I am placed upon the throne,
of course it would not be becoming in me to refuse them any thing they
require: but with respect to this request, is it not better that, at
present, we attend to what is necessary to secure the throne, and
afterwards talk of minor matters? I am willing to pay all the expenses
which it may occasion to the Dutch." With this the commissioners were
satisfied; and the troops having arrived from Europe, it was resolved,
on the 18th of March, 1704, to place _Pangéran Púgar_ upon the throne,
and to maintain him on it.

The Dutch ships and troops having reached _Semárang_ in April, and the
part they intended to take being now for the first time manifest to
_Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_, he dispatched three messengers to the Dutch
representative at _Semárang_, with the sum of seventy thousand dollars
in specie, and authority to renew former contracts, and comply with
every requisition which the Dutch might make, provided they would
acknowledge his succession to the throne; but these messengers had only
reached _Tínker_ when they fell in with the Dutch troops, and were
obliged to secure their safety by flight, leaving the money behind.

The _Pangéran Púgar_ was publicly installed by the Dutch at
_Semárang_[273] on the 19th of June.

The districts of _Demák_, _Grobógan_, _Siséla_, and all the lands
beyond _Semárang_ as far as _Un'gárang_, were immediately taken
possession of by the Dutch, and the troops of the _Susúnan Mangkúrat
Mas_, which had moved towards _Semárang_, were forced to retreat on
_Kerta Súra_.

Before the departure of the _Pangéran_, the Dutch had again pressed
him to cede the provinces of _Semárang_, _Tégal_, and _Japára_, but by
the advice of the _Panumbáhan_ of _Madúra_ and his principal chiefs,
he still refused compliance, and they were not able to obtain any
decided promise from him, beyond reimbursement for the expenses of
the war. When they were arrived, however, at _Ung'árang_, the prince
happening to be alone, unattended by any of the _Bopáti_, the Dutch
commander seized the opportunity which he had been so long watching
for, to assure him how truly and sincerely the Dutch were inclined to
assist him, not only on the present occasion, but hereafter, whenever
he might require their aid. "The Dutch," added he, "are in great want
of rice, and request your highness will have the kindness to grant them
a thousand _koyans_ (two thousand tons) a year without payment."

The _Pangéran_ made no reply: he wished for time to think upon it;
but the chiefs of the Dutch came up to him, and returned him many
thanks and compliments for his having thus, as they said, agreed to
their request. The prince, though he wished to say he had not given
his promise, yet felt ashamed, after the thanks and compliments he had
received, to express what he thought. He therefore bowed his head and
was silent. They then entreated him to draw out his assent in writing,
and to affix his seal to it, as a proof of his voluntary surrender of
the present. With this he complied.

The paper was no sooner obtained, than the Dutch officers again
returned their thanks. They then withdrew, and the troops being under
arms, a salute was fired on the occasion. When this circumstance
came to the ears of the _Adipáti_ of _Semárang_, he hastened to the
_Pangéran_, and thus addressed him, "Be not offended, my prince, if I
presume to open your eyes to the proceedings of these Hollanders, who
are so rapacious in their demands. They had already consulted with me
on the subject of this rice, and they knew the opinion of your advisers
to be against it, they therefore watched for their opportunity to find
you alone. I little thought you would have taken upon yourself to
act thus, without consulting your chiefs. I imagined the Dutch were
satisfied with the answer I had given them, and would not have thought
of going to you about it." The _Susúnan_ gave him in return the history
of the grant, and promised faithfully that, if ever they made another
request of the kind, he would send for his advisers immediately.

Before the Dutch moved towards the interior, they contrived to bribe
_Jága Diníngrat_, the chief who commanded the _Kérta-súra_ troops, and
with his assistance possessed themselves without difficulty of the
fortified stations of _Pedak-páyang_, _Ung'árang_, and _Selatíga_.
The main force of the _Kérta-súra_ troops, consisting of about
forty thousand men, was encamped in a strong position, not far from
the latter place. After making considerable resistance, they were
obliged to retreat in confusion, and the combined army prosecuting
its march towards the capital, carried _Asem_ by assault, and reached
_Kérta-súra_ shortly after _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_ had quitted it.
All the chiefs who remained submitted to the new authority, and were
received under its protection, with the exception of the son of
_Pangéran Púgar_, who was strangled. _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_, called
also _Susúnan Pínchang_, on account of his lameness, was at this time
about thirty-four years of age. His reign was short, but remarkable for
severity and cruelty.

_Pangéran Púgar_ was fifty-six years of age when he ascended the
throne. He had seven legitimate children, _Pangéran Matáran_, _Ang'ebái
Léreng Páser_ (who had remained with the deposed _Susúnan_), _Jága
Rága_, _Mángku Nagára_, _Mángku Búmi_ (who was declared hereditary
prince, and succeeded his father), _Blítar_, and _Tepa Séna_.

The title assumed by _Pangéran Púgar_, with the concurrence of the
Dutch, was _Susuhúnan Pakabúana Senapáti Ingalága Abdul Ráchman
Panatagáma_, which may be rendered "The saint who is the nail of the
empire, the chief commander in war, the slave of God, and propagator of
the true faith."

An occurrence which took place shortly after the assumption of the
government by this prince is noticed by the Javan writers, and argued
highly in favour of the justice and impartiality of this prince.

The wife of _Mérta Yúdha_, writer to the _Susúnan_, and nephew of the
_Adipáti_ of _Semárang_, presented herself before him, alleging that
her life was endangered by the cruel treatment of her husband, and
imploring that she might be divorced from him, or protected against his
ill usage. The _Susúnan_ inquiring into the particulars, ascertained
from the testimony of the woman herself, that she was attached to
_Pangéran Adipáti_, the son of the _Susúnan_, who had frequently
visited at her house in the absence of her husband, and that the
severities she had suffered were the consequence of the rage which a
discovery of that fact had occasioned. He called upon the _Pangéran
Adipáti_ to say if it was correct; and the prince, being ashamed to
tell a falsehood, acknowledged the fact: wherefore his father reproved
him in the strongest terms, and cautioned him not to be guilty of a
like transgression a second time. Then calling for _Mérta Yúdha_, he
thus addressed him: "_Mérta Yúdha_, your wife has come to me requesting
my interference to procure her a divorce from you, or that I should
prohibit you from again ill-treating her in the same severe manner you
have before done, on account of her attachment to my son, the _Pangéran
Adipáti_." To which _Mérta Yúdha_ replied, "Respecting this affair,
allow me to explain. She committed an offence towards me, and she now
comes to you to complain of me, saying I had beaten her until she was
nearly dead. That I did beat her is true, but that I did so until she
was nearly dead is utterly false. I beat her when I was enraged; but,
as my anger subsided, I quickly became kind to her again; and yet she
has the audacity to request a divorce. This completes three offences;
in the first place, she committed the fault; in the second, she has
told a falsehood; and in the third, she has requested a divorce. These
points I submit to the justice of your majesty." The _Susúnan_ then
reflected that as the _Pangéran Adipáti's_ conduct had been the cause
of this woman's offence, it would not be just to punish her, without
also punishing his son; and being disinclined to be severe with him on
account of his youth, he felt at a loss how to decide with justice.
At length, seeing but one way to get rid of the difficulty, he thus
addressed _Mérta Yúdha_: "Enough, _Mérta Yúdha_; the fault rests with
my son the _Pangéran Adipáti_, and your wife cannot be condemned to
punishment, unless my son be also condemned. Now I have not the power
to condemn my son, on account of his youth; therefore, I publicly
request your pardon for my son's offence. If you wish to be divorced,
the permission is granted, and I will provide you with another wife.
You want her immediately--it is well;--but I have no women at present
except my own, none but the _Rátu_ and my own daughters. Make your
choice, and whichever you prefer of them, I will present to you in
marriage. Place your confidence in what I say, and believe that I say
no more than what I will do."

_Mérta Yúdha_, struck with astonishment, knew not how to reply. At
last, after bowing his head several times to the ground, he declared
that he was overcome by this act of magnanimity; that he forgave the
young prince from his heart, and would willingly receive his wife back
again, and treat her with kindness. The _Susúnan_ then dismissed the
parties, giving them advice as to their future conduct, and presenting
them with a sum of money and several rich presents. _Mérta Yúdha_
and his wife, say the Javan writers, afterwards lived most happily
together, and never ceased to praise the justice and magnanimity of the
prince.

In the spring of 1705, the Dutch government again sent a force to
_Semárang_, which was joined by seven thousand Madurese, under the
command of _Panambáhan Chákra Diníngrat_.

At this time _Surapáti_, who, after his first arrival at _Matárem_,
had offered to surrender, again made an application to the Dutch for
protection, and offered to send six thousand auxiliaries, promising at
the same time to conduct himself as a faithful subject; but his offer
was rejected.

On the 5th October, 1705, a contract was entered into by the new
sovereign with the Dutch, by which, 1st, the contracts of the 24th
September, 1640, and 20th October, 1677, and all privileges and
immunities granted by _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_ to Messrs. Speelman
and Cooper, were confirmed. 2d. His highness ceded to the Dutch the
district of _Gebáng_ as situated within the following boundaries; viz.
"From the mouth of the _Dónan_, on the southern shore, in a westerly
direction along its banks as far as _Pasúruan_, where there is an
inland lake; thence along the north-eastern sea-shore to the mouth of
the river _Che-brom_, and further on along the north-eastern side of
an accessible swamp to _Che-satia_, near the village _Madúra_, thence
in a north-easterly direction over the mountains of _Dáyu-luhur_ to
mount _Sumána_ or _Subáng_, and then south-east over the mountains
of _Bonkok_, where a northerly direction is taken, and continued to
the river _Losári_, and further on along the banks of that river to
its mouth on the northern coast of the island." 3d. The _Susúnan_
acknowledged _Chéribon_ as an independent state, in consequence of
that country having, in 1680, been saved by the Dutch from the ravages
of a banditti. 4th. The _Susúnan_ resigned to the protection of the
Dutch the countries of _Súmenap_ and _Pamakásan_, stated to have been
forced on them during the reign of _Susúnan Tegál-arom_, by the chief
_Yúdha Nagára_. 5th. The _Susúnan_ renewed and confirmed the cession
of _Semárang_ and _Kaligawé_, as stated in the transfer of 15th
January, 1678. He further ceded to the Dutch the ports of _Torbáyá_
and _Gumúlak_, on condition that the tolls continued to be collected
for his own benefit, as at _Sámárang_. The Dutch, on the other hand,
agreed to restore about fifty villages which belonged to _Demák_ and
_Kaligáwe_.

It was agreed that the tolls on goods imported into, or exported from,
the _Susúnan's_ dominions by the Dutch, should be levied according
to the above-mentioned contract of 25th February, 1677, and that the
_Susúnan_ should in future require a duty of three instead of two
per cent. from individuals trading with Dutch passes, it being left
to his highness to fix the duties to be levied on goods belonging to
persons who were not furnished with licences from the Dutch. 7th.
The Dutch obtained liberty to establish factories in every part
of the _Susúnan's_ dominions, for which sufficient lots of vacant
ground were to be given them, to answer every purpose of safety and
convenience, and also to establish yards for building vessels. The
Javan chiefs were bound to supply the Dutch at all times, payment
being made for the same, with timber, labourers, &c. but they were to
pay no capitation, and only to be considered as Company's subjects,
as long as they should be employed by the Company. 8th. His highness
promised to supply the Dutch with as much rice as should be required,
at the market price, the Dutch being also at liberty to purchase that
article from his highness's subjects, who were also allowed to export
rice to Batavia, and all countries at peace with the Dutch. 9th.
Pursuant to the contract of 1677, the _Susúnan_ agreed to continue
to shut his ports against _Makásars_, _Búgis_, _Maláyus_, _Bálians_,
and other foreigners, except such as should obtain the permission
of the Dutch. 10th. It was agreed that the Dutch, and all persons
authorized by them, should continue to enjoy the exclusive privilege
of importing and selling opium and clothes, as granted to them by
_Susúnan Mangkúrat_, on the 20th October, 1677: that the native chiefs
should carefully prevent all encroachments on this monopoly, and that
all seizures of prohibited goods made by them and by the Company's
servants, should be for the profit of his highness, to whose discretion
it was left to remunerate the officers making the seizure. 11th. That
all seizures made at sea by the Company's cruizers should be for the
sole benefit of the captors, although afterwards brought into his
highness's ports. 12th. The _Susúnan's_ subjects were to be prohibited
from trading otherwise than with Company's passes, and their trade
eastward was restricted to _Bálí_ and _Lómbok_, northward to Borneo
and _Banjarmásin_, and westward to _Bantám_, _Lámpung_, _Jámbi_,
_Indragíri_, _Johór_ and _Malácca_. They were prohibited from visiting
the eastern governments, or _Búton_, _Tímor_, _Bíma_, &c., on pain of
confiscation of vessels, cargo, &c. It was declared, that whenever his
highness should be desirous of sending vessels to these quarters on his
own account, the Dutch should attend to his wishes, as far as might be
consistent with their regulations. 13th. The balance remaining due to
the Dutch of the debts of his highness, adverted to in the contracts of
25th February and 15th October, 1677, was remitted, together with the
sum to be paid to Captain Jonker for the delivery of the rebel _Trúna
Jáya_, and all other claims of the Dutch on his highness, for expenses
incurred in re-establishing him on the throne, &c. on the express
condition that this contract should be faithfully observed; otherwise
the said claims and pretensions to retain their former validity. In
consideration of this important remission, his highness promised to
supply the Company during twenty-five years, commencing in 1706, with
eight hundred lasts of good rice annually, deliverable at Batavia by
his highness's own vessels. An article was afterwards added to this
treaty, by which it was stipulated, that no other European nation than
the Dutch should ever be permitted to trade or build factories on Java.

On the 11th October, 1705[274], a further agreement was entered into
by his highness, by which he promised to bear the expense of keeping a
detachment of two hundred men of the Dutch troops at _Kérta-súra_, for
his highness's protection and security, amounting to thirteen hundred
Spanish dollars per month.

On the 12th July, 1706, a treaty for determining the boundaries between
the territories of the _Susúnan_ and those of the Dutch was entered
into.

The deposed prince, _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_, after flying from his
capital, proceeded to the eastern districts, and joining _Surapáti_,
reduced the eastern provinces under their authority, and appeared
confident of success, being possessed of immense treasures in specie
and jewels, which he had carried off with him.

In 1706, however, the army of _Surapáti_ was defeated by the allied
Dutch and Javan forces, and _Kedíri_ was taken. Subsequently, the
large combined army of _Mangkúrat Mas_ and _Surapáti_ was put to the
rout and dispersed. _Surapáti_ shortly after died in the mountains of
_Bángil_, according to some accounts, of the effect of his wounds. He
was succeeded in office by his son, _Pangáting_, who took the name of
_Adipáti Wíra Nagára_, and being allied by marriage to the chiefs of
_Kedíri_, _Balambáng'an_, and _Grésik_, brought many of the eastern
districts again to acknowledge the authority of _Mangkúrat Mas_.
Additional forces were, in consequence, sent from Batavia by the Dutch,
which arrived at _Semárang_ in 1707, and immediately proceeded, first
to _Kérta-súra_, and then to the eastward. Falling in with the enemy
of _Mádion_, they put him to flight, and continued their march to
_Surabáya_, where the disturbances which had broken out on the island
of _Madúra_ obliged them to halt.

On the death of the native chief of _Madúra_ his eldest natural son,
_Sástra Nagára_, had declared himself his successor, and placed troops
round the island to oppose the landing of his uncle, _Ráden Súria
Nagára_, who had been appointed to the succession by the Dutch. The
Dutch, however, found means to satisfy both parties, by conferring the
separate charge of _Sámpang_ on _Sástra Nagára_.

At _Súmenap_ they met with greater difficulty. The native chief,
_Nága Sidérma_, had been stabbed by his secretary: the secretary was
afterwards killed by the slave of the chief. A tumult was thus excited,
and the Dutch commanding officer having given offence to the principal
inhabitants they proceeded with a large proportion of the population
to the northern part of the island. The Dutch at length succeeded in
establishing the infant son of the deceased as chief of _Súmenap_,
with the title of _Ráden Tumúng'gung Príng'ga Kasúma_, under the
guardianship of his mother, _Rátu Sidáyu_. With these proceedings the
campaign closed for that year[275].

In the following year, 1708, the Dutch sent further reinforcements to
the eastward, and preparations were making for opening the campaign,
when the fugitive _Susúnan_, hearing of the arrival of the Dutch at
_Surabáya_, sent ambassadors to their representative (Knol,) soliciting
his pardon, and an assignment of some lands, independent of any other
authority than that of the Dutch government. No sooner had he been
promised this than he came to _Surabáya_, where he was received on the
17th July by Knol, who delivered to him a letter of pardon written
in the Dutch and Javan languages, promising to him the independent
possession of a district as a principality, subordinate only to the
Dutch government. But, alas! these concessions were soon found to be
nothing more than a stratagem to get possession of the prince's person.
The unfortunate _Susúnan_, unsuspicious of the treachery, was quietly
embarked at _Surabáya_ on the 24th August, and with his three sons, his
wife, concubines, and attendants, conveyed to Batavia.

The Dutch accounts relate, that as soon as the prince arrived at
Batavia, the commissioners, who had received him on board and
accompanied him to the castle, demanded that he should deliver up his
_kris_ before being admitted to an audience, which he refused to do.
When, however, introduced to the high regency, who had been especially
assembled for his reception, he prostrated himself at the feet of the
governor-general, surrendered his _kris_, and implored the fulfilment
of the conditions on which he surrendered. The governor-general
replied, that Mr. Knol had not been authorized either to grant him a
pardon or to make promises, yet that government would take the matter
into consideration: his _krís_ was then returned to him. He was lodged
in the castle as a prisoner of war, and soon afterwards transported to
Ceylon.

The account of this transaction by the Javan writers is as follows:

"The _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas_ and the _Adipáti Wíra Nagára_ (son of
_Surapáti_) had not been long at _Málang_ before they were attacked
by _Pangéran Blítar_, and forced to seek safety in the forests with
only a few followers. There they suffered severely from disease;
and most of them dying, the rest removed to the land of _Blítar_,
whence the _Susúnan_ sent a letter to the chief Dutch authority at
_Surabáya_, asking him why the Dutch had thus assisted the _Pangéran
Púgar_ against him, and deprived him of the sceptre which had descended
to him from his ancestors, adding that he was himself equally the
friend of the Dutch, that he had never harboured a thought injurious
to them, and that if they still believed that he had been guilty of a
fault against them, it would be well if they would point it out that
he might exert his utmost to make amends: for this they might fully
depend on him; 'therefore,' said he, 'let the Dutch place confidence
in me, let them consider my youth, and that it is yet but a short time
that I have been a sovereign.' To this the Dutch authority replied,
'If the _Susúnan_ wishes to act thus, and his intentions are good, let
him come to _Surabáya_.' _Susúnan Mangkúrat_ then requested, that if
the Dutch would not again place him on the throne, they would assign
him a province, in which he and his family might reside in peace.
A promise being given to that effect he immediately proceeded to
_Surabáya_, where he was received with all honours and the customary
salutes, and afterwards entertained with the Dutch officers in the
_Passangráhan_ of the _Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_. The Dutch authority at
last said to him, with the utmost kindness and softness of speech,
'If the _Susúnan_ has no objection, I am anxious that we should go to
_Semárang_ to see the commissary; from thence the _Susúnan_ can at once
proceed to _Kérta-súra_, and request the Dutch again to acknowledge
him as sovereign of Java.' The _Susúnan_ immediately assented to this
arrangement. He was then, with his family and followers, embarked on
board a ship; but instead of being conveyed to _Semárang_, he was taken
to Batavia, and afterwards banished to Ceylon."

It appears, that after the arrival of _Mangkúrat Mas_ at Ceylon he
found means to dispatch letters of complaint to the prince of Orange
and the Court of Directors in Holland. Two Mahomedan priests were
charged with the mission, but the letters being intercepted, the
messengers were subjected to severe punishment.

With _Mangkúrat Mas_ was lost the celebrated _makóta_, or crown of
_Majapáhit_. The regalia of the sovereigns of Java, with the exception
of this important article, were duly delivered over, by order of the
Dutch, to the acknowledged sovereign _Pakabúana_, but nothing more was
ever heard of the crown, and since that time, the princes have worn
a _cap_, as described in another place. As the Dutch were now become
supreme on Java, a crown was perhaps but an empty pageant. It cannot,
however, escape notice, that this proud ornament of state should first
have been deprived of its brightest jewel, and afterwards, as there is
too much room to suspect, filched by the Dutch, who probably stripped
it of its remaining jewels, and melted down the gold for its value!

The removal of _Mangkúrat Mas_ did not, however, extinguish the flame
of internal discord which still blazed forth in the eastern provinces
of Java, and which increased till the year 1712-13. The _Susúnan_ sent
several embassies to Batavia, requesting assistance against the chiefs
of _Balambángan_ and of the island of _Madúra_, as well as against
the sons of _Surapáti_, who had their hiding places in the mountains.
On this occasion the Dutch sanctioned the nomination of the _Pangéran
Mángku Nagára_ as the hereditary prince, and promised the required
succours against the rebels, but took care to point out the value
which they put upon their assistance: a piece of policy which, on no
occasion, they seem to have forgotten. They adverted to the immense
sums they had at different times advanced, and the extent of the
obligations which the _Susúnan_ lay under to them, admonishing him to
act with greater circumspection in future, and to adopt such measures
as might put a stop to the civil wars and commotions which desolated
the country.

It was not long, however, before various circumstances concurred to
render the rebels still more formidable. The chiefs of _Surabáya_,
_Probolíng'o_, and _Kédíri_, as well as those of _Madúra_ and
_Balambáng'an_, united at the instigation of the chief of _Wináng'un_
(whose life had been unjustly attacked,) in a league to shake off the
yoke of the _Susúnan_, and at the same time to rid themselves of the
Dutch, whose aim they conceived to have been eventually to depose the
_Susúnan_, and to render themselves sovereigns of the whole island.

A circumstance is related by the native writers, which is said to have
contributed essentially to the distractions which at that time existed
in the country.

"The Dutch requested that the _Susúnan_ would immediately put the
_Adipáti Jaíng Rána_ of _Surabáya_ to death, alleging that he was
attached to the cause of the rebels, and that if an example were made
of this chief, it would strike fear into the others. On this the
_Susúnan_ became excessively grieved at heart, for he was sincerely
attached to the _Adipáti_; and now that the _Panambáhan_ of _Madúra_,
who had been as his right hand, was dead, if he were to lose the
_Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_ also, who had been as his left hand, he would
in truth find that he had lost both hands. He wished, therefore, to
refuse compliance with this request; but at the same time feared, that
if he disappointed the Dutch, there would be an end of his friendship
with them. On these two accounts he gave the subject his deepest
consideration. At length he wrote a letter to the _Adipáti_, informing
him of the request made by the Dutch; and to the Dutch at Batavia he
wrote in reply, that he wished to reflect upon the affair, until the
time appointed for the chief to pay his usual visit to the capital
should arrive.

"As soon as the _Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_ received these tidings he
assembled his brothers and his _Páteh_, named _Wíra Tantáha_, and
showed them the letter. His brothers immediately advised that they
should unite and oppose any one, whoever it might be, who should
attempt the life of the _Adipáti_; for, said they, 'Is it not better to
die nobly 'in war, and to let one's enemies know how dearly the death
of our brother is to be purchased, than to be quietly killed in one's
bed? will only know of the death and not of its value.' But the _Páteh_
replied to them, 'What you say is correct, and in the service of the
state we are bound to act as you advise; but this is a request made
by the general, that the _Adipáti_ should be put to death. Is it not
better that he should deliver himself up? for if he does not there will
be a rupture between the general and the _Susúnan_, and then (which
God forbid) the land of _Jáwa_ will be destroyed, and universal misery
will follow. You have now, for a long time, enjoyed happiness and a
good name, and now that you have grown old in honour, it would not be
fitting in you to do any thing that could bring sorrow or ruin on your
sovereign, or that would disgrace your followers or descendants, which
would be the case if you now got a bad name.' The _Adipáti_ was well
pleased with the advice of his _Páteh_, and after considering for a
short time, then addressed him, 'What you say is true, oh _Páteh_! I
am old, and have not long to live. It is indeed right that I should
deliver up my life for the benefit of my sovereign and the character of
my family.'"

This resolution being taken, the _Adipáti_ shortly after set out
for _Kértasúra_, accompanied by his brother and about two thousand
followers. When he arrived, the _Susúnan_ inquired how he wished to
act; to which he replied, that he preferred to die rather than to be
the cause of misfortune to his sovereign or to the people of Java; that
he was now old; that if his life was spared on this occasion he could
not expect to live many years, and that he was already satisfied with
this world. The _Susúnan_ then said, if such was his determination and
wish, he must of course follow it, but urged him to speak his mind
freely, adding that he would think of it, and do what would turn out
best for him: but the _Adipáti_ replied, that he had no other wish than
what he had already expressed; that it was much better that he should
die, than become the cause of misfortune to others. All he requested
was, that after his death the _Susúnan_ would not be forgetful of
his family and children, and that until his son was of a proper age,
his brother, _Ráden Jáya Puspíta_, might succeed him in his public
administration. The _Susúnan_ then said, "It is well. If the Dutch
again make the demand you must prepare for your fate; and I promise
you that, in that case, your request shall be complied with." At the
expiration of about a month, during which period the _Adipáti_ clothed
himself in white and gave himself up entirely to his devotions, another
letter arrived from the Governor General, making a peremptory demand
that the _Adipáti_ should be immediately executed. The _Susúnan_ then
sent for the _Adipáti_, and directed that he should be brought into
the _dálam_. Dressed in white, he immediately attended the summons.
When he reached the entrance _sri meng'ánti_, he quitted his followers,
who were not allowed to come further but remained without; and the
people who guarded the entrance of the _kráton_, having received the
orders of the _Susúnan_ to that effect, seized him, and plunging their
weapons into his body, immediately dispatched him. They then carried
out the corpse and gave it to his followers, charging them to give it
proper burial. They were all struck with deep grief at the sight, for
the _Adipáti_ was much beloved. They interred the body at _Lawéan_,
but immediately afterwards the brother, with about two thousand
followers, assembled in the _alun alun_, determined upon vengeance, and
the disturbance was not quelled until the _Susunán_ entered into an
explanation. He then appointed _Jáya Puspíta_ to succeed provisionally
to the administration of his deceased brother, and otherwise
conciliated the parties, who were at last induced quietly to return
to _Surabáya_; not, however, without a determination of one day being
revenged on the authors of this calamity. On receiving the appointment
from the _Susúnan_, while _Jáyá Puspíta_ returned their grateful
acknowledgments for this mark of kindness, they as openly avowed that
they would never rest in peace, until they had given a due return to
whoever was the cause of their brother's death.

"In pursuance of this determination, _Jáya Puspíta_ took an early
occasion to league with other discontented chiefs, and soon became the
most formidable enemy to the tranquillity of the country.

"The forces of the _Susúnan_ were completely defeated in a pitched
battle, and the rebels made themselves masters of several important
provinces to the eastward of _Pasúruan_, which place they also besieged
until the arrival of the Dutch auxiliaries. They were then driven
beyond _Panarúkan_; but being reinforced from _Báli_, soon forced the
combined Dutch and Javan troops to retreat again to _Pasúruan_."

The effect of this civil war was now severely felt at Batavia. The
country was laid waste, cultivation was neglected, and a great scarcity
of rice was felt at Batavia. This induced the Dutch to march a more
considerable force in 1717, and again to take an active part in
re-establishing the tranquillity of the country.

On the arrival of this force at _Madúra_, it was found that the chief
of that island had made two unsuccessful attacks on the troops of
_Pamakásan_ and _Súmenap_, and been forced at last to leave his capital
with his son, brother, wives, and relations, and seek safety with the
Dutch.

"When _Pangéran Chákra Deníngrat_," say the Javan authors, "saw that
nothing more was to be done against his enemies," he resolved to throw
himself on the protection of the Dutch; and a Dutch ship arriving
at _Madúra_ he dispatched a letter, soliciting their assistance.
This letter the captain forwarded to _Surabáya_, and received the
instructions of the admiral to take the chief and his family on
board, and convey them to that capital. The captain immediately sent
a messenger on shore to the _Pangéran_, informing him of the wishes
of the admiral, and inviting him to come on board with his family.
_Pangéran Chákra Deníngrat_, who was unconscious of treachery or
duplicity, and consequently void of suspicion, with a joyful heart
accepted the invitation, and, accompanied by his family, immediately
went off in a small fishing-boat. When arrived alongside of the ship,
the followers who carried the _upachára_ (emblems of state) were
ordered to go on board: after them the _Pangéran_ himself ascended, and
then his wife, _Ráden Ayu Chákra Diníngrat_. When the _Pangéran_ came
upon deck, Captain Curtis took him by the hand, and delivered him over
to one of his officers, who immediately led him into the cabin. The
captain remained till the _Ráden Ayu_ had ascended, and as soon as she
came on deck he likewise took her by the hand, and after the European
manner kissed her cheek. Not understanding the custom she became
alarmed, and thinking that Captain Curtis was offering an insult to
her, screamed out, and called aloud upon her husband, saying, "the
Captain had evil intentions." The _Pangéran_ hearing the cries of his
wife became furious, and drawing his _kris_ rushed out, and without
further inquiry stabbed the Captain. The attendants of the chief, who
had come on board with the state ornaments, following the example of
their master, raised the cry of _amók_ and immediately fell on the crew
of the vessel. The latter, however, were too powerful for them, and in
a short time the whole of the Madurese party were killed, together with
the chief and his wife.

When a question arises respecting the chastity of the Javan women, this
story is usually referred to.

The rebels, both in the eastern provinces of Java and on _Madúra_,
were joined by auxiliaries from _Báli_. Those, however, on _Madúra_
were soon overmatched by the Dutch troops, and obliged to fly again
to _Báli_. _Jáya Puspíta_ was more successful. Moving from _Surabáya_
through the central districts towards _Kérta-súra_, he subjected the
provinces of _Jápan_, _Wírasába_, _Kedíri_, _Mádion Sukawáti_ and the
neighbouring districts. While his head quarters were at _Kedíri_, he
was joined by _Pangéran Dípa Nagára_ one of the sons of the _Susúnan_,
who setting himself up as sovereign of Java, under the title of
_Panambáhan Héru Chákra Senapáti Panatagáma_ appointed _Jáya Púspita_
to be his _Páteh_, with the title of _Ráden Adipáti Panatagáma_, and
commenced the establishment of a government at _Mádion_.

An army was sent from _Kérta-súra_ against _Mádion_, under the command
of _Pangéran Blítar_, another son of the _Susúnan_; but before
they reached that place the _Pangéran_ was summoned to return, in
consequence of the severe indisposition of his father. This prince died
in the Javan year 1648, and was buried at _Megíri_. He had previously
written to the Dutch authorities, requesting them to select one of his
three sons _Pangéran Adipáti Amángku-nagára_, _Pangéran Purbáyá_, or
_Pangéran Blítar_, to succeed him in the government.

Thus ended the reign of a prince, which had been one constant scene
of commotion and rebellion, directed perhaps not so much against the
authority of the prince himself, as against the Dutch, who now took
so active a part in the affairs of Java, that the power of the native
sovereign was merely nominal.

The Javan writers, whether from a desire to exclude from the regal line
a prince who thus became the mere puppet of the Europeans, or from a
conviction of the truth of the circumstance, seem anxious to prove
that he was not the real son of _Susúnan Tegál Arom_, as related, but
a son of the _Pangéran Kajuran_, father-in-law of _Trúna Jáya_, and
who afterwards, when he established himself in the southern hills,
took the name of _Panambáhan Ráma_. The story runs, that the _Rátu_
of _Mangkúrat_ being delivered of a deformed and imperfect offspring,
the _Susúnan_ secretly sent the child to _Kajúran_, who was supposed
to deal in witchcraft, and that the _Pangéran_ took the opportunity of
destroying it, and substituted his own child in its place. This child,
however, was born of a daughter of _Pangéran Purbaya_, the younger
brother of Sultan _Agong_; so that on the mother's side it was of royal
extraction. "But," say the Javan writers, "as the present princes of
Java are descendants from _Pakubuána_, this story is not talked of in
public; although in private societies there are many who put faith in
it."

On the 13th of December, 1705, articles were agreed upon with the
Sultan of Bantam, to ensure the weight and quality of the pepper to be
delivered.

On the 9th of October, 1708, a further contract was entered into with
the sultan, with the view principally of renewing and confirming the
contracts, bonds, deeds of remission, &c., entered into and concluded
with his predecessors.

In August, 1731, another contract was entered into with the sultan, of
which the following were the most interesting articles.

That all Búgis, Maláyus, Javans, and other native traders, shall
be allowed freely to dispose of their wares at Bantam, without any
interference on the part of the Dutch Resident, provided they do
not trade in articles which constitute the Company's monopoly. The
subjects of Bantam shall be permitted to trade to Java on condition
that they do not abuse the confidence thus placed in them by engaging
in illicit commerce. The sultan promised to adopt immediate measures
for increasing the annual deliveries of pepper to the Company, and
engaged to hold out every possible inducement to the _Lámpung_ people
to extend the cultivation of the article, instead of depressing them
by unnecessary acts of severity. A deed was also executed about this
time ceding _Púlo Pánjang_ to the Dutch, for the purpose of keeping an
establishment on it for assisting vessels in distress.

On the 9th December, 1733, a further contract was entered into with the
sultan of Bantam, by which many regulations were made respecting the
pepper monopoly.

Being called upon to renew the bond for the sum of six hundred thousand
Spanish dollars in favour of the Dutch, the sultan, after previously
stating whence this _lawful_ debt originated, bound his kingdom and
revenues for the same, and at the same time conferred on the Dutch the
exclusive trade in pepper and other privileges. The deed of remission,
bearing date 28th April, 1684, was further renewed, by which a
conditional remission of the above-mentioned bond was granted. An act
of donation from the price of ground, called _kámpung báli_, was at the
same time granted.

Of the three sons of the deceased _Susúnan_, the Dutch government made
choice of the _Pangéran Adipáti Amángku Nagára_, as his successor; he
was accordingly publicly installed, under the title of _Susûhunan Prábu
Senapáti Ingalága Abdul Ráchman Sahídin Panatagáma_.

The first and principal event in this reign was the rebellion of the
younger brothers of the prince, _Pangéran Purbáya_ and _Blítar_,
occasioned principally by their being deprived of the lands and
honours which they had enjoyed during the lifetime of their father.
They first raised a party in the capital, and made an attempt, during
the night, to enter the _kráton_ and put the _Susúnan_ to death, but
being repulsed, they fled to _Matárem_, and collecting their followers,
the youngest (_Blítar_) assumed the title of _Súltan Ibni Mustápha
Pakubúana Senapáti Ingalága Abdul Ráchman Patagáma_. His brother,
_Purbáya_, was satisfied with a secondary authority, under the title of
_Panambáhan Senapáti Ingalága_.

In a short time the provinces of _Bányumas_, _Matárem_, and _Kedú_,
submitted to these chiefs, and a union taking place with the party
under _Panambáhan Héru Chákra_, the authority of the newly elected
_Susúnan_ became endangered.

_Pangéran Aria Matárem_, uncle of the _Susúnan_, at the same time
quitted _Kérta Súra_, and reared the standard of rebellion in
_Grobógan_ and _Blóra_. This chief was, however, soon after decoyed
into the hands of the Dutch in the following manner.

"The _Pangéran_ was induced to go to _Páti_, and afterwards to
_Japára_, on an understanding that the Dutch would raise him to the
throne, where troops were immediately assembled, apparently for that
object, but in reality to secure his person. On his arrival at the
fort with his family, he was received with salutes of cannon and small
arms, and separated from his followers, who were excluded. After he
had been seated a short time, the gates of the fort were shut, and the
_Pangéran_ and his sons were disarmed, and placed in close confinement.
He died in a few days. When the gates of the forts were closed, the
followers of the _Pangéran_ suspecting the treachery, would not
disperse, until many were destroyed and the rest fired upon."

The Dutch force uniting with those of the _Susúnan_, the rebels, who
were now united under the sultan _Ibni Mustápha_, were defeated,
and obliged to retreat to _Kedíri_. Here they were pursued, again
beaten, and driven in disorder to _Málang_. The sultan fled to _Gúnung
Dampúlan_ with only a few followers, while _Panambáhan Senapáti_ and
_Panambáhan Héru Chákra_ rallied their remaining forces at _Lamájang_.
The Dutch army now returned to _Kérta Súra_, and the tranquillity of
the country was once more for a short time restored.

_Sultan Ibni Mustápha_ having returned to the village of _Káli Gángsa_,
was seized with a violent illness and died, and his family and
followers, worn out with fatigue, conveyed the body to _Kérta Súra_,
and threw themselves on the mercy of the _Susúnan_. Notwithstanding
this unconditional submission, their chief, _Jáya Bráta_, was
immediately put to death, and his body thrown into the river: the body
of the deceased sultan, however, received honourable interment.

The rebels established at _Lamájang_ still held out, and it was
not until the arrival of a considerable Dutch force at _Surabáya_
that they were induced to submit. According to the native writers,
"The Dutch commander wrote from _Surabáya_ to the rebel chiefs at
_Lamájang_, informing them that he had been ordered to the eastward
with a formidable force purposely to destroy them, and that if they
did not quietly submit, he would force them to do so, in which case no
quarter should be given, adding at the same time, that if they were
willing to submit quietly, they should be received with favour, treated
with kindness, and want for nothing during their lives. The chiefs
seeing no prospect of success from further opposition, were induced to
close with these terms. Accordingly _Panambákan Senápati_ and _Héru
Chákra_, with _Adipáti Náta Púra_, attended by only a few followers,
surrendered themselves at _Surabáya_, where they were received with
great honour, the firing of cannon and musketry, and by the sound of
the _gámelan_, which struck up on their approach. It was not long,
however, before their persons were placed in confinement, and they were
embarked on board a ship from Batavia, from whence _Panambáhan Héru
Chákra_ and _Adipáti Náta Púra_ were afterwards banished to the Cape."

The only circumstance from which the peace of the country appears to
have been subsequently disturbed during the reign of this prince, was
by a kráman, or rebel, named _Ráden Ibráhim_, who gave himself out as a
descendant of _Surapáti_; but this movement was instantly suppressed,
and all that arose out of it appears to have been an attempt on
the life of the _Susúnan_, made by a woman, who with a small party
endeavoured to force her way into the _kráton_, but with several of
her followers was killed in the attempt. The authority of the prince
was now fully established; and in return for the services rendered by
the Dutch in the late war, he was required to enter into a new treaty
with the Dutch, containing the following, among other less interesting
stipulations.

In acknowledgment of the services lately rendered, and also to his
highness's forefathers, and in consideration of the considerable
quantity of rice still owing by him to the Dutch, on the deliveries
stipulated by the contract of 1705, his highness now promised to
deliver to the Company annually at Batavia, with his own vessels, for
a period of fifty years, to commence from the year 1734, a quantity
of one thousand _koyans_ of good rice, or its equivalent in money, it
being at the same time understood that the Dutch are not bound to take
money for any proportion of the said annual delivery, except when it
was sufficiently proved that a failure of the crop of rice rendered it
impossible to supply the whole quantity.

That with the view to encourage the cultivation of pepper, the Dutch
should, in future, pay five rix-dollars for each _píkul_ of that
article; while, on the other hand, the _Susúnan_ engaged to issue an
edict, directing the total annihilation of the coffee culture, with
the exception of a few plantations near the houses of the regents,
for their own amusement and consumption, but by no means for trade,
on severe penalties. The _Susúnan_ moreover authorized the Dutch to
cause all plantations, without distinction, in the low countries, on
the coast, or in the mountains, to be destroyed, and to confiscate,
for their joint profit, any quantity of coffee which might be found,
for purposes of trade, in the hands of any of his highness's subjects,
at the expiration of six months from the date thereof. That his
highness should direct the coast regents to deliver, in the year
1734, the annual quantity of timber for repairing and extending the
forts of _Semárang_ and _Japára_, the other materials being furnished
by the Company. The seventh article stipulated for the delivering
annually about ten thousand beams of teak timber (specified) at
_Japára_, _Demák_, _Walíri_, and _Brébes_, the same to be duly paid
for on delivery; and the Dutch engaged to assure themselves that the
regulation should be complied with, by causing the residents of the
timber places to transmit the receipts and other vouchers relative
thereto, while, on the other hand, the _Susúnan_ promised to take
care that the timber should be of good quality and of the stipulated
dimensions.

The Dutch remitted to the _Susúnan_ the arrears on account of the
quantity of rice (the delivery of which was stipulated by the contract
of October, 1705), consisting of no less than 6,537 _koyans_; and also
the sums advanced by them in the wars and during his minority, on
condition that, on the part of the _Susúnan_, all previous treaties,
deeds, and charters, contracted and granted by his highness's
predecessors, should be fulfilled by him; in default whereof the above
pretensions were to regain their full force and value. It was further
agreed that the Dutch should remain in possession of their former
commercial privileges at Java, his highness promising to render the
Dutch trade still more flourishing and considerable, and to increase
the deliveries of cotton thread. His highness further bound himself to
supply every day two hundred and forty _báturs_, or Javan labourers,
for the service of the fort, free of expense to the Dutch.

The act which closed the reign of this prince, and which affords good
evidence of the undisturbed state of public affairs at the period, was
a visit to the burial-place at _Bútah_, where _Kiái Agong Bútuh_, and
sultan _Pájang_ had been interred. The Javans have such a superstitious
veneration for this spot, that they declare it is never overflowed,
notwithstanding the waters rise to a considerable height round it, and
that it is lower than the adjoining ground. Here the prince was taken
ill, and after a long confinement died, in the Javan year 1657.

He was succeeded by his son, under the title of _Susúnan Pakubuána
Senapáti Ingalága Abdul Ráchman Sáhedin Panatagáma_, who ascended the
throne when he was only about fourteen years old, and was yet unmarried.

The young prince was entirely under the superintendance of _Dánu Réja_,
his father's prime minister, until, as he attained maturity, he by
repeated acts shewed a disposition to shake off the controul of that
chief. He was desirous of appointing _Chákra Níngrat_ to be _Widána_
of the eastern districts of _Pasúruan_, _Bángil_, and _Probolíng'o_;
but that chief being on bad terms with the minister _Dánu Réja_, the
_Susúnan_ privately, and without the knowledge of the minister, wrote
to the Governor-general at Batavia, requesting his sanction to the
measure. Shortly after this the _Susúnan_ made a further application to
the Dutch, that they would remove from Java the person of _Pangéran Ria
Mángku Nagára_, on a plea that he had been discovered in an improper
intimacy with one of his concubines. On this occasion the minister,
_Dánu Réja_, was dispatched to Batavia; and the interview he had with
the Governor-general is thus related by the native writers:--"The
General was displeased with _Dánu Réja_, because he had not adjusted
these two affairs; and afterwards, when he went to Batavia with
presents from the _Susúnan_, the General asked him if he was willing
that _Chákra Níngrat_ should be _Widána_ of the three districts? _Dánu
Réja_, not aware of the application made by the _Susúnan_, replied,
that if that chief was entrusted with so extensive an authority he
should tremble, as the heart of _Chákra Níngrat_ would thereupon become
great; for he had already been married to the _Susúnan's_ sister. The
General observed, that it was easy to remove this uneasiness from his
mind. 'Let,' said he,'this chief be under the authority of the Dutch
only. Let him pay the money tribute to the _Susúnan_, but in other
respects let not the _Susúnan_ trouble himself about him. Let him look
to the Dutch only for keeping him under due restraint.' To this _Dánu
Réja_ replied, 'If such is the wish of the General, I cannot follow it,
because I fear that hereafter the _Susúnan_ would object to such an
arrangement, and, repenting of having followed the General's advice,
would be justly enraged against me and my successors, for having in
any way consented that _Chákra Níngrat_, or these lands, should be
placed under the immediate authority of the Dutch.' A pause then
ensued. At length the General resumed, and in a peremptory and angry
manner demanded of the minister, why he had not prevented the _Susúnan_
from applying for the banishment of his brother, _Ria Mángku Nagára_,
observing that it had not yet been proved, that he was guilty of any
offence against the _Susúnan_. _Dánu Réja_ replied, 'The offence of
the _Pangéran_ is clear and decided; it is known to many that he had
an attachment for the _Susúnan's_ concubine.' He therefore requested
he might be banished the island, adding, that he would request the
_Susúnan_ to make a proper provision for his maintenance. The General
conceiving that _Dánu Réja_ was not inclined to follow his wishes,
became enraged, and desired him not to trouble himself further about
the _Pangéran_, saying that, whether he was banished or not, was not
his business; it depended entirely on the government. He then dismissed
him to his _póndok_, where the minister was allowed to remain upwards
of a year, until the death of the General, when, on the elevation
of his successor, he was directed to return to _Kérta-súra_. While
thus detained at Batavia, he was repeatedly visited by some of the
counsellors, urging him to accede to the wish of the General respecting
the lands; but he continued to use to them the same arguments he had
before used to the General."

After the return of _Dánu Réja_ to _Kérta-súra_, he is represented as
having had an interview with _Wangsarána_, a celebrated devotee, who
resided in the first _Kalángbrit_, and who foretold the misfortunes
which were to ensue.

On demanding of this _tápa_ what would be the future fate of
_Kérta-súra_, he replied, "that it was destined to misfortune,
destruction, and sorrow: _Ráden Más Sujána_ and _Ráden Mas Sáyed_ will
however profit by it." This _Ráden Sujána_ was a younger brother of the
_Susúnan_ by a concubine, and afterwards took the name of _Pangéran
Mangkubúmi_. _Ráden Mas Sáyed_ was a cousin to the _Susúnan_, son of
his elder brother, _Pangéran Mangku-nagára_, who had been sent to
Batavia with a request that he might be banished. They were both at
this time youngest children (_timur_).

This prophecy made a deep impression on the mind of the minister; and
his uneasiness became still greater, when one day a woman, named _Niái
Súka Wáti_, came to him from her mistress, _Rátu Agong_, the mother of
the _Susúnan_, saying that the _Rátu_ had just dreamt that she beheld
the moon descend from the heavens and rest on the top of the large
_dúku_ tree in the _kráton_; and that this had no sooner occurred, than
that _Ráden Mas Sujána_ immediately came, and seizing hold of the moon
swallowed one-half of it, the other half slipping from his grasp, and
resuming its place on the top of the tree: the _Rátu_ then awoke and
found it daylight. These were the first signs of what was soon to befal
_Kérta-súra_.

The fate of the minister was, however, to be first decided; for on the
occasion of the _Susúnan_ raising a chief, named _Súra-Diníngrat_,
to be _Bopáti of Pakalúngan_, with a thousand _cháchas_, without the
knowledge of the minister, the latter refused to acknowledge him in
that capacity; in consequence of which the _Susúnan_ requested the
Dutch to arrest him, and banish him from the island. As soon as the
Dutch had consented to do so, the unfortunate minister was dispatched
to _Semárang_ on a special embassy from his master, where he was
decoyed into the Dutch fort and confined. He was soon after embarked
for Ceylon, in the same vessel which conveyed _Pangéran Ria Mángku
Nagára_, at whose feet he fell, acknowledging the justice of his own
punishment, for having assisted in the banishment of that chief, who
had in fact committed no fault. The _Susúnan_ then appointed _Nátu
Kasúma_ to be his minister.

Accounts were now received from Ceylon of the death of the ex-_Susúnan
Mangkúrat Mas_, and at the request of the _Susúnan_, the family of
the deceased were permitted to return to _Kérta-súra_. On these were
conferred distinguished titles and considerable assignments of land.
To _Mángku Nagára_ the _Susúnan_ gave the name of _Wíra Mengála_, with
one thousand _cháchas_ of land; to _Mángku Níngrat_ he gave the name of
_Pangéran Tépa Sána_, with nine hundred _cháchas_; and to _Ráden Jáya
Kasúma_ he gave the title of _Pangéran_, with three hundred _cháchas_.
_Pangéran Purbáya_, who had assumed the title of _Panambáhan Senapáti
Ingalága_, shortly after died at Batavia, and his body was conveyed
to _Megíri_. The eldest son of this chief married a younger sister of
the _Susúnan_, and received the title of _Pangéran Purbáya_, with an
assignment of _sáwa_. The _Susúnan_ became much attached to him, and at
length followed his counsel in all things. "What was right was declared
wrong, and what was wrong, right, just as he pleased, and the _Susúnan_
believed it."

This increasing influence of the _Pangéran Purbáya_ alarmed the
minister, who secretly acquainted the Dutch with it, and by their
interference the _Pangéran Purbáya_ was removed from the councils of
the prince, and obliged to fix his residence at a distance from the
capital.

Various signs now foreboded approaching war and misfortune, and led
the people to expect that _Pangéran Tépa Sána_ would attempt to
regain the throne of his ancestors. The _Susúnan_ and his ministers
entirely disregarded these signs; but _Pangéran Wíra Mengála_ sought
the friendship of the Dutch commandant, in the hope of obtaining his
assistance.

At this time occurred the rebellion of the Chinese at Batavia; and
as the Dutch accounts of the transaction are far from complete or
satisfactory, I shall quote two Javan records without variation. One of
them is as follows:

"The city of Batavia was now in the highest state of prosperity:
traders came from all quarters, merchandize was in abundance, and the
slaves were numerous. The latter becoming arrogant, in consequence
of the wealth and power of their masters, committed outrages on the
Chinese, in the first instance by beating them, and afterwards by
attempting their lives. At first there were but few who committed
these outrages, but at last they formed themselves into parties and
committed more public acts of hostility. The Chinese applied to the
European officers in authority, to put a stop to these outrages, or
to punish those who committed them: they could, however, obtain no
redress, the slaves testifying with one accord that the Chinese were
the aggressors. The Chinese finding they could not obtain justice from
the great people, assembled near the sugar mills at _Gandária_[276],
to the number of more than a thousand, and chose a chief, with the
determination to oppose the Dutch and the slaves; but as yet they
thought it advisable not to do so openly, and therefore committed their
depredations in small parties during the night. The Dutch, as soon
as they heard of this, empowered several natives from _Sábrany_ (of
the opposite coasts and islands) to take up the Chinese who were at
_Gandária_; these people succeeded in apprehending the Chinese one by
one, and as soon as they gave them over to punishment they received a
reward of six ducatoons for each. In this way they secured about two
hundred. These were immediately embarked on a vessel to be banished to
another country, but when they had got out to sea they were all thrown
overboard. Many of them who could not swim perished; but a few having
succeeded in reaching the shore, found their way to _Gandária_, and
related to their companions how they had been treated. The Chinese,
upon this, concluding that the Dutch had resolved to extirpate their
race, now openly prepared their warlike instruments, gave notice to
their countrymen at Batavia of the manner in which the Dutch had
determined to destroy them, and requested that those who were willing
to join them would immediately repair to _Gandária_. The Chinese in
other quarters, equally harassed by the slaves, against whom they
could gain no redress, became of one mind, when they received the
intelligence of their countrymen having been thrown overboard by the
Dutch, and when they reflected that the destruction of their race was
determined; they therefore collected quietly at _Gandária_, until their
numbers amounted to upwards of five thousand. Here the whole placed
themselves under the orders of a chief, named _Sípanjang_."

The other account is as follows:

"It is related of Batavia, that General Valkenier was excessively
liberal in his favours to the Chinese. The consequence of this was,
that of all the races then resident at Batavia, with the exception of
the Dutch, none were so wealthy as they. Whatever was profitable fell
into their hands, while the other races, the natives of the country
and the adjacent islands established there, found it difficult to
discharge the duties and demands made upon them. On this account all
these races became discontented with the Chinese; and as it is usual
with the latter for their hearts to swell as they grow richer, quarrels
ensued, and disputes continually took place between the parties. These
increased, until complaints were carried before masters of slaves,
where slaves were concerned, and before the regular courts, where free
people were concerned. But the Chinese being always defeated in these
suits, and fined for their conduct, they assembled in bands, for the
purpose of revenging themselves, and began to plunder the villages in
the neighbourhood of the town. This happened in the Javan year 1663
(_gúna-rása-móbah jalma_)[277].

"It is related that at this time there was at Batavia a certain
_Edel Heer_, the Baron Van Imhoff, who had arrived from Ceylon. On
his arrival at _Jokarta_, he learned from General Valkenier the
particulars of the conduct of the Chinese, who were thus committing
depredations in the villages; he said there were too many Chinese at
Batavia, and proposed that a proportion should be sent to Ceylon. This
was accordingly agreed to by the high council, and a search was in
consequence made to take up the poorest of these, that they might be
transported to Ceylon. The expences, in the first instance, were to be
advanced by the Dutch, who were afterwards to be reimbursed when the
Chinese should have acquired the means at Ceylon. The Chinese captain
was accordingly directed to beat the _gong_, and give public notice of
this order; but there was not one Chinese inclined to follow it: and in
order to carry the proposition of Van Imhoff into effect, it was agreed
to arrest all the Poor Chinese. This order was given to the captain of
the Chinese, but he declined to arrest his countrymen. Van Imhoff then
inquired by what distinction of dress he might know the rich from the
poor? The captain replied, "the clothing of the Chinese which may be
considered a proof of their being poor, is black (blue)." Upon this
the governor directed the _Baillieu_ to arrest all Chinese so dressed;
and the _Baillieu_ again entrusting the execution of this order to
his _Máta Máta_, who belonged to the races inimical to the Chinese,
the latter, to gratify particular enmities, arrested many who did not
wear blue, some of them of the most respectable families. The Chinese,
in general, were much offended, when shortly the whole of those who
were arrested, were embarked on board ship apparently for Ceylon; but
they had been only a few days at sea, when they were _amók'd_. Most of
them were killed, and the rest were thrown overboard. Of these some
escaped to land, and arriving secretly at Batavia, communicated to
their countrymen the particulars of the cruel treatment of the Company
towards them. On this all the chiefs of the Chinese entered into an
agreement to raise the standard of rebellion against the Dutch, and to
endeavour to carry the fort of Batavia. There were, however, one or two
who did not chuse to become the enemies of the Dutch.

"A Chinese named _Liu Chu_, informed the government of what was
going on among his countrymen, for which he received a reward of
eighty ducats, and other valuable presents, with a promise of future
patronage. This man went as a spy to the Chinese at _Gandária_, and
endeavoured to persuade the chief to submit to the Dutch, promising
him free pardon; but _Si-pánjang_ suspecting that, however fair might
be the promises of the Dutch in the first instance, they would not
fail to revenge themselves upon him, by seeking out some offence of
which to accuse him, would not listen to these overtures. The Dutch
then ordered, that of the Chinese who were at Batavia, such as wished
to join their countrymen at _Gandária_ might do so, but that such as
wished to follow the Dutch, must shave their mustaches as a sign, and
deliver up all their sharp instruments of every description, even to
the smallest knife, and neither burn a lamp nor make a fire at night.
All the Chinese within the city were inclined rather to remain in their
houses, and conform to the wish of the Dutch according to this order,
than to quit their houses and join their companions at _Gandária_.
The Dutch troops were now making preparations in the fort, and shut
the gates of the city, hearing that the Chinese from _Gandária_ were
approaching. These came towards Batavia in three parties, burning
and laying waste every thing in their way, until they arrived close
under the walls, in numbers not less than ten thousand. Some of the
guns being inefficient, the Chinese became bolder, and made a furious
attack in which they were repulsed with great slaughter. In this affair
the Chinese are estimated to have lost one thousand seven hundred and
eighty-nine lives. They retreated in confusion, but assembled again at
_Gáding Meláti_.

"The next morning the Dutch landed all the sailors from the shipping in
the roads, and having confined the Chinese to their houses, according
to the regulation, the Dutch government gave orders for their own
people, the free black inhabitants, and the native Christians belonging
to the fort, to slay all the male Chinese, old and young, who were
within the city. Of these, amounting to nearly nine thousand souls,
only one hundred and fifty escaped to join their countrymen at _Kámpung
Meláti_. The property of all the Chinese was seized by those who
committed the slaughter, not one of whom was killed, the Chinese having
previously, as before related, delivered up their weapons to the Dutch.

"After this the Dutch troops, to the number of eight hundred Europeans
and two thousand natives, under the orders of the Baron Van Imhoff,
proceeded to _Kámpung Gáding Meláti_, where the Chinese under
_Si-Panjang_ had entrenched themselves in considerable numbers, and
soon drove them from this position. The Chinese then retreated to
_Paning'-gáran_, where also they were defeated. The loss of the latter
affair was on the part of the Dutch four hundred and fifty, on that of
the Chinese eight hundred."

While these transactions were going on at Batavia, many of the
_Bopátis_ of the coast provinces had arrived at _Kérta Súra_, to
present themselves at court, according to custom, at the ensuing
_múlud_. The _Bopáti_ of _Demák_ informed the minister, _Nála Kasúma_,
that before he quitted his district, the Chinese, in considerable
numbers, had assembled in arms and elected a chief of their own nation,
named _Síngseh_. The _Bopáti_ of _Grobógan_ also reported, that the
same thing had taken place in his district, in consequence of their
having heard that the Dutch at Batavia were determined to destroy every
Chinese on the island. On this the minister waited upon the _Susúnan_,
and informed him of these commotions. The _Susúnan_ replied, that
he had already heard of what was going on at Batavia, and was much
surprized that the general had not sent him any intimation of the
insurrection. The _Ráden Adipáti_ observed, that perhaps it would not
come to any thing, and that very probably the disturbance would subside
of itself. To this the _Susúnan_ replied: "if so, it was well; but if
the war was brought into his country, what was he to do? He feared
this was to be apprehended, or why should the Chinese on his lands be
thus preparing to defend themselves against the Dutch. It is proper
at any rate," added the _Susúnan_, "that we should agree with all the
_Bopátis_ who were assembled, whether it would be most advisable to
assist the Dutch or the Chinese, for if the war is to be brought into
my country, it appears to me that this point must soon be determined.
In the mean time should this event happen, let them fight between
themselves, don't let us interfere or assist: don't drive the Chinese
away." On this the _Ráden Adipáti_ observed, "that if the general
requested their assistance, they were bound, according to treaty, to
afford it." The _Susúnan_ replied, "if the general requests assistance
from me in men, it is an easy matter, and we can readily chuse the
right course, but he must not force me to render assistance." The
_Ráden Adipáti_ then said, "as this was the wish of the prince, he
would assemble the chiefs and be ready to give assistance to the Dutch,
should they request it." The _Susúnan_ replied, "very well, let them
agree how to act."

The _Ráden Adipáti_ then proceeded to his house, where, assembling the
chiefs, the point was discussed as follows. The _Ráden Adipáti_ having
informed them of the desire of the _Susúnan_, that they should agree
how to act, in the event of the war between the Chinese and Dutch being
brought into the _Susúnan's_ country, whether they should assist the
Dutch or the Chinese. The _Adipáti_ of _Pakalóng'an_, _Jáya Níngrat_,
first delivered his sentiments. "I think it is best," said he, "that
the _Susúnan_ should assist the Dutch, but on condition they should
release him from all the burthens which have been imposed upon his
ancestors." The _Ráden Adipáti_ said, "That is good; but I must remain
of opinion, that the Chinese who are on Java do not concern our affairs
as to the Dutch: they are not under my orders; they are only engaged
in trade; they have done good, and brought profit to Java: why must
we assist the Dutch, and destroy the Chinese?" _Depáti Jáya Nígrat_
replied, "It is true the Chinese do not interfere with our business,
and it is our own fault that we have any thing to do with the Dutch.
Is it not better to take this opportunity of ridding the _Susúnan_
of the exactions he is under to the Dutch? Let us assist them; they
are strongest. The Dutch are as iron, the Chinese as tin: therefore
it is better to assist the party most likely to be victorious." The
_Ráden Adipáti_ observed, "that it was on account of the Dutch being
so strong that he thought it wrong to assist them; for," added he, "if
we do they will only become more powerful and great, when perhaps we
shall not be able to oppose them, and must remain entirely at their
mercy. Is it not better, therefore, to destroy their strength while
they are not too powerful for us?" The _Depáti Jáya Níngrat_ then
said, "If on this account we do not like to assist the Dutch, let us
not assist the Chinese, but remain neutral, and leave them to fight
it out among themselves." The _Ráden Adipáti_ said, "That would not
be according to the will of the _Susúnan_: he wishes to take part
with one or the other, and he only asks which." The other _Bopátis_
inclined to the advice of _Jáya Níngrat_; but observing the desire of
the _Ráden Adipáti_ to assist the Chinese, were silent, concluding that
the part he took was in conformity with the wish of the _Susúnan_.
The _Tumúng'gung_ of _Grobogán_, _Ráden Mérta Púra_, then said, "We
are as the people who bear two burthens: the Dutch are on the right
shoulder, the Chinese on the left; if we throw off one the other still
remains. If we can accomplish it, why should we not get rid of both?
In the first instance, let us assist the Chinese, and get rid of the
Dutch; when that is done we can easily get rid of the Chinese also."
_Depáti Jáya Ningrat_ replied, "It is very well for you to wish this,
but perhaps you are not sufficiently strong to effect it. In an affair
of this importance we should consider the consequences. If we succeed,
it is well; but if we destroy one party we commit an offence against
the Almighty: what then if we destroy both parties, who have done us no
harm? You must have read in history what has happened in the land of
Java, and what occurred to those who injured others who did not offend
them. Recollect, for instance, the case of _Jaing Rána_ of _Surabáya_,
who was put to death unjustly: was his death not avenged, and for this
one innocent life was there not afterwards a retribution of sixteen
lives?" _Mérta Púra_ was embarrassed, and knew not what answer to make.
The _Ráden Adipáti_ laughed, and was followed by all the chiefs; he
afterwards said, "This is the effect of experience. _Mérta Púra_ is
a young man, and not able to contend in argument with _Adipáti Jáya
Níngrat_, his elder." However, _Ráden Mérta Púra_, taking a cup of tea,
recollected himself, and prepared to reply. After drinking the tea, and
replacing the cup, he immediately addressed _Adipáti Jáya Níngrat_:
"How can you talk thus? Is it not better to finish the business at
once, and not by halves? Of what use is it to talk of precedents? What
was the case formerly is one thing; the present affair is altogether
different: they cannot be compared together. We have now our own
master, whose wishes we must follow. We must make a new example, and
leave others to act up to it." The _Ráden Adipáti_ then demanded of
all the other _Bopátis_ their opinion in this affair, to which they
replied, "Let us advise the _Susúnan_ to follow his own inclination,
either to assist the Dutch according to treaty, on condition that they
cancel all obligations, &c. on the part of the _Susúnan_ to the Dutch,
or to assist the Chinese in destroying the Dutch, and after that to
get rid of the Chinese altogether, or allow them to remain, as the
_Susúnan_ may think proper."

This opinion was on the next day carried to the _Susúnan_ by the _Ráden
Adipáti_, who further suggested, that it would be well to encourage
the Chinese to act against the Dutch; that when the war took place
it would be easy to perceive which was the best side to assist, and
that the _Susúnan_ should appear to remain neutral for the present.
The _Susúnan_ having listened to this advice approved of it. He in
consequence directed that _Mérta Púra_ should quietly return to his
province, and should encourage the Chinese to act against the Dutch,
and promise them, that in the event of their success the _Susúnan_
would join them. He also directed that the other _Bopátis_ should make
preparations for collecting their forces.

In pursuance of these orders _Mérta Púra_ secretly proceeded to
_Grobógan_, and communicated with the chiefs who had been elected
by the Chinese, named _Inchi Máchan_ and _Múda Tik_. The Chinese of
_Grobógan_ immediately wrote to _Síngseh_, the chief at _Tánjung
Welakan_, who was equally pleased with this promise of support.
The Chinese from _Grobógan_ then went and joined those at _Tánjung
Walákan_, it being arranged that _Mérta Púra_ should make a sham attack
upon them, from which they should appear to fly.

_Mérta Púra_ then wrote to the Dutch commander at _Semárang_, telling
him that he had orders from the minister to attack the Chinese, and
requesting to be supplied with ammunition, which was immediately sent.
The Dutch were completely deceived. They furnished _Mérta Púra_ with
twenty muskets, eight carbines and eight pistols, and eight barrels of
powder: they also sent thirty Dutch soldiers. _Mérta Púra_ commenced
the attack before they came, and thus secured the retreat of the
Chinese. On this occasion he shot three horses with ball, and shewed
them to the Dutch as having been wounded under him.

In the mean time the commandant at _Semárang_, deceived by the
assurances of _Mérta Púra_, requested the officers at _Kérta Súra_
to call upon the _Susúnan_ for assistance. He directed that _Mértu
Púra_ should be reinforced, but that the chief who commanded the party
should receive secret instructions not to annoy the Chinese in earnest,
but to act as _Mérta Púra_ had done. With respect to the Chinese at
_Kérta Púra_, he directed that they should be informed that on the next
morning the Javans would make a sham attack upon them, when they must
retreat and join a party of Chinese assembled at the _Désa Sarója_ in
_Kedú_, to which place they would be pursued, and from whence the Javan
chief was to return, saying, that on account of their numbers he could
advance no further.

Secret orders to this effect were immediately given to all the chiefs.
The _Adipátis_ of _Páti_, _Demák_, and _Kedú_ were at the same time
directed to go and make a false attack upon the Chinese at _Tánjung
Waláhan_, and afterwards to retreat to _Semárang_, as if beaten,
in order that the commander might believe that the _Susúnan_ was
determined to assist the Dutch.

The captain and lieutenant of the Chinese at _Semárang_ having been
put in confinement by the commandant, all the Chinese at that place
joined their countrymen at _Tánjung Waláhan_. The Chinese then moved
to _Kárang Anyer_, where they were attacked. The Javans retreated to
_Semárang_, and were assisted by the Dutch. The chief, _Síngseh_, in
concert with _Mérta Púra_, now laid siege to _Semárang_.

The commander at _Kérta Súra_ requested assistance against the Chinese
at _Ambaráwa_, which was granted, with the same instruction to the
chiefs as in the former instances. These marched as far as _Salíatga_,
where they held secret communication with the Chinese; but the chief,
_Aria Pringaláya_, caused ten Chinese to be put to death while both
parties were about to meet privately, and sent the ten heads to
_Kérta Súra_, which were delivered to the commandant. This at first
exasperated the Chinese leader at _Semárang_, but he was soon pacified.

At this time the _Susúnan_ discovered that one of the sons of
_Mangkúrat Mas_, _Tépa Sána_, was carrying on an intrigue with
the commandant of the fort at _Kérta Súra_, and caused him to be
bow-stringed. _Wíra Méja_ and _Ráden Garendi_, the two sons of _Tépa
Sána_, with his other relations, joined _Pangéran Wíra Meng'ala_, and
quitted _Kérta Súra_: they were well received by the Chinese.

The Chinese, besides laying siege to _Semárang_, had also by this time
taken and destroyed _Rémbang_. _Jawána_ and _Demák_ were abandoned by
the Dutch troops, and a want of provisions was felt through the country.

Affairs had come to this pass, when the _Susúnan_ resolved to massacre
the Dutch garrison at _Kérta Súra_. The Javans were collected under the
fort, as by order from the _Susúnan_, in readiness to march against
the Chinese, when one of them who had entered within the walls fired
a shot. The cry of _amók_ was given, and many lives were lost on both
sides; but the plan did not succeed, and it was not till after he was
reinforced by the Chinese that he could effect his object. On the
renewal of the attack, the garrison was compelled to surrender. The
commanding officer and some others were barbarously murdered in cold
blood; the rest of the troops, with their wives and children, made
prisoners, and distributed among the Javans: the greatest part of the
men being circumcised and forced to adopt the Mahomedan religion.

The Dutch authorities, in endeavouring to account for this act, incline
to an opinion that the _Susúnan_ was (not without an appearance of
probability) immediately impelled to it by many acts of oppression and
injustice exercised against his subjects, by a total disregard of all
his representations for redress, by an evident intention on the part
of the Dutch to become masters of the whole island, and by the harsh
and uncivil conduct of the Resident towards the first men of the court,
which was the more obnoxious from his being the son of a Javan woman,
and for that reason, and the illegitimacy of his birth, much despised
by the natives.

When this intelligence reached _Semárang_, the Dutch began to open
their eyes. The first step that was taken was to pass a decree,
absolving the _Pangéran_ of _Madúra_ from his allegiance to the
_Susúnan_. This decree was formally signed by the government of
_Semárang_, and accepted by the _Pangéran_, who being married to a
sister of the _Susúnan_, returned his wife back to her brother. No
sooner had he declared himself the ally of the Dutch, than he ordered
all the Chinese on the island of _Madúra_ to be put to death, and
embarking his forces immediately, took possession of _Sidáyu_, _Tuban_,
_Jípang_, and _Lamúng'an_. At _Grésik_ about four hundred Chinese were
put to death.

The Chinese, in the meantime, finding themselves reinforced by the
Javans, spread over the whole country without encountering opposition,
and laid siege at the same time to nearly all the Company's settlements
along the coast, from _Tégál_ to _Pasúruan_.

After many feeble and unskilful attacks on the fort of _Semárang_, and
the loss of many lives, the united forces of the Javans and Chinese
were compelled to raise the siege.

A negociation was now brought about by means of the _Pangéran_ of
_Madúra_, who represented to the Dutch that the attack upon the fort,
as well as the subsequent part taken by the Javans, was solely at the
instigation of the minister, _Náta Kasúma_, and that the _Susúnan_
himself was personally averse to these measures. The _Susúnan_,
according to the Dutch accounts, regretted the precipitate steps he
had taken, either as beginning to fear that the Dutch might again, as
in former wars, obtain the ascendancy, and make him pay dear for his
temerity; or, which appeared to him most likely, apprehending that the
Chinese, who, though comparatively few and unused to arms, had hitherto
taken the lead in every affair of consequence, and evinced their
superiority to the Javans in ability and courage, should become too
powerful, and might, in concert with some discontented chiefs, think
fit to depose him. From one or other, or both of these motives, the
_Susúnan_ desired to renew his alliance with the Dutch.

The Dutch, on their part, considering the precarious state of the time
and circumstances, found it advisable to enter into amicable relations,
and accordingly concluded a peace, by which were ceded to them the
island of _Madúra_, the sea-coast, and _Surabáya_, with all the
districts to the eastward, as _Balambáng'an_, and _Rembáng_, _Japára_,
and _Semárang_, with all their subordinate posts.

According to the Javan accounts, this treaty was concluded without
the knowledge of the minister, _Náta Kasúma_, who with the Javan and
Chinese forces still lay encamped not far from _Semárang_: and it was
agreed upon by the _Susúnan_, at the request of the Dutch, that the
Chinese should be kept in ignorance of what was passing, in order that
they might be the more easily massacred by their supposed friends the
Javans. _Náta Kasúma_, however, no sooner heard of the conditions on
which the peace had been concluded, and of the intention to massacre
the Chinese, than he took part with them, and revealed the whole plot.
To preserve appearances, however, he made a sham attack on the Chinese,
in which the sick alone were sacrificed. The rest moved off unmolested
to the eastward, meditating vengeance against the _Susúnan_, by whom
they had been thus deserted. Their principal force was now assembled in
the districts of _Páti_ and _Jawána_, where they were joined by many
of the chiefs who had hitherto been attached to their cause. Here they
proclaimed as _Susúnan Ráden Mas Garéndi_, son of _Pangéran Tépa Sána_,
who had recently been put to death by the _Susúnan_, and grandson of
_Susúnan Mangkurat Mas_, who had died at Ceylon. He assumed the title
of _Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas Prábu Kúning_, but is usually distinguished
by the name of _Susúnan Kúning_. This prince was about ten years of
age, and therefore the transactions which ensued are to be attributed
to his ministers, _Mangunónang_ and _Mérta Púra_, and to the Chinese
chiefs, _Síngsih_ and _Pánjang_.

_Náta Kasúma_, the minister, still feigning allegiance, returned to
_Kérta Súra_; but the part he had taken being discovered, he was sent
to _Semárang_ on a false mission, as was customary in such cases, and
there entrapped by the Dutch and conveyed to Ceylon.

The Chinese, with their emperor, now marched with great expedition
to _Kérta Súra_, in order to attack the _Susúnan_, and met with but
little resistance. The troops of the _Susúnan_, under the command
of _Ráden Prínga Láya_, were defeated, _Kérta Súra_ was surprised,
and the _Susúnan_ was obliged to leave his court, and treasures to
the enemy. His queen, sister, and children, on horseback, together
with his mother, carried by two Europeans, under the conduct of two
Dutch officers, through a back gate of the _dálam_, were pursued and
overtaken. The _Susúnan_ and the hereditary prince only were enabled to
save themselves by flight.

It was not likely that an alliance between the Chinese and Javans,
people so different and hostile to each other, could be of any long
duration. While the Chinese became relaxed in their discipline, and
indulged in every species of irregularity, the fugitive emperor, being
now joined by the Dutch and _Madurese_, received the submission of
many of the rebel chiefs, and pardoned them; but he refused to pay
attention to the offers of submission made by the Chinese. The prince
of _Madúra_, at length, succeeded in making himself master of _Kérta
Súra_, from whence the _Susúnan Kuning_ was obliged to fly, after a
reign of four months.

The Chinese being afterwards defeated in a pitched battle at _Asém_,
retreated to _Brambánan_, and the _Susúnan_ again arrived in his
capital. When, however, the prince of _Madúra_, who was by no means
well inclined to the _Susúnan_, found himself in possession of _Kérta
Súra_, he made an attempt to raise to the throne _Pangéran Angebai_,
the _Susúnan's_ brother. The _Susúnan_ was once more obliged to quit
his capital, and it was not until after much negociation between the
Dutch and the Javans, that he was re-established. Whether this attempt
on the part of the Madurese prince was serious, or only intended to
render the sovereign more complying to the demands of his allies, is
not known. The negociation, however, as was usual in similar cases,
turned out highly advantageous to the Dutch interests, a treaty being
dictated by them without the walls of the palace, and before the prince
was permitted to enter it.

The Chinese, who had meanwhile remained at _Brambánan_ unmolested for
two whole months, were now joined by _Páku Nagára_, a man noted among
the Javans for his eminent abilities, and distinguished afterwards for
the conspicuous part he acted in what is called "the war of Java," and
through his means the party were enabled still to make a stand: they
were at length, however, defeated by the Dutch troops, and compelled to
retreat over the southern hills. A general amnesty being proclaimed,
and the Chinese having availed themselves of it, the ex-emperor at
length surrendered to the Dutch at _Surabáya_, by whom he was banished
to Ceylon, where he died. This event happened in the Javan year 1667,
and terminated the Chinese war.

After a few months the _Susúnan_, in conformity with ancient custom,
removed the seat of government from _Kérta Súra_ to the village of
_Solo_, about six miles distant, where a palace was built. The new
capital was called _Súra Kérta_, and is the present residence of the
emperors of Java.

On the subsequent accession of Mr. Imhoff to the post of
governor-general, he was of opinion that, notwithstanding the
favourable terms of the treaties granted by the _Susúnan_, sufficient
atonement had not been made to the Dutch nation for the outrage
committed against the Christian religion, and the barbarous treatment
of the garrison of _Kérta Súra_. He therefore required that the two
principal ringleaders should be delivered up and punished; and to
ensure compliance, measures were taken for seizing upon the _Susúnan_
and his son, and bestowing the throne on the eldest son of _Pangéran
Mángku Nagára_. But the _Susúnan_ thought it prudent to comply, and
delivered over two priests to the Dutch; and a new treaty was on this
occasion concluded with the _Susúnan_.

Fresh disturbances soon succeeded. The _Pangéran_ of _Madúra_, _Chákra
Deníngrat_, a man of a selfish and haughty character, considered
himself, in consequence of the part he had taken, so far exalted above
the other chiefs, that he neglected to make his annual appearance at
court. Of this the _Susúnan_ complained to the Dutch, who interfered,
but without effect. The _Pangéran_, who, as before stated, had taken
possession of the provinces of _Sidáya_, _Túban_, _Jípang_, and
_Lamúng'an_, now refused to restore them either to the _Susúnan_ or
the Dutch, to whom they had been ceded, claiming them, as well as all
the plunder he had obtained at _Kérta Súra_, as conquered property.
Determined to keep them by force, he engaged in his service a number of
men from _Báli_, and fortified the island _Menári_, so as to command
the harbour of _Surabáya_.

He now commenced open hostilities by attacking a Dutch vessel, and
putting to death several European seamen. Two thousand Madúrese entered
the district of _Surabáya_, burnt some villages, and laid the country
waste; and five thousand _Bálians_ were posted on the frontiers of
_Pamakásan_. After having been twice or thrice defeated, the _Pangéran_
made a sudden attack upon _Súmenap_ and _Pamakásan_, and gained a
complete victory over the natives fighting under a Dutch commander, who
lost six thousand men on the occasion, the chief being obliged to fly
the country.

It was not long before the Dutch regained possession of _Súmenap_ and
_Pamakásan_, on which occasion a brother-in-law of the _Pangéran_,
with two chiefs, submitted to them; but the Dutch troops were no sooner
withdrawn, than those provinces again fell under the authority of the
_Pangéran_, who laid them waste with fire and sword. The Dutch tried
in vain to dislodge him. _Rémbang_ was now besieged by an army of fire
thousand Madúrese and Javans. _Lásém_, _Pájang-kungung_, and all the
villages as far as _Paradésa_, were in possession of the _Pangéran_,
who made himself master also of the fort of _Rémbang_, and of the
building yard established there; but his fortune suddenly changed.
The prince was, in his turn, defeated in several engagements, and at
length compelled to fly from Java; and the Dutch forces landing on
_Madúra_, took the capital _Sámpang_, by storm, and in a short time
made themselves masters of the whole island.

In this extremity, the prince of _Madúra_ still refused to come to
terms, and went with his sons, _Sásra_ and _Rána Deníngrat_, to
_Banjermásin_ on Borneo, where he engaged his passage on board an
English ship bound to Bencoolen; to which place he had previously,
on his affairs taking an unfavourable turn, sent his son, _Ráden
Tumúng'gung Wíra Deníngrat_, to request assistance from the English,
and procure men and warlike stores. His plan, however, of proceeding
to Bencoolen was frustrated; for the sultan of _Banjermásin_, on
application from the Dutch, sent him, with his son _Sásra_, to Batavia,
whence the father was banished to the Cape of Good Hope, and the son to
Ceylon.

In effecting a settlement of the country, the Dutch were compelled to
appoint another son of this prince, _Súra Diníngrat_, to succeed as
chief of _Madúra_, under the name of _Sécha Deníngrat_. In the year
1758, this chief was also appointed _Widána_, or chief, of several of
the eastern districts.

But, however these successes on the part of the Dutch might tend to the
immediate tranquillity of the country, the authority of the _Susúnan_
had been seriously shaken. The prince possessed neither the esteem nor
attachment of his subjects. To his evil star it was attributed that the
empire had not only lost much of its ancient grandeur, but was brought
to the brink of ruin. The chiefs no longer placed any confidence in
him; they despised the man who had granted such humiliating terms to
the Dutch, and who, to obtain their temporary aid, had thus sacrificed
the permanent integrity of the empire: they, therefore, were inclined
to make an effort to regain what had been lost.

The principal character and prime mover in this rebellion was the
_Pangéran Mungkubúmi_, a younger brother of the _Susúnan_. During
the Chinese war he had obtained considerable experience, and was
distinguished for boldness and enterprize of character. On the Chinese
being driven from _Kérta Súra_, he had thrown himself on the protection
of the Dutch, and was now residing with his brother at _Kérta Súra_.
Next to _Mangkubúmi_, the most prominent character in the war of
Java was _Páku Nagára_, who was also called _Mas Sáyed_ but perhaps
better known as the grandfather of _Práng Widóno_. After the defeat of
the Chinese at _Brambánan_, this prince had also returned to court;
but being coldly received, again reared the standard of revolt, and
escaping into the southern mountains assumed the title of _Susúnan Adi
Prakúsa_.

_Mangunónang_, the minister of _Susúnan Kúning_, and _Mérta Púra_, had
established themselves in the province of _Sukawáti_, refusing to come
into any terms. They invited _Mangkabúmi_ to come over to them, and
promised their assistance in raising him to the throne. _Mangkubúmi_
accepted their invitation; but finding himself deceived by them, he,
by his own exertions and those of the son of _Mérta Púra_, obtained
possession of that province, and established himself under the title of
_Pangéran Adipáti_ of _Sukawáti_. He was, however, afterwards induced
to listen to terms offered him by the _Susúnan_, who again received
him into favour, and conferred upon him the independent government of
_Sukawáti_. But these terms were not granted by the emperor without
exciting the jealousy and apprehensions of the minister _Prínga
Láya_, who easily availed himself of an early opportunity, when the
Governor-General, Van Imhoff, was on a visit to _Súra Kértá_, to
represent the danger arising from any subject possessing so independent
and extensive authority, as that recently granted by the _Susúnan_ to
_Mangkubúmi_.

It was accordingly determined to deprive _Mangkubúmi_ of this tract of
country, and the resolution was personally communicated to him in the
hall of audience. The chief feigned obedience; but in the course of the
night, secretly quitted the capital, and assembling his party proceeded
to _Sukawáti_, where he again reared the standard of rebellion. From
the flight of this prince is dated what is usually termed the war of
Java, which took place in the Javan year 1671.

The Dutch now took an active part in the war, but found that they
had enemies to contend with who possessed considerable ability and
enterprize, and who in the past disturbances of the country had gained
much experience. _Páku Nagára_ was, in the first instance, defeated,
and fled for protection to _Mangkubúmi_, who received him kindly, gave
him his daughter, _Rátu Bandára_, in marriage, and appointed him his
_Pateh_, or minister. The united forces of these two chiefs resisted
the attacks of the Dutch for about twelve months, when _Mangkubúmi_
assumed the title of _Susúnan Matárem_; but a dispute arising between
him and _Páku Nagára_, who demanded his own nomination as presumptive
successor, _Mangkubúmi_ took back his daughter, and the chiefs parted
in enmity.

While _Mangkubúmi_ lay with his forces at _Bunáran_, a village on
the south coast, and distant about ten miles from the present _Yúgya
Kérta_, intelligence was received of the death of the _Susúnan_; and
such was the extensive power of _Mangkubúmi_ at the time, that the body
of the deceased could not be removed to the consecrated burial place
at _Megíri_ in the southern hills, on account of his forces, and was
in consequence interred near the tomb of _Jáka Tíngker_, sultan of
_Pájang_, at _Lawian_, near _Súra Kérta_, whence this prince received
the appellation of _Susúnan Séda Lawigan_.

_Mangkubúmi_ had evinced a desire to come to terms, and gave assurances
to the governor of his attachment to the Dutch, but demanded that his
son should be proclaimed _Pangéran Adipáti Matárem_ (heir apparent); a
condition to which the Dutch would not listen.

The reduced state of the _Susúnan's_ authority before his death, and
the distracted condition of affairs, afforded an opportunity too
favourable to be overlooked by the Dutch, of at once attaining the
grand object of all their political interference, the sovereignty
of the country. A weak prince on his death-bed was, under existing
circumstances, easily brought to any terms, in the hope of continuing
even the nominal succession in his family. He was compelled, by a
formal official deed, "to abdicate for himself and his heirs, the
sovereignty of the country, conferring the same on the Dutch East India
Company, and leaving it to them to dispose of it, in future, to any
person they might think competent to govern it for the benefit of the
Company and of Java." After recommending his children, and especially
the heir apparent, to the protection of the governor, the unfortunate
monarch expired. This singular and important deed was dated on the 11th
December, 1749.[278]

From this deed is derived the right by which the Dutch East India
Company subsequently granted in _fee_ to the native princes, the
administration of those provinces which still continued under native
government.

On the death of this unfortunate prince, _Mangkubúmi_ caused himself
to be formally proclaimed _Susúnan Pakubúana Senapáti Matárem_, in the
presence of a more numerous assemblage of the princes and chiefs than
attended the investiture of the new _Susúnan_ raised by the Dutch.
He sent ambassadors to the Dutch governor with many assurances of
attachment and fidelity, requesting to be acknowledged as sovereign,
and soliciting that the body of the deceased might be delivered to him,
for the purpose of solemn interment.

The son of the deceased _Susúnan_, however, was preferred, and at
the age of nine years was raised to the throne, under the title of
_Pakubúana_ the third.

The enmity of the rebellious chiefs to each other soon vented itself
in open hostility, and a pitched battle ensued, in which _Mangkubúmi_
was defeated and driven to the westward. Soon, however, recruiting his
forces, he returned, and had two successful engagements with the Dutch,
one at _Jánar_, a village in _Báglen_, the other at _Tídar_, a hill in
_Kedú_. In the battle of _Jánár_ the Javan forces allowed the brunt of
the action to fall upon the Dutch, who were completely routed: of those
who had escaped the sword many were drowned in an adjoining marsh, and
the rest were murdered in great numbers by the country people. The
affair of _Tídar_ was of less importance. The forces of _Mangkubúmi_
were sometimes reduced to a few hundred, and at other times amounted to
as many thousands, the chiefs and people deserting him in his distress,
and flocking to him in his prosperity. After three victories obtained
over the Dutch, he marched towards the northern coast, fell upon
_Pakalóng'an_, and plundered the place.

_Mangkubúmi_ now carried all before him, and was once at the gates of
_Sólo_, which capital the Javans represent to have been saved from
plunder by the superstitious veneration for the gun _niái stómi_, which
the rebels no sooner descried on the _alun-alun_ than they sounded a
retreat. The Dutch, in the hope of allaying his displeasure, had given
the _Susúnan_ the choice of his officers of state, and prohibited the
resident from taking his seat on the throne with him (an indelicate
assumption which had previously given the greatest disgust to the
Javans); but after nine years of harassing warfare it was still
found impracticable to reduce the rebellious chiefs, or to restore
the country to order. The Dutch, therefore, availing himself of the
abdication in their favour executed by the deceased _Susúnan_, listened
to the proposals of _Mangkubúmi_, who offered peace, on condition
that one half of Java should be ceded to him. A meeting took place at
_Gingánti_, a village not far distant from _Súra-kérta_, at which were
present the _Susúnan_, _Mangkubúmi_, and the governor of the north-east
coast of Java, when a treaty was signed.

One of the conditions of this treaty was, that _Mangkubúmi_ should
use his utmost exertions to subdue _Páku Nagára_. In conformity with
this condition he immediately proceeded against him; but _Páku Nagára_
making his appearance with his whole force, obliged him to retreat
and conceal himself in a cavern, while his troops, flying in every
direction, allowed his camp to be burned. _Mangkubúmi_, however, soon
collected his forces again. The Dutch offered a reward for the head
of _Páku Nagára_, who was obliged to proceed to the eastward, being
pursued and his whole force finally overthrown. He still refused to
submit, and the celebrity of his name and exploits was sufficient to
recruit his ranks.

In the year A.D. 1755, _Mangkubúmi_ was solemnly proclaimed by the
Dutch Governor, under the title of _Súltan Amangkubuána Sénapáti
Ingalága Abdul Ráchman Sahédin Panatagáma Kulifatólah_.

The united forces of the _Susúnan_ and _Sultan_ now resumed the attack
upon _Páku Nagára_; several of his chiefs were forced to submit, and
he himself, after having prolonged the war for upwards of two years,
seeing no _favourable_ chance or hope of ultimate success, at last
sent his brother to the _Susúnan_, requesting that certain districts
and the southern mountains might be granted to him for his support,
promising on that condition to lead a quiet and peaceable life for
the future. In reply to this he was informed, that the partition of
the lands had already taken place; that part of these lands might,
however, be granted, but that it was first necessary he should make
his appearance at court. To this he assented; and it being stipulated
that the _Susúnan_ should pay him the compliment of receiving him at
the distance of half an hour's walk from _Sura-kérta_, he came in,
and throwing himself at the feet of the _Susúnan_ was kindly raised
again, desired to sit on the bench, and assured that he had nothing to
apprehend.

Peace was then concluded, on the conditions that _Páku Nagára_,
commonly called _Mas Sáyed_, should assume the rank and title of
_Pangéran Adipáti Mangku Nágara_, with an assignment of land to the
extent of four thousand _cháchas_, in the districts of _Kadwang_,
_Malésa_, and the southern mountains.

Thus ended, in the year 1758, a war which had lasted twelve years, in
which the finest provinces of the island were laid waste, thousands
slain on both sides, and the independence of the empire finally
annihilated. The expenses incurred by the Dutch on account of the war,
from the year 1746 until the peace, amounted to 4,286,006. 12. 8.
florins; but, in the result, they acquired, if not the acknowledged
sovereignty of the whole island, at least an effectual control over its
future administration.

The _Susúnan_, on his death, was succeeded, in the Javan year 1714, by
his son, the present _Susúnan_, under the title of _Susúnan Pakubuána_
the fourth.

The sultan established his capital a few miles distant from the
ancient capital of _Matárem_, at _Yúgya-kérta_ (_Djocjo Carta_) the
present residence of his successors. He died, after a long reign,
in the Javan year 1718, and was succeeded by his eldest surviving
son, under the title of _Amangkubuána_ the second. This prince was
deposed by the British government in the year 1812, and succeeded by
his son, _Amangkubuána_ the third, who dying, was again succeeded, in
1815, by his son, a child of nine years of age, the present sultan,
_Amangkubuána_ the fourth.

_Pangéran Prang Widóno_, still residing at _Súra Kérta_, is the
grandson of _Pangéran Adipáti Mángku Nagára_, and continues to enjoy
the independent administration of the lands assigned to him at the
settlement in 1758.

By the final settlement of the country in 1758 the Dutch reserved to
themselves the direct administration of all the provinces lying on the
northern sea-coast, from _Chéribon_ to the eastern extremity of the
island of _Madúra_; but the inland and southern provinces stretching
from the islands of _Chéribon_ to _Málang_, were restored to the native
princes, between whom the lands were divided in nearly equal portions
by _cháchas_, according to the population and the peculiar usage of the
country, four thousand _cháchas_ from the share of the _Susúnan_ being
set apart for _Mangku Nagára_.

The terms on which the successors of these princes were permitted to
exercise the sovereignty, suffered no material alteration until the
year 1808, when Marshal Daendels officially declared that the clauses
of the existing treaties, by which those princes held their territory
in fee from the Dutch, were void, and that in future he should consider
them as independent princes, having no other relation to the European
government than such as must of necessity exist between a weaker and
stronger state in the immediate neighbourhood of each other. At this
time the court of _Yúgya Kérta_, sensible of owing its establishment
chiefly to the military success of its founder, and the weakness of
the Dutch and the _Susúnan_, and that it never fully submitted to the
terms of the treaty of 1755 (which it is even stated were imposed
upon the sovereign by a false translation in the Javan language)
evinced a desire of independence and an appearance of internal
strength, which called for the immediate interference of the European
authority. Marshal Daendels, therefore, marched to _Yúgya Kérta_
with a considerable force, and a negociation being opened, a treaty
was entered into, by which the reigning sultan consented to resign
the administration of the country into the hands of his son, who was
appointed to exercise the same under the title of regent, and to cede
certain provinces.

But the stipulations of this treaty, thus entered into, had not been
carried into effect, when in the month of August, 1811, the British
forces arrived in Java. The sultan, it is true, had ostensibly resigned
the administration to his son, but he still took his usual place on the
throne, and not one of the districts ceded by treaty to the Dutch had
then been actually transferred.

FOOTNOTES:

[272] A Dutch officer is accused of having purloined it.

[273] From the circumstance of this installation having taken place at
_Semárang_, two _wóringen_ trees are allowed to distinguish the _alun
alun_ of the regent.

[274] Contract with M. de Wilde.

[275] The native writers relate a strange proceeding of the Dutch
commandant in this war.

"As soon as the Dutch commander arrived at _Pasúruan_ he assembled
the people, and offered a reward of one thousand dollars to any one
who would bring him the body of the deceased chief _Sarapáti_. The
body was accordingly brought in a perfect state of preservation, on
which the commandant ordered it to be placed upright in a chair, as
if still living. He then approached it, took it by the hand, and made
his obeisance to it as to a living person: all the officers and men
followed the example. After this they burnt the body, and having mixed
the ashes with gunpowder, fired a salute with it in honour of the
victory."

[276] A village in the vicinity of Batavia.

[277] Meaning, "ability was now inclined to move or shake mankind."

[278] During the reign of this prince, on the 9th of September 1738, a
contract was entered into between the Dutch and the sultan of Bantam,
of which the following were the chief articles.

1st. The Dutch having deemed it necessary to send a detachment to
_Lampung Túlang Báwang_, in order to save that province from total
ruin, the sultan promised to cause a fort, or _páger_, to be erected at
his expense, on the spot which should be deemed most eligible for that
purpose, either on the _Palembang_ river, or any where else.

2d. That the sultan should keep this fort in constant repair at his own
expense.

3d. That the sultan should repay to the Dutch the expense of
maintaining a small establishment, consisting of a resident, a
commandant, one sergeant, two corporals, twenty-four privates, one
drummer, and three artillery men.

4th. That the ground on which the fort was to be built, should be ceded
to the Dutch, with an extent of one hundred roods in every direction.
This ground to revert back to the sultan, in the event of the Dutch
establishment breaking up, in the same manner as had taken place in
regard to _Lampung Samángka_.

6th. With a view to hold out due encouragement to the industry of the
_Lampung_ people, it was agreed that, previously to exporting their
pepper to _Bantam_, they should state the quantity to the Company's
resident, who should furnish them with a certificate, enabling them to
obtain early payment, pursuant to the existing contracts.

7th. The Company's servants at _Bantam_ and _Lampung Túlang Báwang_,
were authorized to confiscate any quantity of pepper which was exported
from the latter place, unprovided with a certificate from the resident.

LINE OF THE MAHOMEDAN SOVEREIGNS OF JAVA,

_Who have ruled subsequently to the Destruction of the Hindu Government
of Majapáhit down to the Javan Year 1742, corresponding with the
Christian Year 1815._

                            SEAT OF GOVERNMENT.

  Began to Reign.
   A.J.    A.D.   _At Demák, from A.J. 1400 to 1503._

   1403    1477   Ráden Pátah Adipáti Jimbun.

   1455    1519   Pangérang Sábrang Lor.

   1457    1533   Súltan Bintára, or Trang'gána, often called
                  Sultan Demák.

                  _At Pájang, from 1503 to 1540._

   1503    1577   Jáka Tíngkir, Sultan Pajang.

   1532    1606   Adipáti Demák.

                  _At Matárem, from 1540 to 1600._

   1540    1614   Panambáhan Senapáti.

   1550    1624   Súltan Séda Krápiah.

   1562    1636   Ráden Ránsang, also called Súltan Agung, or
                  Súltan Kérta.

   1585    1659   Mangkúrat, commonly called Séda Tegál-árum.

                  _At Kérta Súra, from 1603 to 1675._

   1603    1677   Susúnan Mangkúrat the second.

   1627    1701   Susúnan Mangkúrat Mas.

   1630    1704   Pangéran Púgar, usually called Susúnan Pakubúana
                  the first.

   1643    1717   Susúnan Prabu Amangkúrat.

   1672    1746   Susúnan Séda Langkúnan, also called Susúnan
                  Pakubúana the second.

                  Susúnan Pakubúana the second removed the
                  seat of government to Sura Kerta in 1675.

                  _At Sura Kérta, in 1675._

                  Susúnan Pakubúana second (continued.)

   1675    1742   Susúnan Pakubúana third, in whose reign the
                  empire was divided into the two kingdoms of
                  _Súra Kérta_ and _Yúgya Kérta_.

                  _At Súra Kérta._   |               _At Yúgya Kérta._
                                     |
                                     | A.J.    A.D.
                                     |
                  Susúnan Pakúbuan   | 1612    1756  Sultan Amangkubúana
                  third (continued.) |               first.
                                     |
   A.J.    A.D.                      | ----    ----  Sultan Amangkubúana
                                     |               second.
   1714    1788   Susúnan Pakubúana  |
                  the fourth and     | ----    ----  Sultan Amangkubúana
                  present Susúnan.   |               third.
                                     |
                                     | 1741    1815  Sultan Amangkubúana
                                     |               fourth, and present
                                     |               sultan.

  Sovereigns  of Demák       4
              of Pajang      2
              of Matárem     4
              of Kérta Súra  4
              of Súra Kérta  4

The present Susúnan is consequently the eighteenth in succession from
the first Mahomedan sovereign, and not perhaps less than the fortieth
from the first Hindu prince. The average reign during the Mahomedan
government is nineteen years. Taking the same average for the period
of the Hindu government, its origin would be four hundred and eighteen
years anterior to the destruction of _Majapáhit_, A. J. 1400, and may
be referred to the close of the tenth century of the Javan era, or the
middle of the eleventh century of the Christian era.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EVENTS,

_Which have occurred in Java (from the Traditions and Records of the
Javans.)_

     1  Arrival of _Aji Sáka_ in Java.

    10  The date of (or probable  _Núsa Bárong_.
        establishment at)

    --                            _Núsa Tambíni_.

    --                            _Bawéan_.

    33                            The mountain _Múria_.

    39                            The great mountain of _Tegat_.

    50                            The mountain _Brómo_.

    --                            The mountain _Semíru_.

    70                            The mountain _Súmbing_.

    --                            The mountain _Hála Húla_.

    94                            The mountain _Láwu_.

   118                            The mountain _Bénkok_.

   131                            On the southern mountains.

   152                            The mountain _Wílis_.

   175                            The mountain _Pendam_.

   193                            The mountain _Prawáta_.

   ---                            The mountain _Arjúna_.

   195                            The mountain _Ingel_.

   211  Building of _Chándi Máling_.

   297  The introduction of maize or Indian corn into Java.

   308  The date of (or probable establishment at) The mountain
        _Merápi_.

   343  The date of (or probable establishment at) The mountain
        _Anyer_.

   551  Building of _Singa-sári_.

   752  Death of _Niái Súka Wáti_.

   808  Burning of the temples at _Gúnung Wédi_.

   924  Construction of buildings in the western mountains.

        It is related, that in former times the islands of Sumatra,
        Java, _Báli_ and _Sumbáwa_, were united, and afterwards
        separated into nine different parts; and it is also said,
        that when three thousand rainy seasons have passed
        away, they will be reunited.

  1018 or 1188 Building of the _Chándi Séwú_, or thousand
        temples, at _Brambánan_.

  1055  Date of _Telága Páser_ in _Banyumas_.

  1067  _Randu Kuning_ in ditto.

  1114  Separation of the lands of _Palémbang_ and Java.

  1124  In the island of _Báli_.

  1164  Appearance of _Pulo Mengaré_ (near _Surabáya_) above
        the sea.

  1204  Separation of the lands of _Báli_ and _Balambángan_ in
        Java.

  1217  Date of (or probable establishment at) _Pagunúngun_.

  1218  Building of the temples at _Káli Bening_ near _Brambánan_.

  1260  Separation of the lands of _Giling Trawángan_ and _Báli_.

  1273  The fall of stones from a mountain.

  1280  Separation of the island of _Séla Párang_ (also called
        _Lumbok_ or _Sasak_) from _Sumbáwa_.

  1300  Establishment of the court of _Pajajúran_.

  ----  Erection of a stone temple at _Salatíga_.

  1308  Construction of the tank at _Peng'ging_ near _Ambaráwa_.

  1352  Date of _Telága Mengémbel_.

  1360  Building of the temples at _Bóro Bódo_ in _Kedú_.

  1400  Destruction of _Majapáhit_.

  1403  Establishment of the court at _Demák_.

  1419  Establishment of _Gegélang_.

  1421  Establishment of _Surabáya_.

  1423  The fall of _Bányu píndah_.

  1427  The burning of _Pálok_ by women.

  1432  Era of _Kaníten_.

  1433  Era of the Prince of _Páti_.

  1439  Destruction of _Pánjer_ by fire.

  1440  Death of _Kayubrálit_.

  1441  _Kajóran_ surrounded.

  1443  Death of the three princes.

  1448  Conquest of _Kedírí_ by _Susúnan Ingalága_.

  1449  ---- of _Túban_.

  1450  ---- of _Wirosári_.

  1451  ---- of _Gegeláng_.

  1452  ---- of _Mendáng kúngan_.

  1454  The site of _Surabáya_ changed.

  1455  Conquest of _Pasúruan_.

  1462  ---- of _Panarúkan_.

  1464  Defeat of the sons of the chiefs of _Lamúng'an_, _Blítar_,
        and _Wirasába_.

  1465  Conquest of _Panangúngan_.

  1466  ---- of _Pamenáng_.

  1467  ---- of _Sing'ga_.

  1468  ---- of _Balambáng'an_ and _Banyuwángi_.

  1469  Conquest and burning of _Sing'ara_, a dependency of
        _Balambáng'an_.

  1470  Conquest of _Jápan_.

  1471  Arrival of the prince of _Gíri_, in the district of _Kedíri_.

  1494  Foundation of the gardens of _Pungkúran_ at the foot of
        the mountains.

  1473  Destruction by fire of _Dahá_, and the disappearance of
        the prince called _Prawáta_, at that place.

  1474  The elevation of another prince.

  1475  War of _Surowári_.

  ----  _Kiai Wírasóma_ proceeds to _Jípang_.

  1476  The falling down of _Banyu píndah_.

  1478  Conquest of the district of _Blóra_.

  ----  ---- of _Baléga_ in _Madúra_.

  1499  Disappearance of the _Adipáti_ of _Kedíri_ and his princess,
        after embracing the Mahomedan religion.

  1500  Conquest of _Katujan_, _Wírasába_, and _Pranarága_.

  1502  Swords and javelins first made use of.

  1503  The establishment of the court at _Pájang_.

  1506  Occurrence of a great earthquake.

  1509  First destruction of _Pájang_.

  1510  Destruction of _Demák_, when the chiefs and people betook
        themselves to their vessels, and put to sea.

  1512  _Dahá_ conquered by _Senapáti_.

  1513  The people of _Jipáng_ carried into captivity after the
        battle of _Kalidádung_; actions in _Pasúruan_ and
        _Pranarága_.

  1515  Construction of _Kótah Batu Púteh_ (or White-walled
        Castle) at _Matárem_.

  1517  Battles of _Jatasári_, &c. fought by _Senapáti_.

  1521  Death of _Panambáhan Senapáti_, at _Jenar_ (_Matárem_).

  ----  The palace at _Kérta_ being burnt, the seat of government
        is removed to _Púra_.

  ----  The _Panambáhan_ of _Chéribon_ comes to _Matárem_.

  1522  The _Adipáti_ of _Pugar_, son of the _Senapáti_, removed to
        _Demák_, where he ascended the throne. After remaining
        there a year, there happened an eclipse of
        the sun.

  1525  Sultan _Krápeak_ surrounds and attacks _Demák_.

  ----  While the war was carrying on at _Grésik_, Sultan _Krápeak_
        died at _Matárem_.

  1526  Battle of _Kaliránan_.

  1532  Death of _Adipáti Mérta Láya_.

  1536  The people of _Matárem_ attack _Málang_, under Sultan
        _Kérta_.

  1540  The election of _Panambáhan Senapáti_ at _Matárem_ as
        Sultan.

  1541  The age of _Sínga Pádu_.

  1545  The Madurese war.

  1547  A great sickness at _Matárem_, and the erection of the
        throne of _Matárem_.

  1552  The war of _Páti_, and the erection of the _Matárem_
        tower.

  1553  The first Batavian war.

  1555  The measuring of time, and the second Batavian war.

  1560  The people of the eastern districts assembled at _Matárem_
        to perform required services.

  1561  Conquest of _Balambángan_, and submission of _Ráden
        Kámbar_.

  1562  The Sultan removes to _Tumbáyat_, and a great granary
        of corn is destroyed by fire at _Gáding_.

  1564  The _Chéribon_ war, and the first appearance of the
        _Prin'gí_ people (Europeans) at the court of _Matarem_.

  1565  The anger of the prince towards the minister of _Palémbang_,
        and the appearance of the _Bánjar_ (Masin)
        people at the court of _Matárem_.

  1566  The second great sickness appears at _Matárem_, and
        the construction of the large gun, called _Kiaí Gúntur
        Agni_. An artificial lake made at _Pléret_.

  1568  Death of Sultan _Kérta_, and succession of his son.

  1569  The march of the _Matárem_ people to _Báli_ and _Balambángan_,
        and the submission of those people.

  1571  The construction of the mosque, and the marriage of
        the Sultan with the princess _Kránon_. The _Kálang_
        move to the east of the _Sólo_ river.

  1572  The establishment of the court at _Pléret_, and the _Susúnan's_
        desire for maidens. The chiefs of all ranks,
        the soldiers, the natives of the coast, and the inhabitants
        of the country, were each ordered to marry
        two wives.

  1573  The appearance of the _Chéribon_ minister with a
        present of an elephant; also that of the minister of
        _Jámbi_ (on Sumatra), bringing accounts of the death of
        the Sultan. The first embassy from the Hollanders
        arrived at _Matárem_, bringing a present of four pieces
        of artillery.

  1574  The second embassy from the Hollanders, with various
        presents.

  1575  Great inundation at _Matárem_, and the appearance of a
        comet.

  1576  The subjection of the _Sukadána_ people (on Borneo).

  1577  The subjection of the _Siam_ people, and a present from
        the Company (the Dutch) of a horse of large size.

  1579  The marriage of the _Pangéran Adipáti_ with the
        daughter of _Mángun Jáya_.

  1580  The _Rámpok_ of an elephant.

  1581  Death of _Pangéran Purbáya_.

  1582  The introduction of copper _píchis_ (a small coin).

  1584  Death of _Ráden Tápa Sána_.

  1585  Death of the _Chéribon_ prince in _Matárem_, and the
        murder of _Mérta Náta_.

  1586  The appearance of a comet.

  1587  The banishment of the _Pangéran Adipáti_ to _Lipúra_,
        to convert himself and do penance.

  1588  Death of the _Rátu_.

  1592  Order of the _Susúnan_ to _Aria Purbáya_ to kill _Wíra
        Mang'gala_.

  ----  Explosion of the powder magazine, by which the
        sentries were killed in a shocking manner.

  ----  The period when Europeans came to _Matárem_ with a
        present of two horses.

  1594  The _Susúnan's_ desire for maidens.

  ----  An uncommon eruption from a volcano, throwing out a
        great quantity of fire with sand and stones.

  1595  The arrival of the _Búgis_ people at _Demóng_ and the
        march of the _Matárem_ forces joined with those of
        _Manchanagara_ and the sea-coast.

  1596  The return of them, with the separation of _Madura_,
        _Sumenap_, and _Grésik_ from the _Matárem_ obedience.
        They join the rebel _Truna Jaya_.

  1600  They join together and attack _Matárem_ and destroy it,
        the _Susúnan_ leaving the court with the _Rátu_ and
        family, after having burnt the same; death of the
        _Susúnan_ at _Tegál Wángi_, and election of his son
        _Mangkúrat_.

  1601  _Mangkúrat_ marches over _Japára_ to _Kediri_, to exterminate
        the rebel _Truna Jáya_, with the assistance of
        the Company.

  1602  _Kedíri_ taken and _Trúna Jáya_ surrenders.

  1603  _Trúna Jáya_ killed. The _Susúnan_ goes to _Pájang_ and
        establishes his court at _Kerta Sura_. _Pangéran
        Pugar_ rebels against him, but is defeated and flies to
        _Baglen_.

  1604  Insurrection of the rebel _Raju Námrúd_ at _Salingo_, and
        the destruction of the _kráton_ by fire. The subjection
        of _Pangéran Púgar_ to the _Susúnan_.

  1605  The arrival of ambassadors from _Johór_ and _Palémbang_
        at _Kérta Súra_ with a present of an elephant.

  1606  Marriage of the _Susúnan_ with a princess of _Gíri_.

  1607  Age of _Wána Kasúma_.

  1608  Circumcision of the _Pangéran Adipáti_, and preparations
        made for a great chase at _Kérta Súra_.

  1609  Death of Captain Tak and other Europeans, and the
        rebellion of the eastern people, who join _Surapátí_.
        Several personal combats on the _Paseban_ to divert
        the _Susúnan_.

  1612  The deplorable state of the court of _Kérta Súra_.

  1613  Fire in the mosque at _Kérta Súra_.

  1614  Excursion of the _Susúnan_ to _Manchíngan_.

  1610  March of the _Balambángan_ people coming from the
        south across _Kedíri_, where they assassinate men and
        women.

  1620  The _Balambángan_ people march to _Pasúruan_, but are
        attacked at _Pachatan_ and repulsed, with a loss of one
        thousand men.

  ----  The court at _Kérta Súra_ surrounded with a wall of
        stone.

  1621  The conquest of _Pranarága_.

  1622  Death of _Ráden Súkra_ and the illness of the _Susúnan_.

  1623  _Kamagetan_ attacked by the people of _Báli_.

  1624  Personal combat between the Javans _Téka_ and _Janála_,
        who were both killed.

  1625  March of the _Susúnan_ to _Matárem_, and embassy sent
        by the _Susúnan_ to _Mecca_, in order to obtain the rank
        of _Haji_.

  1626  Death of _Susúnan Mangkúrat_.

  1628  His son succeeds, and _Ráden Súria Kasúma_ usurps
        the rank and title. The latter is defeated by the people
        of _Kérta Súra_ and taken prisoner. _Pangéran Púgar_
        is arrested, and afterwards released. Being offended
        he proceeds to _Semárang_.

  1630  The people of the western sea-coast conquer _Kérta Súra_
        and expel the _Susúnan_ from his _dálam_, who goes to
        the east, where he joins _Surapáti_ with a thousand
        followers.

  1630  Arrival of the Europeans at _Kérta Súra_, who upon
        finding it deserted, appointed _Pangéran Púgar_ as
        _Susúnan_.

  1631  The court of the exiled _Susúnan_ held at _Kedíri_.

  1633  _Pangéran Purbáya_ marches against the exiled _Susúnan_
        and conquers him. _Surapáti_ is killed. He marches
        with the Admiral towards _Pasúruan_, where he is
        again victorious. The exiled _Susúnan_ delivers himself
        up to the Admiral, who sends him to _Surabáya_,
        from whence he is sent with his _Rátu_ and minister,
        _Jaeng Rána_, to Batavia.

  1634  Appointment of _Jáya Puspíta_ as _Adipáti_ of _Surabáya_.

  1635  Appointment of _Tumúng'gung Chákra Jáya_ as minister,
        who is sent to Batavia in the following year.

  1637  Journey of the _Susúnan_ to _Matárem_.

  1641  Journey of the _Susúnan_ to _Gáding_.

  1642  First expedition of the Commodore to _Surabáya_. Conquest
        of _Surabáya_, in which the Admiral, Van der
        Lee, is killed. Appointment of Brinkman as Admiral.

  1643  Death of the _Susúnan Pakubuána_ the first, and the
        succession of his eldest son.

  1644  Rebellion of _Pangéran Blítar_ in _Matárem_, and the expedition
        of Admiral Brinkman against him, wherein
        the Admiral gained a complete victory.

  1645  Flight of _Pangéran Blítar_ to _Kamagétan_. His death,
        and the transport of his body to _Kérta Súra_.

  1648  Arrest of _Pangéran Purbáya Aría_, _Dípa Nagára_, and
        _Surapáti_, who were all sent to Batavia, from whence
        _Pangéran Aría_ was afterwards recalled.

  1651  Embassy of _Tumúny'gung Níti Nágara_ to Batavia,
        and the death of _Pangéran Purbáya_.

  1652  Journey of the _Kiái Adipáti_ to _Semárang_, to pay the
        debt of the _Susúnan_ to the Company.

  1653  Arrest of _Pangéran Aria Mángku Nagára_, and his
        being delivered up to the Company.

  1655  Death of _Pangéran Mángkubúmi_, and the arrival of
        the Commodore at _Kérta Súra_.

  1656  The _Kiái Adipáti_ dispatched to _Semárang_.

  1657  An eruption from a volcanic mountain which emitted
        flame for three days.

  1658  The _Kiái Adipáti_ sent to _Semárang_, where he is
        arrested in the Dutch fort. Arrival of the Commodore
        at _Kérta Súra_.

  1659  _Raden Adipáti Nata Kasúma_ sent to Batavia.

  1662  The _Raden Adipáti_ sent to Batavia, and arrival of the
        Commodore at _Kérta Súra_.

  1664  Journey of the _Susúnan_ to _Matárem_.

  1667  Conquest of _Kérta Súra_.

  1668  Conquest of _Prándu Láwang_.

  1670  Removal of the court of _Súra Kérta_ to _Sólo_, which
        place is since called _Súra Kérta Diníngrat_.

  1671  Arrival of General Imhoff at _Súra Kérta_.

  1675  Death of _Súsunan Pakubúana_ the second, and the time
        when _Pangéran Aria Mangkubmi_ proclaimed himself
        _Susúnan_.

  1676  Battle of _Mangkubumi_ at _Jenar_. Conquest of _Pakálongan_
        by him.

  1682  Interview between the _Susúnan_ and _Pangéran Mangkubumi_.
        Peace established. The lands divided, and
        the _Pangéran_ made Sultan of _Yúgya Kérta Adiníngrat_.

  1685  Rebellion of _Pangéran Aria Mánku Nagára_ at _Súra
        Kérta_. The _Susúnan_ occupies his new palace.

  1686  Arrival of _Pangéran Juru_ at _Súra Kérta_, and flight of
        _Pangéran Anom_.

  1688  Dissolution of the marriage of the _Susúnan_ with the
        _Rátu_ of _Madúra_, and the death of _Rátu Madúra
        Rétna_ and _Ráden Radméja_. The journey of the
        _Rátu_ of _Madúra_ to _Madúra_. _Ráden Kúlon_ made
        _Rátu_.

  1690  The _Susúnan_ assists in the erection of the triumphal
        pillars of the mosque.

  1692  The _dálam_ is surrounded by a stone wall.

ACCOUNT OF THE SEVERAL PRINCIPAL DIVISIONS OF JAVA AND MADURA.

In several parts of this work, and in particular when treating of
agriculture and revenue, reference has been made to the changes
introduced by the British government in the internal management of
the country, and to the information of a statistical nature which was
collected with regard to its resources.

It may not be uninteresting to the reader to possess, in a compressed
form, the result of the surveys and inquiries which were then set on
foot, as far as the same were completed at the close of the British
administration on Java. The Appendix L. contains a copy of the
proclamation and of the general instructions issued by the government;
the latter will sufficiently explain the principle on which the tables
for the eastern districts were compiled.

BANTAM.

Bantam, once rich in its pepper plantations and the emporium of the
Archipelago, had, in consequence of the restrictions of the Dutch
company and the vicinity of Batavia, lost all its trade and importance,
long before the arrival of the British.

The succession of the throne of Bantam was generally disposed of by
the influence of the Dutch government: but the administration of the
country and the collection of the port duties were till very lately
entirely entrusted to him. This European influence, though strongly
resisted in the first instance, had been long acquiesced in, till an
attempt of the Dutch government, in the year 1808, to draw additional
benefit from this province, gave occasion to an insurrection. The
successive measures of introducing the cultivation of coffee into
that part of the island, of opening the communication by means of new
roads, and of constructing a new harbour, first at _Mew_ Bay, and
afterwards at _Merak_ Bay, imposed new and unusual burthens on the
people; and so many deserted from the public works that an order was
issued to the Resident, requiring him to inform the sultan that his
first minister should be held responsible for the due execution of the
public task assigned to the sultan's subjects. The desertion still
continuing, an order still more peremptory was issued to the Resident,
requiring him to call upon the sultan to deliver up his first minister
immediately. In carrying these orders into execution, the Resident
having imprudently risked his person, was murdered. This fatal accident
was the occasion of sending a considerable military force to Bantam,
by which an immediate and thorough change in the native government was
effected. The reigning sultan was removed from the throne and banished
to Amboina, and a relative was raised to the sovereign power.

This prince was placed under regulations dictated by the Dutch; for
so fallen had the sovereigns of this once flourishing and powerful
kingdom now become, that the form and solemnity of a treaty was not
deemed necessary. The sultan ceded part of his territories to the
westward, adjacent to the environs of Batavia, the bad administration
of which had frequently given occasion to disturbances in the Batavian
districts. The new sultan was allowed to administer the rest of his
dominions under the superior rule of the Dutch government.

The public works to be carried on in Bantam, and the unusual burthens
they imposed on the people, continued however to excite, from time to
time, disturbances and insurrections. On one occasion a detachment,
consisting of a lieutenant and eighteen dragoons, were surprised and
murdered by the inhabitants. Several native _Pangérans_ and chiefs
fell victims to the same spirit of discontent and revenge, and another
change in the person of the sultan was thought advisable; the new
sultan was in consequence allured on board a vessel, and conveyed to
Batavia, and in his place another chief was installed sultan of the
high lands of Bantam, the Dutch reserving to themselves the direct
administration of the low lands.

The country, however, remaining still in a disturbed state, the
_Pangéran Akmet_ united under his banner the discontented people of all
descriptions, in a more regular opposition to the European authority.
From this time an extraordinary military force was constantly kept in
Bantam: all attempts, however, to arrest the person of _Akmet_ failed.
His influence increased so much that proposals were made to him of a
cession of part of the country: these, however, not being listened to,
it was determined to abandon the interior to his depredations, until
the inhabitants themselves, wearied of his arbitrary proceedings, might
seek refuge with the European government.

The Dutch force being withdrawn from Bantam, _Akmet_ availed himself
of the presence of the British cruizers, during the blockade in 1811,
to strengthen his influence by an intercourse with them, which he
easily effected by furnishing them with supplies plundered by him from
the inhabitants. By the cruizers he was considered as an unfortunate
prince, maintaining his independence against the Dutch; and when the
British troops landed, the sultan was his prisoner, and all Bantam
under his controul.

At the conquest of Java by the British forces the extensive tracts
of this fertile province were thus in the hands of a lawless rebel,
the inhabitants were in a state of revolt, and universal anarchy and
distrust had prevailed for several years. All idea of raising a revenue
on account of government had been abandoned; and the general settlement
of the country under European controul, was the most that could be
hoped for.

In the year 1813 the sultan voluntarily resigned the administration of
the country into the hands of the British government, in consideration
of an annual pension of ten thousand Spanish dollars. With the detailed
system of land revenue introduced into this province, an accurate
survey was made of all the northern divisions; and a settlement having
been made with each individual cultivator, the extent of population
stated in the annexed table, as far as these districts are concerned,
may be considered as in general correct. The population of the southern
districts is estimated; and it may be observed, that the total
population rather exceeds than falls short of what is stated.

      GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE POPULATION OF BANTAM.

  +----------+---------+-------+---------------+-------+
  |          |Number of|Number |Householders.  |Married|
  |          |Principal|of     +------+--------+Women. +
  |          |Villages.|Houses.|Males.|Females.|       |
  |          |         |       |      |        |       |
  |          |         |       |      |        |       |
  |          |         |       |      |        |       |
  +----------+---------+-------+------+--------+-------+
  |Tenára    |        9|   1277|  1221|     226|    983|
  |Pontang   |       23|   3620|  2618|    1030|   2594|
  |Ragas     |       11|    980|   842|     180|    758|
  |Tambakbaya|       24|   1281|   869|     392|    791|
  |Panénan   |       25|   1248|   822|     427|    788|
  |Charoas   |       37|   1639|  1323|     497|   1150|
  |Kalodran  |       14|   1506|  1129|     352|   1130|
  |Chépété   |       14|   1119|   916|     200|    886|
  |Bántam    |       12|   1818|  1786|     409|   1677|
  |Chebaning |        8|   1073|   842|     230|    839|
  |Sirang    |         |       |      |        |       |
  |  or Siram|       42|   5396|  4399|     980|   4349|
  |Pakam     |       16|   1062|   937|     108|    930|
  |Baros     |       51|   2310|  2888|     384|   2795|
  |Cheomas   |       41|   2690|  2266|     414|   2267|
  |Sardang   |       26|   2700|  1990|     731|   1846|
  |Jawána    |        5|   1179|   908|     271|    883|
  |Taraté    |       15|   1842|  1425|     436|   1357|
  |Chelegon  |       34|   4767|  3825|    1010|   3685|
  |Bujenagára|       12|   2693|  2025|     461|   1964|
  |Anyer     |       41|   4765|  4710|     490|   4746|
  |Charita   |        3|     --|    --|      --|     --|
  |Chéringbin|       32|   2667|  2472|     193|   2403|
  |Panimbang |       11|    443|   405|      38|    399|
  |Minés     |       15|    563|   544|      29|    525|
  |Kanánga   |       24|    668|   591|      25|    575|
  |Chemánok  |       32|   1558|  1389|     148|   1409|
  |Kadulósong|       26|    596|   596|      74|    596|
  |Chekek    |       20|    993|   767|     230|    739|
  |Pandéglang|       20|   1020|   794|     234|    780|
  |Chadasári |       39|   2347|  2227|     321|   2165|
  |Pamaryan  |       --|     --|    --|      --|     --|
  |Underándi |       11|    656|   570|      88|    537|
  |Chikándi  |       11|    517|   463|      70|    433|
  |Kolelet   |       18|    624|   586|     128|    569|
  |Chrangasa |       --|     --|    --|      --|     --|
  |Konchang  |       16|   1017|   910|     109|    853|
  |          |---------|-------|------|--------|-------|
  |  Total   |      738|  58631| 50055|   10865|  48401|
  +----------+---------+-------+------+--------+-------+

  +----------+---------------+---------+------+--------+
  |          |   Children.   |  Total  |Number|Ploughs.|
  |          +------+--------+ Popula- |  of  |        +
  |          |Males.|Females.|  tion   |Buff- |        |
  |          |      |        | in each |aloes.|        |
  |          |      |        |District.|      |        |
  |          |      |        |         |      |        |
  +----------+------+--------+---------+------+--------+
  |Tenára    |  1017|     642|     4089|   306|     364|
  |Pontang   |  2766|    2326|    11334|   980|    1635|
  |Ragas     |   754|     750|     3235|   764|     610|
  |Tambakbaya|   752|     669|     3473|   796|     758|
  |Panénan   |  1089|     921|     4047|   667|     578|
  |Charoas   |  1294|     984|     5248|   709|     648|
  |Kalodran  |  1123|     918|     4652|   828|     883|
  |Chépété   |   643|     558|     3203|   519|     487|
  |Bántam    |   614|     749|     5235|   306|     231|
  |Chebaning |   788|     579|     3278|   598|     807|
  |Sirang    |      |        |         |      |        |
  |  or Siram|  4826|    4139|    18693|  2303|    2787|
  |Pakam     |   598|     449|     3022|   457|     399|
  |Baros     |  1825|    1266|     9158|  1851|    2033|
  |Cheomas   |   902|     723|     6572|   522|    1872|
  |Sardang   |  2155|    1991|     8713|   944|     804|
  |Jawána    |  1066|     952|     4080|   555|     515|
  |Taraté    |  1312|    1102|     5632|   516|     485|
  |Chelegon  |  3512|    3212|    15244|  2531|    2335|
  |Bujenagára|  2198|    2096|     8744|  1009|    1229|
  |Anyer     |  4346|    3660|    17952|  2375|    1695|
  |Charita   |    --|      --|     4143|    --|      --|
  |Chéringbin|  1882|    1454|     8404|  2105|    1140|
  |Panimbang |   306|     207|     1858|    53|      --|
  |Minés     |   379|     289|     1756|   382|     386|
  |Kanánga   |   305|     248|     1744|   419|     373|
  |Chemánok  |   888|     802|     4636|  1178|    1060|
  |Kadulósong|   290|     107|     1663|   941|     772|
  |Chekek    |   492|     482|     2710|   598|     551|
  |Pandéglang|   611|     489|     2908|   625|     622|
  |Chadasári |  1576|    1331|     7620|  1323|    1233|
  |Pamaryan  |    --|      --|       --|  2174|      --|
  |Underándi |   423|     399|     2017|   499|     459|
  |Chikándi  |   360|     329|     1655|   374|     324|
  |Kolelet   |   359|     341|     1983|   356|     285|
  |Chrangasa |    --|      --|     2403|    --|      --|
  |Konchang  |   470|     400|     2742|   626|     555|
  |          |------|--------|---------|------|--------|
  |  Total   | 40921|   45624|   193946| 31289|   28915|
  +----------+------+--------+---------+------+--------+

  +----------+--------------------------+--------+
  |          |    Settlement, 1815.     |Computed|
  |          +---------+----------------+Total   |
  |          |Separate |    Quantity    |Popula- |
  |          |Leases   |    of Land.    |tion    |
  |          |granted  +------+---------+        |
  |          |for 1815.|Báhus.|Changkala|        |
  +----------+---------+------+---------+--------+
  |Tenára    |      573|  1363|       93|    5452|
  |Pontang   |     1170|  2334|      402|   14112|
  |Ragas     |      490|   848|      398|    3835|
  |Tambakbaya|      939|  1593|      134|    4073|
  |Panénan   |      598|   938|      442|    4547|
  |Charoas   |      697|  1206|      198|    6200|
  |Kalodran  |      800|  1521|      278|    5200|
  |Chépété   |      826|  1194|        3|    3400|
  |Bántam    |      237|   361|      326|    5699|
  |Chebaning |      353|   516|      451|    3578|
  |Sirang    |         |      |         |        |
  |  or Siram|     2764|  3108|      484|   19793|
  |Pakam     |      741|  1094|        2|    3321|
  |Baros     |     2334|  2723|      146|    9536|
  |Cheomas   |     2755|  3640|      167|    6972|
  |Sardang   |     1247|  1699|      168|    8914|
  |Jawána    |      673|   959|      464|    4390|
  |Taraté    |      514|   858|      269|    6400|
  |Chelegon  |     1321|  2724|      403|   15744|
  |Bujenagára|      817|  1710|       30|    9034|
  |Anyer     |     4341|  2437|      180|   18151|
  |Charita   |      880|   359|      389|    4143|
  |Chéringbin|     3846|  1730|      199|   15384|
  |Panimbang |       --|    --|       --|    1957|
  |Minés     |      673|   284|      358|    1906|
  |Kanánga   |      808|   291|      195|    1890|
  |Chemánok  |     1406|  1468|       33|    5237|
  |Kadulósong|     2055|  2241|       67|    4320|
  |Chekek    |      710|   756|      311|    2841|
  |Pandéglang|      932|   805|      138|    3329|
  |Chadasári |     2039|  1247|       75|    8154|
  |Pamaryan  |      508|   543|      449|    2174|
  |Underándi |      426|   360|      178|    2217|
  |Chikándi  |      332|   598|      271|    1763|
  |Kolelet   |      634|   692|      220|    2535|
  |Chrangasa |     1025|   601|      382|    2403|
  |Konchang  |      980|   792|       48|    3110|
  |          |---------|------|---------|--------|
  |  Total   |    41444| 42122|       54|  221714|
  +----------+---------+------+---------+--------+

  ESTIMATED POPULATION _of
  the_ SOUTHERN DISTRICTS                    9890
                                          -------
  Parunkujang     1800  Total Population   231604
  Binwangan       2200                    -------
  Parayan         1140
  Somang          1305
  Sajira          1745
  Kosik           1700
                  ----
                  9890
                  ----

BATAVIA.

Of the splendour and magnificence which procured for this capital the
title of the Queen of the East, little is now to be found. Streets have
been pulled down, canals half filled up, forts demolished, and palaces
levelled with the dust. The state-house, where the supreme court of
justice and magistracy still assemble, remains; merchants transact
their business in the town during the day, and its warehouses still
contain the richest productions of the island, but few Europeans of
respectability sleep within its limits.

The following table comprises all fixed residents within the city
and its immediate suburbs, to the distance of about two miles. The
municipal regulations of this part of the island having been continued
in force, and the execution of them, for the most part, delegated to
Dutch authorities, it is to be apprehended that the return of the
population now given may be found deficient in accuracy. A poll-tax
being levied on the Chinese, and other town duties rendering it the
interest of the parties to withhold information as to the exact
numbers, it is also probable that the total amount considerably exceeds
that now given: certainly it does not fall short of it.

       ACCOUNT OF THE POPULATION OF THE CITY OF BATAVIA AND ITS
                               SUBURBS.

  +-------------------------------------+--------+---------+--------+
  |                                     | Males. | Females.| Total. |
  |                                     +--------+---------+--------+
  |Europeans                            |     367|      176|     543|
  |Descendants of Europeans             |        |         |        |
  |  Born in the Colony                 |     706|      779|   1,485|
  |Arabs                                |     197|      121|     318|
  |Moormen                              |      71|       48|     119|
  |Maláyus                              |   1,756|    1,399|   3,155|
  |Javans                               |   1,782|    1,549|   3,331|
  |Búgis                                |   1,032|      831|   1,863|
  |Makásars                             |   1,148|      881|   2,029|
  |Bálians                              |   4,063|    3,657|   7,720|
  |Sumbáwas                             |     141|       91|     232|
  |Mandharese                           |     112|      111|     223|
  |Ambonese and Bandas                  |      57|       25|      82|
  |Timorese and Butanese                |      16|        8|      24|
  |Pernákans or half-caste Chinese      |     357|      248|     605|
  |Chinese                              |   6,976|    4,273|  11,249|
  |Slaves                               |   7,001|    7,238|  14,239|
  |                                     +--------+---------+--------+
  |                               Grand Total              |  47,217|
  |                                                        +--------+

ENVIRONS OF BATAVIA.

The lands comprehended under the denomination of the Batavian environs
(_Ommelanden_), originally formed the principal part of the _Jakátra_
dominions. The native chiefs were early deprived of the administration
by the cautious policy of the Dutch, and the lands subsequently sold in
property to Europeans and others. According to an official valuation
in 1813, the amount of property in houses and lands, belonging to
individuals, in the city of Batavia and its environs, including
the private estates near _Buitenzorg_, exceeded eleven millions of
rix-dollars silver, and the taxes were levied on that estimate.
Various systems of government had been attempted in this district
before the arrival of the British in 1811, but so inefficacious were
they, that it was considered unsafe for Europeans to travel without
arms. As a measure of police, a portion of this division, formerly
comprized within the _Ommelanden_, was recently annexed to the regency
of _Buitenzorg_, and formed into a separate administration. For the
population of these two divisions, as they now stand, see General
Table, Vol. I, page 62, Table II.

BATAVIAN OR PRIANGEN REGENCIES.

Each of these regencies was administered by a native chief, immediately
dependent on government, and without any power beyond his district. The
chiefs, however, were mostly allied by frequent intermarriages, and
traced their descent from different chieftains of the ancient empire
of _Pajajáran_. Separated, on the one hand, from the dominions of the
_Susúnan_ and sultan by the country of Chéribon, and on the other from
Bantam by the Batavian environs, their power never became formidable to
the European government. The coffee monopoly in the Western Districts
having been maintained on its former principle during the period of
the British administration, the inhabitants of these districts were
precluded from feeling the effects of the system introduced into the
more eastern districts; but as it was in contemplation, eventually,
to render the change general throughout the island, preparatory
measures were taken, and a survey of these districts being made,
the annexed statistical table was framed. The produce stated in the
table is estimated according to the native returns; these districts
likewise furnish an annual quantity of about seventy-five thousand
hundred-weight of coffee for the European market.

    GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE POPULATION AND CULTIVATION
      OF THE PRIANGEN REGENCIES, INCLUDING KRAWANG
                          AND INDRAMAYU.

  +--------------+-----+--------------------------+
  |Names of the  |Numb-|       Cultivators.       |
  |Regencies and |er of+------+-----+------+------+
  |Divisions.    |Vil- | Men. | Wo- |Boys. |Girls.|
  |              |la-  |      | men.|      |      |
  |              |ges. |      |     |      |      |
  +--------------+-----+------+-----+------+------+
  |              |     |      |     |      |      |
  |              |     |      |     |      |      |
  |Chianjur      |  522|  6138| 6196|  7158|  8154|
  |Bandung       |  721| 10804|10814| 10869| 11176|
  |Sumedang      |  650|  8573| 8664|  7987|  8932|
  |Limbang'an    |  168|  2163|  982|  2812|  2916|
  |Sukapura      |  456|  8500| 8082|  4995|  6026|
  |Krawang       |   94|  4240| 4340|  1780|  1680|
  |Chasem and    |  124|  5394| 6000|  3651|  2985|
  |  Pamanukan   |     |      |     |      |      |
  |Kandangaur    |   59|  4885| 5155|  3710|  2575|
  | and Indramayu|     |      |     |      |      |
  |Gunung Parang |  590|  3569| 3600|  2547|  2664|
  |Chiputri      |   24|   291|  289|   401|   383|
  |Chikalong     |   50|   800|  856|   526|   625|
  |Ujung Brum    |   61|   751|  746|   960|   781|
  |              +-----+------+-----+------+------+
  |    Totals    | 3519| 56118|55724| 47396| 48897|
  +--------------+-----+------+-----+------+------+

  +--------------+-----------------------+------+-----+-----+----+-----+
  |Names of the  |   Not  Cultivators.   |Gener-|Buf- |Cows.|Hor-|Plo- |
  |Regencies and +-----+-----+-----+-----+al    |fa-  |     |ses.|ughs.|
  |Divisions.    | Men.| Wo- |Boys.|Girls|Popu- |loes.|     |    |     |
  |              |     | men.|     |     |la-   |     |     |    |     |
  |              |     |     |     |     |tion. |     |     |    |     |
  +--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+----+-----+
  |              |     |     |     |     |      |     |     |    |     |
  |              |     |     |     |     |      |     |     |    |     |
  |Chianjur      | 1504| 1543| 2226| 2315| 35234| 3493|   --| 717| 2011|
  |Bandung       | 2597| 2615| 3537| 3710| 56122|10897| 1043| 932| 6277|
  |Sumedang      |   97|  104|   97|  140| 34594|10086|  538|1176| 6738|
  |Limbang'an    |  571|  588|  595|  647| 12270| 2966|  439| 486|  973|
  |Sukapura      |  458|  380|  216|  473| 29130| 3783|   48| 953| 1101|
  |Krawang       |  300|  270|  320|  220| 13150| 6073|   --| 565|   --|
  |Chasem and    |  150|  175|  120|  160| 18475| 3613|   36| 467    --|
  |  Pamanukan   |     |     |     |     |      |     |     |    |     |
  |Kandangaur    |  500|  470|  360|  300| 17955| 2606|   60| 153|   --|
  | and Indramayu|     |     |     |     |      |     |     |    |     |
  |Gunung Parang | 1053| 1203|  918|  849| 16403| 2289|  233| 269| 1942|
  |Chiputri      |   93|   95|  101|   98|  1751|  452|   --|  84|  290|
  |Chikalong     |  210|  244|  219|  280|  3760|  620|   --| 132|  279|
  |Ujung Brum    |  233|  240|  310|  239|  4260|  793|  557| 179|  113|
  |              +-----+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+----+-----+
  |    Totals    | 7766| 7927| 9019| 9431|243104|47671| 2954|6113|19724|
  +--------------+-----+-----+-----+-----+------+-----+-----+----+-----+

  +--------------+--------------------+--------------------+
  |Names of the  |       Sawahs.      |        Tipar       |
  |Regencies and |                    |      or Tegal.     |
  |Divisions.    |------+------+------+------+------+------+
  |              |First |Second|Third |First |Second|Third |
  |              |Sort. |Sort. |Sort. |Sort. |Sort. |Sort. |
  +--------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+
  |              |Jungs.|Jungs.|Jungs.|Jungs.|Jungs.|Jungs.|
  |              |      |      |      |      |      |      |
  |Chianjur      |  1006|  3608|   565|    59|  1181|     1|
  |Bandung       |   370|  1818|   956|   512|   448|    90|
  |Sumedang      |   338|  3478|  1971|   292|   210|   122|
  |Limbang'an    |   244|   295|   245|    95|    75|    68|
  |Sukapura      |   194|   625|   214|   197|   549|   529|
  |Krawang       |  1761|  6083|  1043|   537|    --|    --|
  |Chasem and    |  3428|   334|  6237|    25|    --| 40032|
  |  Pamanukan   |      |      |      |      |      |      |
  |Kandangaur    |   482|   381|   537|    --|    --|    --|
  | and Indramayu|      |      |      |      |      |      |
  |Gunung Parang |   486|   474|   523|    16|   347|    --|
  |Chiputri      |   210|    --|    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |Chikalong     |    83|    67|     9|    33|    59|    --|
  |Ujung Brum    |    75|    73|    79|    28|    13|    --|
  |              +------+------+------+------+------+------+
  |    Totals    |  8677| 17236| 12379|  1794|  2882| 40842|
  +--------------+------+------+------+------+------+------+

  +--------------+------+------+------+------+
  |Names of the  |Coffee|Maize |Teak  |Total |
  |Regencies and |Gro-  |in    |For-  |of Land
  |Divisions.    |und.  |Cha-  |ests. |in Cul-
  |              |      |ins.  |      |tiva- |
  |              |      |      |      |tion. |
  +--------------+------+------+------+------+
  |              |      |      |      |      |
  |              |      |      |      |      |
  |Chianjur      | 15757|    92|    --| 22242|
  |Bandung       | 24371|    --|    --| 31571|
  |Sumedang      | 10397|    --|    88| 16897|
  |Limbang'an    | 13789|    --|    --| 14821|
  |Sukapura      |   663|   701|    20|  3718|
  |Krawang       |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |Chasem and    |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |  Pamanukan   |      |      |      |      |
  |Kandangaur    |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  | and Indramayu|      |      |      |      |
  |Gunung Parang |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |Chiputri      |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |Chikalong     |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |Ujung Brum    |    --|    --|    --|    --|
  |              +------+------+------+------+
  |    Totals    | 64977|   793|   108| 80249|
  +--------------+------+------+------+------+

  +--------------+--------------+--------------+------+
  |Names of the  |    Total     |   Value of   |      |
  |Regencies and |   Produce.   |Total Produce.|Cocoa-|
  |Divisions.    +-------+------+-------+------+ nut  |
  |              | Pari. |Maize.| Pari. |Maize.|Trees.|
  |              |       |      |       |      |      |
  +--------------+-------+------+-------+------+------+
  |              |Tjains.|Tjains|  Sh.  |  Sh. |      |
  |              |       |      | Dols. | Dols.|      |
  |Chianjur      |  22898|    --|  68596|    --| 19256|
  |Bandung       |  26083|    --|  78249|    --| 12616|
  |Sumedang      |  32718|    --|  98154|    --|  9000|
  |Limbang'an    |   6152|    --|  21258|    --|  6410|
  |Sukapura      |   5020|    --|  14819|  1401|  7446|
  |Krawang       |     --|    --|     --|    --|  4260|
  |Chasem and    |     --|    --|     --|    --|  2596|
  |  Pamanukan   |       |      |       |      |      |
  |Kandangaur    |     --|    --|     --|    --|  7486|
  | and Indramayu|       |      |       |      |      |
  |Gunung Parang |  11183|    --|  33549|    --|  2662|
  |Chiputri      |   1265|    --|   3795|    --|   170|
  |Chikalong     |   1804|    --|   5412|    --|  1204|
  |Ujung Brum    |    809|    --|   2427|    --|    44|
  |              +-------+------+-------+------+------+
  |    Totals    | 107932|    --| 326259|  1401| 73150|
  +--------------+-------+------+-------+------+------+

CHERIBON.

Chéribon fell under the European influence in the year 1666, and has
now been subject to it one hundred and fifty years. It was among the
first cessions made to the Dutch by the princes of _Matárem_.

This province had, like Bantam, been in a state of continued
insurrection for many years preceding the arrival of the English. The
importance of the town of _Chéribon_ has considerably declined, partly
in consequence of these commotions, and partly of epidemic fevers which
prevailed some years ago.

The extensive and fertile province of _Chéribon_ did not, under the
administration of the Dutch Company, yield those profits which were
expected from its great natural resources; especially of indigo,
coffee, and teak timber. The Sultans of _Chéribon_, descended from one
of the founders of the Mahomedan religion on Java, and on that account
objects of religious veneration among the more orthodox Mahomedans,
were always left in the entire management of the native administration.
The coffee and other produce exacted from the people, was delivered
by the Sultan, and paid for to him. Under this system, the residents
of _Chéribon_ enjoyed an annual income of from eighty to one hundred
thousand dollars (£23,000), while the Sultans were every year more and
more impoverished. At length an insurrection broke out in 1800, the
ostensible reason of which was the unjust removal of Sultan _Kanóman_,
who had been banished by the Dutch to Amboina, and the real cause
probably the great oppression of the common inhabitants, occasioned
by the distress of the Sultans, and the indiscriminate admission of
too many Chinese in the interior of the country. The reinstallation of
Sultan _Kanóman_, in 1808, by Marshal Daendals, did not appease the
minds of the people; and the unwillingness or inability of that prince
to restore the public tranquillity, led to an entirely new organization
of the country.

When the island was conquered by the British troops, the rebel, _Bágus
Rángen_, still maintained himself in the eastern parts of _Kráwang_,
in perfect defiance of the power of government, sternly rejecting
the offers of pardon and oblivion which were on that occasion offered
to him, and eluding or defeating all attempts to destroy or ensnare
him. Such was the veneration in which this man was regarded by the
people of these districts, and such the dread in which he was held
by the native chiefs (through whose means alone his apprehension was
to be accomplished), that he remained in perfect quiet and security,
maintained a correspondence with the disaffected throughout the
province, secured his regular supplies of ammunition and provisions
from all parts, and even from the town of _Chéribon_, and tranquilly
prepared for the ensuing rainy season, to appear again in arms and
ravage the country.

In a few months after the establishment of a British resident in the
district, the person of _Bágus Rángen_ was secured, and the country
reduced to a perfect state of tranquillity, in which it remained during
the whole period of the British administration.

The following extracts from the report of the gentleman[279] intrusted
with the introduction of the land revenue system into Chéribon, may
serve to illustrate the state of this province:--

"There is, perhaps, with the exception of the environs of Batavia and
Bantam, no part of the island of Java which has so severely felt the
bad effects of mismanagement as the district of _Chéribon_. These
effects are visible in the character of the people, who, even among
the Javans, are remarkable for a careless indifference to the pursuit
of gain, for indolence, for want of energy, and for a credulity and
ignorance, rendering them perpetually a prey to delusion. Within
the last forty years, in particular, a series of mismanagement and
oppression is said to have wrought a most unfavourable change in the
character of the people, to have destroyed the habits of industry, and
consequently to have changed even the aspect of the country, so that
it is no longer to be recognized as the fruitful district which it is
once represented to have been. Within the last seven years, famine,
mortality, and civil commotion, have contributed to aggravate the evils
of mismanagement, and in one or other form have desolated some of the
finest parts of the district.

"The history of the civil commotions alluded to afford a striking
illustration of the character of the inhabitants. It certainly gives no
countenance to the representation of those observers who ascribe to the
Javans in general a character of the most invincible apathy, stupidity,
and indolence, as if these qualities had been irrevocably engrafted
upon their very natures. A better knowledge of their real character
enables us to draw very different inferences, and to ascribe to them a
much larger share of sensibility, than could from reasoning be expected
to result from the apparently overwhelming causes which contribute to
degrade their faculties and blunt their energies and exertions.

"It is an instructive fact, highly worthy of remark, that the
successive commotions and insurrections which have for many years
disturbed the peace of _Chéribon_, have uniformly had their origin
in the Javan districts, where the rights of private property in the
soil were almost entirely overlooked, that they have only occasionally
extended from the Javan to the _Súnda_ districts, and have never
reached the _Priang'en_ lands, where property in the soil is fully
acknowledged and respected.

"The taxes which fell upon agriculture were so various, and at the same
time assumed such a variety of shapes, that it is impracticable to
state in a word the actual portion which by law or custom fell to the
share of the sovereign.

"The most material, however, are comprehended in the following
catalogue, to which are added, others falling equally upon agricultural
industry, though not constituting a direct source of revenue to
government:

"1. The contingent, called in the language of the country, _gántang_.
This is usually estimated at fifteen parts in one hundred of the rice
crop; but it was, in truth, arbitrarily assessed, according to a rough
conjecture of the capability of the country. In such of the _Priang'en_
lands as continued to be directly administered by their own native
chiefs, the amount paid to the latter was determined with some accuracy
to be one tenth of the gross produce, embracing, as in the first case,
the rice crop only.

"2. A poll tax, or rather a tax on families, called by the natives of
this part of the country, _pagalántang_. Part was levied on account of
government, and part on account of the chiefs.

"3. Market duties or tolls. These were literally levied on every
article vended in the markets, embracing as well the whole produce of
their agriculture, as that of their petty arts and manufactures.

"4. A tax on the slaughter of buffaloes, necessarily affecting the
price of food, and discouraging the rearing of an animal indispensable
to a successful prosecution of the labours of agriculture.

"5. The charge of lodging and feeding travellers, and transporting
troops, baggage, and stores of all descriptions. This is termed in the
native language, _súguh_, or the rites of hospitality.

"6. The obligation to construct and repair bridges, roads, and public
buildings, throughout the country.

"7. The obligation to cultivate and deliver, at inadequate rates,
certain foreign productions, which the actual condition of the country,
the habits of the people, and still less their interests, could never
have prompted them to undertake, if permitted freely to pursue their
own interest. Coffee was the chief of these products.

"8. In speaking of the taxes which fall upon the husbandman and the
land, the _Zakat_ must not be forgotten. This is nominally a tithe,
or tenth. The payment is indeed optional, but from religious motives
seldom withheld. Every tenth sheaf of the rice crop is allotted to
religious purposes, but every man measures its size according to his
own piety. Its amount was of course very variable, but almost always
materially smaller, and generally indeed not half the size, of the
ordinary sheaf. This practice gives rise to a well known distinction
between the ordinary sheaf and that allotted for the clergy, when the
grain is brought to market."

The table annexed was framed on the introduction of the detailed
system; but it not being practicable, on account of the extent of the
province, for the European officer to visit every part of the district,
many of the particulars are stated upon estimate; particularly the
quantity of cultivated land and amount of produce, which, it is to
be apprehended, are rather over-rated. The return, however, of the
population may be considered more accurate.

             GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CULTIVATION AND POPULATION
                            OF CHERIBON, 1815.

  +-------------+--------------------------+
  |             |          SAWAH.          |
  |             +--------+--------+--------+
  |             | First  | Second | Third  |
  | DIVISIONS.  | Sort.  |  Sort. | Sort.  |
  |             |        |        |        |
  +-------------+--------+--------+--------+
  |             | Jungs. | Jungs. | Jungs. |
  | Bengawan    |     820|    1119|    2587|
  | Cheribon    |      78|     319|    1318|
  | Chiamis     |     231|        |     352|
  | Chikaso     |     182|     409|     873|
  | Lingajati   |     431|     315|     429|
  | Gebang      |      70|     140|     567|
  | Losari      |       3|       8|     600|
  | Kuningan    |      91|     247|     901|
  | Telaga      |     101|     195|     338|
  | Sindangkasi |     294|     361|     459|
  | Raja Galu   |     289|     377|     591|
  | Panjalu     |      24|      84|     265|
  | Forest      |        |        |        |
  | Districts   |     156|     500|     831|
  |             +--------+--------+--------+
  |   Total     |    2770|    4074|   10111|
  +-------------+--------+--------+--------+

  +-------------+-------------------------------+-------+--------+
  |             |       VALUE OF SAWAH.         | Total |  Total |
  |             +---------+---------+-----------| Sawah |  Value +
  |             |  First  | Second  |  Third    |  in   |   of   |
  | DIVISIONS.  |  Sort.  | Sort.   |  Sort.    |Culti- | Sawah. |
  |             |         |         |           |vation.|        |
  +-------------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+--------+
  |             | Rupees. | Rupees. | Rupees.   | Jungs.| Rupees.|
  | Bengawan    |    87565|    89529|     138012|   4527|  315107|
  | Cheribon    |     8345|    25544|      70327|   1716|  104217|
  | Chiamis     |    24658|         |      18815|    583|   43474|
  | Chikaso     |    19435|    32768|      46607|   1465|   98811|
  | Lingajati   |    46012|    25242|      22884|   1175|   94140|
  | Gebang      |     7479|    11216|      30288|    778|   48984|
  | Losari      |      320|      713|      32024|    612|   33057|
  | Kuningan    |     9718|    19765|      42768|   1140|   72252|
  | Telaga      |    10833|    15643|      18066|    635|   44542|
  | Sindangkasi |    31440|    28926|      24521|   1116|   84888|
  | Raja Galu   |    30921|    30211|      31534|   1258|   92667|
  | Panjalu     |     2663|     6754|      14181|    375|   23598|
  | Forest      |         |         |           |       |        |
  | Districts   |    16646|    40072|      44320|   1487|  101039|
  |             +---------+---------+-----------+-------+--------+
  |   Total     |   296035|   326383|     534347|  16867| 1156776|
  +-------------+---------+---------+-----------+-------+--------+

  +-------------+-------------------+------------------------+
  |             |       TEGAL.      |     VALUE OF TEGAL.    |
  |             +-----+------+------+-------+-------+--------+
  |             |First|Second| Third| First | Second|  Third |
  | DIVISIONS.  |Sort.| Sort.| Sort.| Sort. | Sort. |  Sort. |
  |             |     |      |      |       |       |        |
  +-------------+-----+------+------+-------+-------+--------+
  |             |Jungs| Jungs| Jungs|Rupees.|Rupees.| Rupees.|
  | Bengawan    |     |     8|    68|     19|    700|    3676|
  | Cheribon    |     |    19|    94|     10|   1543|    5015|
  | Chiamis     |     |    51|   144|       |   4089|    7704|
  | Chikaso     |     |      |   138|       |     30|    7374|
  | Lingajati   |   49|    34|    42|   5304|   2758|    2276|
  | Gebang      |     |    20|    27|       |   1640|    1456|
  | Losari      |     |     9|     3|       |    759|     197|
  | Kuningan    |     |    15|   341|       |   1244|   18208|
  | Telaga      |    1|    22|   648|    148|   1824|   34593|
  | Sindangkasi |     |    19|   302|       |   1529|   16126|
  | Raja Galu   |     |      |    98|       |       |    5274|
  | Panjalu     |     |      |   399|       |       |   21298|
  | Forest      |     |      |      |       |       |        |
  | Districts   |   --|    --|    --|    -- |     --|      39|
  |             +-----+------+------+-------+-------+--------+
  |   Total     |   50|   197|  2304|   5481|  16116|  123236|
  +-------------+-----+------+------+-------+-------+--------+

  +-------------+--------+--------+-------+---------+
  |             |  Total |  Total | Total |  Total  |
  |             +Quantity|  Value | Sawah |  Value  |
  |             |   of   |   of   |  and  |  of the |
  | DIVISIONS.  | Tegal. | Tegal. | Tegal |  Crop.  |
  |             |        |        |       |         |
  +-------------+--------+--------+-------+---------+
  |             |  Jungs | Rupees.| Jungs.| Rupees. |
  | Bengawan    |      77|    4395|   4605|   319503|
  | Cheribon    |     113|    6569|   1829|   110786|
  | Chiamis     |     195|   11794|    779|    55269|
  | Chikaso     |     138|    7404|   1604|   106216|
  | Lingajati   |     126|   10339|   1302|    94479|
  | Gebang      |      47|    3097|    826|    52082|
  | Losari      |      13|     957|    625|    34014|
  | Kuningan    |     356|   19452|   1497|    91705|
  | Telaga      |     672|   36565|   1308|    81108|
  | Sindangkasi |     321|   17655|   1437|   102544|
  | Raja Galu   |      98|    5274|   1357|    97941|
  | Panjalu     |     399|   21298|    774|    44897|
  | Forest      |        |        |       |         |
  | Districts   |      --|      39|   1488|   101079|
  |             +--------+--------+-------+---------+
  |   Total     |    2555|  144838|  19431|  1291627|
  +-------------+--------+--------+-------+---------+

  +-------------------------------------------------------
  |             |Males.|Females.|Attached|Employed|Total |
  |             |      |        | to the |   in   |Number|
  |             |      |        | Cultiv-| other  |  of  |
  |             |      |        | ation  | Avoca- |Buffa-|
  |             |      |        | of the | tions. |loes. |
  |             |      |        | Soil.  |        |      |
  +-------------+------+--------+--------+--------+------+
  |Total        |      |        |        |        |      |
  |Popula-      |      |        |        |        |      |
  |tion  216001 |105421|  110550|  132215|   83889| 48866|
  +-------------+------+--------+--------+--------+------+

  +------------------------+--------------------------------
  |       | Total | Total  |                       JAVANS.
  |       |Number | Number +-------+------+--------+-------+
  |       |  of   |   of   |TOTAL  |Males.|Females.| Class |
  |       |Horses.|Ploughs.|Javans.|      |        |   of  |
  |       |       |        |       |      |        | Culti-|
  |       |       |        |       |      |        |vators.|
  +-------+-------+--------+-------+------+--------+-------+
  |Total  |       |        |       |      |        |       |
  |Popula-|       |        |       |      |        |       |
  |tion   |   6623|   17356| 213658| 99837|  113821| 132106|
  +-------+-------+--------+-------+------+--------+-------+

  +----------------------------------------+---------
  |        JAVANS.                         |
  |       +--------+------+-------+--------+--------+
  |       |Employed|Number| Number| Number |  TOTAL |
  |       |in other|  of  |   of  |   of   |Chinese,|
  |       | Avoca- |Buffa-|Horses.|Ploughs.|   &c.  |
  |       | tions. |loes. |       |        |        |
  +-------+--------+------+-------+--------+--------+
  |Total  |        |      |       |        |        |
  |Popula-|        |      |       |        |        |
  |tion   |   81659| 42846|   6489|   17318|    2343|
  +-------+--------+------+-------+--------+--------+

  +----------------------------------------------------------------+
  |                           CHINESE                              |
  |       +-------+--------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+
  |       | Class |Employed|Males.|Females.|Number| Number| Number |
  |       |   of  |in other|      |        |  of  |   of  |   of   |
  |       | Culti-| Avoca- |      |        |Buffa-|Horses.|Ploughs.|
  |       |vators.| tions. |      |        |loes. |       |        |
  +-------+-------+--------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+
  |Total  |       |        |      |        |      |       |        |
  |Popula-|       |        |      |        |      |       |        |
  |tion   |    109|    2234|  1093|    1141|   320|    124|      48|
  +-------+-------+--------+------+--------+------+-------+--------+

EASTERN DISTRICTS.

The Dutch, in acquiring these extensive and valuable provinces on
the sea coast, were considered to have acquired the same right as
had previously been enjoyed by the native sovereigns, and deemed it
advisable to continue the long-established principles and forms of
native government. In the same manner, therefore, as the emperors
of Java were looked upon as the ultimate proprietors of the land in
their dominions, the Dutch Company were considered as possessing
the same right with respect to the provinces under their immediate
administration; and the princes of Java having been in the habit
of entrusting the government, police, and revenue of the different
provinces to inferior chiefs, the same system was adhered to under the
Dutch. The native system of drawing again the revenues of government
from these inferior chieftains, by means of contributions in kind, in
money, and by occasional fees and presents, was also maintained; a
portion of the common class of inhabitants under the native government
being assigned to the performance of different sorts of public works,
transports for government, the repair of the roads, the construction
of public buildings, the guarding of public stores, the loading and
unloading of government vessels, the cutting of grass, the cutting of
fire-wood, the keeping a police guard, and other offices, the same
principle was adopted under the management of the Dutch, and as under
the native form of administration a reward for these feudal services
was granted, by the use of an assignment of rice fields allotted either
to individuals or to certain classes of workmen, but withdrawn from
them as soon as the public duty ceased to be performed, the same mode
of remuneration was also adopted by the Dutch.

These principles of administration being combined with the mercantile
interests of the Dutch Company, gave rise to certain contracts, which
the native chiefs of the different districts (termed by the Dutch
_Regents_) were compelled to enter into on their appointment, for the
annual delivery to the Company, either without payment, which was
called _a contingent_, or for a price far below that of the market,
which was termed a _forced delivery at a fixed price_, of such
quantity of rice, pepper, cotton, indigo, and other articles, as the
market and present state of trade and commerce made most desirable;
while the planting of coffee and the cutting of teak timber was always
considered as a feudal service, for which, besides the use of a certain
portion of rice fields, allotted to the individuals or villagers
employed, a certain payment was made, about equivalent to the expenses
of transportation to the government yards or storehouses.

The administration of the Eastern Districts, including _Madúra_, was
vested in a _governor and council for the north-east coast of Java_.
The governor was, at the same time, director of the Company's trade,
and resided at _Semárang_. Subordinate to this government was that
called _Gezaghebber_ and council, established at _Surabáya_, the chief
place of the east point of Java; while in the other principal districts
along the coast, as at _Tegal Pekalóngan_, _Japára_, _Jawána_, &c.
residents were fixed: no direct correspondence from the eastern part
of the island was maintained with the government of Batavia, except by
the governor, usually termed the governor of Java, or by the governor
and council. Even the residents at the native courts of _Súra Kérta_
and _Yúgya Kérta_, only communicated with government through him. By
him the succession to the throne of the _Susúnan_ and of the sultan was
generally determined; the appointments of native chiefs and regents
were made on his proposal; the Company's farms and duties for the
Eastern Districts were sold by him; and though he had literally no
salary whatever from the treasury of government, he was supposed to
draw from his situation a yearly revenue of between three and four
hundred thousand dollars. At the same time the correspondence with
the Eastern Districts was neither very regular nor very expeditious,
and the management of the Company's affairs in those districts was as
much a mystery to the chief government at Batavia, as the governor of
_Semárang_ chose to make it.

This system continued, without any essential alteration, until after
the arrival of Marshal Daendals in 1808.

Some of the contingents, such as indigo, cotton yarn, pepper, &c. to
which, however, the regents had not without great reluctance submitted
for many years, were then indeed partially abolished; but, on the other
hand, all the peculations of the Dutch servants residing along the
coast, who had for their own private emolument raised the deliveries,
chiefly of rice, at some places to double, and at others to more than
double the quantity legally assessed on the regents, at the same time
paying for them at some places two-thirds, and at others only half
the price assigned by the government, were at once transferred and
confirmed to government, by a single decree, ordering, without previous
inquiry or reserve, that all the produce which had been usually
delivered to the respective residents along the coast, under whatever
denomination, should, in the same quantities and with their surplus
weight, be for the future delivered to government, and that no higher
prices should be granted for the same than that which the residents
used to pay.

Equally inconsistent and oppressive in its consequences was a measure
by which, on the one hand, the wages of private labour and services
were raised to an unusual price, while on the other, the public works,
the public transports, and the plantations of coffee, were carried on
either gratuitously or at the former inadequate rate. This regulation
raised the price of all the first necessaries of life, and principally
of rice, which the common classes of the inhabitants felt as a heavier
grievance than any they had ever experienced from the former system.
Till then, the colonial administration had always, as far as was
consistent with their own monopoly and forced delivery of produce at
fixed rates, taken particular care to keep down the price of rice and
salt as much as possible.

But a measure, still more pernicious in its consequences, was that by
which the native regents were each of them subjected to a contribution
in hard cash, while at the same time the power of levying taxes on the
inhabitants of these districts was left in their hands; a system which,
in all cases, afforded them a pretext, and in many an apology, for the
most vexatious oppression.

The commendation which is due to this administration is rather founded
on those arrangements which had a tendency to prevent peculations
in the inferior European servants in every department, and on the
abolition of the subordinate governments of _Semárang_ and _Surabáya_.
Fixed salaries were allowed to the residents; they were prohibited from
keeping private vessels, and from all trade in the products of their
districts. The sale of the government farms and duties was made public,
and in a great measure free from corruption, by which means they were
immediately raised to more than three times the former amount: each
branch of public expenditure and receipt was fixed and ascertained;
new and practicable roads were established; the appointment of every
native, from the first rank as low as a _Demáng_, was reserved to
the government alone; the Javan custom of pawning the person for a
small sum of money was prohibited; fees and presents were abolished.
By such measures, a much more regular, active, pure, and efficient
administration was established on Java than ever existed at any former
period of the Dutch Company.

JAVA.

The following tables are abstracted from the detailed reports furnished
during the course of the survey made by the British government. In
some particulars they may be deficient and inaccurate, as sufficient
time had not been given to complete the detailed survey of the country
directed by the Revenue Instructions; but the general results may, for
the most part, be depended upon.

             GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CULTIVATION AND POPULATION
                                 OF TEGAL.

  +-----------+-------+------+------+--------+---------------------+
  |           |Culti- |Sawah.|Tegal.| Coffee | Estimated Produce.  |
  | Names of  |vated  |      |      |Gardens.+------+------+-------+
  |Divisions. |Land.  |      |      |        |Pari. |Maize.|Coffee.|
  +-----------+-------+------+------+--------+------+------+-------+
  |           |Jungs. |Jungs.|Jungs.| Jungs. |Amats.|Amats.|Pikuls.|
  |Tegal      |   5920|  5694|   204|      21|367198| 16335|    541|
  |Brebes     |   3924|  3371|   394|     159|152354| 31520|   2740|
  |Pamalang   |   2817|  2378|   293|     145|114820| 23499|   2551|
  |           +-------+------+------+--------+------+------+-------+
  |Grand Total|  12661| 11443|   891|     325|634372| 71354|   5832|
  +-----------+-------+------+------+--------+------+------+-------+

  +-----------+---------------------------+------------|
  |           |Estimated Value of Produce.|   Total    |
  | Names of  +--------+--------+---------+ estimated  |
  |Divisions. | Pari.  | Maize. | Coffee. |   Value.   |
  +-----------+--------+--------+---------+------------|
  |           | Rupees.| Rupees.| Rupees. |Java Rupees.|
  |Tegal      |  538557|    6125|     5198|      549881|
  |Brebes     |  223453|   11820|    26305|      261578|
  |Pamalang   |  168403|    8812|    24491|      201707|
  |           +--------+--------+---------+------------+
  |Grand Total|  930413|   26757|    55994|     1013166|
  +-----------+--------+--------+---------+------------+

  +-----------+-------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+
  |           |TOTAL  |Males.|Fe-   |Culti-|House-|Buf-  |Hor- |
  | Names of  |Popula-|      |males.|va-   |hold- |fa-   |ses. |
  |Divisions. |tion.  |      |      |tors. |ers   |loes. |     |
  |           |       |      |      |      |not   |      |     |
  |           |       |      |      |      |Culti-|      |     |
  |           |       |      |      |      |va-   |      |     |
  |           |       |      |      |      |tors. |      |     |
  |           |       |      |      |      |      |      |     |
  +-----------+-------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+
  |Tegal      | 123208| 58185| 65023| 11693|  7990| 14689| 1435|
  |Brebes     |  24833|  9354| 15485|  5546|  1143|  5313|  747|
  |Pamalang   |  30374| 14000| 16342|  5547|  1549|  4172|  491|
  |           +--------------+------+------+------+------+-----+
  |Grand Total| 178415| 81539| 96850| 22786| 10682| 24174| 2673|
  +-----------+-------+------+------+------+------+------+-----+

  +-----------+--------+-------------------------------------------+
  |           |Ploughs.|                 JAVANS.                   |
  | Names of  |        |                                           |
  |Divisions. |        +-------------------------------------------+
  |           |        |TOTAL  |Males.|Fe-   |Buf-  |Hor- |Ploughs.|
  |           |        |Number |      |males.|fa-   |ses. |        |
  |           |        |of     |      |      |loes. |     |        |
  |           |        |Javans.|      |      |      |     |        |
  |           |        |       |      |      |      |     |        |
  +-----------+--------+-------+------+------+------+-----+--------+
  |Tegal      |    5685| 121238| 57224| 64014| 14663| 1359|    5682|
  |Brebes     |    2668|  24230|  9118| 15111|  5199|  733|    2602|
  |Pamalang   |    1800|  29978| 13823| 16123|  4160|  471|    1794|
  |           +--------+-------+------+------+------+-----+--------+
  |Grand Total|   10153| 175446| 80165| 95248| 24022| 2563|   10078|
  +-----------+--------+-------+------+------+------+-----+--------+

  +-----------+----------------------------------+
  |           |         CHINESE and other        |
  | Names of  |            FOREIGNERS.           |
  |Divisions. +----------------------------------+
  |           |TOTAL|Mal-|Fe-  |Buf-|Ho-|Ploughs.|
  |           |Numb-|es. |mal- |fal-|rs-|        |
  |           |er of|    |es.  |oes |es.|        |
  |           |Chi- |    |     |    |   |        |
  |           |nese.|    |     |    |   |        |
  +-----------+-----+----+-----+----+---+--------+
  |Tegal      | 1025| 518|  507|  13| 64|      --|
  |Brebes     |  583| 220|  363|  91| 12|      43|
  |Pamalang   |  396| 177|  219|  22| 20|       6|
  |           +-----+----+-----+----+---+--------+
  |Grand Total| 2004| 915| 1089| 126| 96|      49|
  +-----------+-----+----+-----+----+---+--------+
  REMARKS: Average Value of a Jung of Cultivated Land, Java Rupees 79.

             GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE CULTIVATION AND POPULATION
                           OF PAKALONG'AN, 1815.

  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+----------+
  |No.| Names of  |Number of|  Total  |Land in  |Land not |Cultivated|
  |   |Districts. |Villages.|  Land.  |Villages.|included |    Land. |
  |   |           |         |         |         |   in    |          |
  |   |           |         |         |         |Villages.|          |
  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+----------+
  |   |           |         |Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.| Jungs. B.|
  |  1|Pakalong'an|     1107| 10765 --|    --   |    --   |  5474  --|
  |  2|Ulujami    |      247|  2593  1|    --   |    --   |  1612  --|
  |  3|Batang     |      527|  7970 --|    --   |    --   |  2850  --|
  |   +-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+----------+
  |   |    Total  |     1881| 21328  1|    --   |    --   |  9936  --|
  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+----------+

  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+
  |No.| Names of  |  Sawah. |  Tegal. |  Free   |  Coffee |  Teak   |
  |   |Districts. |         |         |  Land.  | Grounds.| Forests.|
  |   |           |         |         |         |         |         |
  |   |           |         |         |         |         |         |
  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+
  |   |           |Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.|Jungs. B.|
  |  1|Pakalong'an| 4974  --|  500  --| 1657  --|  235  --|   50  --|
  |  2|Ulujami    | 1608   3|    3   1|  261   2|   --    |    3   3|
  |  3|Batang     | 2750  --|  100  --| 1000  --|  178  --|  250  --|
  |   +-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+
  |   |    Total  | 9332   3|  603   1| 2918   2|  413  --|  303   3|
  +---+-----------+---------+---------+---------+---------+---------+

  +---+-----------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+
  |No.| Names of  |Government|Land in use |  Capable  |  Unfit  |
  |   |Districts. |   Land.  |in Villages.|  of being |  Land.  |
  |   |           |          |            |Cultivated.|         |
  |   |           |          |            |           |         |
  +---+-----------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+
  |   |           | Jungs. B.|  Jungs. B. | Jungs. B. |Jungs. B.|
  |  1|Pakalong'an|     --   |  7416   -- |   235  -- |  114  --|
  |  2|Ulujami    |     --   |  1877    1 |    30   2 |  340   1|
  |  3|Batang     |     --   |  4278   -- |   700  -- |  500  --|
  |   +-----------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+
  |   |    Total  |     --   | 13571    1 |   965   2 |  954   1|
  +---+-----------+----------+------------+-----------+---------+

  +---+-----------+---------+---------+--------------------+
  |No.| Names of  | Jungle  | Land not|
[cell cut: 2761518 characters, first 2000000 kept]

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaBook