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Flames apparently shooting from engine force jet to return to Newark
Video taken by a passenger appears to show flames outside the window.
A United Airlines flight from Newark to Los Angeles was forced to return to the airport minutes after takeoff due to a mechanical problem that apparently resulted in flames shooting from one of its engines.
A still image from a video shot by a United Airlines passenger appears to show flames leaping from the engine of a plane bound for Los Angeles, Jan. 15, 2020.
A still image from a video shot by a United Airlines passenger appears to show flames leaping from the engine of a plane bound for Los Angeles, Jan. 15, 2020.Gabrielle Guzy
A passenger aboard United Airlines Flight 1871 captured a video that appeared to show flames leaping from the plane's right engine a few minutes after the flight took off from Newark Liberty International Airport Wednesday night.
United Airlines officials said the jet suffered a mechanical issue and was forced to return to Newark.
"I didn't know what was happening," passenger Gabrielle Guzy told ABC News. "My sister said she thought it was lights, but I knew it was fire from the engine. I kept reassuring myself we'd be OK because we had only been in the air for a minute."
United representatives said the plane landed safely and passengers deplaned normally.
Airline officials then worked on changing planes so passengers could resume their trip.
Iran warning puts thousands of European troops in spotlight Treasury's internal watchdog is probing the Trump administration's Opportunity Zone program
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CINDERELLA MAN
Written By: Akiva Goldsman, Cliff Hollingsworth
Cast: Russell Crowe, Renée Zellweger, Paul Giamatti
Financed by: Universal; Miramax; Disney
Domestic Gross: $61,649,911 Overseas Gross: $46,890,000
Cinderella Man was co-financed for $88 million by Universal and Miramax and Disney paid for half of their sibling Miramax's investment and would distribute the film overseas through Buena Vista Intl. Universal handled domestic distribution. Along with commanding large salaries, Russell Crowe, Ron Howard and producer Brian Grazer, all received rich backend participation deals. Renée Zellweger had a package contract with both Universal and Miramax that landed her a $21 million payday for starring in Cinderella Man and Bridget Jones: The Edge of Reason.
Universal originally planned on a December 17, 2004 release as a major awards contender, but Russell Crowe was injured training for the film and production had to be pushed back. Cinderella Man was moved to March 18, 2005 and then pushed to June 3, 2005. The studio positioned the film as a summer counter-programmer for adults and Universal hoped it would have long legs throughout the summer like previous successful adult fare in recent years Seabiscuit and Road To Perdition.
Nationwide previews were held the weekend before its release in 761 theaters to 90% capacity to spread word of mouth. Universal also heavily backed the movie with a marketing blitz north of $40 million. It bowed against The Sisterhood of the Traveling Pants and Lords Of Dogtown and reviews were positive.
Cinderella Man was booked in 2,812 theaters and came in below expectations at $18,320,205 — placing #4 for the weekend led by holdover Madagascar. The film received an A+ cinemascore from audiences and was expected to break out from the positive response, but Cinderella Man declined 46.9% the following weekend to $9,728,955 killing its chances at breaking out.
Universal blamed the June release date as the reason for the box office disappointment and questioned whether the film would have played better if positioned as an end of the year award contender — but Russell Crowe's off screen behavior, who was arrested just days after the movie opened from throwing a phone at a hotel clerk, didn't help. In late November, after the film was a commercial flop, Universal put the film back in 5 theaters and gave it a heavy awards campaign, which didn't exactly pay off when it only mustered a supporting actor nomination for Paul Giamatti and editing and makeup. Cinderella Man stalled out of release with a disappointing $61,649,911 leaving Universal with about $33.8 million after theaters take their percentage of the gross, which did not even cover the domestic P&A costs.
Buena Vista Intl. overhauled the marketing for its overseas release, with less emphasis on the depression era setting and more on the love story between its bankable leads, but the film also did not see commercial success. Cinderella Man cumed a soft $4.1 million in the UK and $4.5 million in Australia. It bombed in France with $2.1 million and was a disaster in Germany with $666,350 and the strongest market was $10.1 million from Japan. The overseas total was $46,890,000.
Slightly padding the huge loss, was the network TNT paid $8 million for cable rights.

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You might know how it all happened but it actually happened. You have a dead stump in front of you. In case you wish to preserve the green look of the landscape, then it is time to hire a Tree Removal Melbourne service. The majestic oak may pose a huge danger for the drivers since it might have started to lean on the road or the tree and might be causing some major damage to the roof and it might grow now.
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The location of tree may have a prominent impact on cost of removing it. For instance, how difficult it is for the professionals to reach the tree. Is the tree located close to the house or close to the road? Will it be safe to eradicate it or will the professional in question will have to deal with the utility wires as well as other risky dangerous obstacles. Also, you need got think if the whole process of Tree Removal Melbourne has any kind of impact on the property of the neighbour.
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Tree Removal Melbourne can help you in eradicating a dead stump which may pose a lot of problems for you as well as your neighbours. You may hire professionals for the job.


If you're one of the millions of professionals who uses a computer at work or at home, you've likely used Microsoft Office products. Microsoft Word, Excel, PowerPoint, Outlook, and Access are some of the most widely used software programs in the world, and organizations large and small typically demand some familiarity with these applications. At ed2go, we offer courses teaching everything from beginner to advanced concepts to help you learn Microsoft programs and use those skills to advance in your career. Even if you use some of these applications every day, chances are you're still wondering things like, "How do I learn Microsoft Excel?" or "What else can I do with Microsoft Word?" Our Microsoft learning programs can teach you all of this and more. Take just one or two courses, like those offered for Microsoft PowerPoint or Outlook, or enroll in a program that covers multiple Microsoft products and get on the fast track to success. With ed2go on your team, you may never need to use the Microsoft help desk again.


A daughter is very special since the day she is born and takes her first steps until the day when she becomes a lady, and perhaps it would be a little sad for parents to see that the girl who needed them becomes increasingly more independent. We all know that there is a special birthday where girls mark their transition from girl to woman, and that is the day that she is15 years old.
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Italian art: Saint Agostino's frescos in Rimini
WTI Magazine #146 Dec 18, 2021
TAG : Magazine Italian Art Rimini Emilia Romagna
Rimini, in the Emilia Romagna region, never ceases to amaze, and even less so does the church of Saint Agostino. The treasure chest of the fourteenth-century Rimini school of painting, where extraordinary cycles of frescoes disappeared for centuries reappeared only after the earthquake of 1916, forcing art historians to rewrite their pages, has revealed a new treasure until now completely unknown: a chapel with vaults entirely frescoed, over 100 square meters of paintings.
Already in 2009, traces of paintings were noted on the ceiling of the so-called 'weekday chapel' of Saint Agostino. It is adjacent to the sacristy and still normally used for functions. A splendid Baroque space of the eighteenth century, which, however, was believed to rise on the site of the very first church dedicated to St. John the Evangelist, documented as early as the twelfth century.
The Augustinian fathers arrived there in the middle of the thirteenth century and in 1247 they began the construction of the monastic complex, which soon became a very important cultural center.
Also recently other frescoes were found in the hall of the former cinema but only in recent months the resources have been found to start with the scans. In May and June of this year, the white plaster of the eighteenth century began to be removed. The restorers could not believe their eyes when they realized that the entire ceiling was completely frescoed and could probably be brought back to light.
These are frescoes that can be dated to the second half of the fourteenth century or the beginning of the fifteenth. This means that we are in the period immediately following that of the Rimini "Trecentisti", a generation of painters wiped out by the great plague of 1348. The Malatesta family was at the height of its power, but ever since it came to power in the city at the end of the thirteenth century, it had been a strong supporter of the Augustinian order, which had set up one of its major centers in Rimini; it held two general chapters there between the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century. The Studium of the Augustinians of Rimini was a real university, with a very rich library.
We are only at the beginning of the research and all the specialists are now called upon to give their contribution to clarify who the authors of the frescoes were and why they wanted them in those forms. And these are not the usual forms. For example, also in Tolentino painters of the Rimini school represented the four evangelists and always at once, but in person and not with their initials associated with the traditional symbols. A representation that at first glance recalls if anything the miniatures. Except that the figures found in Saint Agostino are not at all tiny but enormous and made more than ten meters from the ground. There also seem to be significant similarities with the Rimini majolica of the time, most of which has yet to be studied scientifically.
In the meantime, a new piece has been added to the artistic history of the city, filling a void of which practically nothing was known, if not bare lists of names, like those collected by Oreste Delucca, of the painters who worked in Rimini during that period. We'll be waiting for the outcome of the patient work of the scalpel that inch by inch is revealing this forgotten treasure. If it is the only one. Even the walls of the "weekday chapel", at least in their upper part, seem to conceal other paintings. Saint Agostino certainly has other wonderful surprises in store.


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El municipio de Piedras Negras es uno de los 38 municipios en que se divide el estado mexicano de Coahuila de Zaragoza. Fronterizo con los Estados Unidos, su cabecera es la ciudad de Piedras Negras.

Geografía
El municipio de Piedras Negras se encuentra localizado en el noreste del estado de Coahuila y en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México. Tiene una extensión territorial de 475.082 kilómetros cuadrados que equivalen al 0.3% de la extensión total de Coahuila. Sus coordenadas geográficas extremas son 28° 37' - 28° 57' de latitud norte y 100° 27' - 100° 46' de longitud oeste, su altitud va de un mínimo de 400 a un máximo de 2 000 metros sobre el nivel del mar.

Limita al noroeste con el municipio de Jiménez, al oeste con el municipio de Zaragoza y al sur con el municipio de Nava. Al este y noreste sus límites corresponden a los Estados Unidos de América, en particular con el estado de Texas y el condado de Maverick.

Orografía
La mayor parte del terreno es llano, anteriormente se contaba con montes que ahora forman parte de la mancha urbana. El 8'5% de la superficie municipal se usa para el cultivo de trigo, maíz, frijol y sorgo.

Hidrografía
De norte a noreste fluye el Río Bravo, formando el límite del municipio con Estados Unidos. Al noreste hace su entrada el Río San Rodrigo, el cual proviene del este del municipio de Zaragoza, este Río desemboca en el Bravo por el noreste de Piedras Negras; y por el sur del municipio llega el Río San Antonio que viene de Zaragoza para desembocar por el sureste en el Río Bravo. De este a oeste fluye el Río Escondido, que atraviesa el sur de la ciudad y desemboca en el Río Bravo.

Recursos naturales
En esta región se genera gran parte de la producción nacional de carbón, uno de los minerales no metálicos más importantes del estado en el contexto económico. Es conocida como la zona más productora de carbón por excelencia; comprende los municipios de Nueva Rosita, Sabinas, Múzquiz y Piedras Negras, ubicados en el norte del estado. La participación minera tiene una participación significativa en el PIB estatal, ya que tiene un valor anual aproximado de 500 millones de dólares. La totalidad de la producción de carbón es consumida por el estado, tanto por la industria siderúrgica como por las plantas termoeléctricas. De igual manera, en esta zona existen grandes yacimientos de gas.

Demografía
De acuerdo a los resultados del Censo de Población y Vivienda realizado en 2010 por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía; la población total del municipio de Piedras Negras es de 152 806 habitantes, de los cuales 76 404 son hombres y 76 402 son mujeres.

La densidad de población asciende a un total de 321.64 personas por kilómetro cuadrado.

Localidades
El municipio incluye en su territorio un total de 167 localidades. Las principales, considerando su población del Censo de 2010 son:

Política
El gobierno del municipio de Piedras Negras le corresponde a su ayuntamiento, el cual esta integrado por el presidente municipal, un síndico y el cabildo conformado por veinte regidores, electos por mayoría relativa. Todos son electos mediante voto universal, directo y secreto para un periodo de cuatro años con posibilidad de ser reelectos por un único periodo inmediato.

Representación legislativa
Para la elección de diputados locales al Congreso de Coahuila y de diputados federales a la Cámara de Diputados federal, el municipio de Piedras Negras se encuentra integrado en los siguientes distritos electorales:

Local:
 Distrito electoral local de 2 de Coahuila con cabecera en Piedras Negras.

Federal:
 Distrito electoral federal 1 de Coahuila con cabecera en Piedras Negras.

Presidentes municipales
(1990 - 1993): Rito Valdés Salinas
(1993 - 1996): Ernesto Vela del Campo
(1996 - 1999): Claudio Mario Bres Garza
(1999 - 2002): Urbano Santos Benavides
(2002 - 2005): Claudio Mario Bres Garza
(2005 - 2009): Jesús Mario Flores Garza
(2009 - 2012): Raúl Alejandro Vela Erhard
(2012 - 2013): Óscar Fernando López Elizondo
(2013 - 2017): Fernando Purón Johnston
(2017 - 2018): Sonia Villarreal Pérez
(2018 - 2021):Claudio Mario Bres Garza
(2021):Norma Lucille Treviño Galindo

Referencias

Notas

Fuentes

Municipios del estado de Coahuila

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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SS-Totenkopf France 1940 (Kindle)
WWII Photographic eBooks Hitler & the Third Reich German Forces & Weaponry in WWII WWII Photographic eBooks Military
By Jack Holroyd
Imprint: Pen & Sword Military
Series: Images of War
File Size: 43.1 MB (.mobi)
eBook Released: 16th July 2012
Get SS-Totenkopf France 1940 (Kindle) for FREE when you purchase 2 other eBooks.
SS-Totenkopf France 1940 Paperback Add to Basket £9.75
SS-Totenkopf France 1940 ePub (32.6 MB) Add to Basket £4.99
By the end of the Second World War the reputation of Hitler's Schutzstaffel (SS) had become so heavily sullied that the organization was branded criminal and banned in post-war Germany. It's authority in Nazi Germany had been enormous having been made responsible for Reich internal security, it implemented Nazi racial policy and managed the death camps. Most oddly it produced a rival military organization to the German regular army – fighting alongside it but never a part of it – the Waffen SS.
SS-Totenkopf is a photographic account of that unit's birth and first month of active service. The Division, formed from concentration camp guards, fought alongside Rommel's 7th Panzer Division against the only British armoured counter-attack of the campaign. However, instances of atrocities committed by men of the Totenkopf began early and the machine-gunning of 97 prisoners of the Norfolk Regiment occurred. In this brief and violent history of the birth of an SS division the original captions and text which accompanied the photographs have been retained in order to capture the original flavour. The translated text appears inter spaced with the author's explanations.
The SS War Correspondent photographers risked their lives to take some of these pictures so up-with-the-action they were and, with their 'blood up', their comments are nationalistically passionate. This is understandable, so successful was the Blitzkrieg campaign in 1940 compared to the efforts of their fathers in 1914-1918 when they failed to break through to the Channel coast. It helps us to understand the euphoric reaction of some of the Totenkopf at the sight of the English Channel.
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About Jack Holroyd
The author has been employed in printing and publishing for fifty years. His works include five fictional titles, two books on aviation topics, five further titles on the First World War and one covering the actions of the SS Totenkopf Division in the invasion of France in May 1940.
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A core reset initializes the majority of the ARM7EJ-S processor, excluding the TAP controller and the EmbeddedICE-RT unit. Core reset is typically used for resetting a system that has been operating for some time (for example, watchdog reset).
Sometimes you might not want to reset the EmbeddedICE-RT unit when resetting the rest of the core, for example, if EmbeddedICE-RT has been configured to breakpoint (or capture) fetches from the reset vector.
For core reset, both the leading and trailing edges of nRESET must be set up and held around the rising edge of CLK. This ensures that there are no metastability issues between the ARM7EJ-S processor and the EmbeddedICE-RT unit.


Within the past year, a few of the restaurants at Yonge and Sheppard have turned over. One of the newcomers is Han Ba Tang, who opened their doors on Canada Day this year. Since day one, the restaurant has been full and lively every time I walk by. When I received the invitation to sample their menu at a blogger event, I jumped on the opportunity.
One of the highlights of the blogger night was meeting Han Ba Tang's (HBT) owner, Chae, who immigrated to Canada over a decade ago and used to run a traditional Korean restaurant with her sister. After 10 years, Chae wanted to create food to feed a younger generation and introduce classic Korean flavours to everyone. This is the main aim behind HBT's decor and ever-changing menu. The food is Korean fusion with 50% catering to traditional tastes (ie. kimchi and kalbi) and the other 50% playing with innovation (ie. lots of cheese and modern cooking techniques). Throughout the night, Chae introduced each dish with an obvious passion and care for feeding her customers.
That passion and care extended to the rugged, industrial look of the restaurant itself. The wood decor was salvaged from a barn roof and the large communal table featured beautiful live edges. There is no exterior signage because during renovation, discontinued glass tiles were uncovered and Chae wanted to preserve the history of the building. Pretty cool.
HBT has a great cocktail menu with an amazing price range of ~$10. Many of the drinks were built around their infused soju flavours. I tried the Kandy Crush, which was balanced, full of fresh strawberries and not overly sweet. Everyone else at my table also enjoyed their choices. Stand alone, soju is already pretty easy to drink; infused with flavour, it's stellar. That night HBT had lemon, pineapple, cucumber, apple cinnamon, ginseng and strawberry infused soju flavours that could be ordered in a flight of 4 shots. The flight comes with another shotglass full of wasabi peas, which was a great pairing. My favourite was the apple cinnamon soju that tasted exactly like apple pie, followed closely by pineapple with was very sweet.
In total, we sampled 9 dishes, which was a lot of food. The first two dishes served, sweet potato chips and chili shrimp, set the night off to a good start. The chips were served with an addictive wasabi mayo and I liked the sweet/spicy combination. Similarly the chilli shrimp were also crispy and doused in a sweet and spicy sauce. Next were two fusion dishes, Korean Tacos and Kimchi Fries. I loved the spicy crispy pork taco that was exploding with spicy mayo, so good. HBT's take on kimchi fries was complex with layers of flavours and textures. Top down, we started with fresh scallions, a basil aioli, bulgogi, a mild kimchi, crispy fries and at the very bottom, a crunchy fried tortilla. That tortilla was like finding the toy at the bottom of a cereal box, but more delicious. I would highly recommend both of these dishes.
We also sampled some special, seasonal menu items such as the steamed lobster (special lobster menu event to come) and squid ink pasta (from HBT's Halloween menu). Both these dishes were a demonstration of HBT's creative side and how they're continuously trying new ideas. Personally, I found the squid ink pasta dish over complicated with too many components. The lobster dish was only ok but I'm excited to see what's to come from HBT's special lobster menu (coming soon!).
Two fusion dishes that we tried was the spicy chicken and rice cake fondue and spoon pizza. I liked the idea of both dishes but the execution on the cheese fondue was spotty. Our fondue pot didn't do a great job of melting the cheese and we ended up scooping the stringy cheese onto the chicken with each bite. The spoon pizza was made with a sweet potato "crust", filled with veggies and topped with cheese.
Our meal ended with the most traditional dish of the night, a spicy seafood soup that was full of chopped up blue crabs. I only wish the soup was served earlier as I was too full to enjoy more than one savoury bowl.
Han Ba Tang is a great new addition to the Yonge and Sheppard area with their tapas style menu that is perfect for sharing. I loved the infused soju and can't wait to be back for more with an order of kimchi fries.


The Agency for Digital Italy is the national centre of competence in open data, within the framework of the Digital Administration Code and of the PSI (Public Sector Information) directive and in line with the Open Government policies promoted by the Italian Government.
promotes open data culture, especially through online seminars which are free and open to all.
AgID, together with the Digital Team, pursues the strategic objectives related to the promotion of open data included in the Three-Year Plan for Information Technology in Public Administration.


text:
Laura Bush and Cindy McCain Raise Money for Gustav Victims
As the hurricane rages, the Republican National Convention gets off to a subdued start
By Sandra Sobieraj Westfall
Updated September 02, 2008 06:55 AM
Credit: Rick Wilking/ Reuters/ Landov
So much for the party.
"George and I were planning to come to enjoy this convention, to have a really good time," First Lady Laura Bush told disappointed delegates Monday as Hurricane Gustav rained on plans for a festive opening to the Republican National Convention in St. Paul, Minn.
Instead, she and Cindy McCain headlined an abbreviated, business-only afternoon session of the convention, using the opportunity to plug charities helping Gulf Coast victims of the hurricane.
"Our first priority for today and in the coming days is to ensure the safety and well-being of those living in the Gulf Coast region," said Bush.
"This is a time when we take off our Republican hats and put on our American hats," added McCain.
As expected, celebrity turnout for the Republicans was almost nil, with country music star John Rich – of the recording duo Big & Rich – standing as the biggest name for Monday night.
Rich – who has written a campaign theme song for Sen. John McCain called "Raisin' McCain" – performed at Lifetime TV's Rock The Vote party. In keeping with the day's charitable theme, the bash doubled as a fund-raiser for the American Red Cross.
• 2005: Hurricane Katrina survivors share their terror and tears
• 2001: PEOPLE introduces the new First Lady, Laura Bush


Sun Coast Resources Inc. was recently ranked No. 2 on the Houston Business Journal's Largest Houston-Area Women-Owned Business List, based on local revenue in fiscal year 2017. Sun Coast is one of the largest wholesale petroleum marketers in the nation and one of the largest woman-owned businesses in Texas.


text:
All the Most extreme Is normally At this point that come: CDC Updates Older Adults Require Approximately COVID-19.
Like the song says, "It ain't over yet." Actually, the World Health Organization warned Monday, that "the worst is yet in the future," referring to the coronavirus pandemic.
6 months since the new coronavirus outbreak, and the death toll has surpassed 500,000 with the number of confirmed infections topping 10 million. In the U.S., several states recorded record highs this week, including where I live here in California as well as in Florida and Texas. In a June 23 hearing before the House Energy and Commerce Committee, Anthony Fauci, a person in the White House coronavirus task force, called another number of weeks "critical" for controlling the spread.
Baby boomers need to pay for attention. Although, details about COVID-19 keeps evolving, something hasn't changed. Older adults have reached high threat of severe illness and death from the coronavirus. Be aware: Eight out of 10 COVID-19-related deaths reported in the United States have already been among adults aged 65 years and older, according to the CDC.
With this in your mind, you might want to take into account some of the latest CDC updates for older adults:
* If you're under 65 and think you're from the woods, think again. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in June expanded its warning of who's most at risk for severe illness from COVID-19, dropping 65 as the age-specific threshold for when risk increases in adults. To place it really, as you age, your risk for severe illness from COVID-19 increases. While those 85 and older have reached the maximum risk, people inside their 50s are often at higher risk for severe illness than people inside their 40s. And people inside their 60s or 70s have reached higher risk for severe illness than people inside their 50s.
* The CDC has updated its official set of COVID-19 symptoms. Warning signs of the condition include: fever or chills; cough; shortness of breath or difficulty breathing; fatigue; muscle or body aches; headache; new loss of taste or smell; sore throat; congestion or runny nose; nausea or vomiting; and diarrhea โควิด. Symptoms that want immediate medical attention include: trouble breathing; persistent pain or pressure in the chest; new confusion; inability to wake or stay awake; and bluish lips or face. Keep in mind, in older adults (aged 65 and older), normal body temperature could be lower than in younger adults. Because of this, fever temperatures can also be lower in older adults meaning it might be less noticeable.
* The CDC also clarified which underlying conditions are most related to COVID-19 hospitalizations and death. On the expanded list: chronic kidney disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), obesity (BMI of 30 or higher), a weakened immune protection system, type 2 diabetes, sickle cell disease and heart conditions, such as heart failure, coronary artery disease or cardiomyopathies. Thus far, the most truly effective three underlying health conditions among coronavirus patients are cardiovascular disease, diabetes and chronic lung disease.
* With the rising rate of infections, let's talk masks. They have some cool looking cloth face coverings today, but which provide the best protection? Certainly one of the most crucial features you'll need are multiple layers of fabric, which are much better than only one, Richard Wenzel, M.D., infectious diseases epidemiologist and emeritus professor of internal medicine at Virginia Commonwealth University in Richmond. states in articles for Consumers Reports. Mayo Clinic agrees that "cloth masks should include multiple layers of fabric." A general rule of thumb is that thicker, denser fabrics will do a much better job than thinner, more loosely woven ones. Flannel pajama material, for instance, that includes a tight weave, might be considered a great option, Wenzel adds. If you intend to purchase a mask online make certain it is made out of tightly woven fabric and fits snugly, fully covering your mouth and nose, wrapping under your chin being an anchor.
* Staying healthy is always important, but even more so in this pandemic. The CDC recommends that older adults receive recommended flu and pneumonia vaccinations, eat healthy, stay active, avoid excessive alcohol use, and get lots of sleep. It is also important to understand to cope with the strain that originates from a pandemic in a wholesome way. Take breaks from the news, embrace your spirituality, stay linked to loved ones, take the time to unwind and take action you enjoy, and practice deep breathing.
* Federal health officials are bracing for the fall, when the flu and COVID-19 will undoubtedly be circulating at the same time. The other day, the CDC's Redfield urged the public to prepare yourself and "to embrace" the flu vaccine. "This single act will save lives," he said. The CDC is also creating a test that may simultaneously test for flu and COVID-19.
So, are we having any fun yet?
Yes, I understand. This is hard. We miss our grandchildren, concerts in the park, eating out, and gatherings with friends. The more enjoyable, devil-may-care attitude the majority are displaying right now could be contagious. However, we boomers must be extra vigilant.
The CDC recommends avoiding activities where taking protective measures may be difficult, such as activities where social distancing can't be maintained. "Generally, the more folks you talk with, the more closely you talk with them, and the longer that interaction, the higher your threat of getting and spreading COVID-19," their site states.
Published January 13, 2021 By Denise
Categorized as Health
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Although the word "Consulting" has had varied meanings over time, the pretense is still the same. Provide an outside view and solution to problems that are common to many within the industry. To satisfy the definition of consulting, one must have experience (resulting in expert advice) as well as deliver that experience in the most efficient and well formed manner.
What are the areas the Maritime Systems Consulting LLC provides consulting in? Quite simply, anything to do with the use of technology to gain a competitive advantage in the marine environment. The areas to the left are just a few of the areas that we provide consulting services in.


The release date for the iOS and Android versions of Meltdown is 7 November.
Meltdown will also be released on the OUYA in the following weeks.
Phenomenon Games is an independent game studio and creator of Meltdown. We specialise in crafting original titles across an expanding base of platforms including PC, Mac, OUYA, iOS and Android.
© 2014 Phenomenon Games. All Rights Reserved.


The Kent Schools e-Safety Policy and Guidance has been updated for 2010 to reflect the changes in technology and practise within schools and settings.
All schools and settings need to understand the significance of e-safety within the 2009 Ofsted inspection framework, which highlights the importance of safeguarding, including e-safety in helping children learn and achieve to the best of their abilities and to stay safe.
The updated 2010 e-Safety Policy Guidance and Template builds upon the foundations laid by previous editions and incorporates new content and materials that schools and other settings may find useful when writing and reviewing e-Safety Policies.
It is essential that schools and settings are aware of both the benefits and risk of using new Technology for students, staff and the wider community. The 2010 Guidance document now has a specific section regarding the use of Social Media tools as an establishment and we strongly recommend that schools and settings read and carefully consider the information and advice before using externally controlled online tools such as social networking. Schools and settings can also consult with the e-Safety Officer to discuss ideas and options.


The TMS laboratory of the Department of Psychology is looking for individuals to participate in an experiment involving Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation. You will receive $25 for your participation. The experiment will be taken place at the Department of Psychology (SEA 3.130C) of UT and it takes ~1 hour to complete. If you are interested, please contact us by email (zoltan@mail.utexas.edu) or by filling up the box below and add 'experimental subject' to the subject line. Do not forget to leave us your contact.


Has anyone made their own body rotisserie? I'm thinking of trying to build something that will allow me to rotate the body so I can weld patch panels on the bottom.
49 chevy Styleline (Sold), 51 Styleline 2 dr Special, 235 (from a 61 truck) bored .060 over, Dual Carter/Webers, Fenton Headers, T5- 5 speed with a 56 rear end.
Didn't make mine, but I have to say, they are the cat's a$$ and worth every penny!
I think I bought mine for $300 at the time for my Roadrunner. Easy to build. Comes with tapered roller bearings. The owner is very helpful. Unfortunately I sold mine a year or so ago Should have kept it.
"Fix it right the first time or leave it alone"
Do you have pictures of how it looks attached to the body? I was thinking of something like that. I hate to spend the bucks for one time use.
This is my Barbecue grill, the bars in the trunk is fastened in the frame mont holes.
I can't imagine putting a body of this size on a couple of engine stands. I know some have done it but I think you are really pushing your luck doing it this way. That method should be reserved for MG's and smaller cars or chassis. By the time you add a bunch of braces and make it beefier, you're still going to spend a bunch of money. By a used (or new if you can't find one) and resell it after you are done at a slight discount- most likely less than you'd spend to build one. There are so many people that want one I can't imagine they'd be hard to sell- especially at a slightly cheaper price tag than new.
I built this one 21 years ago and have used it for many restorations. I build adapters for the different cars I used it for. Here some photos of it in use.
One more pics off my car.
Sure makes it easy to do all the metal repairs. Your project is looking great.
I saw this home made wood rotisserie on another site.
I borrowed this store bought rotisserie from a friend to clean up the underside of my '56.
I thought of making one out of wood but I got 2 engine stands and am going to try that. But the wood one looks much less hassle.
Are there any more pictures on that other site of the wood one?
heres where i got mine from, hes actually having a special on them if you want one DIRT CHEAP! I HAVE NO AFFILIATION with this company other than being a happy customer.
things work great and are woth the freight..
Wow That one is crazy!
yes, cheap too. great tool that come in handy time and time again... and even when you no longer plan to use... have great re-sale value.
You gonna tell us how cheap?
will probably break some sort of rule in CT im sure but they run for under a grand sometimes better... you would do your own painting on em..
I am guessing you would need the hydraulic lifts for each end on top of that?
Not a bad price if all you have to do is assemble.
yes, assemble and paint, paint is optional for some, i just wanted mine to last so i powdercoated it.
and your correct the pistons go on that mast then the cross brace and casters..
ill get a shot of it once all assembled, I built my first one my self but it was just a dollie for about 100 bucks.
The last kit I bought was only the head plates and the roller bearings for it and you had to purchase the rest of the steel local then weld it all up. The kit was about $350. The deal your talking about sounds a little better.
check the site for other cool stuff hes got, but emal or call him direct to get the good deals..
also got some sweet tire skates. these things are a blast to have, push a car acoss my shop SIDEWAYS with one hand.
yes i have built several.i restored my 69 six bbl road runner and it was a piece of cake.my other 69 road runner has beed living on it for 2 years and 53 wagon is waiting its turn.saves the knees and back.
support plates. and I swear some of the rollers had flat spots.
These things are great, all you have to do is bolt on the wheels, will prob run you same what the Hfreight junk go for..
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Work and clients: Meadhbh works on a range of clients from owner-managed businesses to large groups predominantly in hotel, retail and clean energy.
The route to Shipleys: Meadhbh joined Shipleys from Birkbeck, University of London in 2012 to complete her ACA training. For the past couple of years, she has worked in audit at EY and at Kaplan Financial as an ACA & CIMA tutor before returning to Shipleys as Audit Manager.
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2. Thus speaks LORD of hosts, saying, This people say, It is not the time for us to come, the time for LORD's house to be built.
4. Is it a time for you yourselves to dwell in your paneled houses while this house lays waste?
5. Now therefore thus says LORD of hosts: Consider your ways.
6. Ye have sown much, and bring in little. Ye eat, but ye have not enough. Ye drink, but ye are not filled with drink. Ye clothe yourselves, but there is none warm. And he who earns wages earns wages to put into a bag with holes.
7. Thus says LORD of hosts: Consider your ways.
8. Go up to the mountain, and bring wood, and build the house. And I will take pleasure in it, and I will be glorified, says LORD.
9. Ye looked for much, and, lo, it came to little, and when ye brought it home, I blew upon it. Why? says LORD of hosts. Because of my house that lays waste while ye run each man to his own house.
10. Therefore for your sake the heavens withhold the dew, and the earth withholds its fruit.
11. And I called for a drought upon the land, and upon the mountains, and upon the grain, and upon the new wine, and upon the oil, and upon that which the ground brings forth, and upon men, and upon cattle, and upon all the labor of the hands.
12. Then Zerubbabel the son of Shealtiel, and Joshua the son of Jehozadak, the high priest, with all the remnant of the people, obeyed the voice of LORD their God, and the words of Haggai the prophet, as LORD their God had sent him. And the people feared before LORD.
13. Then Haggai, LORD's messenger, spoke in LORD's message to the people, saying, I am with you, says LORD.
15. in the twenty-fourth day of the month, in the sixth month, in the second year of Darius the king.


American President Barack Obama made the strongest case yet for trade as he visited NIKE world headquarters in Beaverton, Oregon on May 8. The US Footwear Distributors and Retailers Association (FDRA) through its President Matt Priest was invited as a special guest, representing the U.S footwear industry at the event.
In a speech before NIKE employees and other Oregon businesses, President Obama effectively laid out the importance of trade, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and its benefits to American working families saying, "What this trade agreement would do is open the doors to higher-skilled, higher-wage jobs of the future - jobs that we excel at."
Highlighting footwear jobs throughout the industry's supply chain has been at the forefront of FDRA's advocacy efforts over the last five years. "Design, distribution, marketing, retail, compliance and manufacturing jobs all rely on our ability to move goods all over the world. The $2.7 billion in tariffs levied against footwear imports last year here in the United States do nothing more than hamper innovation and stifle job creation", say the FDRA.


text:
The Alliance that Dared Not Speak Its Name
Joseph Lelyveld
The Unspoken Alliance: Israel's Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa
by Sasha Polakow-Suransky
Pantheon, 324 pp., $27.95
Sasa Kralj/AP Images
Nelson Mandela and Shimon Peres meeting in Cape Town to discuss the Middle East peace process, October 20, 1996
It wasn't even a blip on the evening news but early this summer, in a display of fancy footwork on the diplomatic high wire, Barack Obama came close to mentioning in public a subject on which every president since Lyndon Johnson has been strictly mum: the fact, unacknowledged for more than four decades now, that the United States knows Israel has nuclear warheads. On the basis of a secret "understanding" struck by Richard Nixon and Golda Meir in 1969, the established practice has been to abide by Israel's policy of maximum coyness and ambiguity on the subject even when—or especially when—it conflicts with Washington's long-flaunted goal of pressing aspiring nuclear powers that long ago signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, like Iran, for example (under the Shah), or Iraq (before Saddam Hussein), to abide by it and allow international inspection of their nuclear facilities.1
Israel is a nonsignatory and not the only one that Washington finds it inexpedient to press, just the only one on which it has maintained a vow of silence. India, thanks to the last Republican administration, now gets the sort of American help building reactors from which it was supposed to be forever barred as a result of its decision to go nuclear. Pakistan—arguably the worst proliferator on record, having boosted the nuclear programs of Libya, North Korea, and Iran—is one of the largest recipients of US military assistance because its cooperation is deemed indispensable so long as we're fighting next door in Afghanistan. It's a hard world out there and policy contradictions are not easily avoided; sometimes influence has to be bought. So goes the thinking of so-called "realists" in foreign policy circles.
New to office, Obama determined to put life and muscle into the flagging nonproliferation drive, in part to justify the effort to squeeze Iran and keep it from going the way of North Korea, and, in the much longer run, to work toward regional agreements that might eventually include the Middle East. So, when after four weeks of discussion, a UN conference of 189 nations reviewed the nonproliferation regime and reached a twenty-eight-page agreement on new steps to be taken toward halting the spread of weapons and promoting peaceful uses of nuclear energy, the Obama administration hailed it as "forward-looking and balanced."
There was, however, a catch, making fancy footwork by the President unavoidable. The agreement his administration had hailed in May didn't mention Iran, which had attended the conference, its delegation headed briefly by President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But it did mention Israel, which had not, calling on it to sign the nonproliferation treaty and take part in a conference in 2012 on turning the Middle East into a nuclear-free zone. Lurking between the lines seemed to be a wispy hope that Iran might be persuaded to forswear nuclear weapons if Israel could be drawn into discussion of the circumstances under which it might consider giving up the two hundred or so nuclear warheads it has long been rumored to possess. Who then was being squeezed and how could the United States, which had yet to acknowledge Israel's nuclear status, dance around that tangle at a time when it was simultaneously trying to mend fences with the right-wing government of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and persuade it to get serious about peace talks with the Palestinians?
Netanyahu was standing next to the President at the White House on July 7 when, speaking elliptically, carefully avoiding words like "nuclear" or "weapons," Obama came closer to an on-the-record acknowledgment of the Israeli deterrent—and, by any reasonable reading, putting an American stamp of approval on it—than the previous eight presidents. (A quickly corrected verbal slip left a lingering impression that the President privately understood that Israeli weapons might also serve American interests.) Here is his actual language:
We strongly believe that given its size, its history, the region that it's in and the threats that are leveled against us—against it, that Israel has unique security requirements. It's got to be able to respond to threats or any combination of threats in the region. And that's why we remain unswerving in our commitment to Israel's security. And the United States will never ask Israel to take any steps that would undermine their security interests.
Dan Meridor, a deputy prime minister to Netanyhu, instantly interpreted this as an endorsement of Israel's policies and, therefore, an assurance that Washington would not press Israel to sign the nonproliferation treaty it has refused to sign for forty years. "I think this entire presentation," Meridor told Reuters, "gives a clear picture of the understanding between Israel and the United States."
In other words, gotcha. The United States might now be on record as favoring the transformation of the region into a nuclear-free zone but it was simultaneously on record as saying this could happen only after the dawning of a peace so profound that its one existing nuclear power felt secure enough to surrender its arms. Which was what everyone who has thought about the matter for more than three minutes had assumed before the conference Obama had championed. If American non-proliferation policy was not exactly contradictory, when translated into plain language, its logic was strained and its practical application obscure.
For students of such issues, there is nothing new in the idea that the line between diplomacy and hypocrisy can be a fine one; that nations can have conflicting goals, especially nations playing for high stakes by holding or seeking nuclear weapons. Israel itself is not exactly pure in this arena, as we are reminded by The Unspoken Alliance, a survey somewhat undersold by its subtitle: "Israel's Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa." What makes the book, written by a young editor at Foreign Affairs, more than a little tantalizing isn't its account of Israel's readiness—sometimes even eagerness—to soften its stand on the apartheid regime's race policies and, overlooking a United Nations embargo on arms sales to South Africa, find a rich market for its own growing arms industry. It's the flashes of new insight it provides on the extent of nuclear dealings between embattled Israel and a pariah state whose circumstances increasingly could be said to parallel its own.
Sasha Polakow-Suransky took advantage of an enlightened freedom of information act passed in the liberal atmosphere that existed in South Africa in the first flush of majority-rule government. Despite formal representation by Israel that the release of the classified documents he sought might compromise its national security, he procured more than seven thousand pages from the defense and foreign affairs ministries in Pretoria, now under the control of an African National Congress with few reasons to fret about the sensitivities of the apartheid government's silent partner. He doesn't tell us how many of these pages really sizzle but he provides a list of aging officials he interviewed from the old days of white rule who once knew the details of their country's effort to go nuclear; he met them over coffee in suburban malls, on their farms, or in assisted living quarters. These included a long-time defense minister, General Magnus Malan. The son of South African Jews, Polakow-Suransky made similar efforts in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv but, not surprisingly, got no documents and, especially when it came to nuclear issues, more guarded responses there.
The documents—the presumably small portion of the seven thousand pages dealing directly with nuclear issues—don't convict Israel of nuclear proliferation to South Africa (notwithstanding a sensational report in the Guardian on May 24 asserting that "Israel offered to sell nuclear warheads to the apartheid regime," based on this material). But they can hardly be said to fully exonerate Israel on the proliferation charge, as South Africa's last white president, F.W. de Klerk, dutifully tried to do in March 1993 in the usual elliptical language, a year before the handover of power and two years after South Africa, under American prodding, finally signed the nonproliferation pact.
Acknowledging for the first time that South Africa had developed nuclear weapons, de Klerk said that they had now all been dismantled under international inspection. "At no time did South Africa acquire nuclear weapons technology or materials from another country, nor has it provided any to any other country, or co-operated with another country in this regard," he said without once mentioning Israel, the only possible supplier that there could have been reason to suspect.
It's the last clause of that sentence that appears to be undermined by the incomplete evidence Polakow-Suransky has managed to unearth. Citing an interview with the manager of the plant where the South African warheads were manufactured, he tells us that it wasn't only the weapons that were destroyed but "all proliferation-sensitive records associated with the program." De Klerk's assurances, he says, "artfully sidestepped the truth" and used "clever semantics" to obscure the cooperation that did occur. (The suggestion, attributed in a footnote to the plant manager, was that Israel was careful to cover its tracks by providing what were arguably "dual-use" technologies with peaceful applications, though it was fully aware, on the basis of extensive military and scientific exchanges, of the real nature of South Africa's interest.)
This was nothing so crude as an offer to sell warheads but Israel was deep into a shadowy area where the exact location of the line between proliferating and not proliferating could be hard to draw. Like a driver going ten or fifteen miles over the speed limit, Israel's main concern, it seems, wasn't to abide by the law but not to get caught—in this case, by its primary ally, the United States.
It's possible but unlikely that American officials got a glimpse of any "proliferation-sensitive records" that may have been destroyed by the old management in Pretoria. From the start of Israel's serious military engagement with South Africa, secrecy was the name of the game. It was also a fundamental principle of the first formal agreement, a pact signed in April 1975 by P.W. Botha (the future South African president, then defense minister) and his Israeli counterpart, Shimon Peres (a future prime minister and, now, a president himself). As summarized in The Unspoken Alliance, the agreement provided that it would remain in force indefinitely and couldn't be terminated unilaterally by either country. "It is hereby expressly agreed," it said, "that the very existence of the Agreement…shall be secret and shall not be disclosed by either party."
Polakow-Suransky isn't the first to write about nuclear collaboration between the two countries, let alone their widening arms trade and intelligence cooperation over the next decade and more; or Israel's readiness to help Pretoria evade the arms embargo by serving as what amounted to a beard; or about consultations between the two governments that eventually reached the subject of domestic security, in which they compared notes on ways of suppressing the insurgencies they faced. (Seymour Hersh, for one, delved into the nuclear side of the expanding relationship in The Samson Option, his 1991 book on Israel's nuclear program.) But he's the first to uncover the actual agreement Botha and Peres signed, showing that the UN Special Committee Against Apartheid was more right than it could have known when in 1983 it outraged Israel's supporters by sponsoring a conference in Vienna on "the alliance between Israel and South Africa."
Abbas/Magnum Photos
F. W. de Klerk visiting the Wailing Wall, Jerusalem, 1991
The discussion the Guardian seized on dealt with the sale of Israeli-made medium-range missiles, given the biblical name of Jericho, capable of carrying nuclear as well as conventional warheads. From Polakow-Suransky's account, the two sides seemed to be feeling each other out in an exploratory talk, preliminary to any hard bargaining on the details of their cooperation. Israel—shaken by its huge losses of troops and matériel in the first phase of the 1973 Yom Kippur War and Washington's initial hesitation in sending an air armada on a resupply mission—had determined that it would have to get into the production of sophisticated arms on a scale well beyond its own means. It was looking for customers with big pockets who might invest in costly programs like the Jericho. South Africa, shaken by the impending Portugese withdrawal from Angola and Mozambique, was steeling itself for confrontation with liberation movements on its own borders. It had an embryonic nuclear program underway but had not yet committed itself, strategically or financially, to the goal of becoming a nuclear power. Still, it was interested. The weapons would have to come with "the correct payload," Botha told Peres.
Peres responded like a salesman unpacking his samples kit; in the words of minutes of the meeting on file in the South African National Defense Forces Military Intelligence Archive, he said: "The correct payload was available in three sizes." There is no corroborating Israeli document on public view and, even if there were, there's no way to measure Peres's real intentions at this early stage of the discussions. While it's possible to imagine Pakistan's supposedly renegade nuclear huckster A.Q. Khan flashing a similar come-on to Muammar Qaddafi in Tripoli, in this case the Israelis' apparent offer wasn't put to the test. The South Africans weren't ready to put up the money. On the basis of the evidence he presents, Polakow-Suransky seems to overstate the case when he refers to it as an "abortive deal." There was no deal, just a conversation. It's the difference between conception and a gleam in the eye.
In the context of present-day discussions of proliferation, it's not exactly irrelevant to mention that a market-hungry Israel then carried its proposal for missile cofinancing to the Shah's Iran where agreement was struck on a short-lived project code-named "Flower" (a forerunner, it might be suggested, of the reckless maneuvers that came to be known as the Iran-contra scandal, in which Israel and the Reagan administration plotted to reengage revolutionary Iran by selling it arms).
The first South African purchases from Israel, meanwhile, were not reach-for-the-stars stuff but standard military hardware: ammunition, tanks, and tank engines. However, the story doesn't end there. It continues into the last decade of the apartheid regime. With the fall of the Shah, the Israelis were once again keenly interested in South African partnership on missile technology. Magnus Malan and other high military officials in Pretoria were invited to witness tests of a new, improved Jericho missile over the Mediterranean. By 1984, the two governments reached agreement on coproduction of the Jericho 2, which had three times the range of the original, and on joint testing from the Overberg Test Range on the Cape of Good Hope, where rockets could be fired off into the South Atlantic with less risk of discovery. During this period, Polakow-Suransky tells us, seventy-five Israeli rocket specialists were stationed at the Cape, while more than two hundred South Africans were sent to Israel for training. The tide of expertise was clearly flowing north to south, from Israel to South Africa.
"They were able to develop their own military industries by using our know-how and our expertise which we sold sometimes, I thought, too easily," a former head of the Israeli military mission in Pretoria remarked to the author. "But we did because we were very much in need of this relationship." This official, once the commanding officer of Israel's navy, wasn't referring specifically to know-how on missiles and warheads. But his words may apply there too.
When the administration of the first President Bush eventually asked its ally in Jerusalem whether there had been a transfer of missile technology to South Africa, it got less than a straight response. (The Central Intelligence Agency, we're told here, strongly suspected it knew the answer, which was why the question was being put.) Israel said merely that it had made a decision after the United States imposed sanctions on South Africa in 1987 to refrain from engaging in any new arms deals with Pretoria. It failed to mention that an agreement on missile cooperation had been signed three years earlier and was still in force. By this point Israeli diplomats and analysts well understood that the writing was on the wall for white rule in South Africa. But Israeli generals and security officials clung to the relationship—and to their access to the test range—to almost the last possible hour.
By the time the missile accord was finally struck in 1984, South Africa had produced its first nuclear device. The idea was never to hurl a warhead into Luanda, Lusaka, or Maputo. It was a card to be played in trying to persuade Western powers not to "abandon" the regime in the face of a Communist "onslaught." But when the curtain rose for the last act, South Africa's undeclared nuclear status proved to be less powerful than the political pressure for sanctions brought to bear in the West by the anti-apartheid movement; nor could a nuclear arsenal do anything to slow the breakdown of the racial order increasingly evident in the industrial belt around Johannesburg. The end of the cold war shredded the always feeble argument that the white regime might have some residual value as a strategic partner.
When the relationship first got serious, back in the 1970s, Israel had already been a fully fledged, though unacknowledged, nuclear power for at least six years. South Africa didn't build its first nuclear device until seven years after the Botha–Peres talks. Could it have progressed that fast without outside guidance and advice? Any answer to that question must be speculative but it's not a great stretch to imagine that there was some payback for Israel's access to South Africa's vast mineral resources and open spaces.
Polakow-Suransky cites several indications that the two countries were continuously engaged on nuclear issues. Shortly after the Botha–Peres meetings South Africa removed restrictions that had been placed on five hundred tons of "yellowcake"—a compound suitable for enriching to weapons-grade uranium—that had been shipped to Israel under a secret agreement that the ore was to be stockpiled and inspected annually in the Negev by the South African Atomic Energy Board. In exchange, Israel shipped South Africa thirty grams of radioactive tritium, a substance, according to the Federation of American Scientists, that's "essential to the construction of boosted-fission nuclear weapons" (in which tritium and deuterium are heated to the temperature and pressure required for nuclear fusion, making the bomb more powerful).
Finally there was the once-notorious double "flash" over the South Atlantic in 1979, which an American surveillance satellite recorded and instantaneously relayed as a presumptive nuclear test. The Carter administration came down hard on Pretoria, only to back off when further scrutiny of the evidence led to the conclusion that the test was more likely to have been carried out by Israel with the connivance and assistance of South Africa. "Overnight, just like that, the pressure disappeared," a former South African official recalled in an interview for this book. It was one thing, it seems, to be seen as pushing South Africa on a nuclear issue; quite another to make it an open issue with Israel, whose status as a nuclear power Washington resolutely declined to acknowledge. That could only undercut the official American stand on nonproliferation. Which is where we came in.
The threads of the nuclear relationship that The Unspoken Alliance traces stand out because of the new material its author has dug up, which may be deemed to provide a measure of insight into ongoing and tricky proliferation issues. But those threads represent a relatively small part of the broader narrative Polakow-Suransky stitches together, which aims to set the hidden relationship between two beleaguered states in its full geopolitical and domestic settings. He capably, sometimes breezily, delves into Israeli and South African politics. In his assessment, it's the Israelis who come off worse on any scale of hypocrisy, especially those who'd indulged in denunciations of apartheid with a "light unto the nations" fervor. Shimon Peres, the wheeler-dealer who served as David Ben-Gurion's right hand on arms procurement before stepping into the political limelight himself, takes a bigger beating than P.W. Botha for his "customary sanctimony." In private, he could laud South Africa's white leaders, telling them that they shared "a common hatred of injustice." In public, he called apartheid "the ultimate abomination" and "the cruelest inhumanity." Having ascended to the post of prime minister, he assured the president of Cameroon that "a Jew who accepts apartheid ceases to be a Jew. A Jew and racism do not go together." The military relationship he had fostered was still in force.
Giving Peres not the slightest benefit of the doubt, Polakow-Suransky doesn't consider the remote possibility that the public comments may have been sincere; that they may have brought psychic compensation to the speaker for what he'd made himself say and do in private. Golda Meir, who fostered an ambitious program of development and military outreach to newly liberated African states in the 1960s, comes off much better. The author probably romanticizes Israel's brief honeymoon with the first generation of African leaders when he writes that they "revered" Meir.2 But it seemed a breakout by Israel from isolation and Arab embargoes at the time. When, one by one, the new states shut down Israeli programs they'd previously embraced and broke off ties, the sense of betrayal in Jerusalem made turning on the rebound to Pretoria that much easier. Finally, even Golda Meir bowed to the prevailing view that there was no choice.
Few such qualms were expressed after Menachem Begin led the Likud Party to power in 1977. Many in the party and the Revisionist Zionist movement that gave rise to it were not pretending when they expressed sympathy with the essential values of Afrikaner nationalism: the idea that a people's claim to a land could be divinely or historically ordained, that "survival" was not something to be put to a vote of all its inhabitants. The analogy between the two situations could be carried too far but there were those on both sides who were willing to do so. Rafael Eitan, a hard-line former chief of the Israel Defense Force, told a student audience in Tel Aviv that blacks in South Africa "want to gain control over the white minority just like Arabs here want to gain control over us. And we, too, like the white minority in South Africa, must act to prevent them from taking us over."
When finally Israel was backed into a position of support for international sanctions against South Africa, a body called the Jewish Board of Deputies, the official mouthpiece of the Jewish community there, decried the waning of "the special relationship." Polakow-Suransky tells the story of that support for the regime as well as the story of Jews, South African and Israeli (including Israelis of South African origin), who were stalwarts against apartheid from the start. One of these, he relates, lavished praise on Nelson Mandela not long after his release from prison, before the majority-rule election that would sweep him into office as president. The former prisoner, this Israeli gushed, was a latter-day Moses who would reach the Promised Land. The normally mellow Mandela replied sharply. "The people of South Africa," he's quoted as saying, "will never forget the support of the state of Israel to the apartheid regime."
That regime sunk from view sixteen years ago. The alliance that dared not speak its name had faded out by then; the warheads had been dismantled; the question of what sort of collaboration went into their production lost its urgency. All water under the bridge, we're inclined to think, until we're told that Washington and Jerusalem now have an "understanding" touching on issues of nuclear nonproliferation. Is it clearer now, we may wonder, than it was then? The answer is not apparent, not just in sensitive discussions the United States may occasionally have with Israel on such matters but also with Pakistan and India, not to mention North Korea and Iran. When it comes to ultimate weapons, it seems, there is always a thick shroud of murk.
More by Joseph Lelyveld
Tripping With Trump
Hillary vs. Donald
A Clinton victory in an election in which a majority express mistrust of either candidate won't be easy to interpret, whatever the margin
Prophet and Outcast Bush
Joseph Lelyveld's most recent book is His Final Battle: The Last Months of Franklin Roosevelt. (November 2017)
According to an article in the current (September–October) issue of Foreign Affairs by Avner Cohen and Marvin Miller, the United States promised to "tolerate and shield Israel's nuclear program" in exchange for Israel's pledge to avoid public disclosure of its existence and testing. ↩
I've another quibble that may seem parochial: the columnist C.L. Sulzberger never became executive editor of The New York Times. ↩
Jane Yett Kiely
If the Fighting Had Taken Place Here
Chuck Hagel and Dianne Feinstein
Statements on 'A Solution for the US–Iran Nuclear Standoff'
Giovanni Agnelli Foundation
The Senator Giovanni Agnelli International Prize
David Cole
Are We Safer? An Epilogue
The Fate of the Union: Kennedy and After
Reagan and the Apocalypse
Murray Kempton
Beyond Belligerence
Christa Wolf, translated by Henning Gutmann
A Speech in East Berlin
December 7, 1989 issue


Thanks so much for stopping by the Moms Panel. As a mom of a little princess myself, I can just imagine how excited you are about bring your twin girls to The Happiest Place On Earth.
Since your girls love Disney Princesses, I suggest immersing them in as much of the princess magic as possible. Magic Kingdom Park is the park of princesses, so I suggest spending 2 of your days there. A visit to Enchanted Tales With Belle will be an unforgettable experience for your girls. Belle interacts with the Guests, while reading a lovely story. It's a must-see whenever we visit. Seven Dwarfs Mine Train, Princess Fairy Tale Hall, and Under the Sea - Journey of The Little Mermaid are all amazing experiences that are centered around Disney Princesses.
Looking for dining experiences that your girls will love? Cinderella's Royal Table is a must. Your princesses will enjoy meeting Cinderella, and having a wonderful meal within her castle. Not only will your girls have a magical time, but you will too!
I hope these suggestions help you with your vacation planning, Shani. If you have any other questions, please feel free to ask us anytime.


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Q: Changing the default Gitlab port I have installed the latest Gitlab-CE (8.10) on CentOS 7 (fresh install) via the Omnibus package as described here: https://about.gitlab.com/downloads/#centos7
Now, I would like to change the default port at which one can access the Gitlab web interface. To this end, I followed the instructions at http://docs.gitlab.com/omnibus/settings/nginx.html#change-the-default-port-and-the-ssl-certificate-locations, namely I included
external_url "http://127.0.0.1:8765"

in the configuration file /etc/gitlab/gitlab.rb and then updated the configuration with gitlab-ctl reconfigure && gitlab-ctl restart.
However, when I then navigate to http://127.0.0.1:8765, Gitlab keeps redirecting to http://127.0.0.1/users/sign_in, i.e., the port specification is somehow discarded. When I then manually change the URL in the browser to http://127.0.0.1:8765/users/sign_in, it correctly displays the login page and interestingly, all links on the page (e.g., "Explore", "Help") contain the port specification.
In order to fix this behavior, is it necessary to specify the port also somewhere else than in /etc/gitlab/gitlab.rb?

A: Issue here: https://gitlab.com/gitlab-org/gitlab-ce/issues/20131
Workaround:
add this line to /etc/gitlab/gitlab.rb:
nginx['proxy_set_headers'] = { "X-Forward-Port" => "8080", "Host" => "<hostname>:8080" }

replace port and hostname with your values, then as root or with sudo:
gitlab-ctl reconfigure
gitlab-ctl restart

It helps me on Debian 8.5, gitlab-ce from gitlab repo.

A: In addition of external_url, the documentation also suggests to set a few NGiNX proxy headers:

By default, when you specify external_url, omnibus-gitlab will set a few NGINX proxy headers that are assumed to be sane in most environments.
For example, omnibus-gitlab will set:

"X-Forwarded-Proto" => "https",
"X-Forwarded-Ssl" => "on"

(if you have specified https schema in the external_url).
However, if you have a situation where your GitLab is in a more complex setup like behind a reverse proxy, you will need to tweak the proxy headers in order to avoid errors like The change you wanted was rejected or Can't verify CSRF token authenticity Completed 422 Unprocessable.
This can be achieved by overriding the default headers, eg. specify in /etc/gitlab/gitlab.rb:

 nginx['proxy_set_headers'] = {
  "X-Forwarded-Proto" => "http",
  "CUSTOM_HEADER" => "VALUE"
 }

Save the file and reconfigure GitLab for the changes to take effect.
This way you can specify any header supported by NGINX you require.

The OP ewcz confirms in the comments:

I just uncommented the default settings for nginx['proxy_set_headers'] in /etc/gitlab/gitlab.rb (also, changing X-Forwarded-Proto to http and removing X-Forwarded-Ssl) and suddenly it works!

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


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"MST3K: The Brute Man" Review
We are back with our final review from the Mystery Science Theater 3000: Volume XXII boxset! We have certainly saved the strangest film for our last, as The Brute Man defies all forms of logic! If you've ever wondered where The Rondo Awards received their name, then read this review and discover the magic of Mr. Rondo Hatton!
The Plot: Mike Nelson is trapped on the Satellite of Love with his best friends in the whole world… and they just so happen to be robots. This crew of misfits are forced, by the evil Dr. Forrester, to endure many incredibly bad movies. The only thing that makes this process bearable is the fact that they riff and crack jokes during the entire ordeal. Their film for the day is The Brute Man, which is an odd "prequel" of sorts to The House of Horrors. It follows a character known as "The Creeper," AKA: Hal Moffet (Rondo Hatton), who is a deformed monster of a man searching for vengeance. You see, The Creeper wasn't always the lumbering monster that he now appears to be. He was once a college athlete who was caught in a love triangle between his roommate and the girl of both of their dreams. When his roommate set him up with a series of wrong answers during chemistry class, Hal was forced to stay in the lab and concoct the right theorem. While dealing heavily with a lethal combination of chemicals, Hal accidentally caused an explosion that would forever change his life. Due to his glands being effected by these chemicals, Hal's face began to deform and he became a wholly different person. Now, with society looking down on him as a monster, Hal becomes The Creeper and is out to destroy everyone who could be seen as vaguely responsible for this horrid series of events that have ruined his life.


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Contact 100.7 BOB FM
Chris Evans Turned Down The Role Of Captain America Several Times
By 100.7 BOB FM
Right now, it's hard to think of anyone else as Captain America other than Chris Evans.
He actually turned down the role several times before accepting it. Evans recently said that he suffered from panic attacks and anxiety as his star rose in Hollywood during the boom in social media.
After turning down the role many times, Marvel kept pursuing Evans. Evans discussed the decision with Robert Downey Jr., his family, and a therapist. They all told him not to make decisions based on fear. Evans said accepting that philosophy "was the best decision I've ever made."
We couldn't agree more! When did you overcome fear to make a life-changing decision?
Subscribe to Rewind 100.7's blog!
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Related Items:Captain Americal, chris evans, Marvel, Marvel Comics, the Avengers
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Provide maximum, unrestricted airflow to your 2015-2018 STI with the Mishimoto 2015-2018 Subaru STI Race Intake. Mishimoto pulled out all of the stops with this intake, featuring a 3" short-ram intake pipe, designed with large turbochargers and maximum airflow in mind. Designed to fit on either your stock or Mishimoto turbo inlet tube, this race intake is also compatible with most aftermarket front-mount intercooler kits. Due to the size of the intake pipe, a re-tune of your vehicle's ECU is necessary to keep your engine running safe and extracting the most horsepower from the added airflow. The intake pipe also features a CNC-machined air diverter to provide consistent airflow readings to the MAF sensor, making re-tuning quick and easy. The intake pipe is available in a polished or wrinkle black finish. A 3" diameter Mishimoto high-flow air filter is also included which features a built-in velocity stack for maximum flow. The performance race intake will give your car a highly aggressive tone under acceleration. An optional airbox is available for this intake, designed to keep unwanted hot engine air away from the filter. The airbox is designed to re-use the stock intake duct to provide fresh outside air to the filter, also retaining a stock-like appearance in your engine bay. This intake comes with all of the necessary clamps, couplers, hardware, and protective rubber edging for a clean install. A rubber cap is provided to cover up your unused sound symposer housing, and keep all of that great engine sound outside of your cabin. For added cooling and performance on and off the track, pair this intake with the Mishimoto Subaru Impreza WRX STI Performance Aluminum Radiator, Subaru WRX STI Performance Top-Mount Intercooler Kit, and Subaru WRX STI Silicone Induction Hose. The Mishimoto Subaru WRX/STI Race Intake includes the Mishimoto Lifetime Warranty.
This intake cannot be used with the stock ECU programming. It is highly recommended that the customer is able to retune the vehicle's ECU after installing the intake. Power gains will vary depending on the type of ECU tune that is applied to the vehicle.
The optional airbox retains a stock-like appearance and it designed to work with the stock air intake duct.
Filter re-oil is not included in the lifetime warranty.


One of the reasons I started this blog was to write down some of the stuff I've learnt over the past couple of years on how to structure my development environment so that it's easy to use and ties in nicely with things like continous integration and automated testing.
So this is sort of a "head-up" of the topics I think I will be covering over the coming weeks..
It won't necessarily be in this order and I make throw some other stuff in if I find the inspiration.


Asia Frontier Capital (AFC) Ltd, a Hong Kong based fund management company that specialises in investing across a vast spectrum of Asian Frontier Markets, has recently unveiled the launch of the Luxembourg domiciled AFC Asia Frontier Fund (LUX) which will provide European investors with exposure to these high-growth economies.
The Luxembourg domiciled fund will mirror the strategy of the successful Cayman Island domiciled AFC Asia Frontier Fund (ISIN: KYG0132A1013), which boasts an annualised return of 10.5% (after fees) over the past five and a half years and a total return of over 70%, whereas the MSCI Frontier Market Index returned just under 25% over the same time frame.
The objective of the fund is to provide investors with exposure across some of the fastest growing Frontier Markets in Asia with solid demographic trends, rapidly increasing incomes and significant gross domestic product (GDP) growth rates.
The fund invests in companies that perform business activities in the likes of Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, Iraq, Laos, Maldives, Mongolia, Myanmar (Burma), Nepal, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, Sri Lanka and Vietnam. In terms of sectors, it focuses primarily in consumer staples, consumer discretionary, financial and infrastructure stocks.
The new Luxembourg fund aims to adopt the same strategy while tapping into markets within the European Union (EU), especially those in Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. The exposure to Asian Frontier Markets coupled with low correlation to world markets would make investing in this new fund an attractive proposition to those who wish to add some degree of diversification to their portfolios.
"Europe is a huge market and the AFC Asia Frontier Fund offers the best in class exposure to the most interesting and fastest growing parts of Asia".
The AFC Asia Frontier Fund isn't the only fund the company offers that has posted significant gains over the past few years. The AFC Vietnam Fund, which seeks to achieve long-term capital appreciation by investing in a diverse portfolio of underpriced small and medium cap equities in Vietnam, is ranked as the best performing fund in the "Emerging Markets Asia" category over the last three years after enjoying a 54.6% increase over the 36 month period and 82% since inception.
The fund has been launched under umbrella fund "LS Opportunities Fund SICAV-FIS", which is managed by Estonia-based company Limestone Platform AS.
For more information on the AFC Asia Frontier Fund, click here.
Click here to follow Asia Frontier Capital on Twitter.


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Charity Shops in Berkhamsted
Find Charity Shops in Berkhamsted on the Berkhamsted Today directory. Get reviews and contact details for each business including phone number, postcode, opening hours and photos.
Barnado's Charity Shop
5-7 Lower Kings Road, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 2AE
Returned to Glory
Unit 5 North Bridge Road, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 1EH
The Hospice of St Francis
274-276 High Street, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 1AQ
Oxfam Shop
202 High Street, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 3AP
Oxfam Books & Music
232 High Street, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 1AG
207-209 High Street, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 1AA
Keech Hospice Care
35 Lower Kings Road, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 2AB
250 High Street, Berkhamsted, Hertfordshire, HP4 1BE
98 Sycamore Road, Amersham, Buckinghamshire, HP6 5EN
101 Marlowes, Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, HP1 1LF
Thames Hospice
2 The Broadway, Amersham, Buckinghamshire, HP7 0HP
Rennie Grove Hospice Shop
34 Bennettsgate, Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, HP3 8EW
1 Grimsdell Corner, Amersham, Buckinghamshire, HP6 5EL
81 High Street, Tring, Hertfordshire, HP23 4AB
5 High Street, Wendover, Aylesbury, Buckinghamshire, HP22 6DU
23 The Square, Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, HP1 1ER
33 High Street, Chesham, Buckinghamshire, HP5 1BW
Age UK Charity Shop
233 St Albans Road, Watford, Hertfordshire, WD24 5BQ
The Iain Rennie Hospice Shop
11 Chenies Parade, Chalfont Station Road, Amersham, Buckinghamshire, HP7 9PH
Grove House Shop
158 Marlowes, Hemel Hempstead, Hertfordshire, HP1 1BA