Dermaceutic K-Ceutic is a repairing cream with K Complex and SPF50, for use after peeling or after laser or cosmetic surgery. Prevents the appearance of red patches.
K Complex is a tissue repairer that restores the skin micro-circulation in order to minimise œdema and erythema.
Vitamin E protects the cell membranes against the destructive effects of free radicals.
Vitamin C promotes collagen synthesis and optimises cell renewal.
Soy flavonoid liposomes combined with SPF50 sun protection combat irregular pigmentation.
Dermaceutic K-Ceutic protects and nourishes simultaneously due to the presence of shea butter and aloe vera.
Free of Oxybenzone, Octocrylene, Paraben and Fragrance. Dermatologically proven, zero index of irritation.
Manufactured by Dermosciences Shannon Co. Clare in Ireland.
Apply to the face (or lips, hands or under your eyes) as often as required.
Avoid contact with the eyes and mucous membranes. If contact occurs rinse thoroughly with water. Do not apply to open wounds.
This cream contains a combination of ingredients designed to repair (glycoprotein and hyaluronic acid), moisturize (shea butter), protect (vitamin E and SPF 50) and soothe (K Complex). It also provides complete sun protection (SPF 50 - UVA/UVB barriers).
K Complex: Features soothing agents essential to combat inflammation.
Glycoprotein: Favours the development of keratinocytes and the cohesion of fibroblasts while regenerating the skin.
Vitamins C and E: With renowned antioxidant properties, this combination of vitamins combats the signs of photoaging and limits their appearance.


Joe Mogel, a born and raised New Englander, inherited his dry sense of humor from his equally dry family. Being home schooled, he had the time and opportunity to develop many hobbies, including painting, martial arts and writing. Going to college for engineering ("I'm not sure what I was thinking at the time. I like seeing the light of day on a regular basis," he says), he rediscovered his interest in writing. Now, having published ten stories though seven different publishing houses and having had his work included on several websites, Joe is considering turning to writing as a full time career.
~When I was a child I imagined that authors were the, often globe trotting, intellectual bad-asses I had seen all my life in BBC murder mysteries. Needless to say, I wanted to be one.
~I don't have a 'usual' genre/setting/era. I write as my imagination takes me, and it seldom takes me to the exact same place twice.
~That depends on the story. Sometimes I start with the villain, because who's cooler than the villain? Unless it's the ice cold, man of iron detective. The crime is usually derived from either of those two characters, since all crime comes from a character's mind, I need the character first.
~I was watching the Claude Rains version of 'The Invisible Man' and thought to myself that a blind person wouldn't be fooled by an invisible fellow. Once I made the blind man a detective, I had my story.
~Not really, I'm already quite familiar with late Victorian/early Edwardian England and knew what needed to be present to make the piece feel real.
~With regard to reading, no. With regard to writing, no. I'm quite open to any form of antique awesomeness.
~Just a great deal of non-fiction reading. The more you read about history, the easier it becomes to understand what the feel/emotion/culture would be and the easier it becomes to think and write about an era.
~A novel. Admittedly, it's a modern setting, but the structure and theme are based on ancient Greek tragedies. So it's a bit of a challenge.
~The classics are my favorite. Greek, Roman, Medieval, anything before the turn of the 20th century. They're a mix of Literature, history, anthropology, and art all rolled into one. I learn so much from the classics every time I read them.
Learn more about Joe on his website at: JoeMogelAuthor.yolasite.com . And read "Death in the Library" for yourself in History and Mystery, Oh My! now available in print, ebook, and Kindle formats from online retailers.


How does the TennisNorthEast Tourney Work?
Just want you to know TennisNorthEast has made me love the sport even more. I appreciate all that you do!
The TennisNorthEast staff will seed 25% of the participants based veteran status (Most number of matches played in their career) with the program. If we have 8 players enrolled we'll seed the top 2 players, 16 players the top 4 players. The rest of the players will be randomly entered into the draw.
We will run a consolation bracket for the players who lost their first match. Seedings for the consolation bracket will be randomly selected by the TennisNorthEast staff. The winner of the consolation bracket will receive at least a $25 Tennis Warehouse Gift Card. Matches need to be played to crown a consolation bracket winner.


text:
Q: Unity sprite sheet performance I'm making a microgame game like Wario ware, and all the mini games are prefabs on a single scene.
All of these microgames have their own graphics and I was wondering:
What is better, having all the graphics of all the games on a single sprite sheet or every microgame should haver it's own sheet?
Thanks!

A: If you can fit it all into a single texture atlas (sprite sheet), then that would be preferable. If you can't have all the graphics of all games loaded into memory at once, you'll have to split the texture atlases, most obviously one per game.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


Buck Creek probably does not run through your backyard.
How badly did the manure hit the fan?
minute from a broken pipeline.
If the manure spill did not kill the fish, what did?
Perhaps it was those aliens from the planet Vega.


The 2018 MLB Draft means more for the Royals than most clubs. It's one of those pivotal drafts that will either launch the club into a rapid rebuild or prolong "the process" of getting the Royals back to respectability. Most commentators agree that the Royals have a few promising position player prospects already, especially in the low minors (Khalil Lee, Nick Pratto, M.J. Melendez, Seuly Matias, Gabriel Cancel, Rudy Martin). According to MLB Pipeline, all of their top-five, and eight of their top-10, prospects are position players. What they lack is pitching.
While I don't think the Royals need to focus only on pitching with the four picks they have in the top 40, it's a safe bet that they'll spend at least a couple high picks to restock their barren pitching cupboard.
With that in mind, I'm looking at some of the pitchers who may be available when the Royals pick at 18, 31, 33, and 39 (to get caught up read part one of this series). Because there are roughly 20 pitchers who look like mid-to-late first round pitchers (depending on who you ask), I'm breaking it up into chunks of four. Here are four pitchers the Royals might take with their first four picks in June in no particular order.
Winn is rising on draft boards right now. He was mocked to the Royals at 18 by 2080 Baseball, but honestly he may go before that if he stays consistent until June. He's filled out in the last year, which should put some scouts' minds at ease, and he's consistently throwing his fastball in the 90-94 range.
His big-ticket pitch is a curveball that flashes plus with tilt that makes it more of a 1-to-7 than true 12-to-6. With more consistency, it's a 60-grade pitch. He's got an above average slider and potentially average changeup, as well.
The big question with Winn is how much development is left in him. Right now, his ceiling looks like a future 2 starter, but if there's something more to unlock, if he can turn his changeup into a plus pitch or if he's capable of plus command or if he adds more velocity, he may have ace potential. But it's tough to see those developments in him right now.
I never thought I'd be writing about Hankins as a potential pick for the Royals, but here we are. Hankins' fall from the top of the draft board is a textbook example of the precarious nature of prep pitchers. No matter how much heat someone has (and Hankins had about as much as anyone can), scouts still know very little about what will happen to 17 and 18-year-olds in the next few months (let alone years). Hankins was supposed to be a top-5 pick, maybe even 1-1, but a shoulder injury, and some lackluster performances in his return from it, have spooked scouts.
When he's not fighting off a shoulder thing, Hankins' stuff is electric. He probably has the best fastball among the prep pitchers, sitting mid-90s and touching 98 with tremendous life. The delivery looks smooth and low effort thanks to his big, 6'6" frame. Basically, he just lays his arm out there and a 98 mph fastball explodes out of it. His changeup is his best secondary pitch, which I always like in a prospect (less pressure on the elbow). His curveball and slider aren't there yet, but he only needs to develop an average breaking pitch if his fastball stays electric and his changeup becomes plus. If he finds an above average breaking pitch, he'll have ace stuff.
Hankins scares scouts because he was phenomenal in the summer and struggled early in the spring with an injury, though he seems to be back on track lately. That said, it'd still be surprising if he falls to the Royals. Keith Law still thinks he won't make it out of the top-10. If the Royals luck into him, they'll have to pay him over slot to get him to walk away from a commitment to Vanderbilt, which means they'll have to do some interesting things with their compensatory picks.
Alex Duvall posted a detailed look at Denaburg earlier this year. Denaburg is a stellar athlete who fits the bill of a true project. He's a collegiate quality football player (as a kicker and punter) and a collegiate quality catcher, as well. But all of those interests have kept him from focusing on pitching until recently, and scouts aren't sure how tough a sign he'll be with the opportunity to go to Florida and maybe play football and baseball.
What Denaburg has going for him is that he throws really freakin' hard—mid-90s, touching 97. There isn't a ton of movement on that fastball, but that's another thing on the list of things that make him a project. Denaburg's more of a great athlete who throws really hard than he is a pitcher right now, which may have led to the injury that shut him down this spring. Scouts may be too worried about the bicep injury he had (and the resulting drop in velocity) to take a chance on him in the first round. He has a curveball and changeup. His curveball flashes but is wildly inconsistent. His changeup is nothing remarkable.
Denaburg is high risk, high reward, and with the Royals track record developing pitching … well, think of that what you will. He won't move quickly through any organization, and he may struggle in the minors until he develops better command and secondary pitches. He may also be a tough sign with his commitment to Florida and the lure of playing both baseball and football.
Pilkington will probably be around for the Royals compensation picks. He's got a prototypical pitcher's frame at 6'3", 225, but his stuff isn't electric. It's just solid. Electric stuff means you go in the first round. Solid stuff, plus good results and solid mechanics, means you go just after the first round.
Pilkington throws from a high, three-quarter arm slot and sits 89-91 with his fastball. He doesn't have a particularly loose or strong arm so his motion, while consistent, doesn't generate the type of leverage you'd imagine someone with his dimensions might. It looks like he has really long legs even for a 6'3" guy but shorter arms. Maybe if he had longer arms he'd throw harder. His slider and changeup are both average pitches.
Pilkington's ceiling is as an innings eating number 3 starter. There isn't much to unlock with him so he may move quickly through the minors.


text:
Water ReNu
IrriGRAY
Multi Family / Commercial
IrriGRAY University
Contact / Blog
Graywater, Rainwater, Well & Potable Water Landscape Irrigation Systems
(1-844-grayh2o)
Montana Graywater Codes
Section 1. Definitions. As used in this part, unless the context indicates otherwise, the following definitions apply:
(1) "Gray water" means wastewater that is collected separately from a sewage flow and that does not contain industrial chemicals, hazardous wastes, or wastewater from toilets.
(2) "Gray water reuse system" means a plumbing system for a private, single-family residence that collects gray water.
Section 2. Residential gray water reuse -- restrictions. (1) Gray water may not be used to irrigate plants to be consumed by humans.
(2) Gray water reuse systems may not be located within a flood plain, as defined in 76-5-103.
Section 3. Section 75-5-305, MCA, is amended to read:
"75-5-305. Adoption of requirements for treatment of wastes -- variance procedure -- appeals. (1) The board may establish minimum requirements for the treatment of wastes. For cases in which the federal government has adopted technology-based treatment requirements for a particular industry or activity in 40 CFR, chapter I, subchapter N, the board shall adopt those requirements by reference. To the extent that the federal government has not adopted minimum treatment requirements for a particular industry or activity, the board may do so, through rulemaking, for parameters likely to affect beneficial uses, ensuring that the requirements are cost-effective and economically, environmentally, and technologically feasible. Except for the technology-based treatment requirements set forth in 40 CFR, chapter I, subchapter N, minimum treatment may not be required to address the discharge of a parameter when the discharge is considered nonsignificant under rules adopted pursuant to 75-5-301.
(2) (a) The board shall establish minimum requirements for the control and disposal of sewage from private and public buildings, including standards and procedures for variances from the requirements.
(b) For gray water reuse systems in private, single-family residences, the board shall establish rules that:
(i) allow the diversion of gray water from wastewater treatment systems and limit the amount of gray water flow allowed by permit;
(ii) address the uses of gray water, including when and how gray water may be applied to land; and
(iii) include any other provisions that the board considers necessary to ensure that gray water reuse systems comply with laws and regulations and protect public health and the environment.
(3) An applicant for a variance from minimum requirements adopted by a local board of health pursuant to 50-2-116(1)(i) may appeal the local board of health's final decision to the department by submitting a written request for a hearing within 30 days after the decision. The written request must describe the activity for which the variance is requested, include copies of all documents submitted to the local board of health in support of the variance, and specify the reasons for the appeal of the local board of health's final decision.
(4) The department shall conduct a hearing on the request pursuant to Title 2, chapter 4, part 6. Within 30 days after the hearing, the department shall grant, conditionally grant, or deny the variance. The department shall base its decision on the board's standards for a variance.
(5) A decision of the department pursuant to subsection (4) is appealable to district court under the provisions of Title 2, chapter 4, part 7."
Section 4. Local gray water regulations. The requirements of 75-5-305 and [section 2] are minimum requirements and do not restrict a local governing body from adopting stricter or additional regulations for gray water reuse systems.
Section 5. Codification instruction. [Sections 1, 2, and 4] are intended to be codified as an integral part of Title 75, chapter 5, part 3, and the provisions of Title 75, chapter 5, part 3, apply to [sections 1, 2, and 4].
Section 6. Applicability. (1) [This act] applies to gray water systems that are installed after [the effective date of this act].
(2) [This act] and any rules or requirements adopted as a result of [this act] may not be imposed on a gray water system that was installed on or before [the effective date of this act].
© 2018 WaterReNu LLC. All Rights Reserved. Patents Pending. Privacy
(1-844-grayh2o) info@waterrenu.com

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


For your character you will want to fill out the following template in a REPLY to this page. Once that's done, I can then add it to the main list.
A description of your characters personality, characteristics, daily life, and disposition.
Here, you will want to add your physical traits such as hair color, eye color, height, weight, build, etc.
Give us a full detailed biography/backstory for your character.


text:
Belfast woman wins £53,000 on horse racing bet
She won the huge amount of a £5 bet
Chris Sherrard
Forest Ranger was one of the winners
A Belfast woman won £53,000 after all five of her selected horses won.
The woman revealed she had only deposited £10 into her Paddy Power account yesterday morning to have a bet on the football this weekend, reports Belfast Live.
However, after placing her accumulator selections for the final day of the Premier League this Sunday, she decided on a whim to use the remaining £5 in her account to have a flutter on horse racing, on a day that turned out to be an absolute shocker for regular form followers.
The 25-year-old lady, who works in security, placed her £2.50 EW fivefold bet (total stake £5) at 8.50am yesterday (Friday, May 10) and by 3pm, she had pocketed a £53, 228.12 after backing runners at Market Rasen, Chester and Ascot.
She said: "I wouldn't know one end of a horse to the other, but I knew Ascot was on so I went from there and literally just picked the names of horses I was drawn to.
"I didn't know a thing until I went online this evening to see how they ran and saw my balance.
"I thought there had been a mistake so I logged out and logged back into my Paddy Power account again and saw it still there.
"I couldn't believe it! I rang my Daddy. He couldn't believe it either!"
The lucky punter backed Sha La La La Lee (13.50, Chester), Final Song (14.00, Ascot), Forest Ranger (14.25, Chester), Kesia (14.35 Ascot) and the aptly named Safe Home (14.45, Market Rasen) who made sure her bet struck gold.
A Paddy Power spokesman said: "It was a mud bath at the track and a bloodbath for punters. But one man's misery is another man's fortune, or woman's in this case, so hearing news of her win definitely gave us that Friday feeling."
If you haven't already, be sure to like our Irish Mirror Sport and Irish Mirror GAA pages on Facebook and follow us on Twitter.
How to follow the Irish Mirror on social media
Our Irish Mirror Sports page - which brings you all your Irish and UK sports news - can be found here.
You can also check out our Irish Mirror GAA sports page.
The Irish Mirror Twitter account is @IrishMirror while our sports account is @MirrorSportIE.


text:
Q: Same result obtained on mocking same method inside a loop with different conditions I am trying to test a method number of times with different conditions. The conditions are dependent on values returned from methods invoked internally from the tested method. However I am receiving the same result again and again.
@Test
    public void testMethod() {
        try {
            TestBn testBn = getTestBn();
            when(mockDatabase.getDBConnection()).thenReturn(conn);
            PowerMockito.doNothing().when(mockDatabase).closeDBConnection();

            List<String> accListForCurrentYear = new ArrayList<>();
            accListForCurrentYear.add("Test String 1");
            accListForCurrentYear.add("Test String 2");
            accListForCurrentYear.add("Test String 3");
            accListForCurrentYear.add("Test String 4");

            for (String accStr : accListForCurrentYear)
            {
                AccountTypeBn acctypeDto = new AccountTypeBn();
                acctypeDto.setAccountTypes(accStr);
                when(mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType(Mockito.any(Connection.class), Mockito.anyString(),
                        Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.any(Date.class),
                        Mockito.any(Date.class))).thenReturn(acctypeDto);

                UserDetailsBn usrDtlsBn = getCommonUserDetails();
                TestBn newTestBn =  mockClaimBO.validateInitialClaimDtls(usrDtlsBn, TestBn); //Method to be tested
                for (ResultBn resultBn : newTestBn.getAccbnList())
                {
                    System.out.println("Property1 : "+resultBn.getProperty1());
                    System.out.println("Property2 : "+resultBn.getProperty2());
                    System.out.println("Property3 : "+resultBn.getProperty3());
                    System.out.println("Property4 : "+resultBn.getProperty4());
                    System.out.println("-----------------------------------");
                }
            }

        } catch (Exception e) {
            fail("### testMethod ### Failed with following error: " + getStackTrace(e));
        }
    }

I am receiving the same output (properties stored after the first iteration).

A: I think your function mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType always returns the same  object.
The best solution is to define a unique matcher using eq to your mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType function, as now you only use wildcard matchers. Example:
when(mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType(Mockito.any(Connection.class), Mockito.eq(accStr),...`

Another option you have is to use consecutive stubbing. You then have to add multiple thenReturn statements:
when(mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType(Mockito.any(Connection.class), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.any(Date.class), Mockito.any(Date.class)))
.thenReturn(new AccountTypeBn("Test String 1"))
.thenReturn(new AccountTypeBn("Test String 2"))
.thenReturn(new AccountTypeBn("Test String 3"))
.thenReturn(new AccountTypeBn("Test String 4"));

or alternatively pass all return values in 1 thenReturn block:
when(mockOnlineClaimDAO.getAccountType(Mockito.any(Connection.class), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.anyString(), Mockito.any(Date.class), Mockito.any(Date.class)))
.thenReturn(new AccountTypeBn("Test String 1"), new AccountTypeBn("Test String 2"), new AccountTypeBn("Test String 3"));

With each call to the stubbed function, the next object will be returned.


text:
Fabian Banga
Professional Biography
Fabian Banga Home
About Spanish 38, 39 and 40
My courses at BCC
My Curriculum Vitae
Online Education at Berkeley City College
The Library – University of California, Berkeley
Computer Assisted Language Instruction Consortium
SouthWest Association for Language Learning and Techology
Western Cooperative for Educational Telecommunications
Dr. Fabian Banga is a Professor and the Chair of the Modern Languages Department at Berkeley City College in Berkeley, CA; where he teaches Spanish composition, culture, and literature. He holds a Ph.D. (2004) and M.A. in Hispanic Languages & Literature (2000) from the University of California, Berkeley, and B.A (1998) in Spanish Language and Literature also from Berkeley. He was the President of Foreign Language Association of Northern California from 2014-2016. He was a Graduate Student Researcher for the Instructional Technology Program and a consultant with the Humanities Interest Group at UC Berkeley from 1999 to 2002. He was also a Visiting Scholar in the Berkeley Language Center at the University of California at Berkeley from 2010 to 2011. He is a member and the chair of the Committee on Community Colleges of the Modern Language Association of America (2019–22). He was the Distance Education Coordinator of BCC (2007-2016) and the Peralta CC District (2008-2016).
He has won the Chancellor's Recognition Award, 2016 (Peralta Community College District), President's Award, 2007 (Peralta Colleges Foundation), President's Award, 2013 and 2015 (Berkeley City College), Recognition Award, 2013 (Office of Educational Services, Peralta Colleges), Dissertation Fellowships Award, 2002 (Graduate Division, University of California, Berkeley), Faculty Hall of Fame Award, 2001 (Student Parent Association, University of California, Berkeley), Graduate Opportunity Program Award, 1998 (University of California, Berkeley) , Graduate with Honors, 1998 (University of California, Berkeley), Honor Student: Spring 1997, Fall 1997, Spring 1998. (University of California, Berkeley), John K. Walsh Memorial Scholarship Award, 1997 (Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of California, Berkeley) and the Academic Honor Student, 1995 (Vista Community College, now BCC).
He was a consultant in the use of technology for the Non-Governmental Committee for the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR NGO Committee); the Sustainable Agriculture Networking and Extension (SANE) (a United Nations Development Program); and the CLADES: Latin American Consortium on Agroecology and Sustainable Development from 1996 to 1999. He was also co-chair of the Technology Committee for the Peralta Community College District and Distance Education Coordinator from 2007 to 2016.
He was Chief Editor of the online magazine Everba, a magazine about cultural activities related to Latin America from 2000 to 2005 and 2017-2020. (Everba is indexed by the International Bibliography of the MLA and included in the LATINDEX Directory of Journals.) He was also editor for the academic magazine Lucero, A Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies, University of California, Berkeley from 1998 to 2001. He has published 6 books and articles of literary and cultural criticism in magazines and newspapers in Argentina and the US. His last book, Representation of Artificial Intelligence in the Arts, Vol. 1: Androids, Golems, and Prometheus. (Bern, Switzerland: Peter Lang US, 2019) addresses the way in which artificial intelligence, mechanical anthropoids, Golems, and similar types of robots are represented in contemporary culture.


Greenspoon Marder is a national full-service business law firm practicing in more than 60 areas of law. With over nine locations across Florida and offices in New York, Las Vegas, Denver and San Diego, our firm was founded with the goal of becoming big enough to handle large and complex cases while remaining small enough to offer each client focused, personal attention. Our national footprint, combined with our diverse practice group base, provides our clients with direct access to experienced attorneys working across virtually all practice areas.


When David Einhorn, manager of hedge fund Greenlight Capital, warned investors last week that "There is a clear consensus that we are witnessing our second tech bubble in 15 years", he wasn't announcing any real news. But he was among the first respected investment managers to speak out. In the past month, a number of hot tech companies including a few that I mentioned in my last post on the current Tornado in SaaS business applications such as Salesforce, Workday, and Netsuite, have seen their valuations recede significantly. Investors do seem now to be getting concerned about valuations in what's been a frothy market for some time, and they are growing wary of companies who once again seem to want to defy gravity and defer the evil day when making a profit becomes sine qua non for any sustainable business.
After a prolonged period of sometimes wild investor enthusiasm, the apparent refusal of many visible and highly valued B2C and B2B companies to prove their profitability, or provide a credible roadmap to profitability, is now beginning to actually bother institutional and retail investors. I see this concern as a healthy sign that we might avoid the carnage of the infamous 2000-2001 dotcom bust that followed the Time of the Great Happiness that started in 1995 after the birth of the commercially available internet. Many of us recall the warning issued in 1996 by former Fed Chairman Alan Greenspan, of "irrational exuberance" in the tech market, followed four years later by a massive meltdown of as much as 98% of the paper value of public and private company stocks.
In my last two blogs I discussed the "land grab economics" behind the astounding price paid by Facebook for WhatsApp's 450 million sets of user eyeballs, and then I questioned the aggressive growth-without-profits strategies employed by leading SaaS business applications vendors as they navigate their way through the Tornado. Little did I know that a reckoning would come so soon afterwards, in a relatively mild pullback (to date) when compared with the bursting of the internet bubble 14 years ago.
The explosive surge in consumer tech – In particular, Apple's amazing record of building three successive tornado franchises in mobile devices and services in the space of seven years galvanized this explosion of demand, making mobility the major new technology wave of the past decade. Perhaps more than any other single innovation, when the smartphone became a bona-fide computer to take with you everywhere, keeping you always connected, applications exploded exponentially. Google also provided considerable inspiration to customers, first with search advertising and then by sponsoring Android, which is now ubiquitous and dominates the market for smartphone operating systems. SaaS and app vendors followed suit, providing users with apps to fit every conceivable use case from monitoring sleep patterns to paying for air tickets or cab rides.
The consumerization of enterprise IT – Business users have become a force not to be ignored, having more influence over IT investment decisions than their professional IT stewards. In our private lives we have all become accustomed to highly productive and satisfying experiences and now we are demanding the same capabilities in our place of work. The powerful movement to Bring Your Own Device (BYOD) has been joined by a second movement, Bring Your Own Service (BYOS), and for vendors what I'll term Develop Your Enterprise Service (DYES). BYOD – Macs, iPads, and iPhones and Android phones are exploding in companies everywhere; BYOS – Business users are bringing Dropbox, Evernote, Twitter, Yammer, LinkedIn and even Facebook into the workplace; and DYES – In essence, Box makes an enterprise version of DropBox's file sharing and synching service, as Dropbox itself is starting to do, Chatter became a prevalent collaboration tool alongside Salesforce.com's CRM services, Salesforce itself is tailoring its products and services to enterprise requirements, and Amazon, Microsoft, Google, and Rackspace are tailoring their SMB focused private and public cloud computing services to meet enterprise-grade requirements without letting go of the consumer-grade online user experience that has become compulsory.
The resulting emergence of five hot new cloud-related product categories – Cloud computing, analytics, big data, mobility, and social media. Think of these as five separate buckets containing increasing amounts of budget dollars. Consumers already use these technologies daily even without realizing it, but enterprises and governments are now starting to invest in them for real. It feels like we are only in the first innings of this game.
The emergence four powerful internet-era Gorilla companies – Amazon in e-commerce and cloud computing; Google in ad-powered search and the Android smartphone OS; Apple in MP3, smartphone, and tablet computing; and Facebook in social networking. These powerful new players are threatening to displace the traditional global systems companies, IBM, HP, Oracle, and SAP even in their stronghold of large enterprises. What the presence of these gorilla players promises to most customers, who tend be either pragmatic or conservative in their technology adoption behavior, is an assurance that they will be accountable for providing important cloud-era services for years to come if – as seems increasingly likely – the old reliables falter. Beyond this, these four Horsemen are becoming the acquirers of first and last resort for niche businesses that fit nicely into their broadening portfolios as global systems companies.
Business model innovation – The powerful and now surging trend for customers to remove IT spend from Capex and make it an Opex item by "renting" or "consuming" services is challenging every established hardware or software vendor that based their business on the up-front license fee model. Besides this disruption, new age internet businesses are experimenting with freemium models alongside a mix of subscription with/without term licenses, and consumption (or usage) based models. Today, the issue of business models, and particularly the monetization ingredient of these models, is uppermost in investors' minds – they are asking , in a nutshell, how will these companies make money over the long haul, so we know they'll be around for a while to serve their users and customers?
The continuing rise of open source software – Starting with Linux in the late 90s, followed later by Hadoop and MapReduce in big data, and more recently a number of cloud databases, development languages, and operating systems. Open source represents its own form of business model innovation because if the language, database or other product is open sourced to a community of developers, differentiation must be established through different means such as domain expertise and related professional services or provision of a specific – say, enterprise-grade – version of the open source product certified by an accountable vendor. Red Hat is a successful case in point with its Linux service franchise, Google has accomplished an amazing feat with Android in the smartphone business, and Rackspace drove the OpenStack cloud operating system initiative which has drawn industry-wide participation and is in the process of proving itself to be a valuable alternative to proprietary offerings from AWS, Google, Microsoft and others. Make no mistake, customers love having the alternative of open source tools and systems to protect against proprietary lock-in.
The growing tension between Security and Privacy: If nothing else, Edward Snowden's whistle-blowing about alleged NSA surveillance abuses has made security and privacy more politically and socially charged issues within countries and across international boundaries. As illicit hacking of data centers and laptop systems by individuals and state-sponsored groups has reached epidemic proportions, and today jeopardizes data and productivity everywhere. These issues are influencing increased regulation and innovation in every country, with vast amounts of funding being invested and some countries – especially those with authoritarian regimes such as China and Brazil – even taking steps to develop their own internet.
Today, most customers as well as industry experts believe that there is real substance and durability to most of these trends though, as always, mainstream adoption is likely to take longer than vendors, VCs, analysts, and i-bankers would have you believe. This set of factors makes tech innovation marketplace much more substantial than the flaky, less thoroughly thought-out innovations of The Time of the Great Happiness fourteen years ago.
That said, it's still important to make a distinction between innovations for consumers and innovations for businesses. It's too easy to conflate the two into one phenomenon, but they each have their different rules and parameters. The reason for this can be summarized in one word: Risk. When a consumer decides to buy or use smartphone, a tablet, or even an app, the risk they are assuming is generally limited to themselves – wasting their money or their time, or failing to find enjoyment or be more productive in their own personal activities. But when a company makes the equivalent decision to adopt, they are taking risks with their company's money, the time and productivity of their colleagues or employees, and the revenue or profit objectives of their companies. In fact, most tech innovations sold to consumers are in the form of working products, whereas often enterprises are asked to invest in professional services and/or chip in with their own resources besides money to get a new innovation working for their organization.
Because of the difference in risk profiles, the "buying" criteria and motivations of consumers differs significantly from those of enterprise or government organizations. One clear difference relates to their perception of value, and especially of price and cost to adopt. A consumer typically looks on Free as a good "pricing" offer to take advantage of, whereas a company more often regards Free as suspect and potentially laden with risk elsewhere – will the product actually perform, will it produce results for the business, and so on. Thus freemium pricing – or no pricing at all, just free – has become prevalent with consumer products, whereas enterprise versions of the same services always assume the need to pay a subscription or usage fee. One factor that muddies the water on this score is that small businesses often behave like consumers – i.e., they have low or no budget, and they prefer or expect Free whenever they can get it. But this is because, for the type of investment in question, there is less at stake. At the end of the day, it's critical for vendors to distinguish between customers (who pay for their service) and users (who consume it, but may never pay). Failure to do this leads many tech management teams to pursue misguided strategies, particularly related to developing a viable economic engine on which to build profitable growth.
Since many tech management teams believe for some mysterious reason that Free will automatically accelerate adoption (it doesn't, at least not automatically), they transfer this "expectation" to their B2B sales activities and end up training customers to expect freebies and, if they are not careful, significantly eroding the potential value of their business. In summary, Free is for Fun (for consumers), and Paid is for Productivity (for businesses. The reason I raise this point about Free and pricing is that, to my mind, one fundamental driver of the buyer's remorse that is beginning to influence investor decisions in this latest "bubble" is that so many tech darlings have yet to implement a serious, feasible monetization model. This is as true of established offerings such as Skype, YouTube, and Amazon, as it is about younger players such as Twitter, Dropbox, and Evernote. To be clear, monetization can begin by focusing merely on generating revenue, but sooner or later it needs to turn into profitable revenue.
In other categories, with their infrastructure as a service offerings Amazon Web Services and Google Compute Engine seem locked in a race to the bottom on pricing. Beyond this ongoing battle, Amazon is now seeing its surprisingly long period of grace as a high-growth but unprofitable e-commerce giant finally come to an end, if recent investor decision-making is to be believed. The stock has suffered a correction of 25% in the past month or so, and it appears that investors are wearying of Jeff Bezos' brazen insistence on growth without profits. In similar vein, Salesforce, Workday and NetSuite have been buffeted by downgrades to their stock prices because of their continuing refusal to explain why they are not yet profitable. Note that I am not saying that they have to be profitable today, just that they need to communicate their strategies more clearly and transparently for developing profitable growth within a specified timeframe.
As Einhorn went on to say in his letter to clients, "Once again (referring to the dotcom bust), certain 'cool kid' companies and the cheerleading analysts are pretending that compensation paid in equity isn't an expense because it is 'non-cash'. In other words, Einhorn is spoiling the party by demanding a return to normal performance metrics that help ground management teams in financial reality while they continue to build their power with target customers and users.
More than any other single factor, this latest market correction is reminding us that hitherto un-monetized consumer businesses need to get focused on developing an economic engine, and that revenue-generating B2B companies need to get their heads around becoming profitable, without relying on non-GAAP reporting or other ruses to mask the reality of their financial performance. That said, as the news today about analysts' reactions to Twitter's' second earnings report as a publicly traded company reminds us, companies need to leverage their Power levers – engagement and enlistment – as effectively as they leverage their Performance levers – acquisition and monetization. True, Twitter more than doubled quarterly revenues year over year to $250m. But it rightfully drew concerns from analysts because of its unimpressive increases in user numbers and engagement, so investors are questioning whether the company can become a major global platform on a scale comparable to Facebook, WhatsApp, and others.
Thanks for your encouraging words, Michael!
It is a pleasure to see that you are continuing to provide fresh insights, a strategic perspective, and dry humor for your readers and fans. Thank you Philip!
Magda, Thanks for your kind words.
Thanks, Tom, you may be right. I think there's plenty of discontinuity in enterprise computing today in all the major categories, and in consumer tech with many business models still up in the air.


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text:
Friedrich Wieser
(1851-07-10)10 July 1851
22 July 1926(1926-07-22) (aged 75)
School or
Lausanne School
(Dr. jur. 1872)
Carl Menger
Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk
Friedrich Freiherr von Wieser [1] (German: [ˈviːzɐ] ; 10 July 1851 – 22 July 1926) was an early (so-called "first generation") economist of the Austrian School of economics. Born in Vienna, the son of Privy Councillor Leopold von Wieser, a high official in the war ministry, he first trained in sociology and law. In 1872, the year he took his degree, he encountered Austrian-school founder Carl Menger's Grundsätze and switched his interest to economic theory. [2] Wieser held posts at the universities of Vienna and Prague until succeeding Menger in Vienna in 1903, where along with his brother-in-law Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk he shaped the next generation of Austrian economists including Ludwig von Mises, Friedrich Hayek and Joseph Schumpeter in the late 1890s and early 20th century. He was the Austrian Minister of Commerce from August 30, 1917, to November 11, 1918.
Imputation theory
Alternative cost theory
Wieser and the new liberalism
Wieser is renowned for two main works, Natural Value, [3] which carefully details the alternative-cost doctrine and the theory of imputation; and his Social Economics (1914), an ambitious attempt to apply it to the real world. His explanation of marginal utility theory was decisive, at least terminologically. It was his term Grenznutzen (building on von Thünen's Grenzkosten) that developed into the standard term "marginal utility", not William Stanley Jevons's "final degree of utility" or Menger's "value". His use of the modifier "natural" indicates that he regarded value as a "natural category" that would pertain to any society, no matter what institutions of property had been established. [4]
The economic calculation debate started with his notion of the paramount importance of accurate calculation to economic efficiency. Above all, to him prices represented information about market conditions and are thus necessary for any sort of economic activity. Therefore, a socialist economy would require a price system in order to operate. He also stressed the importance of the entrepreneur to economic change, which he saw as being brought about by "the heroic intervention of individual men who appear as leaders toward new economic shores". This idea of leadership was later taken up by Joseph Schumpeter in his treatment of economic innovation.
Unlike most other Austrian School economists, Wieser rejected classical liberalism, writing that "freedom has to be superseded by a system of order". This vision and his general solution to the role of the individual in history is best expressed in his final book The Law of Power, a sociological examination of political order published in his last year of life.
Born in Vienna on 10 July 1851, Wieser spent his childhood and adolescence in the same city. He was interested since youth in law, history and sociology. [5] He studied law at the University of Vienna beginning in 1868. [6] His lifelong passion for political economy was first ignited when he read Herbert Spencer's Einleitung in das Studium der Soziologie (Introduction to the Study of Sociology). [6]
After ten years [5] of public service as a government employee, Wieser was awarded in 1875 a scholarship to the Heidelberg University in order to study political economy with Eugen Böhm von Bawerk, a friend from his youth who later became his brother-in-law. Both men were disciples of Carl Menger, Wieser's senior by 11 years. Although neither Wieser nor Böhm-Bawerk studied under Menger directly, [7] they were greatly influenced by reading Menger's Grundsätze der Volkswirtschaftslehre (Principles of Economics) (1871), [7] which was the work that had initially inspired the two men to study political economy. [5] The three are considered the first generation of the Austrian School of economics. [7]
The two most influential figures in Wieser's life were his friend and brother-in-law Eugen Böhm von Bawerk and his teacher Carl Menger
After a successful postdoctoral habilitation in 1884, Über den Ursprung und die Hauptgesetze des wirthschaftlichen Werthes (On the Origin and the Main Laws of the Value of the Factors), [6] a prelude to his value theory, Wieser was named that same year as an associate professor at Charles University in Prague, [6] where he stayed until 1903 when he succeeded Menger at the University of Vienna. [8]
In 1889, Wieser was named ordentlicher Professor [6] (ordinary professor) at the Charles University. That same year, he also published his Der natürliche Werth (Natural Value), with which he initiated the debate on the value of factors of production and from which are derived two of his major contributions: his value theory and the related imputation theory.
Motivated by introducing the innovations of the Austrian School, he published Die österreichische Schule und die Theorie Wert (The Austrian School and the Theory of Value) in 1891 and Die Wert Theorie (The Value Theory) in 1892. Later, he collaborated in other notable works, such as Die Wiederaufnahme Barzahlungen der in Österreich-Ungarn (Resumption of payments species in Austria-Hungary) in 1893 and Die Theorie der städtische Grundrente (Theory of urban land rents) in 1909. He also served as editor for two articles in the Palgrave Dictionary of Economics: "Die österreichische Schule der Wirtschaft" ("The Austrian School of Economics") and "Böhm-Bawerk", both in 1884.
In 1903, Wieser was awarded a chair as a full professor at his alma mater, the University of Vienna, where he taught a new generation of economists, including Ludwig von Mises, Joseph Schumpeter and his most faithful disciple Friedrich Hayek. [8] He developed a monetary theory inspired by the research of Carl Menger and he applied himself during the following years to the problems of the quantity theory of money. In his last 25 years, he dedicated himself to sociology, which he believed must go hand-in-hand with economics for the fullest understanding of human society. By combining these disciplines, he was able to forge a new vision of economic policy.
In 1911, he published Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der theoretischen Nationalokonomie (The Nature and Content of Theoretical Economics Major National) which preceded yet another major contribution, alternative cost (or opportunity cost) theory, which was drawn from his study Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economy), published in 1914. It was here that he first coined the term "opportunity cost". [8]
Also attributed to him is the creation of the term "marginal utility" (Grenznutzen) [9] due largely to the influence of Léon Walras and Vilfredo Pareto, [10] both of the Lausanne School. This has led some scholars to not consider his later works as belonging to the Austrian School. Even his disciple Ludwig von Mises said in his autobiography Memoirs (1978) that Wieser had misunderstood the gist of the subjectivism of the Austrian School and was actually a member of the Lausanne School. [10] However, in both he also presents a clear methodological individualism and a rejection of historicism of the German School, so at first blush it is difficult to justify his exclusion from the Austrian School.
In 1914, Eugen Böhm von Bawerk died, thus marking the end of a lifelong friendship and striking a hard blow to Wieser. [10]
Monument at the University of Vienna
In 1917, Wieser was named a member of the Austrian House of Lords [11] and granted the title of Baron. He was also appointed Minister of Commerce in the Austrian Cabinet, [12] which post he held until the end of World War I in 1918. However, his activity was hindered by Richard Riedl, Energy Minister and clear proponent of economic interventionism, leaving only matters of secondary importance to Wieser's jurisdiction. [13]
His last works were Das geschichtliche Werk der Gewalt (The History of State Power) in 1923 and a sociological study titled Das Gesetz der Macht (The Law of Power) in 1926.
Wieser died on 22 July 1926 in Salzburg, where he is buried. Two of his hitherto unpublished works were published posthumously, namely Geld (Money) in 1927, which summarizes his monetary theory; and Gesammelte Abhandlungen (Collected Papers) in 1929. This latter book included a tribute resulting from the collaboration of renowned economists like Knut Wicksell, [14] but it was censored during World War II.
Wieser coined the terms "marginal utility" and "opportunity cost"
Wieser's most famous contributions are the imputation theory drawn from his 1889 work Der natürliche Wert (Natural Value) and the Alternative Cost (or Opportunity Cost) Theory drawn from his 1914 work Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Social Economics) in which he coined the term "opportunity cost". He is credited with the economic distinction between public goods and private goods subsequently used by Friedrich August von Hayek and eight of his disciples, and with developing the concept of marginal utility (Grenznutzen). [9]
Wieser also stressed the importance of the entrepreneur to economic change, which he saw as being caused by "the heroic intervention of individual men who appear as leaders at new economic frontiers". This idea of management was later expounded upon by Joseph Alois Schumpeter in his treatment of economic innovation. [15] Value theory was revolutionary because it opened the debate on the question of economic value, introducing an objective calculation to a subjective theory. It was one of the first mathematical solutions to the problem of determining prices for factors of production. His imputation theory amended possible errors in the theory of his teacher Carl Menger and is still used today in microeconomics in consumer research to calculate the systematic replacement of factors of production. [16]
Another of Wieser's fundamental contributions to economics is the alternative cost theory (now called the opportunity cost theory), which had been ignored by Alfred Marshall and British economists. [8] Based on the work of Vilfredo Pareto, Wieser created the concepts of marginal utility [9] and opportunity cost, which led economists to the study and analysis of scarcity and the allocation of scarce resources. [8]
Wieser thus perfected the theory of Carl Menger by introducing a definition of cost, the opportunity cost, compatible with the theory of marginal utility. He also used Carl Menger's monetary theory from which he devised his own monetary theory presenting a study of possible influences on monetary value that can change the relationships between natural and monetary economics.[ citation needed ]
Wieser's most important contributions is that thanks to his familiarity with sociology he combined the Austrian theory of utility with an evolutionary theory of institutions offering solutions to the paradox between private property and the maximization of utility. Wieser said that idealized classical and neoclassical models neglect basic concepts such as the possibility of monopolies and the existence of economies of scale. [16] Wieser claimed that idealized refined and self-contained models may not be useful tools for economic policy, resulting therefore in a suboptimal solution. In his treatise Theorie der Wirtschaft gesellschaftliche (Theory of Social Economy), he posited the concept of social economy (gesellschaftliche Wirtschaft) using the performance of intervention in certain cases as a benchmark to assess policy effectiveness.[ citation needed ]
Naturliche Werth, 1889
From his book Der Natürliche Wert (Natural Value), published in Vienna in 1889, are extracted two of Wieser's three relevant theories, his value theory and the imputation theory, although both had had their geneses in previous studies. [17] Adding to his contribution was also the theory originally known as the alternative cost theory (now called the opportunity cost theory), which was published in 1914 in gesellschaftliche Theorie der Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economy). Finally, also worth mentioning is his monetary theory.
Wieser's value theory attempts to establish a method for calculating economic value and states that the factors of production have a value due to the utility they have conferred on the final product, i.e. marginal utility, as opposed to the theory held by his teacher Carl Menger which states that the value factor is the value of the input when contributed to the final product. Wieser's value theory was presented along with his imputation theory in his work Der Natürliche Werth (Natural Value), published in Vienna in 1889, although his examination of the subject begins in his 1884 postdoctoral study Über den Ursprung und die Hauptgesetze wirthschaftlichen des Werther (On the Origin and the Principal Laws of the Value of Factors).
Wieser asserts that natural value (natürliche Wert) is a neutral phenomenon, independent of the economic system. His idea of natural value tends to highlight how the value of property is continuously dependent on the distribution of income between different social classes, so that in the presence of a situation greatly lacking in equidistribution, goods or services provided with little social utility can be of great value and vice versa.
The economy deals with a social process and therefore must be based on a concept of social economics (gesellschaftliche Wirtschaft), which implies certain institutional actions. In the first part of his treatise Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economics), Wieser carefully explains his view of general economic equilibrium. Aware of the idealized assumptions of this economy, he seeks to define with pinpoint accuracy the conditions under which resources would be allocated to ensure the highest possible utility. Social economics should therefore serve as the benchmark for evaluating the efficacy of administrative intervention in the market economy:
Most theorists, especially those of the Austrian School, have tacitly made the same abstraction. In particular, the opinions that consider price to be a social test of value [...]. Many theorists have written their own Communist theory of value without knowing it.
—  Friedrich von Wieser, Der Natürliche Werth (Natural Value), 1914
This assertion is based on the fact that for Wieser natural value would exist in a perfect communist state due to the absence of inequalities of wealth and error. In this case, value would result only from the available quantity and from profits. However, he states that in the real world natural value is only one element in the formation of price. Other factors that influence prices are the distribution of purchasing power, errors, fraud and coercion.
His idea of natural value highlights how the economic value of property changes depending on the distribution of income between different social classes so that when income distribution is far from equal, goods or services provided with little social utility can be of great value and vice versa. Therefore, Wieser explicitly states his assumptions considering the cases in which the exchange value (price) differs from the real value (marginal utility): [16]
Antinomy of value. If monopolies arise then the individual entrepreneur will be able to increase his own utility at the expense of social utility, thus creating a state of antinomy. Friedrich argues that competition can correct this because it reduces the entrepreneurs economic power and forces prices to fall. [18]
Disparity in the purchasing power of consumers leads to over-produced goods to meet the needs of persons with high ability to pay, and too few goods to meet the needs of poor people.
Instead of the things that would be more useful, there are things that pay better. The greater the difference in wealth, the more striking are the anomalies of production. The economy provides luxury to the capricious and greedy, while it is deaf to the needs of the miserable and poor. It is therefore the distribution of wealth that decides what will be produced, and leads to a consumer of a more anti-economic variety: a consumer wastes on unnecessary, guilty enjoyment that which could have served to heal the wounds of poverty.
—  Friedrich von Wieser, Der Natürliche Werth (The Natural Value), 1914
Some economists of the Austrian School maintained that the value of the factors of production is not the individual contribution of each factor in the final product, but rather the value of the most valuable use that can be made of the last good (the marginal utility before reaching the Pareto optimal point). The opposing view held by the classical economists such as Adam Smith is the labor theory of value.
Coined the term "marginal utility" and gave shape to the concept. [9]
Was revolutionary because it provided a new insight into the debate on the issue of economic value.
Established assumptions concerning intervention, explicitly considering cases where the exchange value (price) differs from the actual value (marginal utility). [16]
Tried to provide a solution to the paradox of private property and maximizing utility. [16]
Still relevant today, especially in the field of study of consumer microeconomics.
Wieser based his theory of imputation on the assumption that factors of production are combined in fixed proportions in each industry, but at different rates in different industries. It was one of the first mathematical solutions to the problem of determining the prices of factors of production. [16]
Previously, some economists such as Carl Menger and others of the Austrian School maintained that the value of factors of production is the individual contribution of each in the final product, but its value is the value of the last contributed to the final product (the marginal utility before reaching the point Pareto optimal). Thus, Wieser identified a flaw in the theory of imputation as expounded by his teacher Carl Menger as overvaluation may occur if one is confronted with economies where profits jump (maximums and minimums in his utility function, where its second derivative equals 0). Wieser suggested as an alternative the simultaneous solution of a system of industrial equations.
Industry 1: X + Y = 300
Industry 2: 6X + Z = 900
Industry 3: 4Y + 3Z = 1700 ⇒ X = 100, Y = 200, Z = 300.
Given that a factor is used in the production of a range of first-order goods, its value is determined by the good that is worth the least among all the goods in the range. This value is determined at the margin, the marginal utility of the last unit of the least valuable good produced by the factor. In connection with his opportunity cost, the value so derived represents an opportunity cost across all industries, and the values of the factors of production and goods are determined in the whole system. Thus, supply and demand do not develop into the determinants of value; the determinant of value is the marginal utility.
The following can be considered applications of Wieser's theory of imputation:
Linear programming, which deals with the case of discontinuous replacement of the factors. This approach is essentially the application of Wieser's theory of imputation to a single company. The business problem is to maximize total output by a set of linear constraints. [16]
Albert Aftalion used the theory as an argument against socialism in his 1923 work Les fondements du Socialisme: Étude critique (The Foundations of Socialism: Critical Study). [19] This work states that prices provide key information on the conditions of the market and are necessary for any economic activity. A socialist system that purported to be effective would have to use a price system to operate.
Main article: Opportunity Cost
Wieser is remembered chiefly for the imputation theory, the alternative (or opportunity) cost theory and his monetary theory
The alternative cost theory (or opportunity cost theory) is a theory of enormous importance that comes from his Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economy), published in 1914, although his arguments were foreshadowed in his work Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der theoretischen Nationalokonomie (The Nature and Main Content of Theoretical State Economics), published in 1911. Wieser coined the term "opportunity cost" and performed a detailed study of the subject.
Opportunity cost is associated with a famous controversy from the early 20th century, where disciples of English economist Alfred Marshall were opposed to the continental economists of the Austrian School, the head of which was Friedrich von Wieser, with his theory of alternative or opportunity cost. [20] The debate focused on the following points: [20]
For the English, cost was a technical concept, the spending needed to produce something.
For the Austrians, cost was a result of demand, as this would determine the level of production, depending on the willingness of buyers to pay that cost. Since demand is dependent upon the action of buyers, utility would determine a thing's cost rather than technology. In this context, the Austrian concept of opportunity cost claimed to ruin the British parametric concept of cost. The opportunity cost would be that which the purchaser would willingly forgo in agreeing to pay the cost of the option chosen.[ citation needed ]
The most notable feature of the concept is that opportunity cost would only make sense if the opportunity were fixed or reasonably limited. That is, if there is a conflict in performing multiple investments or actions, simultaneously or consecutively, it would not be feasible to have to choose among all the alternatives.[ citation needed ]
Thus, if a person has several options, you can calculate the opportunity cost of choosing one, but can we calculate a universal opportunity cost, which would include all the options? The prevailing opinion was that the opportunity cost could not be applied outside of cases of limited resources. This led some economists to limit the object of economics to "exceptional" resource situations (an idea still present in all economics textbooks). Still unknown are the consequences that might follow from an economic science that has no fixed limits outside of the economic system in terms of availability of goods.[ citation needed ]
Wieser coined the term "opportunity cost". [21]
Wieser gave shape to the theory that marked the beginning of the distinction between accounting cost ("the cost of production") and economic cost ("the cost of production" + the opportunity cost of not being able to obtain alternative).[ citation needed ]
Wieser also developed a monetary theory. It was inspired by the research of Carl Menger, in particular by his study of currency, which discussed both the historical evolution of money and the theory of its value. Wieser used the theory of marginal utility as a basis for his monetary theory. It was initially rejected; in fact, some authors tried to prove that marginalism necessarily failed when used as a basis for building such theories. However, his disciple Ludwig von Mises studied Wieser's theory and fleshed it out, creating the complex upon which he built the German concept of Geld (money).[ citation needed ]
Wieser conducted a further study on the effects of change in a currency's value on the relationship between the natural economy and the monetary economy.[ citation needed ]
It was later applied to the problem of the quantity theory of money.[ citation needed ]
It provided a new monetary theory within the Austrian School and conducted a useful study on one specific type of possible influence on monetary value.[ citation needed ]
Provided a basis for a further and still relevant study of monetary theory by his pupil Ludwig von Mises.[ citation needed ]
In his later years, Wieser ventured into the study of Sociology, and this resulted in his 1914 publication, Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economy), from which is derived his theory of alternative cost or opportunity. Das Gesetz der Macht (The Law of Power), published in 1926, was his latest publication, a great sociological study from which we draw the following conclusions.
Wieser tried to explain the relationships and social forces through the study of history, and he concluded that economic forces held a prominent role in social evolution. Despite his interest in collective goals, such as economic well-being, Wieser adopted an individual approach, explicitly rejecting collectivism, approaching a more liberal stance and establishing the essential difference between social economics in general and socialist economics.
Social economy (in the original German, Gesellschaftliche Wirtschaft) treats humanity as a whole as an ideal economic subject and contrasts it with nature, so that considerations of conflicting interests or economic justice become as irrelevant as they would to the economy of Robinson Crusoe: [15]
But this broad economy is guided by a single mind. It answers its purpose in an unimpeachable manner because a systematic and penetrating mind guides it. This director foresees ends, weighs them without error or passion and maintains a discipline which ensures that all directions are executed with the utmost precision and skill and without loss of energy. We shall further assume that all requisite individual forces are placed at the disposal of this social management as cheerfully as though enlisted in their individual interest. [22]
—  Friedrich von Wieser, Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Social Economics), 1914
For Wieser, the individual is the root of all decisions. [10] Decisions are made in the face of certain restrictions. Institutions are what define the restrictions on individual decisions. The reflection of these findings in political economy is apparent in actions such as: [16]
The regulation of imperfectly competitive firms whenever there are benefits of capital that are being lost.
Progressive taxation based on decreasing marginal utility. The state should not try to offset all the inequalities of income and property by means of progressive taxation, but rather progressive taxation should be developed within the doctrine of diminishing marginal utility, i.e. every new tax adds a certain diminishing amount of utility. Thus, an unconscionable progressive tax, for example on the wealthy, would violate the spirit of privacy of Wieser's social economics.
The duty of the state as producer of public goods. Wieser created the distinction between public goods and private goods that in the future would be seized upon by his disciple Friedrich Hayek. [10]
Intervening in the balance of social power between companies and unions for the benefit of workers, who could otherwise only hope to earn their marginal productivity.
These conditions, under which resources would be allocated to ensure the greatest value, describe his model of an ideal economy, which he calls social economics in the first part of his treatise entitled Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economics). He made idealized assumptions using his model as the benchmark standard for evaluating the effectiveness of administritative intervention in the market economy.
Thus Wieser's Social Economics is, in effect, a socialist economy [10] in which, to achieve greater productivity, scarce resources are assigned by an omnipresent, benevolent planner with direct and accurate insight sufficient to know the intensities of satisfactions and needs experienced by individual members of society, which all have exactly the same tastes and the same scales of utility and receive the same incomes. Moreover, their directions are followed without question by a completely docile workforce.
When labeling Wieser a "neoliberal", particular emphasis is placed on the definition of Ludwig von Mises. The English edition of his 1927 book, Liberalismus, uses the term "neoliberalism" to translate what Mises called in German neuer Liberalismus (new liberalism). In this book, Mises uses the term to designate socialists posing as liberals (a term he later replaced with "pseudoliberals"), leaving in Mises's view Wieser under this definition for being a Fabian socialist. Also in his later book Socialism, he applies the neoliberal label to liberal supporters of the then new[ clarification needed ] subjective theory of value, including Carl Menger and Wieser. [ citation needed ]
When Carl Menger, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk and Wieser began their careers in science, they were not focused on economic policy issues, much less in the rejection of intervention promoted by classical liberalism. [23] Their common vocation was to develop an economic theory on a firm basis. To do this, following the course initiated by Carl Menger, Wieser, along with his friend and brother-in-law Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, disapproved of the policies of interventionism that the Austrian government, as all governments of the time, had adopted, arguing that only the free market could allow more efficient economic and social development. [23]
Wieser believed that he could contribute to a return to liberal policies, both by explaining his economic vision in his books and articles as well as by teaching it in his role as university professor at the University of Prague and University of Vienna. In addition, his positions within the Austrian ministries allowed him to adopt more or less liberal economic policies. However, it was his liberal vision that separated him from the British economists of his era, discarding classical and neoclassical idealized models that did not contemplate the possibility of monopolies or the existence of economies of scale: [24]
Chaos [referring to classical liberalism] has to be replaced by a system of order.
—  Friedrich von Wieser, Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft (Theory of Social Economy), 1914
Wieser did not acknowledge essentialism or any teleological version of causality. [25] As opposed to the historical method of the German historicist school, he developed a logical method, with both its deductive slope as well as its inductive slope (see interpolation and extrapolation). Economics has, like Mathematics and Logic, an a priori character rather than the empirical character of science. Thus, empirical phenomena are considered continuously variable, meaning that social developments have no parameters or constants, only variables, which makes it very difficult, if not impossible, to extract historical laws or make predictions. This point is the epicenter of the methodological discussion between the Austrian School and the German School. In what little Wieser wrote about methodology, he stated that economics is a kind of applied psychology for which the procedure is introspection, claiming similarity between Economics and sociology in that both attempt to achieve a more successful social reality of man, promoting the idea of utility that reports on each good and each individual. [24] Aside from abandoning essentialism, both Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk and Wieser advocated objectively considering subjective factors, setting aside ideas that believe in the existence of an objective superhuman (essentialism) and theories of subjective elements that are incapable of objective measures (teleology of causality). [25]
Joseph Schumpeter stressed Wieser's originality, saying: "There is hardly another author who owes as little to other authors as Wieser, fundamentally to none except Menger and to him only a suggestion – with the result that for a long time many fellow economists did not know what to do with Wieser's work. Of his edifice, everything is his intellectual property, even where what he says has already been said before him". [26]
Wieser, Friedrich (1884). Über den Ursprung und die Hauptgesetze des wirtschaftlichen Werthes (in German). Wien: A. Hölder. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
Wieser, Friedrich (1889). Der natürliche Werth (in German). Wien: A. Hölder. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
English Translation: Natural Value, 1893, translated by Christian A. Malloch, edited with an introduction by William Smart.
Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft, 1914
English translation: Social Economics, 1927, translated by A. Ford Hinrichs, with a preface by Wesley Clair Mitchell. Full Text
Das Gesetz der Macht, 1926;
English translation: The Law of Power, 1983, translated by W.E. Kuhn, edited with an introduction by Warren J. Samuels Full text
Die österreichische Schule und die Werth Theorie (The Austrian School and the Value Theory), 1891.
"The Austrian School and the Theory of Value", in The Economic Journal, Volume 1, 1891 (in Wikisource).
Die Wert Theorie (The Value Theory), 1892.
Wieser, Friedrich (1894). Die währungsfrage und die zukunft der österreichischungarischen valutareform (in German). Wien: F. Tempsky. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
Die Theorie der städtischen Grundrente (The Theory of Urban Ground Rent), 1909.
Wieser, Friedrich von (1910). Recht und Macht, sechs Vorträge (in German). Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
Das Wesen und der Hauptinhalt der theoretischen Nationalökonomie (The essence and the main content of theoretical economics), 1911.
Wieser, Friedrich (1919). Österreichs Ende (in German). Berlin: Ullstein. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
Das geschichtliche Werk der Gewalt (The History of State Power), 1923.
Die nationale Steuerleistung und der Landeshaushalt im Königreiche Böhmen: Antwort auf die Erwägungen (The National tax services and the state budget in the kingdom of Bohemia: Response to the considerations), 1923.
Wieser, Friedrich (1926). Das Gesetz Der Macht (in German). Wien: Verlag von Julius Springer. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
List of Austrian scientists
↑ Regarding personal names: Freiherr was a title before 1919, but now is regarded as part of the surname. It is translated as Baron . Before the August 1919 abolition of nobility as a legal class, titles preceded the full name when given (Graf Helmuth James von Moltke). Since 1919, these titles, along with any nobiliary prefix (von, zu, etc.), can be used, but are regarded as a dependent part of the surname, and thus come after any given names (Helmuth James Graf von Moltke). Titles and all dependent parts of surnames are ignored in alphabetical sorting. The feminine forms are Freifrau and Freiin .
↑ Joseph A. Schumpeter, Ten Great Economists From Marx to Keynes, 1951, Appendix 2, p. 298, reprinted from The Economic Journal, vol. xxxvii, no. 146, June 1927.
↑ Der Natürliche Werth, 1889; Natural Value, 1893, translated into English by Christian A. Malloch, edited with an introduction by William Smart.
↑ Mark Blaug, Great Economists Before Keynes, 1986, p. 280.
1 2 3 "Enciclopledia GEA, F.V.W.,Piero Barucci". Canalsocial.net. Archived from the original on 2011-09-29. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 3 4 5 Der Österreichische Wissenschaftskalender Archived September 19, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
1 2 3 "Juan Carlos Cachanosky La Escuela Austriaca de Economía" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 3 4 5 "Enciclopedía y Biblioteca Virtual de Ciencias Sociales, Económicas y Jurídicas, Biografía de Wieser". Eumed.net. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 3 4 "Die Österreichische nationalökonomische Schule, Lektorat Mag. Ines Wakolbinger". Archived from the original on 2011-07-25. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 3 4 5 6 "Joseph T. Salerno, Friedrich von Wieser and Friedich A. Hayek: The General Equilibrium Tradition in Austrian Economics, Pace University, New York" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ "Enciklopedya wikivx.biz". Archived from the original on August 10, 2011. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ "The Historical Setting of the Austrian School of Economics"
↑ "The Historical Setting of the Austrian School of Economics" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ "Web Reserva Federal del Banco de Dallas". Dallasfed.org. Archived from the original on 2011-09-27. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 "Samuel Bostaph, Wieser Economic Calculation Under Socialism" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Econlink – La Escuela Austríaca.
↑ "Juan Carlos Cachanosky. La Escuela Austriaca de Economía" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ "Scarlett: History of Economic Theory and Thought, Friedrich von Wieser: Biography Theory, 2009. Retrieved 2 May 2011". Economictheories.org. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ "Biografías y Vida. Biografía de Albert Aftalion". Biografiasyvidas.com. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 "Friedrich von Wieser: Información de". Answers.com. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ CEPA Friedrich von Wieser Archived April 2, 2003, at the Wayback Machine .
↑ Friedrich von Wieser, Theorie der gesellschaftlichen Wirtschaft, Social Economics by Freidrich von Weiser, translated by A. Ford Hindrichs
1 2 [UCM Economics "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2010-06-18. Retrieved 2011-05-10. CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link) Austrian]
1 2 "Econlink. Escuela austríaca: Wieser". Econlink.com.ar. Retrieved 2011-10-17.
1 2 "UCM, Elena García Martínez. Acceso a doctorado: La Tradición en F.A.Hayek" (PDF). Retrieved 2011-10-17.
↑ F. A. Hayek, New Studies in Philosophy, Politics, Economics and the History of Ideas, 1978, p. 51.
Wikiquote has quotations related to: Friedrich von Wieser
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Article on Wieser's political career
Biography in the History of Economic Thought
Friedrich von Wieser at Curlie
An Introduction to the Value Theory on the Lines of Menger, Wieser, and Böhm-Bawerk, William Smart (1891, 1910).
Friedrich von Wieser at Find a Grave
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The Austrian School is a heterodox school of economic thought that is based on methodological individualism—the concept that social phenomena result exclusively from the motivations and actions of individuals.
Carl Menger was an Austrian economist and the founder of the Austrian School of economics. Menger contributed to the development of the theory of marginalism, which rejected the cost-of-production theories of value, such as were developed by the classical economists such as Adam Smith and David Ricardo. As a departure from such, he would go on to call his resultant perspective, the "Subjective Theory of Value".
Eugen Ritter von Böhm-Bawerk was an Austrian economist who made important contributions to the development of the Austrian School of Economics and neoclassical economics. He served intermittently as the Austrian Minister of Finance between 1895 and 1904. He also wrote a series of extensive critiques of Marxism.
Principles of Economics is a book by economist Carl Menger which is credited with the founding of the Austrian School of economics. It was one of the first modern treatises to advance the theory of marginal utility.
Methodenstreit, in intellectual history beyond German-language discourse, was an economics controversy commenced in the 1880s and persisting for more than a decade, between that field's Austrian School and the (German) Historical School. The debate concerned the place of general theory in social science and the use of history in explaining the dynamics of human action. It also touched on policy and political issues, including the roles of the individual and state. Nevertheless, methodological concerns were uppermost and some early members of the Austrian School also defended a form of welfare state, as prominently advocated by the Historical School.
The theory of imputation is based on the so-called theory of factors of production proposed by the French economist Jean-Baptiste Say and elaborated by the American economist John Bates Clark in his work The Distribution of Wealth. The proponents of the theory of imputation see its main task as elucidating which parts of wealth may be attributed (imputed) to labor and capital respectively.
Marginalism is a theory of economics that attempts to explain the discrepancy in the value of goods and services by reference to their secondary, or marginal, utility. The reason why the price of diamonds is higher than that of water, for example, owes to the greater additional satisfaction of the diamonds over the water. Thus, while the water has greater total utility, the diamond has greater marginal utility.
In economics, the cost-of-production theory of value is the theory that the price of an object or condition is determined by the sum of the cost of the resources that went into making it. The cost can comprise any of the factors of production and taxation.
Capital and Interest is a three-volume work on finance published by Austrian economist Eugen Böhm von Bawerk (1851–1914).
Hermann Heinrich Gossen was a Prussian economist who is often regarded as the first to elaborate a general theory of marginal utility.
The Theory of Money and Credit is a 1912 economics book written by Ludwig von Mises, originally published in German as Theorie des Geldes und der Umlaufsmittel. In it Mises expounds on his theory of the origins of money through his regression theorem, which is based on logical argumentation. It is one of the foundational works of the Misesian branch of the Austrian School of economic thought.
Herbert Joseph Davenport was an American economist and critic of the Austrian School, educator and author.
Emil Lederer was a Bohemian-born German economist and sociologist. Purged from his position at Humboldt University of Berlin in 1933 for being Jewish, Lederer fled into exile. He helped establish the "University in Exile" at the New School in New York City.
Frank Albert Fetter was an American economist of the Austrian School. Fetter's treatise, The Principles of Economics, contributed to an increased American interest in the Austrian School, including the theories of Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, Friedrich von Wieser, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek.
William Smart was a Scottish economist. Originally a conveyor of the thought of the Austrian School, Smart was increasingly won-over to the neoclassicalism of Alfred Marshall.
In economics, utility is the satisfaction or benefit derived by consuming a product; thus the marginal utility of a good or service is the change in the utility from an increase in the consumption of that good or service.
Criticisms of the labor theory of value affect the historical concept of labor theory of value (LTV) which spans classical economics, liberal economics, Marxian economics, neo-Marxian economics, and anarchist economics. As an economic theory of value, LTV is central to Marxist social-political-economic theory and later gave birth to the concepts of labour exploitation and surplus value. LTV criticisms therefore often appear in the context of economic criticism, not only for the microeconomic theory of Marx but also for Marxism, according to which the working class is exploited under capitalism.
Richard von Strigl (1891–1942) was an Austrian economist. He was considered by his colleagues one of the most brilliant Austrian economists of the interwar period. As a professor at the University of Vienna he had a decisive influence on F. A. Hayek, Fritz Machlup, Gottfried von Haberler, Oskar Morgenstern and other fourth-generation Austrian economists.


text:
Q: Rangeslider.js add decimal Points to output Hi i'm using this range slider:
http://rangeslider.js.org/
I would like to know how to add decimal points on the output div like so: 1.000,000

A: Sorry for jumping in, but I am actually having the same question...
The example goes from "0" to "100" - would like to know how to change it in a way that it goes from "0" to "100000" and displays "100.000" instead of "100000".
In addition would be great to know if it is possible to add a "€" sign?
Thanks a ton to everyone who can help!!!
http://codepen.io/andreruffert/pen/meeOav
HTML

Vertical orientation support

<input type="range" data-orientation="vertical">
<output></output>

Javascript:
var $element = $('input[type="range"]');
var $output = $('output');

function updateOutput(el, val) {
  el.textContent = val;
}

$element
  .rangeslider({
    polyfill: false,
    onInit: function() {
      updateOutput($output[0], this.value);
    }
  })
  .on('input', function() {
    updateOutput($output[0], this.value);
  });

CSS
output {
  font-size: 2em;
  padding: .3em;
}

A: I figure out a solution with the help of a friend.
Make these changes where you call the function to start the slider.
This is how the code look originally:
var $element1 = $('#slider_range_1');
var $output1 = $('#output_1');

$element1
  .rangeslider({
    polyfill: false,
    onInit: function() {
    updateOutput($output1[0], this.value.toFixed(2).replace(/(\d)(?=(\d{3})+\.)/g, '$1,'));
  }
})

.on('input', function() {
    updateOutput($output1[0],parseInt(this.value).toFixed(2).replace(/(\d)(?=(\d{3})+\.)/g, '$1,'));
    console.log(this.value);
});

The piece of code below formats the output and add the decimal points and dollar sign to it
 .toFixed(2).replace(/(\d)(?=(\d{3})+\.)/g, '$1,')

The code should look like this after you make the changes.
var $element1 = $('#slider_range_1');
var $output1 = $('#output_1');

$element1
  .rangeslider({
    polyfill: false,
    onInit: function() {
    updateOutput($output1[0], this.value.toFixed(2).replace(/(\d)(?=(\d{3})+\.)/g, '$1,'));
  }
})

.on('input', function() {
    updateOutput($output1[0],parseInt(this.value).toFixed(2).replace(/(\d)(?=(\d{3})+\.)/g, '$1,'));
    console.log(this.value);
});


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text:
LG G4 and Nexus 6 Comparison Along With Rumors Indicating an Upcoming 'Pro' Variant, More Details
The LG G4 is the latest flagship model from LG Electronics and it is simply waiting for a face-off with the LG Nexus 6. Let us start with a comparison of the two devices. In case you are familiar with Motorola's Moto X 2014 flagship, you will notice a huge resemblance between the Nexus 6 and the LG G4. After ditching LG, Google teamed up with Motorola and created the Google Nexus 6.
The latest Nexus 6 has asymmetrical bezel and the largest Nexus smartphone so far measuring 159.3x83x10.1 mm. It has dual-stereo speakers located at the top and the bottom portion of the front panel and in the back we have Nexus written vertically, below the dimple housing the 'M' logo.
Meanwhile, the LG G4 is quite different from its predecessor, meaning that the company has now discarded the brushed metal approach and has instead, come up with two different ideas. In one model, there is genuine leather with stitching that runs down the middle. Meanwhile, the other model has the plastic back cover with a 3D Diamond pattern.
Compared to the Nexus 6, the phone measures 148.9×76.1×9.8 mm, The Nexus 6 has an AMOLED Display from Samsung with a screen size of 5.96inches and is capable of supporting a QHD resolution of 1440×2560 pixels at a high 493ppi.
The LG G4 has a QHD screen with an IPS LCD panel measuring 5.5inches. It has a pixel density which is denser a538ppi. When the brightness is adjusted to maximum, the LG G4 will be able to produce more natural colors. Compared to that, the whites in Nexus 6 almost look like yellow. However, both the displays are protected by Corning Gorilla Glass 3.
In the camera department, the Google Nexus 6 has a 13MP camera with optical image stabilization and dual-LED flash. In terms of the secondary camera, the Nexus 6 has a 2MP shooter, which is far below in quality compared to LG's 8MP front snapper.
The Nexus 6 is powered by a 3,220mAh battery, which is non-renewable in nature and will last longer, thanks to the Doze feature which was added in Android M. With a 'turbo-charger' adapter, the device can charge upto 50% in a single hour. The G4 on the other hand, has a smaller replaceable 3000mAh battery that lasts long enough.
Shelby America Reveals the 2015 Ford Mustang GT Super Snake, Churns Out 750HP, And More
Jurassic World: Breaks Marvel's Opening Week Record at the Box Office, References Made To Jurassic Park, And More


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The Minister, Sex Work and Asylum Seekers in direct provision centres in Ireland
Minister Frances Fitzgerald claimed to be shocked at reports that some women in direct provision centres felt compelled into sex work by the poverty they are kept in. How can that be, it's Minister Frances Fitzgerald who actually operates this direct provision system that creates such circumstances.
As the Minister she does not allow asylum seekers to work, leaving them to exist on €19.10 per week, often for periods measured in years. Who can imagine living month after month with such a minuscule amount of spending money? And while she now wants to suggest she has concern for such women the reality is that she is the one who signs deportation orders, orders which will very often send the same women to very much more difficult circumstances.
Revolutionary organisation in the digital age - audio from a speaking tour of Norway
It is a confusing time to be on the revolutionary left as everything that was once certain turns to smoke.
Technology has overturned and remade what constitutes effective communication and the construction of networks.
Quite how to organise is no longer clear, while old reference points of 1917, 1936 or even 1968 no longer provide definitive models.
ISIS Jihadism and Imperialism in the post Arab Spring period- an anarchist analysis ( Audio & Video )
Following on from the rapid spread of Isis in Iraq & Syria Paul Bowman presented an update intended to inform on the contemporary politics of Jihadism and its entanglement with regional and global imperialist power plays.
He starts by looking in detail at the ideological / religious background of the Salafist movements including ISIS and how such movements differ from those of the Muslim Brotherhood / Ikwanite.
Origins of the hostility and the split between Al Qa'ida and ISIS
Geo-strategically the Al Qa'ida leadership (Azzam, bin Laden, Zawahiri) are products of the Cold War, specifically the Afghan Mujahidin war against the USSR. Rather like their American neo-con previous employers, Al Qa'ida view the end of the Cold War as a victory over the USSR by their own side. The Al Qa'ida perspective is that, having "defeated" one superpower, the global jihad now needs to turn its offensive against the remaining superpower. Al Qa'ida worry that the Zarqawists of ISIS may be restricting the struggle to a parochial Mesopotamian sectarian struggle that could fail to engage Muslim jihadists around the world, outside the MENA region, say in West Africa or Indonesia and the Philippines where the US is a more credible #1 enemy than Iran.
A chat about the Manifesto for for an Accelerationist Politics- audio
This educational discussion was based around a text that says "We believe the most important division in today's left is between those that hold to a folk politics of localism, direct action, and relentless horizontalism, and those that outline what must become called an accelerationist politics at ease with a modernity of abstraction, complexity, globality, and technology." from Manifesto for for an Accelerationist Politics
We tended to disagree, the audio of what is a relatively informal introduction and chat covers a range of issues we have with this approach.
A chat about the Manifesto for for an Accelerationist Politics- WSM Dublin by Workers Solidarity on Mixcloud
Serious investment in social housing is required as an alternative to Dublin council housing families in hotels or prefabs
Decades of lack of investment in social housing and the growing housing crisis in Dublin means that Dublin city council now appear to be considering building temporary slum housing. That's not of course what they are calling it but Assistant chief executive and head of housing Dick Brady has revealed a plan to house families in prefabs on derelict sites.
Scottish Referendum: A tale of two cities
For one brief glorious fleeting moment two weekends ago, it looked like David Cameron had unwittingly brought the union between England and Scotland to the brink of collapse. Today the rain falls on the dashed hopes of 45% of Scotland's voters.
Leaked Report: Self Serving NGO's Want to Perpetuate Rescue Industry, Not End Direct Provision
Last week, it was revealed that four Irish NGOs – the Immigrant Council of Ireland, Nasc Irish Immigrant Support Centre, Focus Ireland and Sonas Housing – had submitted a report to the Minister for Justice about the accommodation of suspected sex trafficking victims in direct provision centres. While the report raises a number of very valid concerns, it's unsurprising that one particular line has received the most attention – the allegation that "traffickers have used the asylum system for residency and accommodation while simultaneously trafficking victims". The media focus on this uncorroborated claim is unfortunate (albeit totally predictable) at a time when asylum seekers' complaints about their housing are finally starting to get the headlines they should have had for years.