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Erika Correia
Clinical Trial Manager
Erika Correia joined GARDP in August 2017 as Clinical Research Associate, relocating from the DNDi Brazil Regional Office. She started her career with DNDi in 2012 as Clinical Research Associate working on the Chagas's Disease Project on several Phase II PoC studies in Bolívia.
Erika got her BSc in Biology at Rio de Janeiro State University, after which she worked for two of the major clinical laboratories in Brazil, focusing on Molecular Diagnostic of infectious diseases.
Later on, Erika acquired an MBA from the prestigious Getúlio Vargas Foundation and moved into the pharmaceutical industry, where she became involved in clinical trials with Bristol Myers Squibb, where she held the positions of CTA and then CRA.
Through her work in Brazil and Bolivia, Erika acquired important experience working in settings with limited resources, as well as in capacity building.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Otter Tail County businesses share varied fishing opener expectations
The Governor's Fishing Opener won't have the hoopla that the event has brought to host cities in years past. Only a few businesses representatives really expect to see a large increase of business with this year's more cautious approach.
Business for Landmark Liquors hasn't suffered during the COVID-19 pandemic. (Elizabeth Vierkant/Focus)
By Elizabeth Vierkant, Elizabeth Vierkant
Those involved with the upcoming Governor's Fishing Opener believe the event will boost Otter Tail County's economy , particularly in the hospitality industry, following the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, do businesses in and near Perham feel the same way?
The Governor's Fishing Opener won't have the hoopla that the event has brought to host cities in years past. In interviews, only a few businesses representatives really expect to see a large increase of business with this year's more cautious approach. If anything, several of these businesses see the fishing opener as a way to kick off what's expected to be a busy and successful tourist season for Otter Tail County.
The pandemic has affected a variety of industries in several different ways. For Perham's Landmark Liquors, their store has been thriving throughout the past year. According to Manager Robert Dreger, the liquor industry has had great sales throughout the pandemic.
Dreger said the fishing opener always causes a small bump in the liquor business because more people are in the area. He can always tell when it's arrived because sales are higher that weekend than in others.
Several different shops are located in Front 20 Outfitters, including the Perham's fly fish shop. (Elizabeth Vierkant/Focus)
Perham's Front 20 Outfitters, on the other hand, has experienced quite the opposite. Co-owner Roxanne Harthan said the pandemic affected their sales negatively. Though, while sales have been down for the past year, they're starting to increase again.
Harthan believes the fishing opener won't affect their sales very much but also said that it signifies the beginning of tourist season. She expects the next summer to be one of the best business-wise because many vacationing families are looking for ways to relax.
Owner of the Willow Bookstore Megan Wells said that, while her shop has needed to make a few adjustments over the past year due to the pandemic, sales have only been slightly below average. From what she's heard, everyone in Perham is preparing for a busy tourist season.
After the fishing opener and entering the summer, Wells said she believes the Willow Bookstore is getting closer sales-wise to where it was pre-pandemic.
Plenty of Perham's community businesses are located on Main Street. (Elizabeth Vierkant/Focus)
Holly's Resort, a resort located near Battle Lake, hasn't experienced a large change throughout the pandemic. In spring 2020, they had fewer people than usual, however, by that June, business picked up quite a bit.
While the owners, Steve, Barb, Paul and Sarah Jensen, are expecting a busy and successful tourist season, they haven't noticed any differences with the upcoming fishing opener. They've only experienced two extra bookings at their resort.
Related Topics: TOURISMOTTER TAIL COUNTYPERHAM
Minnesota brothers Louis and Cyril Keller revolutionized the ag equipment world with the Bobcat skid-steer
Louis and Cyril Keller are the inventors of the Bobcat skid-steer loader and were selected as 2023 inductees into the National Inventors Hall of Fame.
By Emily Beal
Silvermoon's old motel to be 'resurrected'
AFIC LLC, a Detroit Lakes-based investment company made up of three partners, closed on their purchase of the property on Jan. 10.
Benson and Turner Foods perseveres on meat processing plant, even after death of business partner
Benson and Turner Foods will process cattle and hogs at Waubun, Minnesota, on the White Earth Reservation with the help of a USDA grant.
$30,000 an acre: Eye-popping farmland prices in northwest Iowa have an impact across the Midwest
A recent $30,000 per acre land sale in Sioux County, Iowa, sends signals into the land market in North Dakota, South Dakota, Minnesota and even as far away as Indiana.


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John "Hans" Lobert was a third baseman with the Phillies from 1911-1914. After catching on as a regular with Cincinnati early in his career, Lobert was traded to Philadelphia in a package with Dode Paskert for George McQuillan and a few other players, following the 1910 season.
Lobert was nicknamed Hans, a familiar form of Johannes, the German version of his given name. Honus Wagner, a teammate of Lobert as a rookie who was sometimes also called Hans, dubbed Lobert "Hans Number 2".
For a guy with a stocky physique and bow legs, Lobert was quite fleet footed. He stole 20 or more bases in a season 8 times in his career, 30 or more in a season 7 times and 40 or more in a season 4 times, despite playing in over 100 games in a season just 7 times.
In his first season with the Phillies, the Wilmington Delaware native, Lobert, drove in a career high 72 runs, batted .285 and stole 40 bases.
At the Polo Grounds in 1913, Lobert demonstrated his speed by defeating Giants rookie, former Olympian, Jim Thorpe in the 100-yard dash. The following off-season, Lobert was invited by Giants manager John McGraw to join a group of players on a barn storming tour of Europe and Asia. Following the 1914 season, Lobert was prepared to leave the Phillies to sign a bigger contract with the new Federal League, but he was convinced, by McGraw, to stay with the Phillies until a trade could be worked out with McGraw's Giants. Lobert impressed McGraw so much with his speed, that McGraw was convinced that Lobert was the missing piece that could help the Giants get back to the World Series.
The trade was not very successful, despite the Giants return to the World Series. In Lobert's 3 seasons with New York, the Giants finished 8th, 4th and won the pennant in the 3rd season. The improvements were not directly attributable to Lobert's presence as he played just 50 games or less in two of his three seasons there. Lobert's production was hindered by knee injuries and he retired after that 1917 NL Pennant season.
In 1918, Lobert became the varsity baseball coach at West Point, where he stayed through 1925. He then began scouting for the Giants and would later coach for them. In 1934, he returned to Philadelphia as a coach and would manage the team for one season in 1942, becoming one of baseball's oldest rookie managers at the age of 60. He then returned to Cincinnati as a coach for two seasons. Lobert would then go on to scout for the Giants until he passed away in 1968.
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Labels: Cincinnati Reds, Giants, Hans Lobert, History Lesson, John McGraw, Phillies, Sunday School
Joe W. Linden (IPWT) said...
best sunday school i know of. then again any other sunday school usually consists of nuns hitting kids with rulers... so it kinda wins by default.
good stuff here, man. added you to my roll.
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Arizona Heritage Alliance
Meet Our 2020 Officers
Information & Downloads
Studies and Resources
Preservation Resources on the Web: Online Resources for Historic and Cultural Resource Preservation
Western States Conservation Scoreboard – October 2017 – Arizona ranked second lowest among eight Western States
Restoring Arizona's Heritage Fund: 2013 Governor's Natural Resources Review Council
Historic Preservation Grants (1991 to 2006)
Arizona Heritage Fund Grant Investments, 1991 to 2007, by County and City/Town
Economic Impact of Arizona State Parks Heritage Fund
The Economics of Arizona's Natural Assets
Why Parks & Open Space Matter – What You Can Do
"The Price of Stewardship: The Future of Arizona State Parks"
Economic Impact Studies
Arizona Nonprofits: Economic Power, Positive Impact
Policies from A-Z for a Livable and Competitive State
AZ Heritage Fund Grant Project Totals by County (1991-2008)
Your Support Is Needed
Apache Junction weighs annexation of Lost Dutchman Park
February 9, 2010 February 9, 2010 by Arizona Heritage Alliance
[Source: Arizona Republic, Jim Walsh, 1-27-2010] — Apache Junction officials are so worried about economic fallout from the planned closure of Lost Dutchman State Park that they are considering annexing the iconic landmark. Apache Junction economic development director Steve Filipowicz said city officials are studying whether annexation would be feasible and whether it would make sense financially. Annexing the park could keep it open and preserve the estimated $4 million in economic impact the park provides from tourism.
At minimum, annexation would serve as a justification for city police officers to patrol the park to discourage vandalism, Filipowicz said. The move comes as cities, towns, counties and community groups from Flagstaff to Tubac are contemplating measures that would have been unthinkable only a few short years ago as they struggle to preserve some of Arizona's natural and historic treasures in the face of deep budget cuts. Reacting to the Legislature's decision in December to cut $8.6 million from the state parks budget, the Arizona State Parks Board voted earlier this month to take the unprecedented step of closing 21 of the 30 parks in the state system. [Note: To read the full article, click here.]
Categories Arizona State Budget, State ParksTags Apache Junction, Camp Verde, Chip Davis, Fort Verde State Historic Park, Jay Ream, Jim Walsh, Kenny Evans, Lost Dutchman State Park, Michael Scannell, Steve Filipowicz, Tonto Natural Bridge State ParkLeave a comment
Arizona state parks take big hit: Grant funding for outdoor capital-improvement projects at issue
October 14, 2009 November 21, 2009 by Arizona Heritage Alliance
[Source: Independent Newspapers, Terrance Thornton 9-28-2009] — The Arizona State Parks Department found its expected $8.6 million general fund allocation this fiscal year on the cutting room floor due to a $4 billion deficit to the state budget. In the face of such severe cuts, we just cannot continue to operate as we did before and as the public has become accustomed," said Arizona State Parks Assistant Director Jay Ziemann in a written response to e-mailed questions. "In 2010, five parks will be closed to the public — Jerome, Tonto Natural Bridge, McFarland, Oracle and San Rafael — and another 17 will have reduced or seasonal hours of operation."
In addition to budget reductions, the state parks department is facing suspended grant programs, Mr. Ziemann explained. Grant programs from the Heritage Fund and the State Lake Improvement Fund, which communities across the state have come to rely on, have been cancelled," he said. In Apache Junction, the Lost Dutchman State Park, 6109 N. Apache Trail, will at this point only have its campgrounds operated to meet seasonal demands, Mr. Ziemann said. [Note: To read the full story, click here.]
Categories Heritage Fund, Historic Preservation, Local Parks, State ParksTags Alston House, Apache Junction, Chris Decaluwe, Desert Mountain Park, Doris Pulsifer, Ed Dison, Jay Ziemann, Jeff Bell, Jon Wooten, Kyle Jones, Lost Dutchman State Park, Mesa, Mesa Association of Hispanic Citizens, Prospector Park, Queen Creek, Superstition Shadows Park, Terrance Thornton, Troy WhiteLeave a comment
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Charles F. Springwood
Open Fire! New book sheds light on gun culture
Bloomington, Ill.—At a time when firearm violence captures the headlines daily, a new book, Open Fire: Understanding Global Gun Cultures, examines the social, political and symbolic significance of guns and their impact on societies around the world.
"By my count there are about 200 million privately owned firearms in the U.S., everything from pistols to assault rifles—that's nearly one for every man, woman and child in our country—yet there has been very little investigation into what these guns mean to their owners and the impact those meanings have," says Illinois Wesleyan University anthropologist Charles F. Springwood, editor and a principal contributor to Open Fire. "This is not a Second Amendment book; it is a book that seeks to shed light on gun culture and the violence associated with it by the peoples of the world."
Open Fire explores and questions the firearm as the global icon of our times. Why do guns proliferate? What does it mean to shoot or to be shot? Who owns guns and who does not? How is a firearm, a manufactured thing, very different from any other object? Is there such a thing as a "gun psychology"? How are firearms regarded in places where they are largely non-existent? Is a gun a different thing when held by a white man? Open Fire is a collection of works from scholars around the world brought together by Springwood, who contributes his own insightful perspectives.
In Open Fire's introductory chapter Springwood recounts the capture of Saddam Hussein in 2003, and reveals that a small group of U.S. Army Rangers brought the Iraqi dictator's pistol to President George W. Bush. The significance of this pistol to the president, how he proudly shares it with select White House visitors, and what it symbolizes, is just one of the many interesting stories Springwood and his contributors use to reveal the meanings that firearms have to cultures around the world.
Springwood, who never owned or fired a gun himself until he undertook this project, notes that, "Guns represent everything from a hard-won symbol of individual freedom and an index of crime to play toys for children around the world and the means by which governments are overthrown. Regardless of one's views on guns their significance is something that we can all agree upon."
An associate professor of anthropology at Illinois Wesleyan University, Springwood specializes in the politics and symbolism of cultural knowledge, including representations of race. His previous works include: Team Spirits: The Native American Mascot Controversy; and Beyond the Cheers: Race as Spectacle in College Sports.
Open Fire: Understanding Global Gun Cultures (Berg Publishers; 256 pages; $24.95 paperback) is due to be released mid-December 2006.
Contact: Matt Kurz, (309) 556-3181


Are you exercising too much or too often?
Canadian researchers have good news for weekend exercisers who have no time to work out during the week. You get as much benefit from exercising one or two days a week for 150 minutes as you do exercising for half an hour every day. It turns out, the total amount of exercise you get is more important than how frequently you exercise.
Researchers from Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada conducted the research, which they published in the journal Applied Physiology, Nutrition and Metabolism. The researchers, Ian Janssen and Janine Clarke, looked at 2,325 adults to see if the frequency of exercise had any impact on the subjects' risk of diabetes, stroke, and heart disease.
It turns out, it didn't. As long as the participants accumulated 150 minutes throughout the week, it didn't matter how frequent it was. They could do a little bit every day. Or they could knock it out all in one marathon gym session - or gardening session.
To determine their activity levels, all the participants wore accelerometers throughout the week that constantly measured their physical activities. Based on the data provided by the devices, the researchers divided the participants who got in at least 150 minutes into two groups - the high frequency group who exercised at least five days a week, and the low frequency group, who exercised one to four days. They found no difference in the healthiness of the two groups. This indicated that the amount of exercise is more important than the frequency.
Dr. Janssen said, "The important message is that adults should aim to accumulate at least 150 minutes of weekly physical activity in whatever pattern that works for your schedule."
Of course, even finding 150 minutes can be a challenge for many people. But there's good news. If you increase the intensity of your exercise, you can reduce high blood pressure and glucose levels with just four minutes of intense physical activity three times a week! That's enough to raise your oxygen intake and increase your benefits.
Norwegian researchers claiming that 12 minutes a week of high-intensity exercise is all you need to improve health say, "Regular exercise training improves maximal oxygen uptake (VO2 max), but the optimal intensity and volume necessary to obtain maximal benefit remain to be defined. A growing body of evidence suggests that exercise training with low volume, but high intensity may be a time-efficient means to achieve health benefits."
And if you can come up with 30 minutes to exercise, a team at the University of Copenhagen in Denmark believes that this can be just as good as 60 minutes for weight loss. In fact, you may even lose more if you exercise less. In their study, the men who exercised for 30 minutes a day lost 3.6 kilos in three months, but those who exercised for 60 minutes lost only 2.7 kg. Both groups lost about 4 kg of body mass.
So don't stress if you can't work out every day or if you can't work out for a long time. Instead, focus on getting an appropriate total amount of exercise accumulated throughout the week. If you're not sure whether or not your exercise routine is long enough or intense enough to protect your health, you can increase your oxygen intake with a nitric oxide supplement like CircO2.
"Is the frequency of weekly moderate-to-vigorous physical activity associated with the metabolic syndrome in Canadian adults?" Janine Clarke and Ian Janssen, Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 10.1139/apnm-2013-0049.


For more than 70 years, the Chamber Music Workshop (CMW) has provided amateur musicians with the opportunity to expand their knowledge of chamber music by collaborating with friends old and new, while learning from world-class performers.
Applications are accepted for individuals and pre-formed groups including strings, winds, brass, pianists, and singers. Individuals will be matched according to ability as well as personnel and repertoire requests.
In addition to daily chamber music coachings by Conference faculty and CMW Artists-in-Residence, participants have the opportunity to partake in masterclasses, seminars, performances, chamber music reading sessions and learning new commissioned works, as well as attend open rehearsals, lectures and concerts from faculty members and students of the Contemporary Performance Institute.
Participants live and socialize with the Composers Conference Fellows , CPI and Faculty Artists, and the resulting shared experience and synergy creates a close-knit musical community unlike any other.
The Chamber Music Workshop participants have the opportunity to work in their coached ensembles with the CMW Artists-in-Residence, Resident Faculty, and members of the Conference Ensemble.
Scroll down for list of Faculty and Staff.
The Chamber Music Workshop [CMW] offers a wide variety of programs to both individuals and pre-formed ensembles in order to help tailor the chamber music experience to each participant according to their experience level, needs and areas of interest. The Workshop is open to all strings, winds, brass, piano and singers.
Typically, participants choose to participate in a full week program (which consists of three different coached sessions and repertoire choices) or a partial week program (which consists of two different coached sessions and repertoire choices.) If you are only able or interested in participating in a single coached session, or would like to spread your coached sessions over a longer period of time, you must contact us prior to submitting your registration to ensure that your special registration is properly noted and we can accommodate your scheduling needs.
Each participant has the opportunity to request what type of coached sessions (see next section) they would like to participate in, or they may leave it up to CMW to determine a personalized program to suit their needs and abilities. Should you have any questions about the nature of the sessions, please contact the CMW Director, Jessica Tong at jtong@composersconference.org. Please note that there is limited space availability for the Seminars, so early registration is strongly encouraged.
A traditional coaching session consists of three consecutive days of coachings with other individuals or a pre-formed ensemble on a single piece. The members of the ensemble will have an opportunity to decide if they would like to perform a movement of their work on a Musicale concert or masterclass at the end of the three days.
OPEN TO: Individuals and Pre-formed ensembles, experienced players looking to broaden their scope of knowledge not only on a single piece, but on a particular composer. This year, Lecturer of Piano at UCLA's Herbert Alpert's School of Music and CMW Artist-inResidence David Kaplan and CMW Director Jessica Tong lead an in-depth study of the piano quartets of Johannes Brahms. All participants of the Chamber Music Seminar will prepare one of Brahms' 3 piano quartets, with daily assigned rehearsal time and two hours of masterclass coaching by various faculty members. The result is not only an opportunity to experience different teaching perspectives, but to learn about overarching stylistic elements that serve as common threads in each composer's output.
OPEN TO: Individuals or a pre-formed ensemble Guided by longtime CMW faculty member Isabelle Plaster, this is an opportunity to work indepth in a large ensemble on repertoire that is often covered only briefly in large ensemble readings. Participants will have a daily coachings, as well as an assigned time for additional rehearsals.
Mixed Large Ensemble Seminar: Francaix Dixtuor for Wind Quintet and String Quintet (winds and strings)—NEW TO 2019!
OPEN TO: Individuals This is an opportunity for both string and woodwind players to work in-depth together in a mixed large ensemble. Participants will have daily coachings alternating between strings and woodwind faculty, as well as an assigned time for additional rehearsals.
Woodwind Quintet Intensive Seminar: Carl Nielsen Wind Quintet op. 43 (winds)-- NEW to 2019!
OPEN TO: Individuals and pre-formed ensembles Under the guidance of Isabelle Plaster, this is a weeklong opportunity to work in depth on a major work of the woodwind quintet repertoire. Over the course of the entire week, participants will have the opportunity rehearse, receive private and masterclass style coachings, as well as well as work with various participants.
Piano Four Hands Seminar: Schubert Fantasy in F Minor op. 103 (piano)-- NEW to 2019!
OPEN TO: Individual pianists, highly experienced Lecturer of Piano at UCLA's Herbert Alpert's School of Music and CMW Artist-in-Residence David Kaplan leads an intimate piano four-hands seminar on Schubert's Fantasy in F Minor op. 103. Participants will learn both parts of the Fantasy, and have the opportunity to rehearse and get daily masterclass style coachings with the leading faculty.
In addition to the coached sessions, participants are able to participate in a vast range of additional activities during the Chamber Music Workshop.
For those who are interested in reading with others, but may not already have groups or pieces in mind, we can help you find some colleagues to read with. If you are interested, please check the box about Organized Sightreading in the Registration form, and someone will be in touch with you prior to the Workshop to help set things up!
Readings punctuate the Chamber Music Workshop and allow participants to collaborate with a broader range of musicians and in a variety of musical settings. Large ensemble readings are organized and conducted by Conference staff and are held throughout the week in the mornings.
Ad hoc chamber music readings are self-organized during participants' free time. At any hour of the day, you can hear sounds of friends trying out new works, from Beethoven and Mozart string quartets and Schubert songs to 20th century wind and brass quintets. Participants are encouraged to bring scores to share. To help facilitate organizing your ad hoc readings, a contact list of other participants with the same free slots will be sent out prior to the start of the CMW.
Masterclasses will be held twice weekly on Wednesday and Saturday mornings. It is an opportunity for ensembles to perform for peers and receive feedback from different faculty members of the Conference Ensemble besides their daily coach.
A unique aspect of the Chamber Music Workshop is that it runs concurrently and symbiotically with a Composers' Program, Conference Ensemble and the Contemporary Performance Institute, spearheaded by internationally respected and acclaimed musicians. The opportunity to observe Conference Ensemble rehearsals or Contemporary Performance Institute coachings will help to broaden your scope of chamber music repertoire and understanding, and offer a glimpse into the artistic process of professional musicians.
Each evening of the week, there are faculty concerts, lectures by resident composers and parties to bring participants and faculty of all three programs together. The CMW Artists-In-Residence will kick off the week of concerts on Tuesday evening with a trio performance, followed by a community-wide chamber music reading party and reception. Concerts by the Conference Ensemble on Wednesday, Thursday and Saturday evenings will explore new works by the Composer Fellows and Guest Composers, as well as those from the standard literature and lesser-known older works. The Contemporary Performance Institute Fellows perform masterpieces of the 20th and 21st centuries in a Friday evening extravaganza.
Full Week residents and commuters participate for seven days (Sunday through Saturday evening; checkout is on Sunday morning for residents). Full week participant tuition includes THREE COACHED SESSIONS throughout the week.
Partial week residents and commuters participate during first half (Monday-Wednesday) or second half (Thursday-Saturday) of the week. Partial week residents stay in dormitory Sunday through Wednesday nights or Wednesday through Saturday nights. Partial week participant tuition includes TWO COACHED SESSIONS throughout the week.
Special commuter options are for participants who are only able to participate in a SINGLE COACHED SESSION for the workshop.
IF YOUR REGISTRATION DOES NOT FALL UNDER THE TRADITIONAL FULL OR PARTIAL WEEK REGISTRATION, OR IF YOU NEED TO REGISTER AS A SPECIAL COMMUTER, PLEASE CONTACT US PRIOR TO COMPLETING YOUR REGISTRATION TO ENSURE THAT WE CAN MAKE THE NECESSARY ACCOMMODATIONS FOR YOU.
Registration/Facilities Fee–All participants regardless of category pay the required Registration/Facilities fee.
1. Read through the Program Activities Overview and Types of Coached Session under the "Activities" sidebar to learn about the new program offerings for your coached sessions.
2. Complete the Online Registration form: Click Here. If you are unable to complete the Online Registration form, please contact us (see "Contact Us" tab above).
3. Submit your appropriate registration deposit in the mail. The CMW Early Registration Deposit (prior to March 1) is $200 per person, per week, and is non-refundable. Registration received after March 1 will be subject to a $50 late charge in addition to the tuition deposit for a total of $250.
4. Upon receipt of your Online Registration form and your Registration Deposit, you will receive a confirmation message from the Chamber Music Workshop. Newcomers will be contact by the Director to set up an in-person or Skype meeting.
5. After acceptance letters are sent out (no later than April 15), you must submit the balance of your fees by May 1.
Newcomers of all experience levels are welcome at the Chamber Music Workshop! As part of your registration, please note your musical experience (recent works played, organizations you perform with, etc.) and include two references (teachers, conductors, past Workshop participants, etc.) who are familiar with your playing.
We do require that all newcomers either schedule an in-person or Skype session with the CMW Director, or send in a recent video link of two contrasting movements, in order for us to be able to accurately place you in ensembles and programs that will best suit you during the Workshop.
An exception to this process may be made if you have already worked closely with a faculty member from the Chamber Music Workshop or Conference Ensemble. In this case, you must ask that faculty member to submit a recommendation on your behalf.
We will contact you after we receive and review your application with options for your audition session date and time. Early application is appreciated.


text:
From Welfare to Work: For many Mainers, there's no free lunch
State and local programs help thousands but include some employment requirements.
By John RichardsonStaff Writer
PORTLAND – It's 7:30 a.m., and Portland's General Assistance office is filled with men and women who need help paying their rent or some other basic expense.
But they're here for the day's job assignments.
Aaron Geyer, the head of Portland's Workfare Program, holds an employment training session at the Portland welfare office last month. Gregory Rec/Staff Photographer
Related Headlines
Debate looms on reforming Maine welfare system
From Welfare to Work: 'When you fall … get back up'
Facts or myths? Maine's welfare system in action
One by one, they are sent off to clean the city's homeless shelter, do laundry at the Barron Center, clean up a park or do clerical work at City Hall, among other tasks.
These days, for thousands of Mainers, welfare is work. And people on the receiving end say they like it that way.
"I used to say these people are living off the state, and now I'm getting help," said Chris Conley, an unemployed 22-year-old. "That's why I like the work. I don't want to feel like it's handed to me."
Helping more Mainers move from welfare to work, by providing job skills, experience or education, is the one reform that virtually everyone supports. There already are a number of work and work-training programs in place at the state level and in communities such as Portland, where the strategy is called the Workfare Program.
In an economy that increasingly demands education and experience, such programs are considered the surest path to independence.
While anybody can fall into the state's safety nets, a person's education level is closely linked to how long it will take to climb out, according to a survey of parents receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families. The Maine Equal Justice Partners commissioned the study and plans to publish it this month.
But training programs, work counseling and other pieces of welfare-to-work programs cost money, and public assistance programs are straining now to keep poor Mainers fed and sheltered.
"If I were to reform welfare, one of the places I would look is how can we invest so current participants can have opportunities for education and training," said Brenda Harvey, commissioner of the Maine Department of Health and Human Services.
At the same time, she said, work is already part of welfare for thousands of Mainers who apply for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, or TANF.
More than half of the 14,000 Maine parents now receiving TANF cash assistance, the portion who are deemed able, are required to spend 30 hours each week doing some form of work activity. About 20 percent have part-time or low-paying jobs, according to state officials, and the rest are looking for work or preparing for work, or both. Each is assigned a specialized caseworker who helps him move toward full employment.
After national welfare reform in 1996, Maine created an education program called Parents as Scholars. The program supports parents who want to pursue a two- or four-year college degree as their work activity.
Maine spends about $3.4 million a year — split roughly evenly between state and federal funds — to support about 650 students at a time, paying for child care, transportation and other expenses. Students have to get scholarships or financial aid to cover tuition.
There are lots of conditions, such as keeping grades up and no degrees in subjects such as art or philosophy. "People have to be able to get a job" with the degree, said Terry Hamilton, who heads the DHHS regional office in Portland.
Many consider Parents as Scholars a model that ought to be expanded, especially with more of Maine's new jobs requiring college degrees.
"As the economy changes, we have to do much more to give people an opportunity to participate in that economy," said Nicole Witherbee, an analyst who studies poverty trends in Maine.
Some Maine cities, including Portland, have turned General Assistance into a work-training program.
Workfare provides on-the-job experience as recipients "work off" their assistance. In Portland, workfare recipients also have to look for jobs and attend employment workshops focusing on resume writing, interviewing skills and other things.
Portlanders who need city help and are not disabled might work as much as 40 hours a week, depending on how much aid they need. The aid is worked off at minimum wage.
Portland enrolled 557 people in the Workfare Program in the past year, almost three times the number of people enrolled before the recession.
The program requires managers and willing supervisors around the city. But finding work is not hard, especially with the people coming for help during the recession, said Aaron Geyer, senior human services counselor for the Portland Department of Health and Human Services.
"We're getting more and more skilled people," Geyer said. "It really helps people stay sharp for when work opens up."
Diane Karambizi said the experience has prepared her for a new life.
The 27-year-old left Rwanda for safety reasons and ended up in Portland about a year ago. She had a degree in economics but could not speak English.
"I came with nothing. I needed shelter," she said. She started workfare by doing laundry and cleaning, but quickly learned to speak English and now works four hours a day at the front desk of the city's refugee resettlement office.
"It helped me a lot to know how the (employment) system works here, to learn English and also of course to feel like I'm not taking advantage of the city," Karambizi said.
Now, she said, it is just a matter of time to find a good-paying job. "It feels good. Very soon I will be independent."
Conley, who recently got certified as a weatherization technician, also is sure he won't be "on the state" much longer.
As part of receiving General Assistance, he has to apply to at least four jobs each week, he said.
"I'll definitely get a job," he said. "It won't take me long."
Staff Writer John Richardson can be contacted at 791-6324 or at:
Forecaster Opinion
Through My Lens: 'Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere'
Letter to the editor: Council's leadership applauded in ending Portland's state of emergency
Letter to the editor: Require real names with readers' online comments
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Teresa Bendokas, loving mother and senior director at Crossroads, dies at 42
It's a boy! South Portland police officer delivers baby
Maine CDC reports 14 more COVID-19 deaths, 1,359 new cases
Portland Expo fans welcome Tacko back to town
As electric rates rise, gas-fired power emerges as both scapegoat and savior


text:
Dr. Alan W. Black
Assistant Professor, Southern Illinois University Edwardsville | Climatology, Hazards, and Extreme Events
Category: Chase Logs
Southern IL Storm Chase – Dec. 1, 2018
A late-season severe weather event resulted in several tornadoes across central and southwestern Illinois on December 1, 2018. A total of 29 tornadoes occurred, making it the largest December outbreak of tornadoes since 1957. The strongest, an EF-3, struck Taylorville in central Illinois. At least 22 injuries were reported in Taylorville but thankfully there were no fatalities.
Meteorological Summary
An excellent and more detailed meteorological summary of the event can be found from the National Weather Service Lincoln, IL page on the event. Surface weather analyses in the early to mid-afternoon showed a low over Kansas, associated with an upper level low. An occluded front extended from the surface low toward St. Louis, with a warm front advancing northward across Illinois. South of the warm front, a generally south to southeast wind had brought an unseasonably warm and moist airmass to the region.
Surface Weather Map for 21z (3:00 pm CST) on December 1, showing the surface low in approximately the same location as the upper-level low.
500 mb map at 12z (6:00 am CST), showing the low over Kansas.
The Storm Prediction Center noted that strong to severe thunderstorms could develop by midday in the region to the south of the warm front and east of the cold/occluded front. Instability was expected to develop due to cooling of temperatures aloft, advection of the previously mentioned warm/moist airmass, and by solar heating. In addition, strong speed and directional shear was expected to be present. Given this, much of western and southwestern Illinois was included in a slight risk and 5% tornado probability area on the Day 1 Convective Outlook.
Day 1 Categorical Convective Outlook (top) and Probabilistic Tornado Graphic for 1300 UTC (7:00 am CST), December 1, 2018
HRRR model runs had also picked up on the potential for thunderstorms, consistently showing thunderstorms erupting just to the east/northeast of St. Louis by 3:00-4:00 pm CST.
Forecast Composite Radar Reflectivity for 4:00 pm December 1, 2018 as depicted by the 20z HRRR model run.
My feeling was that the best chance for severe weather and tornadoes would be further to the north in the vicinity of the warm front, but I didn't want to travel that far…and I couldn't shake the fact that the HRRR kept firing thunderstorms right in Madison County. By 1:00 pm, storms did begin to fire along the Interstate 72 corridor from Quincy, IL to Springfield, IL. By 2:15 pm, a tornado watch was issued encompassing most of west-central Illinois.
Tornado Watch issued at 2:15 pm for areas just to my north.
By 3:00 pm, several storms were tornado warned across the watch area, while a modest shower was just beginning to pop up, dropping a few minutes of light rain at my house.
Radar at 3:10 pm, showing several tornado-warned storms across the tornado watch area, and a rain shower over Madison County.
After watching the storm on radar for a few more minutes, I decided it was worth it to chase it and have a look. I left around 3:20 pm and proceeded to I-55 northbound to intercept. As I headed north, it was apparent the storm was going to cross I-55 near Hamel, IL and I did not want to drive directly into it on the interstate. I decided to take the exit for IL-143, go east until I could get on IL-4 north, and catch up with the storm.
Radar at 3:35 pm, with the arrow pointing to the storm sitting approximately over Hamel, IL along I-55.
Turning from IL-143 east to IL-4 north, I started looking for a suitable place to pull off and observe the storm. I ended up turning left onto Fruit Rd., going around 3/4 of a mile west before turning north on Hoxey Dr. where I had a reasonable view of the storm. I observed the very picturesque storm to my north with some obvious rotation from that location for around 10 minutes. It may have produced a brief funnel cloud which lasted around a minute.
The (approximate) route so far…
My initial view of the storm from Hoxey Dr. at 3:43 pm.
Perhaps a brief funnel? Picture taken around 3:47 pm.
The storm was moving northeast, although not at a very rapid pace (around 30 mph). At the same time, the presentation on radar looked much better. Looking at it now, it seems there were two thunderstorm cells that remained in close proximity to each other through much of their lifecycle, before the southern storm became dominant over the course of 1.5 to 2 hours.
Radar at 3:50 pm. Note the two areas of high reflectivity, indicating perhaps two cells in close proximity to each other. The southern cell would eventually become dominant and at this point is beginning to have the appearance of a hook echo.
At around 3:50, I ventured back east to IL-4 to continue north. Almost immediately, the visual presentation of the storm improved, as evidenced by the photo below, shot along IL-4 approximately 1 mile south of IL-140 at 3:55 pm. A couple minutes later at 3:57 pm, a Severe Thunderstorm Warning was issued for the storm.
Picture looking north at the storm around 3:55 pm. An obvious lowering is present at this point.
I continued north along IL-4 for another 6 miles, crossing I-55. At this point, it looked as if the storm would produce a tornado at any moment, if it wasn't already. I turned right onto Livingston Rd., approximately 2 miles north of I-55 and immediately pulled into a driveway leading to the Bond Madison Water Company water tower. Looking north-northeast, I began taking pictures of the tornado although the funnel was not fully condensed at that point. My first picture was snapped at 4:02 pm.
My first picture of the tornado at 4:02 pm. This is a somewhat deceptive picture – the funnel was not fully condensed but some sort of tower in the foreground makes it appear that it is.
Zoomed out view of the storm at 4:02 pm.
Zoomed in; 4:02 pm.
Probably my favorite picture of the storm and tornado; 4:02 pm
Very zoomed in; 4:03 pm.
4:03 pm.
Beginning to rope out at 4:05 pm.
Very long rope at this point; 4:06 pm.
Radar at 3:55 pm.
Radar at 4:05 pm
By 4:07 pm the tornado had lifted. At 4:08 pm, a tornado warning was issued for the storm, including southeastern Macoupin and west-central Montgomery County. After watching the tornado, I made the mistake of continuing north on IL-4, which brought me into the middle of Staunton, IL. It took what seemed like forever to get through Staunton and I should have turned back south on IL-4 and continued north on I-55 instead. After making it back to I-55, I exited at Mt. Olive and followed the storm on Old Route 66 from there to Litchfield, IL. I caught a brief glance of a tornado to the northeast but had no real opportunity to pull off or catch up with the storm. Arriving in Litchfield, I noted some small hail that had fallen a few minutes earlier. I decided to end the chase at this point and head back home via I-55 south and I-270 west, capturing one last shot of the storm illuminated by the setting sun. Overall, it was a very satisfying chase, especially considering it was successful and on December 1st to boot! The round trip was just over 80 miles.
Hail in Litchfield, IL., approximately dime to nickel sized. Picture taken 4:37 pm.
One last shot of the storm illuminated by the sunset at 4:40 pm.
Route of the chase, with travel direction indicated by the red arrows. Return trip was via I-55 south and I-270 west, only one arrow shown.
Posted on July 29, 2019 July 29, 2019 by zapeta00Posted in Chase LogsTagged Chase Logs.
Southern Illinois University Edwardsville
1317 Alumni Hall – Campus Box 1459
alablac@siue.edu
Archives Select Month July 2019 March 2019 January 2019 October 2018
Chase Logs media research


text:
Acanthocreagris caspica är en spindeldjursart som först beskrevs av Beier 1971.  Acanthocreagris caspica ingår i släktet Acanthocreagris och familjen helplåtklokrypare. Inga underarter finns listade i Catalogue of Life.

Källor

Helplåtklokrypare
caspica

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


Created using 100% egg whites, Bio-Synergy Paleo Protein is perfect for those following a Paleo diet, or those simply following a lactose free or low-carb diet.
Vital to aid muscle recovery and growth, Paleo Protein provides the building blocks required to push fitness and strength gains further. It's not just for those who follow a Paleo diet, anybody can benefit from this powerful protein supplement.
Who is Bio-Synergy Paleo Protein for?
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Mix 1 scoop of Bio-Synergy Paleo Diet Protein with 200-300ml of water, milk or a suitable alternative. Shake well before use. For maximum results, take 2-3 servings per day.


text:
October 21, 2016 /in Faculty Ladder International Economics, Macroeconomics /by webteam
Ph.D. University of Rochester
International Economics, Macroeconomics
Bunche Hall 8391
ohanian@econ.ucla.edu
Personal Website:
http://www.leeohanian.com
Lee E. Ohanian is Professor of Economics, and Director of the Ettinger Family Program in Macroeconomic Research at UCLA, where he has taught since 1999. He is an advisor to the Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, and previously has advised other Federal Reserve Banks, Foreign Central Banks, and the National Science Foundation. He has been an economic advisor to state and national political campaigns. His research, which recently has been discussed in the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, and other media sources, focuses on economic crises, and as been published widely in a number of peer-reviewed journals. He is a frequent columnist for the Wall Street Journal, Forbes, Newsweek, and CBS Moneyline. He currently serves on the editorial boards of 3 journals. He previously served on the faculties of the Universities of Minnesota and Pennsylvania. He is co-director of the research initiative "Macroeconomics across Time and Space" at the National Bureau of Economic Research.
Selected Books and Publications
https://economics.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Uxd_Wht_Economics_A-1030x286.png 0 0 webteam https://economics.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/Uxd_Wht_Economics_A-1030x286.png webteam2016-10-21 15:13:182016-11-28 19:25:40Lee E. Ohanian


text:
La Iglesia de San Mauricio es una iglesia, actualmente desconsagrada, de estilo neoclásico, ubicada en Venecia, en el sestiere de San Marco, en el campo homónimo. Su interior alberga el Museo de la música, vinculado al barroco veneciano.

Historia
De antigua fundación, fue sucesivamente reconstruida, primero a finales del siglo XVI. En 1806 fue demolida y posteriormente reedificada según el proyecto de Antonio Diedo y Giannantonio Selva, arquitecto neoclásico autor del teatro La Fenice. Durante un tiempo albergó el estudio del escultor Antonio Canova (1757-1822). Cerca de la iglesia se encuentra la Scuola degli Albanesi, de 1442.

La fachada de la iglesia es a dos aguas, de estilo neoclásico, adornada con dos bajorrelieves rectangulares y un bajorrelieve en el tímpano. La planta es de cruz griega con una cúpula central. La sacristía está adornada con muebles, enseres, estucos y pinturas de estilo dieciochesco.

La antigua iglesia, ahora sede del Museo de la Música, exhibe instrumentos musicales del periodo barroco, objetos relacionados con piezas musicales de Venecia y compositores como Antonio Vivaldi, Amati, Giovanni Battista Guadagnini, así como de la pareja de lutiers Francesco (1692-1750) y Matteo Goffriller (1659-1742).

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Iglesias de Italia del siglo XVI
Iglesias de Italia del siglo XIX

Iglesias de Venecia

Iglesias neoclásicas de Italia
Museos de Venecia
Museos de música
San Marco (Venecia)
Arquitectura de 1806


text:
Раміна Абдуллівна Есхакзай (1 березня 1992, Київ, Україна) — українська фото- і телемодель, відеоблогерка, автор і ведуча YouTube-каналу «Ходят слухи». Фіналістка популярного телешоу «Холостяк» (5-й сезон, українська версія).

Біографія
Раміна народилася 1 березня 1992 року у Києві в сім'ї підприємців Абдулли Есхакзай та Оксани Василівни Есхакзай.

По батьківській лінії має афганське коріння, по материнській — українське. Раміна має молодшу сестру Діану.

Після закінчення школи вступила відразу до двох ВНЗ. Вибрала Інститут журналістики Київського національного університету імені Тараса Шевченка, який закінчила за спеціальністю «реклама та піар».

Паралельно із навчанням Раміна працювала моделлю. Знімалася у кліпах таких артистів як «Антитіла», Віталій Козловський тощо.

На початку 2016 року на зйомках кліпу «Відпускаю на» між Раміною та співаком Віталієм Козловським почалися стосунки, які тривали півтора року.

Брала участь у популярних ТБ-шоу «Холостяк» (СТБ), «Від селянки до панянки» (ТЕТ), «Богиня шопінгу» (ТЕТ), «Караоке на Майдані» (Інтер).

Навчалася на акторських курсах у Театральній школі Костянтина Райкіна. Проходила практику на радіо.

Є членом Спілки журналістів України.

У 2019 році Раміною Есхакзай знято авторський документальний фільм «Чорнобиль».

«Ходят слухи»
У травні 2018 року Раміна продала автомобіль і вклала гроші у розвиток свого авторського YouTube-каналу «Ходят слухи». За 4 роки канал набрав понад 1 млн підписників.

У березні 2023 року заявила про закриття свого проєкту.

Особисте життя
Під час навчання в інституті зустрічалася із сином популярного українського шоумена Дмитра Коляденка Пилипом.

Була заручена з українським співаком Віталієм Козловським, але під час планування весілля розірвала заручини.

Зараз у стосунках з адвокатом Євгеном Проніним.

Примітки

Посилання
 Instagram
 Youtube
Українські моделі
Журналісти України XXI століття
Учасники телепроєкту «Караоке на майдані»


End Of Semester Sale, Ended May 27th!
If you're on this page, you are probably looking for information about our end of semester sale on VDMX– well, sorry, you missed it, we taking in requests for the special offer at 11:59 PM EST on May 27th.
But the good news is, you can still take advantage of our regular discounted rate for students, teachers and other educational faculty to get VDMX for just 199 USD..


"No dictatorship can tolerate jazz - it just seems to represent freedom"
Brubeck became the first American jazz musician to perform behind the Iron Curtain when he toured Poland in 1958. Jazz had been popular and tolerated in both Poland and Russia at various times before the war but it was despised by Stalin, a prejudice enforced by the Polish communist government too. So after the war, Jazz could only be played in private houses during what became known as the "catacomb period" (another bone reference ironically).
By 1958, with Stalin dead five years, the climate had changed - Poland in particular opened up to Western musical influences and was developing its own respected Jazz scene.


Part one will be June 24. Click here for more information.
Several presenters during the Ferrous Division meeting at the Bureau of International Recycling's World Recycling Convention offered promising signs of improvement for that sector's future performance, even as challenges persist. The convention was held June 1-4 at the Fontainebleau Hotel in Miami. Ferrous Division President Christian Rubach, an executive with Germany's TSR Recycling, summarized global conditions in the ferrous scrap sector as challenging, but said the division had received a number of positive signs in recent weeks.
Behind a green construction fence near the Williamsburg, Brooklyn, waterfront, crews are demolishing and gutting 28 buildings from the Domino Sugar Refinery complex, readying it for a $1.5 billion mixed-use development that the city approved in late April. It's a familiar occurrence in space-starved and development-hungry New York: Contractors demolish old buildings to make room for new ones. Yet few New Yorkers know about what's going on around them — the lengthy and expensive process of clearing out hazardous materials before demolition, the salvaging of materials during destruction and the fact that even soil may be removed afterward.
The Occupational Safety and Health Administration released a new interactive training tool to help small businesses effectively identify hazards in the workplace. Employers and workers can virtually explore how to identity common workplace hazards in the manufacturing and construction industries. Users of the new training tool will learn not only hazard identification skills but also learn about hazard abatement and control.
For the remaining weekends in June, Chicago's downtown Loop will be more like a knot for Chicago drivers. That's because the Illinois Department of Transportation is set to begin demolishing the Ontario Street Bridge, causing closures on the Kennedy Expressway and the Ohio Street exit ramp on different weekends for the rest of the month.
Demolition work carries all the hazards associated with construction work and then some, due to unknowns such as deviations from a structure's original design, hidden hazardous substances and objects, and unknown structural weaknesses of building materials.
Sparks rained down onto the Cuyahoga River like fireworks, as workers were tearing down a section of the old Innerbelt Bridge in Ohio. A steady stream of onlookers took pause — to watch the demolition of an era in Cleveland travel.
Construction employers added 6,000 workers in May as the industry's unemployment rate dropped to 8.6 percent, its lowest May level in six years, according to an analysis of new government data by the Associated General Contractors of America. However, association officials caution that gains remain spotty and that thousands of highway construction jobs are at risk because of a pending halt in federal transportation funding later this summer.
The electronics recycling and refining firm Sims Recycling Solutions, with Americas headquarters in Chicago, has installed additional shredding and sampling equipment at its precious metal sampling facility in Franklin Park, Illinois. Sims Recycling Solutions says the facility is the only one in North America it owns that houses a precious metal sampling operations.
History is getting a boost in Tennessee thanks to a number of grants awarded June 9 by the Tennessee Historical Commission. Among the money handed out was $6,000 to Knox Heritage to help pay for the restoration of windows at its new offices located inside the historic Westwood House. The organization moved into its new headquarters two months ago, but there's still work to be done to get the building completely restored.
Estimated income tax payments are a fact of life for most of us who run our own businesses. Unlike those who are employed and receive paychecks where taxes are withheld by the employer, most business owners and the self-employed will be required to periodically send an amount called "estimated tax payments" to the IRS. You may also have to send estimated tax payments to your state taxing authority.


text:
Raising Cane's to open in February; franchise founder has ties to Springfield
Credit: DaytonDailyNews
By Natalie Jones
Raising Cane's Chicken Fingers is expected to open mid to late February in Springfield, Michael Williams, the marketing manager for Raising Cane's Chicken Fingers locations in the Cincinnati and Dayton area said.
"We're always looking for great new communities to roll out a new Raising Cane's," Williams said.
He added that the Springfield area is a familiar territory to Tim McCarthy, the founder of RCO Limited, which is the Ohio franchise partner of Raising Cane's Chicken Fingers.
"Our franchise founder, Timmy McCarthy, actually went to Wittenberg, so Springfield holds a special place in his heart," Williams said. "It's been on the list for a long time."
RELATED: New chicken restaurant expanding to Springfield
The construction area for the restaurant is located at the intersection of Hillcrest Avenue and Albemarle Road behind a shopping center that Alex Dietz, the economic development coordinator for Clark County said previously housed Soap Box Cleaning Center and Just Smokes.
Dietz said he believes there has not been a mailing address assigned to the Raising Cane's location.
Raising Cane's is planning to begin building in early September, Williams said.
According to the Clark County Auditor's Office, three parcels of land including 1329-1347 W. First St. was sold from SFL Properties LLC to Springfield Real Estate Holdings LLC, a company affiliated with Raising Cane's, for $870,000 on April 24.
Dietz said the company bought additional parcels behind the shopping center for $126,000.
READ: Two weeks since George Floyd died: How Springfield has reacted
"It's my understanding that they are going to be where that (the shopping center) is," Dietz said.
The restaurant will have a double drive-thru with an indoor dining area - similar to the other Dayton area locations, Williams explained. The restaurant will also employ 80 to 90 local individuals.
"We're just excited to be coming to the community," Williams said. "Our big focus is making these restaurants feel very local. We're not a franchise that you will see on every corner."
The Springfield location will have 30 to 40 pieces of local graphics to showcase the community inside the restaurant, Williams said.
He added that they want to make the business feel like a "hometown restaurant."
Raising Cane's Chicken Fingers has two nearby locations in Beavercreek and Centerville. A third location in Huber Heights will open July 14 and a fourth location is in construction near Wright State University.
Silfex plants in Eaton, Springfield face layoffs
FTC proposes noncompete clauses ban on employees
Regional Economic Outlook: Attracting and keeping skilled workers...
Regional economic outlook: Residents, businesses will still feel sting...
Regional economic outlook: Mild to moderate recession possible in 2023...


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text:
1. Defective Capitalism
1.1 Hungary: Re-feudalisation, Unequal Specialisation, Backwardness
1.1.1 Re-feudalisation
Divergent Development
Restitution of Noble Privileges
Constrained Development
1.1.2 Agricultural Specialisation
The Demise of Trade
Complementary Imperial Incorporation
External Imperial Modernisation
1.2 Factors of Irish Underdevelopment
1.2.1 De-industrialisation
Irish Proto-Industrialisation
External and Internal Factors of Deindustrialisation
The Act of the Union (1801)
1.2.2 Emigration
The Transformation of Agriculture
Detrimental Development Effects
1.3 Agricultural Export Dependency
1.4 Socioeconomic Effects
1.4.1 Hungary
Noble Ascendancy
The Ethnic Dimension
1.4.2 Ireland
Agrarian Interests
Labour Interests
Party Political Structure
1.1 Constrained Industrialisation
2. Failed Industrialisation Attempts
2.1 The Concept of the Development Regime
2.1.1 Capacity and Autonomy
2.1.2 Popular Consent and Dissent
2.2 Hungarian Development Regimes
2.2.1 The Dual Monarchy (1867-1919)
The First Phase: Export Orientation and Laissez-Faire
The Second Phase: Industrial Protectionism
Results of Dualism
2.2.2 Economic Nationalism (1921-1944)
Changed Environment for Development
Post-WWI Reconstruction Regime
The Rise of the Right and Revisionist Consent
2.2.3 Hungarian Socialism (1948-1990)
The State-Socialist Development Regime
The Results of Forced Capital Accumulation
The Revolution of 1956 and the Ascent of Kádárism
The Era of Continuous Reforms
The Demise of Socialism
2.2.4 Continued Hungarian Backwardness
2.3 Irish Development Regimes
2.3.1 The Free State (1922-1932)
The Free State Development Regime
Restrained Capacity and Strong Autonomy
The Results of Laissez-Faire
2.3.2 Protectionism (1932-1958)
Protectionist Autonomy and Restrained Capacity
The Results of Protectionism
2.4 Autonomy, Capacity and Consent
3. The Current FDI-Led Development Regime
3.1 Envisaged Effects of FDI-led Development
3.1.1 Macroeconomic Effects
3.1.2 Microeconomic Effects
3.2 Preconditions
3.2.1 Attraction Strategy
3.2.2 Macro and Micro-Coordination
3.2.3 Implications for State Autonomy, Capacity and Consent
3.3 The Hungarian FDI-led Development Regime
3.3.1 External and Internal Factors for Hungarian FDI-Attraction
3.3.2 Hungarian Regime Readjustments
Crisis Management (1990-1994)
Strategic Reorientation and Stabilisation (1994-1998)
Creation of a Counter-Movement (1998-2002)
3.4 The Irish FDI-led Development Regime
3.4.1 The 1958 Revolution?
3.4.2 Regime Readjustments in Ireland
The Golden Age of Irish Economic Growth (1955-1973)
Decades of Crisis (1973-1987)
The Rise of the "Network State"
3.5 Complementarity and Divergence
4. Uneven FDI-led Development
4.1 Dualism
4.1.1 Industrial Dualism
4.1.2 Social Dichotomy
4.2 FDI-led Transition in Hungary
4.2.1 Economic Impact of FDI in Hungary
Extent of TNC Penetration
Impact on Trade
The Issue of Transfer Pricing
4.2.2 Linkages
Direct and Indirect Linkages
4.2.3 Indigenous Firms
4.2.4 Characteristics of Indigenous Firms
Socialist Legacies and Transition
Product Market Competition
Factor Market Competition
Political Neglect
4.2.5 Dichotomy of Industry in Hungary
4.3 Hidden Inequality in Hungary
4.3.1 General Trends in Hungarian Income Inequality
Income Dispersion
4.3.2 Transitional Winners and Losers
Earnings Mobility
Skill-Biased Labour Demand
Collective Bargaining and Inequality
4.3.3 Social Implications
Household Income Inequality
Income Poverty and Deprivation
4.3.4 Inequality, Poverty and the Hungarian State
Transformation of the Hungarian Welfare State
Inequality Reduction
4.3.5 Hungarian Social Dichotomy
4.4 The Irish Stepping Stone
4.4.1 Foreign-Owned Growth in Ireland
TNC Penetration
Impact on Irish Trade
Transfer Pricing Distortions
Pecuniary and Productive Linkages
Spillover Effects
4.4.3 Irish Indigenous Industry
The Nature of Irish-owned Industry
Displacement Effects
Factor Market Competition Effects
The Internal Demand Factor
4.4.4 Dichotomous Irish Industrial Structure
4.5 Irish Open Inequality
4.5.1 Irish Income Inequality
Labour Market Supply and Demand Factors
Household Income Distribution
Poverty and Exclusion
4.5.3 Poverty, Inequality and the Irish State
The Irish Welfare State
Redistribution, Poverty Alleviation and Inclusion
Social Partnership Revisited
4.5.4 Irish Social Dichotomy
4.6 Results of FDI-led Development in Hungary and Ireland
Conclusion: Myth or Mirage?
Nomos Universitätsschriften - Politik
Late Development in Hungary and Ireland
Philipp Fink, Social Implications in:
Philipp Fink
Late Development in Hungary and Ireland, page 225 - 233
From Rags to Riches?
Series: Nomos Universitätsschriften - Politik, vol. 168
225 Economic malaise in 1987 forced the social partners to the negotiation table. The attained agreement was dictated by the goal to regain Irish cost competitiveness. Subsequent accords repeatedly emphasised these goals, as wage moderation was traded for income tax reduction. In contrast, the issues of social justice were "treated as subsidiary to competitive imperatives" (Roche 2007: ibid.). Hence, as Nolan and Maître (2000: 341) note for Ireland, "centralised wage setting is clearly not enough in itself to limit the growth in earnings inequality." 4.5.2 Social Implications Although earnings are influential in determining the levels of income inequality, they constitute only one of several income sources defining household disposable income. Disposable income dispersion is influenced by the distribution of additional market income sources, state transfers and income taxation (Nolan 2003: 134). In the case of Irish household disposable income dispersion, the level of income inequality derived from direct primary market income is mitigated to a certain degree. Primary market income positions based on educational differentials driven by TNCinduced technological change feed through to define the positions of households in terms of disposable income distribution. However, secondary market income and the state via social transfers and taxation increase market income advantages. Again education levels as well as employment status are decisive in determining the risk of experiencing poverty further demonstrating the segmentation of Irish society. Household Income Distribution When interpreting data on the distribution of disposable household income in Ireland, the increase in disposable incomes over the period under review should be kept in mind. As can be expected, the rise in aggregate disposable income translated into an increase in disposable household incomes during the 1990s. Accordingly, average weekly disposable income adjusted for household size rose by 44% from IR£ 129.45 in 1994 to IR£ 187.23 in 1998 (Layte et al. 2001: 13).167 The following table displays the decile shares of disposable income for Irish households following economic recovery and during economic expansion in the 1990s. 167 1/0.66/0.33 scale used to adjust household disposable incomes for equivalised size (Layte et al. 2001: ibid). 226 Table 15 Equivalised Disposable Irish Household Income, 1987-2000 (%) 1987 1994 1997 2000 a Bottom 3.2 3.8 2.9 3.2 20 4.8 4.8 4.6 4.5 30 5.8 5.3 5.2 5.5 40 6.5 6.0 5.8 6.9 50 7.4 7.0 7.3 8.0 60 8.7 8.6 8.8 9.3 70 10.2 10.5 10.5 10.8 80 12.3 12.7 13.1 12.7 90 15.2 15.7 16.1 15.6 Top 25.9 25.5 25.7 23.6 Gini 0.330 0.331 0.348 0.324 Equivalised disposable income is based on 1/0.66/0.33 scale. Sources: O'Reardon (2001: 117), a Nolan and Smeeding (2004: 16). It is evident that the distribution of disposable household income only changed mildly. The top income decile accounted for more than a quarter of disposable income for the majority of the period. The top-heavy distribution of household income is displayed in the development of the Gini coefficient, which rose slightly and peaked in 1997. Figures for the year 2000 indicate that inequality was reduced compared to 1987 levels. The reduction is visible in the lower share of income for the top 10% and in the increase of income for the lowest 10% of households. The displayed figures illustrate that the recorded increase in earnings dispersion did not feed through to produce greater inequality in disposable household incomes. Hence, the inequality in the distribution of disposable household income in Ireland only marginally declined towards the end of the 1990s and remained static for the majority of the period under review. Although the distribution of income was unequal, the top income brackets did not break away from middle-income positions in terms of their income proportions. Instead, the bottom income deciles were left behind, as their income growth did not match the increase of disposable incomes of middle and higher income groups (Nolan 2003: 137). Moreover, an alternative study by the OECD, which focused on the distribution of disposable household income amongst the population of working age,168 shows that the growth in income inequality during the 1990s is associated with lower income groups losing ground compared to the development of disposable income for the six middle-income deciles (Förster/Mira d'Ercole 2005: 64). The expansion of 168 The focus on the working age population makes possible a concentration on the effects of increased employment, which was a distinguishing factor of Irish economic expansion in the 1990s. 227 middle-income decile shares emphasises the nature of the FDI-led development strategy as a middle class project. The middle-income deciles were able to increase their share of earnings by almost four percent reaching a total share of 57%. In terms of total disposable income, the middle-income groups were able to attain a share of 56%, expanding their proportion by 3.5% between 1994 and 2000. This income growth was the highest within the OECD for this income group during the mid- 1990s (Förster/Mira d'Ercole 2005: ibid).169 The analysis of the distribution of disposable household income also illustrates that the strong increase in educational differentials, fuelling the dispersion of direct market income throughout the 1990s, was mitigated. The lower level of recorded disposable income inequality compared to direct market income inequality is mainly linked to a lower correlation of earnings with inequality (Nolan/Maître 2000: 343). Hence, the role of direct market income in explaining disposable household income inequality declined, while other explanatory factors have gained in importance. Income from self-employment has increasingly become more unequal (Nolan/Maître 2000: ibid.). Förster and Mira d'Ercole (2005: 64) found that although 48% of income from self-employment was accounted by the top 20% of Irish income earners, their share in self-employment income fell by eight percent between 1987 and 2000. However, the middle-income deciles increased their shares by 7.5% to attain a proportion of 45%. In contrast, the lowest 20% of earners had a share of six percent of income from self-employment, increasing marginally by one percent between 1987 and 2000. Unsurprisingly, income from this occupational category was the most unequally spread, demonstrating the large differences in forms of selfemployed work and remuneration of self-employment (Nolan/Maître 2000: 342). The most important inequality factor is the rising unequal distribution of secondary market income, namely capital income from rent, interest and dividend payments (Nolan/Maître 2000: 343). As a consequence of economic expansion during the 1990s, the profit share of national income has been steadily rising since 1987. Whilst before 1987 the wage to profit ratio of national income stood at 70 to 30, non-agricultural profit income equalled wages for the first time in 1999 (O'Hearn 2001: 187).170 Finally, secondary market incomes are concentrated in middle and higher income groups, who have been able to supplement their market incomes with capital income sources. This increasingly applies to pension income (O'Reardon 2001: 129). The middle-income deciles had the largest share of capital income in 2000, displaying a 169 In comparison, the disposable household income share of the top income quintile stood at 36.2% and fell by 3.2% between 1994 and 2000. The lowest income quintile had a disposable income share of 7.5% and experienced a marginal decrease of 0.2% (Förster/Mira d'Ercole 2005: ibid.). 170 Nevertheless, as shown by O'Reardon (2001: 127-128) the increase in capital income over the period has not contributed to an overall rise in disposable household income inequality. This is linked to the possibility of the underreporting of capital incomes in household surveys. Furthermore, a large share of profit income is retained by firms and, in the case of TNCs, profits are repatriated. 228 proportion of 48% and increased their proportions by more than 2% between 1987 and 2000. They were followed by the highest 20% of earners with a share of 45% of capital income. Accordingly, the lowest 20% of income groups had a share of just below seven percent (Förster/Mira d'Ercole 2005: 64). Nevertheless, the dispersion of primary and secondary market incomes has been mitigated. The single greatest mitigating effect was growing employment. With employment increasing by 10% throughout the 1990s and unemployment falling from over 16% in 1988 to under 6% in 1999, more people gained access to market incomes (O'Reardon 2001: 131). Increased labour force participation by women further mitigated disposable income inequality. Although the rise in female employment is associated with an increase in part-time and low paid jobs, the growth in precarious "flexible" work forms did not translate itself into growing disposable household income inequality. The majority of female employment led to an increase in double-income households, therefore, supplementing disposable household income and creating an equalising effect (Callan et al. 2001: 11). Furthermore, although more incomes were taxed due to increased employment (Callan/Nolan 1999: 184), progressivity and social transfers can only explain a small percentage (12%) of the reduction of direct market income inequality in 1997 (Nolan/Maître 2000: 339-340). Instead, enlarged employment opportunities are far more important in explaining the reduced impact of earnings dispersion on disposable household incomes, as increased employment spread direct market earnings more equally between households (Nolan/Maître 2000: 343). In contrast, the low level of inequality reduction through social transfers also explains why lower income groups lagged behind in the dispersion of disposable income throughout the 1990s. Even though unemployment dramatically declined, disposable income growth for those households remaining dependent on social welfare transfers fell behind the increases of average household incomes, as social transfers were not linked to the development of average living standards (Nolan 2003: 137, 140). Poverty and Exclusion Turning to poverty developments during the 1990s, increased employment reduced poverty substantially. Still, households dependent on social transfers were disproportionately subjected to poverty (Nolan 2003: 138). The table traces the development of deprivation and income poverty (mean and median as well as the official "consistent" poverty indicator´. The latter combines the concepts of income poverty and experienced material deprivation (Layte et al. 2004: 10). 229 Table 16 Development of Irish Poverty Indicators, 1994-2001 (%) 1994 1997 2001 Income Poverty a Mean per week 60% 30.4 30.1 27.5 50% 19.8 17.4 18.4 40% 5.2 6.3 8.1 Median per week 70% 26.7 29.0 29.3 60% 15.6 18.2 21.9 50% 16.0 8.6 12.9 Basic Deprivation a All Households 24.0 14.9 8.3 Consistently Poor Mean per week a 60% 15.1 9.7 5.2 50% 9.0 6.7 4.1 40% 2.4 3.1 2.5 Median per week 70% 14.5 b 10.7 c 4.9 a 60% 8.3 b 7.8 c 4.1 b 50% 3.5 b 5.2 c 2.9 b All disposable household weekly income figures are based on the Irish equivalised scale (1/0.66/0.33). Source: a Schröder (2005: 50, 56, 81), b Layte et al. (2004: 10), c Madden (2002: 27) It is evident that the official figures mask an increasing gap between the recorded level of income poverty and experienced deprivation of people living in low-income households. The proportion of the population experiencing income poverty has been growing especially after 1994. In contrast, the population share experiencing basic deprivation declined from 24% to 8.3%, while those experiencing secondary deprivation, i.e. having difficulties in participating in general welfare such as maintaining a car or going on holiday, have been increasing (Schröder 2005: 64).171 This divergence is especially evident when comparing the development of the official poverty indicator of the EU Commission, which is set at 60% of median incomes, with the official Irish poverty figure (70%), as highlighted in the table. Whilst income poverty has been steadily rising since 1994, growing by more than 171 For an overview of the measurement of Irish deprivation Layte et al. (2001: 30-53) and Schröder (2005: 42) as well as Nolan and Whelan (1996: 88). 230 6%, the share of the population living in consistent poverty fell by more than 10% between 1994 and 2001 (Schröder 2005: 80). This discrepancy results from the difficulty in measuring deprivation, as it is based on subjective expectations and perceptions, which change with the evolution of living standards across time. Hence, the indicators used to measure basic deprivation, which were set in 1997, were outdated by 2001 (Nolan 2003: 138). Furthermore, economic expansion resulted in the increase in middle-sized incomes, leading to the growth in median incomes to greatly outpace the enlargement of average incomes. Median household incomes rose by 97% compared to average household incomes rising by 75% between 1994 and 2001 (Layte et al. 2004: 4-5). Consequently, as displayed in the table, the income gaps measured in median income figures show a larger increase than the figures derived from average incomes (Schröder 2005: 51). Thus, although poverty was substantially reduced, the fact that more than a fifth of the Irish population had a disposable income of 60% of median earnings in 2001 also displays the high degree of income inequality. Moreover, as economic recovery turned into economic expansion after 1994, the gap between low and middle-income households increased, illustrating the combination of economic growth with inequality in Ireland. The following table displays the poverty rates in terms of the employment status in the 1990s. Table 17 Labour Market Status of Irish Poor, 1994-2001 (%) 1994 1997 2001 Share a Rate b Share a Rate b Share a Rate b Employed 9.1 3.2 16.1 3.6 19.0 1.8 Self-employed 3.2 4.6 3.8 3.9 1.1 0.5 Farming 3.3 5.5 0.8 1.0 2.0 1.3 Unemployed 45.0 52.2 39.0 42.7 14.3 19.1 Ill/Disabled 8.3 36.2 9.5 31.7 17.8 22.5 Retired 4.8 6.1 6.4 5.5 12.1 5.3 Home Duties 26.4 28.8 24.4 28.8 33.7 12.3 Active 60.6 12.2 59.7 8.4 36.4 2.4 Inactive 39.5 20.4 40.3 15.0 63.6 11.0 Total 100 14.5 100 10.7 100 4.9 a respective labour market status of the main household earner as a proportion of "consistently poor" households; b Official Irish poverty definition of deprived households with an equivalised disposable income of less than 70% of the median disposable income in terms of labour market status. Source: Schröder (2005: 59) 231 The impact of economic expansion and subsequent labour demand on Irish lowered overall poverty levels. However, when poverty rates are decomposed according to labour market status, households dependent on social welfare transfers are disproportionately classified as poor. Labour market status has become the most important factor defining poverty in Ireland. The share of the status of labour market activity as a poverty criterion fell from almost 61% to 36% between 1994 and 2001. In contrast the proportion of inactive poor households has increased. Whilst the poverty of rate of households with an employed household head has fallen by almost 50%, their share of poor households has risen by almost 10%. By 2001, almost a fifth of the poor were households headed by an employee, which relays the large increase in low paid employment. Furthermore, those households with a head unable to work due to illness or disability had the highest level of poverty, followed by the long-term unemployed and those working in the household. The latter accounted for a third of all poor households and includes a large proportion of single mothers, who recorded a poverty rate of 24% in 2001 (Schröder 2005: 60). Similarly, although child poverty has been significantly reduced during the 1990s from 15% in 1987 to 6.5% in 2001, the risk of an under 18 year-old to experience poverty increases with the number of children in the household as well as for children growing up in households headed by single earners (Schröder 2005: 61). Even though old-age poverty has been slightly reduced, falling from 6.1% in 1994 to 5.3% in 2001, their proportion of poor households has increased. However, the proportion of pensioner households experiencing deprivation is low compared to the strong increase in retired households experiencing income poverty with less than 70% of equivalised median income, which grew from 5% to 49% between 1994 and 2001 (Schröder 2005: 61). Again this strong increase illustrates that the growth of net incomes of lower income groups in general and of social transfer dependent households in particular did not match the large expansion of middle-income households. When further decomposing poverty rates in accordance with educational attainment levels and occupational categories, important dynamics pertaining to the level of skills and social class are revealed, displaying the labour market dynamics resulting from TNC-induced technological change. Households, whose head had no educational qualifications, recorded a 50% risk, those with intermediate levels 30% and the poverty exposure risk for those with accomplished secondary education stood at 20%. Furthermore, the risk of exposure to multiple years of poverty was higher for the low skilled than for the skilled and highly skilled in 1998 (Layte at al. 2001: 71-72). Hence, the higher the level of educational attainment, the lower is the risk of experiencing poverty. Closely related to these dynamics is also the issue of the origin of the social class of the poor. Layte et al. (2001: 73-75) as well as Nolan et al. (2000: 207) show that unskilled professions are disproportionately prone to experience poverty in comparison to other social classes. Unskilled manual workers are also more prone to endure 232 income poverty set at 60% of mean income with a 60% poverty risk in 1998 (Layte et al. 2001: 75). Again, members of the professional and managerial class had the lowest risk of poverty exposure with a 6% chance of experiencing poverty for more than one year measured as 50% of mean income (Layte et al. 2001: 73). For the self-employed the risk of poverty stood at 25%, displaying again the wide differences in forms of work and incomes from self-employment. In contrast, the poverty risk for unskilled manual workers was far higher with 40%. The latter also faced far longer rates of poverty than the other social classes (Layte et al. 2001: 74). The displayed class polarisations have also to be seen within the context of social mobility.172 Again the level of educational attainment in the Irish Republic is decisive in explaining the level and predicting the possibility of social mobility. Ireland has traditionally had a low level of social mobility with a large stratification along social class lines due to the impermeable nature of Irish class barriers (Breen et al. 1990: 20-53). The structural transformation of the workforce as a result of economic expansion has contributed to the perforation of upward mobility barriers. This has increased absolute upward mobility for lower social classes into the professional and managerial class (Whelan/Layte 2004: 90). In general, the importance of white collar and skilled manual occupational categories expanded significantly during the 1990s (Whelan/Layte 2004: 94). However, the chances for a member of the professional and managerial class to remain in that class were four times higher than for those originating from unskilled social classes (Whelan/Layte 2004: 95). Furthermore, Ireland has not become more meritocratic. Access to education continues to be defined by class membership. Members of skilled classes disproportionately access higher education institutions, allowing them to remain in their advantaged positions (Whelan/Layte 2004: 101). The increasing heterogeneity of higher class origin is instead the consequence of labour demand resulting from the transformation of the occupational structure. As a result, the number of positions available within the professional and managerial skilled labour classes increased (Whelan/Layte 2004: 90). The persistence of inequality of educational opportunity points to continued class differentiation in the Irish secondary and vocational school system in spite of successive reform efforts (Smyth/Hannan 2000: 117). Hence, despite the growth in absolute numbers of schoolchildren completing secondary education, the relative inequalities between different social classes persist. In the absence of effective state measures to regulate local school competition, middle and upper class pupils as well as the most academically able are concentrated 172 Social mobility is defined as the possibility of the member of one class to move into a higher socio-economic group (i.e. upward mobility) or into a lower socio-economic class (i.e. downward mobility). When measuring social mobility, it is important to distinguish between two concepts. Absolute mobility refers to the rate of overall mobility of individuals from one class to another. Relative mobility measures the comparative chances of an individual originating from a certain class to enter another class (Whelan 1999: 135-136) 233 in selective secondary schools. Vocational schools, whose curriculum was extended to provide secondary education in 1967, are disproportionately attended by children with working class backgrounds, many of them lower ability pupils coming from deprived and socially excluded backgrounds (Smyth/Hannan 2000: 113). Furthermore, the rising importance of the correlation between educational credentials, employment and incomes greatly disadvantages children with working class backgrounds, in particular those from unskilled households (NESC 2002: 232).173 Hence, increased absolute social mobility is not a result of increased state activism. Instead, it is a consequence of economic expansion, which increased the number of higher class occupational positions. Beyond the aggregate figures, educational inequalities based on class origin continue to persist. They define the chances of an individual to experience social mobility. Therefore, the lower the class origin, the lower is the level of education, the higher is the propensity to be unemployed or to accept under average earnings or to experience poverty (Whelan/Hannan 1999: 291). 4.5.3 Poverty, Inequality and the Irish State Benign observers, such as Schröder (2005: 82), are jubilant in their assessment of Ireland's record of unemployment and poverty reduction. They claim that the Irish example shows how a lean welfare state with polices prioritising economic growth can successfully tackle social exclusion without massive redistribution. However, as demonstrated, the enlargement of national income was not distributed equally. Part of the growth in national income was exported in the form of profit repatriations by TNCs, prompting O'Hearn (2001: 187) to exclaim, "The main recipients of economic growth in Ireland were a foreign capitalist class rather than a domestic one". Nevertheless, profit repatriations are the flipside of the FDI-led development strategy. More realistically, the level of failure to cater for an equal redistribution of the far larger share of national income remaining in the country has definitely benefited the domestic capitalist class. It, therefore, brings the role of the Irish state back into the forefront of the discussion, as redistribution outcomes are the result of political decision-making. Hence, the lack in state capacity to attempt to spread the fruits of economic growth more evenly is voluntary, resulting from political efficacy and policy legacies (Cousins 1995: 159). 173 Over the period of 1996-1998, early school leaving rates are the highest amongst children from unskilled households. 3.2% of the school leavers with no qualifications came from semiskilled households and 9.1% of non-qualified school leavers originated from unskilled households; the national average was 3.7%. The level of completed secondary and tertiary education was the lowest. 65.4% of pupils from the unskilled manual class and 75.1% of semi-skilled class pupils completed secondary education, while the national average was 80.6% (NESC 2002: 232).
Irland und Ungarn verfolgen eine Entwicklungsstrategie, die in bewusster Abhängigkeit von Globalisierungsprozessen in Form von ausländischen Direktinvestitionen steht und sich als Paradigma in der Peripherie durchgesetzt hat. Doch dieser Entwicklungspfad hat zu einer ungleichen und abhängigen Entwicklung geführt. Dies ist laut dem Autor das Resultat des mangelnden Gestaltungswillens beider Staaten, für einen gleichgewichtigen Wachstumsprozess zu sorgen. Die historische Analyse zeigt, dass eine auf ausländische Firmen fußende Entwicklungsstrategie nicht ausreicht, um traditionelle Peripheralität zu überwinden. Der Autor fordert eine Reform des Entwicklungsparadigmas, um eine gleichgewichtige Entwicklung zu ermöglichen.