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News Environment
BMW's i Vision Circular Concept Is 100% Recyclable
The idea is the vehicle can be repurposed at the end of its life.
Marc Carter
Marc Carter is an EV writer and editor based in Los Angeles. He is the founder of The Torque Report; his work has also appeared on Discovery Channel, iMotorTimes, Inhabitat, and more.
Updated September 10, 2021 12:16PM EDT
BMW i Vision Circular Concept.
In the next decade many automakers will switch their entire lineups to fully electric vehicles, but what will happen after that? BMW is thinking further ahead to 2040 when it could introduce a fully recyclable electric car, which will be the ultimate sustainable vehicle. We still have a bit of time to get there, but the German automaker has unveiled its i Vision Circular concept, which is a recyclable electric vehicle for an urban environment, at the Munich Motor Show IAA Mobility 2021 in Munich, Germany. It's BMW's vision of what an EV made out of recyclable materials could look like in 2040.
BMW's goal was to create a vehicle that is not only 100% recyclable but also made from recycled materials. This includes the concept's solid-state battery, which is made almost entirely from materials sourced from the recycling loop. Using recycled parts is not only good for the environment, but it also helps reduce production costs.
"The BMW i Vision Circular illustrates our all-encompassing, meticulous way of thinking when it comes to sustainable mobility. It symbolises our ambition to be a pioneering force in the development of a circular economy," said BMW CEO Oliver Zipse. "We lead the way for resource efficiency in production and we are seeking to extend this status to all stages of the vehicle life cycle."
To achieve its goal of creating a fully recyclable electric car, BMW had to rethink the way the car is built. It doesn't use paint and it avoids bonded connections or composite materials. Instead, the concept uses "intelligent types of connection, such as cords, press studs and quick-release fasteners." This means that many of the parts can be detached easily, which makes it easier to disassemble the i Vision Circular concept at the end of its life cycle.
Moving past its recycled materials, the i Vision Circular concept is perfect for a busy urban environment, since it only measures 157 inches long. Its design is like nothing else in BMW's current lineup and it also features a new take on BMW's front kidney grille with digital surfaces that display different light patterns. The exterior is largely made from gold anodized recycled aluminum. Its tires are also made from sustainably cultivated natural rubber.
Even with its small footprint, there's plenty of interior space. The cabin is also made of 3D printed materials. Instead of a traditional instrument panel, the concept has a 3D-printed crystal interface that drivers can interact with using hand gestures. Information that you would normally get from an instrument cluster is projected onto the massive windshield, which eliminates the need for traditional screens in the cabin.
The steering wheel is also 3D-printed and it features a crystal interface, making it look nothing like the steering wheels that you see in BMW's current models. The Monochrome Taupe plush seats are made entirely from recycled materials and can be easily dismantled. The rear bench seat is especially inviting with its comfy design and audio speakers that are integrated into the headrests.
Composer Hans Zimmer developed a unique sound design for the concept that makes its circularity audible. "The idea was to combine different samples to keep injecting new life into the sounds inside the vehicle, in the same way its materials get a new lease of life," said Zimmer. "The concept of objects potentially having an almost infinite lifespan inspired us to also use samples from physical in-struments from a bygone age, such as a famous old cello that still works in modern times thanks to the wonders of digital circularity."
While BMW provided a lot of details about the i Vision Circular concept's design, it did not provide any details about its electric powertrain. BMW also did not make any mentions about autonomous driving capability, which is something that will be a reality by 2040. Instead, it looks like the concept is meant to be driven with its cool, futuristic steering wheel.
We'll have to wait and see if the i Vision Circular ever enters production, but it seems unlikely. More importantly, the concept shows how BMW is thinking about long-term sustainability in its future models.
Mercedes-Benz Introduces 5 New Electric Vehicles
VW's ID. Life Could Be the Affordable EV the Electric Car Market Needs
Audi's Grandsphere Concept Offers a Glimpse Into the Future of EVs
Mazda's MX-30 EV Is Its First Electric Car in the US
Hyundai's New EV Will Soon Be a Self-Driving Taxi
The VAAST E/1 Is the Cadillac of E-Bikes
EVs Will Take Over Because They're Better Cars
These 100 Sq. Ft. 'Smartpod' Offices Are Available By Subscription
Lincoln to Launch First Fully Electric Vehicle in 2022
Are Electric Car Batteries Recyclable?
What Is Upcycling?
Lorde Shifts to Biodegradable, CD-Less Album Launch
Yellowstone National Park Tests Electric Shuttles
Community of 3D-Printed Net-Zero Homes Proposed for California
Target's Sustainability Goals Include Going Net-Zero
This Electric Fire Truck Is What the US Desperately Needs


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Q: regex in javascript to remove numeric path from url I have URLs like below with customer ID etc. I want to remove them and put an asterisk instead of them.  Below examples will give you a better idea.
/paas/service/3.0/part/d878bc1e-9bb8-4a0e/log/account/7367c100-9390-11e3/resource/AdminHistory --> /paas/service/3.0/part/*/log/account/*/resource/AdminHistory

/hs/service/3.0/bootstrap/mnd/3388959354 --> /hs/service/3.0/bootstrap/mnd/*

/paas/service/3.0/part/d878bc1e-9bb8-4a0e-b224-a4ba0d7dfcec/asset --> /paas/service/3.0/part/*/asset

/paas/service/3.0/part/3c5631df-52c9/servicepolicy/8ee6ba08-8d7a/carrierPlan/c2b4a364-98e3-4546 --> /paas/service/3.0/part/*/servicepolicy/*/carrierPlan/*

The IDs are either numeric or alphanumeric. How should i approach this ?

A:
The IDs are either numeric or alphanumeric.

All of the parts in your example URLs contain either letters or digits, so you need to know what the text is before the ID so that you can target that plus the ID that follows.
So perhaps something like this:

function modifyURL(url) {
  return url.replace(/(\/(?:part|account|mnd|servicepolicy|carrierPlan)\/)[^\/]+/g, "$1*");
}

console.log(modifyURL("/paas/service/3.0/part/d878bc1e-9bb8-4a0e/log/account/7367c100-9390-11e3/resource/AdminHistory"));
console.log(modifyURL("/hs/service/3.0/bootstrap/mnd/3388959354"));
console.log(modifyURL("/paas/service/3.0/part/d878bc1e-9bb8-4a0e-b224-a4ba0d7dfcec/asset"));
console.log(modifyURL("/paas/service/3.0/part/3c5631df-52c9/servicepolicy/8ee6ba08-8d7a/carrierPlan/c2b4a364-98e3-4546"));

To explain the regex I've used:
(       // start of capturing submatch
\/      // match a forward slash
(?:     // start of non-capturing group
part|account|mnd|servicepolicy|carrierPlan   // match one of those words
)       // end of non-capturing group
\/      // match forward slash
)       // end of capturing submatch
[^\/]+  // match one or more of anything but a forward slash

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaStackExchange


The pekepoo which is also known as Peke_A_Poo came to existence by the crossing of two breeds. Pekingese and Poodle they are usually known as a designer dog but they are not as much popular as the other crosses.
The well trained pekepoo is obedient sturdy and well mannered they have a intelligent and lively attitude and expression. They are brave and loyal. The pekepoo dog breed is very confident and love to go outside independently. This breed does not do well if they are left alone for some time. Loneliness and bareness will lead them to be aggressive and destructive in behavior and they will start barking consistently. They are good with older and well mannered children. They do well with other pets and small animals they have been raised with. The Pekepoo are very protective and alert of strangers and can alert their family if they listen to any extra ordinary sound.
This breed has a double coat the outer coat is long and profuse the under coat is short and dense. It is essential to make this breed socialized in their early age, this dog breed will not respond to heavy and harsh methods of training. Training of this breed of dogs should be done with fairness patience and calmness, this breed is good for apartment living and are good indoors they enjoy to spend time with family and play with them daily. Brushing is recommended to avoid harsh and dead hair on their body bathing should be done with a mild shampoo when needed, regular dental treatment is needed to prevent a tooth loss.
The Pekepoo may be prone to such health issues as PRA, skin problems, diabetes, anemia, ear infections, and heart disease. As a dog owner it is your job to maintain a healthy environment for your pet, look out for signs of any changes in behavior and if you see any signs of problems with your dog take it to a veterinary professional at the earliest to detect any symptoms at early stages.


I guess part of it is that I feel some barriers to entry need to be imposed to driving as the roads are hugely congested and its just a matter of time before anchorage is in grid lock during the rush 3 hours like seattle or LA. I just don't see it as favorable to have our roads start turning into the lower 48. Perhaps as gas prices hit like 7$ a gal the roads will clear up.
The massive number of people all driving is what makes living in the valley and commuting so horrible.
So pretty much what you're saying is that only rich wealthy people should be able to drive cars while the rest of the masses should be regulated to trains and busses.
The "massive amount of people?" I lived up that way 10 yrs ago and then visited family a few months ago there. There didn't seem to be like a population explosion there. There are more roads around town and they all looked pretty nice to me! I don't remember a lot of overly aggressive drivers or anything like that. But then, the trials and tribulations of the Mat-Su and Anchorage for some, must be overwhelming! Man, don't you get out of town once in a while to realize how much better it is there compared to like L.A.?!
Maybe better city planning so that more people can live within walking distance of where they work without it costing huge amounts of money. I am currious what the consequences will be for anchorage with more and more congestion. Has places like LA seen any major consequences?
Remember the dude who killed the teenagers on the Seward highway with his truck, just because he was in a hurry? Here's how his trial turned out. He's pretty much free as a bird: "supervised probation."
That's Alaska drivers for you. Do what you want, hardly any consequences.
Edited to add: Supervised probation, suspended sentence. So, nothing happened to this guy.
I'm not opposed to trucks no matter what the size in any state. Just why does there need to be so many in the city of Anchorage? The reasons I'm upset is because trucks are the new thing I guess. I see people who are soccer moms and they use trucks. It's a pointless waste of money, space, gas bill, and it's not useful for your everyday needs in any capacity when other cars are far more useful to somebody's daily life.
We just need a governmental agency to step in and regulate who can drive what, where they can drive it and how much money they can spend on it. If the Bureau of Automobile Fairness determines that all you need is a Ford Pinto then that's all you get. If people aren't smart enough to figure it out themselves then, by golly, the government should!! In America it's just not fair for people to waste money. They should instead give it to those that don't have enough to waste. They need to bring back the Yugo! Yugo's for everyone!!! Power to the people!!!!!!!!
That is ultimately why I drive a truck, people are a little less douchy when its another large vehical. Or that one woman that was strung out on prescription drugs and killed some people, she walked as well.
Its safer to fly in Alaska lol.
Double standard! It's okay for him to drive a truck, but not everyone else!
How long have you lived in Alaska? Trucks of all kinds have been "the new thing" for years and years, because it's very convenient to haul a heavy camper trailer with it, or to slide-in a camper for the whole family to enjoy, to tow a heavy boat to Chitina, or to Valdez, and so on, to haul construction materials to their homes (or a home being built), to drive on a dirt road full of deep potholes and mud during the spring, and then to haul a trailer loaded with ATV's and camping gear during moose season. Even here in Fairbanks I see hunters from Anchorage.
By the way, would you drive your Yaris on the Dalton, or a truck?
See, the problem with some of you is that you are looking and finding faults in everyone else but yourselves, and this is one of the primary problems we get in Alaska from transplants. A lot of such people create a mess where they live (all kinds of rules, taxes, and all), and the come here and change this place into the mess they have left behind.
I just don't get it! What do you want? Women with clipped hair and only driving Subarus?
Last edited by RayinAK; 04-30-2014 at 10:00 PM..
One of the reasons I have driven either a truck or full size SUV for the past 25 years is due to cars getting smaller and smaller. It seems that every few years the roofline on cars get lower. At 6'1" I do not consider myself to be tall. Yet once last year the only rental car I could get was considered a mid-size car. The roofline was so low I had to drive with the top of my head sticking out the open sunroof.


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HomeAgendaConnecting The Dots Of My 4-H Showing Career
Connecting The Dots Of My 4-H Showing Career

Ak-Sar-Ben, livestock, success, showing, ranchers, industry, skills, knowledge, 4-H, exposure

Becky Church | Oct 06, 2014
Two weeks ago at this time, I was on my way to the Ak-Sar-Ben 4-H National Livestock Exposition to compete in my very last 4-H livestock show. It turned out to be a successful weekend for me, as I was fortunate to earn Champion Premier Sheep Exhibitor.
The Knights of Ak-Sar-Ben 4-H Premier Exhibitor Competition is open to all 4-H youth exhibiting at Ak-Sar-Ben in beef, dairy, sheep, swine and goat. The competition began for me with a personal interview conducted by two agricultural professionals. Next, I had to take a test focusing on livestock industry-based questions. I then completed a skill-a-thon, which included identification of feeds, antibiotics, anatomy, wholesale cuts, breeds, and management tools. Lastly, participation in showmanship was also counted toward my individual score. Receiving a showmanship callback allowed me to secure extra points to go towards my overall premier point tally.
It was not until Saturday afternoon following the championship market lamb drive, that the results were announced. All of the participants entered the ring, and anxiety ran high. The announcer began with the name of the 10th-place individual and worked up to the champion. As the announcer called name after name, the suspense continued to build. At the end, I was the last one standing and my name sounded over the loudspeaker as Champion Premier Exhibitor.
When they announced my name as 2014 Premiere Exhibitor, everything from the past 13 years came to a stop. I was not hit with the glory of winning, but rather the compilation of the greater understanding that has resulted from my 4-H career.
During my Premier Exhibitor interview, I was asked a question that forced me to hesitate before answering. The interviewer asked: "So, what do you think really is the difference between the livestock show industry and the production side?"
Collecting my thoughts, I paused. With conviction, I responded that while the show side and production aspect of the industry are very different, they are intertwined in more ways than most people realize. I said that some ranchers have a difficult time seeing the value in the show industry, believing it represents a false image of true production agriculture. However, my involvement in livestock judging, quiz bowl, and showing livestock through 4-H, FFA, open class, and jackpot shows has taught me otherwise. I have learned proper management skills, genetic selection, ration formulation, antibiotic administration, and fundamental industry knowledge, all of which I've, in turn, applied to my own production operation at home.
Last spring, pictures of Lautners' bull, "Texas Tornado," went viral. While some argued that this created a false depiction of the beef industry, I believe there were positive messages as well. It shed a promising light on animal welfare and ethics, rather than the chokingly negative misconceptions frequently displayed by PETA and HSUS. I think it caused people to ask questions, and allowed breeders and youth to share their production stories.
Subscribe now to Cow-Calf Weekly to get the latest industry research and information in your inbox every Friday!
While the livestock show industry involves much more depth than "fluffy cows," presentation plays an important role in the grand scheme of the beef industry. Today's typical consumer is multiple generations removed from the farm, and livestock shows at county and state fairs are the most exposure that much of society gets to the farm. Therefore, livestock shows create a significant learning environment and a showcase for animal agriculture.
As I reflect on the past weekend at Ak-Sar-Ben, my thoughts flash back to the experiences gained each year of my showing career. Showing livestock has significantly helped build my character and shaped me into the person I am today. Each opportunity presented failures complimented by successes, and allowed tears to be turned into smiles.
While I have stood bottom of my class more than once, I have also been honored to be left standing as a champion. If plotted out on a line, a progressively positive trend line would be evident as I have continued to learn more and more over time. The accumulation of all of my hours, days, weeks, months, and years of hard work and dedication aligned in focus as I connected the dots of my 4-H career.
I still remember my very first show at the county fair. Showing was a struggle. I awkwardly and uncomfortably did my best to brace my lamb, or tug on the halter as I struggled to pull my calf into place.
Showmanship did not seem to come as effortlessly to me as it appeared to for my brother. Following sheep showmanship at the state fair my first year, a family friend told my dad, "Wow, your son really is a great showman. It just does not come as natural to Becky." That comment hit me hard.
It did not seem fair that my hard work at home was not reflected in the show ring, so I decided to do something about it. I attended more shows, watching from the stands and observing the techniques of champion showmen. I practiced day after day, and applied new industry trends and knowledge to my daily regime. Showmanship is one class that a show person can control, whether or not their steer, lamb, or hog finished out how they had dreamed.
It is an irreplaceable feeling of achievement when I look back and realize how far I have come. Rather than being awkward in the show ring, I now feel confident and excited. This year especially, I have been told by numerous people that I am a natural beef and sheep showman; and I have been asked how I remain so relaxed and smooth.
Showing livestock may be an individual activity, but it requires team cooperation and effort on both ends of the halter. You must put in the time and energy to train and perfect your animal beforehand. The livestock show industry is not about buying the most expensive animal, or putting on a sparkling belt as you enter the ring. Rather, it's the deeper pride and feeling of satisfaction that comes from within. It is knowing that you have put in every ounce of work that you possibly could, and have done your absolute best. Luck only happens when preparation meets opportunity.
Stepping out of the Ak-Sar-Ben show ring my last time, with my champion plaque in hand, I could not help but feel overwhelmed and appreciative. The leaders, volunteers, friends, connections, family members, and especially my parents, helped make my 4-H experience a memorable and rewarding one.
I am forever grateful for my parents' continuous encouragement and belief in me, no matter the size of my dreams. As for my siblings, I would not trade them for any other fellow barn crew around. Showing livestock is not about soaking up the champion limelight. It is about building lasting friendships, learning lifelong skills, and becoming the best person that you can possibly be.
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redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


Levante will take to the field against Girona on Friday as La Liga (Spanish top-flight football league) returns to action after the winter break.
Levante will take to the field against Girona on Friday as La Liga (Spanish top-flight football league) returns to action after the winter break. Both teams have had satisfactory displays as Girona handled the departure of coach Pablo Machin and injuries quite proficiently , while Levante has maintained their momentum as well.
The battle is going to be a crucial one as both ninth-placed Girona and tenth placed Levante are tied at 22 points, only separated by goal difference in the la liga.
The Catalan club are fighting an injury crisis with several players sidelined, while Levante's decent run of games wre put to a halt after a 2-1 defeat against Barcelona. A win for either side will be crucial tonight.
What time does the Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga 2018-19 season start?
The Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga starts at 11:3o PM IST, 4th January, Friday.
Where is the match in the La Liga 2018-19 season being played?
The Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga is being played by at Levante home stadium.
Which channel will telecast the Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga 2018-19 season?
Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga may not be telecasted on Sony ten network.
How to watch the live streaming of Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga 2018-19 season?
The Live streaming of Levante vs Girona match in the La Liga will be available on La Liga's official Facebook page.


text:
Next Social Services, Welfare & Criminology
Next Social Welfare & Social Services
Next Aid & Relief Programmes
Aid & Relief Programmes 9781860643125-01-000 9781860643125-01-000 9781860643125
https://www.whsmith.co.uk/products/embers-of-war-letters-from-a-relief-worker-in-the-british-zone-of-germany-194546/grigor-mcclelland/hardback/9781860643125-01-000.html
Embers of War: Letters from a Relief Worker in the British Zone of Germany, 1945-46
By Grigor McClelland (Author)
https://www.whsmith.co.uk/products/embers-of-war-letters-from-a-relief-worker-in-the-british-zone-of-germany-194546/grigor-mcclelland/hardback/9781860643125-01-000.html £24.00 rrp £30.00 Save £6.00 (20%)
Grigor McClelland served as a Quaker relief worker in British-occupied Germany between May 1945 and June 1946, working first for "Displaced Persons" who had been brought to work in Germany during the war and stranded there. These were mainly Russians and Poles, but also people from most of the other countries of Europe, often perplexed as to whether they could or should return home. From December 1945 McClelland and his team transferred to work on the problems of the German population in part of the Ruhr. They distributed food and other supplies, helped German welfare and youth organizations to start again, and liaised closely with the British Military Government and with the new civilian administration, working cheek by jowl with the Swedish and Swiss agencies. The team had entered Germany whilst General Montgomery's "non-fraternization" order was in force, but soon their lives mingled with those of Germans, they sat up late at night with them, discussing religion, politics, literature and art, and developed some lasting friendships. McClelland met many survivors of Nazi concentration camps and visited two camps run by the British for Nazis and suspected Nazis. He heard Pastor Martin Niemoeller talk about the Guilt Question to a hostile audience of Westphalian pastors, and visited the War Crimes Trial at Nuremberg. He and his fellow workers were addressed by General Montgomery, and met the saintly pacifist, Pastor Wilhelm Mensching, and his congregation. The letters in this book, which were written by McClelland during those 13 months in Germany, provide a day-by-day account of the relief team's life and work, the conditions they tackled and the people they met. illustrations
Contributor: Grigor McClelland
Imprint: I.B. Tauris
Publisher: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd.
Grigor McClelland
https://www.whsmith.co.uk/products/embers-of-war-letters-from-a-relief-worker-in-the-british-zone-of-germany-194546/grigor-mcclelland/hardback/9781860643125.html £24.00 rrp £30.00 Save £6.00 (20%)


large facility under construction each year.
for Livonia, Mich.-based Maeda Corporation USA.
and management of such projects.
the largest was 420,000 square feet."
need a unique ventilation system or a special process for their water supply."


Christmas has been very good to me this year. Well, more accurately, my friends and family have been very good to me.
Two pie books?! These people know me too well :) I love pastry and I really enjoy cooking and baking!
@Hiker Mom - both of these books give quite detailed pastry making instructions. So long as you've got plenty of time on your hands, it'll work!
Hm, i'm not that fussed by pie- but they do look nice! Gemma (and Simon the pieman)make good pie. I've been playing with my Lorraine Pascale book!


Our third episode is about agile retrospectives. Super exciting given that Esther co-authored the first book on them. In this episode, we talk about the 5 stage retrospective format, the difference between subjective and objective data, and we give you 5 tips on what you can do to improve your retrospectives.
Content mentioned in the episode.


Why Are Complementary Currency Systems Difficult to Grasp within Conventional Economics?
Pourquoi les monnaies complémentaires sont-elles ignorées par l'approche économique conventionnelle ?
Les monnaies complémentaires (MC) permettent de comptabiliser et de régler des échanges de biens et de services dans un espace local et circulent en complémentarité de la monnaie officielle. Malgré leur actualité et leur nombre, la grande majorité des économistes semblent accorder une attention marginale à ces monnaies complémentaires. Cet article propose quelques facteurs explicatifs. Fondamentalement, l'économie conventionnelle est basée sur une approche méthodologique et sur des conceptions théoriques et normatives de la monnaie - son essence, son statut, sa taille et sa gouvernance - qui l'empêchent de comprendre ces dispositifs monétaires. Tout d'abord, l'hétérogénéité des MC et leur émergence nouvelle confrontent l'économie à un problème méthodologique de mesure de leurs impacts. Ensuite, nous montrons que, en raison de leur pouvoir d'achat limité dans le temps et dans l'espace, l'économie ne peut justifier leur utilisation dans l'économie marchande. Enfin, nous verrons que les règles monétaires d'émission et de régulation des MC empêchent les principales approches monétaires contemporaines de les reconnaître et de les légitimer.
Complementary currency system (CCS) complements the official currency, with a view to accounting for and regulating exchanges of goods and services in a local space. Despite the topicality and the number of these complementary currencies, the large majority of economists seem to pay marginal attention to them. This article proposes some reasons to explain it. Fundamentally, conventional economics is based on a methodological approach and on theoretical and normative conceptions of money – its essence, status, size, and governance – that prevent it from understanding these monetary schemes. First, the heterogeneity of CCS and their new emergence confront economics to a methodological problem of measure of their impacts. Next, we show that, because of their limited purchasing power in time and in space, economics can't justify their use in market economy. Last, we will see that the monetary rules of issuing and regulating CSS prevent main contemporary monetary approaches to recognize and legitimate them.
4.1. How monetary theories understand regimes of monetary plurality?
1By "complementary currency system" (CCS) we mean a specific unit (or system) of account that complements the official currency and has been developed by a group of agents (individuals, economic and social structures, local authorities or banks) that has formed a local network with a view to accounting for and regulating exchanges of goods and services. From a functionalist theoretical viewpoint CCSs are money. They fulfill the main functions of the latter by acting as a medium of exchange and unit of account within a defined geographic region or community, and in many cases also as a store of value.
2CCSs are by no means new to history; since the 1980s they have been attracting more and more attention and growing apace in both developed and developing economies. Some 3,500 to 4,500 systems have so far been recorded in more than 50 countries (Blanc, 2006; Seyfang, and Longhurst, 2013a). Among the better-known are LETS (Local Exchange Trading System) in Canada and the United Kingdom (Lee, 1996; Williams, 1996a), Time Banks in Italy and the UK (Coluccia, 2001; Seyfang, 2003, 2006), local currencies of barter clubs in Argentina (Gomez, 2009; Ould Ahmed, 2010), the Ithaca Hour in the United States (Collom, 2005; Jacob et al., 2004; Maurer, 2005; North, 2014), regiogeld such as Chiemgauer in Germany (Gelleri, 2009; Thiel, 2012), community development banks in Brazil (Borges, 2010; Melo et al., 2009; Neiva et al., 2013), the SOL (Fare, 2010, 2011), the Eusko and the SoNantes in France, the Brixton Pound, the Stroud Pound and the Bristol Pound in the UK (Ryan-Collins, 2011; Scott Cato and Suárez, 2012), the WIR system in Switzerland (Stodder 2009), and the Accorderies in Quebec and in France (Comeau and Boulianne, 2012; Fare, 2011).
3These monetary schemes have and objectives responding to challenges that echo the current context of crisis in the regime of financial globalization. They aim at reconciling sustainable local development with better social integration; at developing new standards of production and consumption (ecological, environmental, and solidarity-based); and at promoting new economic and monetary governance based on democratic sovereignty with civil society playing an active part.
4Despite the relevance of CCSs and their development, we note that it is a difficult topic to grasp within "conventional economic thought" (Lietaer et al., 2010)1 for a number of reasons. This article is an attempt to show that conventional economics is based on a methodological approach and on theoretical and normative conceptions of money – its essence, size, status and regulatory norms – that are an obstacle to understanding the emergence, logics and impact of these new monetary schemes. Firstly, according to the relative novelty of CCSs and their heterogeneity, conventional economics is faced with a methodological difficulty to assess their impact. Next we show that, because of the limited purchasing power of CCSs in time and space, this theoretical approach is unable to justify their use in the market economy. Lastly, we will show that the atypical rules governing the issue and regulation of these monetary schemes are an added obstacle to recognition and legitimation. The conclusion argues that other theoretical perspectives are more adequately equipped to study CCSs.
5Because of their very diversity and the fact that they have emerged relatively recently, complementary currency systems seem to pose a methodological problem to conventional economic thought. They have not yet been thoroughly studied. While there is a substantial amount of literature on CCSs, most existing works consist of individual-level surveys of one particular CCS (a case study), describing the motivations of users and promoters, the quantitative and qualitative characteristics of the scheme, and assessing its impact (Fare and Ould Ahmed, 2016). So far there is, however, no study summarising the overall impacts of these CCSs with the noteworthy exception of the excellent survey by Michel and Hudon (2015) that seeks to find out whether CCSs contribute to the three pillars of sustainable development.
6These methodological problems stem from the fact that there is to date no comprehensive database covering all CCSs on a worldwide scale and providing quantitative data on their users2. Without proper econometric studies – which are impracticable - it is difficult to account properly for individual behaviour, for quantitative aspects and for the logics involved. Fieldwork should be undertaken to obtain data through impact analyses. For example, Krohn and Snyder (2008), in an econometric study of local currencies in the USA, have shown that the local multiplying effect was too weak to be detected in growth per capita income during the 1990s. However, these results should be relativized: the authors failed to compare the volume of local currency in circulation (and the value added created in CCS) with that of the overall volume of money in circulation. In another context, using a random network-simulation model, Japanese economists such as Kichiji and Nishibe (2012) have shown that the distribution of money held by agents influences the rate of transactions carried out as a function of the money in stock.
7In general, however, there are few studies of this sort, because of the difficulty of quantifying and of distinguishing between exchanges conducted in CCSs and that using other currencies. These difficulties are also due to the extreme diversity of CCSs throughout the world. Besides this lack of directly usable data, the CCSs are not homogeneous: their material form varies – paper money, scriptural money, smart card3 – as does the conception of the role of money and its usages in the new market communities. CCSs also have a broad diversity of objectives: single or multiple (e.g. economic, social and environmental). The empowerment they aim to introduce can have different ideological bases and entail different modes of governance (Table 1). It can support a local economy established in the territory, integrate new ambitious production or consumption practices based on social and ecological standards. It can involve civil society in economic and monetary decision-making. While some systems, such as the Ithaca Hour money in the US (Maurer, 2005; North, 2014) are oriented towards support for the local production apparatus, employment, production and local dynamics, others target the growth of sustainable consumption, e.g. the green point customer fidelity cards of the NU-Spaarpass in Rotterdam (Sambeek and Kampers, 2004) and the eco iris in Brussels. Japanese complementary currencies that privilege social objectives by seeking basically to recreate traditional community bonds – local, and in some cases inter-generational (l'uchi) – offered from exploitative production relations (Hirota, 2006). Complementary currency systems also differ in the degree of the connexion they set up with local authorities, banks, economic and social structures, and the third sector (Blanc and Fare, 2013). For example, the SoNantes launched in April 2015 at Nantes (France) developed close links with the municipality, local businesses, and the Nantes Municipal Credit (through its subsidiary Sonao), which handles the account management of this new complementary smart card. On the contrary, the SEL (France) base their autonomy on respect by the local authorities and set up a few partnerships. Furthermore a varied range of geographical contexts gives rise to CCS with socio-economic profiles of the actors involved. In Southern countries CCSs often emerge in reaction to an economic crisis and are related to population strata suffering from high degrees of social insecurity. These strata are usually impoverished and their support for complementary currency systems springs mainly from their economic needs. In contrast, CCS that emerge in Northern countries are linked to a more varied range of social strata (ranging from people in precarious positions to countercultural groups), and the motivations concerned are also more diverse (environmental or ideological, and not solely economic). A common geographical feature is that they primarily showed up in urban and peri-urban areas.
8In evaluating impacts, a methodological difficulty arises when we have to deal with the specifics of each CCS in terms of objectives, forms and social group profiles - particularly when using the widely randomized control trials proposed by Esther Duflo (Banerjee and Duflo, 201) and her J-PAL team (Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab). Evaluation by means of randomized control is aimed at "establishing a credible comparison group, a group of individuals who, as there is no programme, would have given rise to results similar to those displayed in the programme" (Duflo, 2005, p. 188). Using this "control group" one can compare the effects on individuals of a programme, project or policy that is being envisaged. Surveys of this type usually aim at measuring the effects of a given programme in terms of monetary poverty at the individual level. This experimental approach can be useful in studying the impact of such-and-such a particular measure, but it is limited in its effects. It predetermines the objectives to be reached, then compares the results with these objectives, but without discerning other effects that might have affected the people involved in the process. This particular factor underlies (and undermines) efforts to establish direct causal links between the effects and the programme, and to neutralise the relevant structural and institutional conditions in which the programme is being carried out. Causality should not be treated probabilistically when the context makes generalisation problematic. This method takes into account only the average impact without capturing the diversity of effects, and does so only in the short term (Labrousse, 2010), hiding ripple effects and the effects of learning, composition and imitation (Bédécarrats et al., 2013). Furthermore, no explanation is given of the reasons, processes and causal mechanisms involved, the whys and the wherefores. It establishes only causal links between the programme and the effects. Yet the factors involved are multiple, as are the interactions. Effects resulting from interactions between multiple factors are always situated socially and bear the stamp of the context in which they take place. Because of this, causal links should be examined in all their complexity, with dynamic interactions grasped in context, and institutional and socio-economic dimensions taken into account. The effects of a programme cannot be defined uniquely in terms of predetermined objectives, nor can they be summarised by accumulating quantitative data unaccompanied by explanations.
9Current literature on CCS emanating mainly from economic geography, socioeconomics and institutional economics, uses alternative methodology. To evaluate the impact of CCSs, the authors adopt quantitative and qualitative criteria, the relevance of which is tied to forms and objectives that are proper to each monetary system. The indicators of assessment and the criteria adopted are heterogeneous, and as there is no standardized assessment tool common to all authors it is by no means easy to compare the various monetary experiments. This also stems from the emergence of research on CCSs that entails envisaging a great diversity of possible results without having adopted a comprehensive interpretative grid, as a closed grid of this sort would act as a barrier to the inflow of information from work going on in the field. We can, however, mention some indicators. The impact of CCSs can be measured by their ability to avoid financial and economic exclusion (Williams, 1996b). Two criteria are usually adopted for this: direct creation of jobs at local level, and increase in economic, social and human capital held by individuals in situations of exclusion. Seyfang (2003) selected as a criterion for measuring escapes from social exclusion the ability of CCS to enable users to assert their rights as citizens: social rights (integration into networks, bonds of reciprocity), economic rights (having an income; receiving recognition in work; consuming; saving), and political rights (participating in public and associative decision-making). Fare (2011) prefers three multi-dimensional criteria: territorialisation of activities (localisation of exchanges, creation of social links, participation in democratic process); intensification of the dynamics of exchange (development of access to credit, empowerment, struggle against poverty), and change in practices, lifestyles and social representations (responsible consumption, ecological citizenship, making organisations responsible, valorising the capacities of each and everyone, and collective empowerment). In the case of those CCSs that only have social aims, the main impact criterion adopted is the ability of the CCS to create social bonds of mutual aid and solidarity, using the Granovetter analytical grid that represents bonds as either strong or weak (Nakazato and Hiramoto, 2012). Their impact on the fight against social inequalities - and in particular inequalities that are gender-based - has also been measured (Bogani and Parysow, 2005; Lenzi, 2006).
10Whatever the criteria adopted to measure impacts, on the whole the individual-level surveys indicate that the impact of CCSs on local economic activity is slight when assessed in macroeconomic terms. This has been confirmed by Michel and Hudon (2015) in their impact survey. The absence of a marked impact can be explained in part by the fact that the CCSs concerned involved only low numbers of users and small volumes of activity (usually a few hundred to a few thousand users per CCS: see Table 2). Most CCSs involve relatively few people, with one notable exception, however: the Argentine barter clubs, which at one time involved 2.5 million people (Gomez, 2009). Seyfang and Longhurst (2013b) describe these monetary schemes as socio-technical niches: local grassroots innovations springing from citizens' initiatives experimenting with alternative lifestyles and sustainable practices. They can be considered "small-scale". When the size of these experiments is too small, however, their impacts remain marginal on the dynamics of local economies, as is shown in Krohn and Snyder or in Aldrige et al. (2003), who deal with LETS in the UK. Even in the case of Argentina - the largest in terms of the number of users and volume of transactions - Colacelli and Blackburn (2009) found that the barter clubs enabled Argentina's gross domestic product to grow by only 0,6% in 2002. The impact of CCSs on economic dynamics is also influenced by the conditions under which money circulates. Furthermore, Kurita, Miyazaki and Nishibe (2012), in a study of coupons in Japan, have shown that the degree of knowledge of a currency has a forceful impact on its circulation. Similarly, according to McBurnie (2012), there is a positive correlation between the awareness of its benefits and the desire to use a currency. This leads us to infer that action has been taken to make non-users aware of the alternative system with a view to expanding the population of CCS users. As far as conventional economics is concerned – an approach that usually operates on a far grander scale – the limited scale of the CCS is problematic: these monetary systems are apparently judged too insignificant to make much difference to the overall economy.
11CCSs confront conventional economics with a second kind of problem: the difficulty of justifying their use in market economies.
12According to this approach, money is defined as a universal medium of exchange accepted by everyone and without costs in a given geographic area. This is its value. It constitutes a promise of goods to its holder. Money is thought of as an invention of the market economy aimed at moving beyond barter. In the beginning there was barter, then money appeared: a means of solving the famous problem of the double coincidence of needs. The fable of the double coincidence of needs is one of the classic explanations of the emergence of money. It crops up as early as 1776 (Smith 1995), and then in 1892 (Menger), and persists implicitly today in models of pure monetary theory (Kiyotaki and Wright, 1993), despite a broad consensus among historians, anthropologists, heterodox economists, and sociologists of money refuting this imaginary genesis (Aglietta and Orléan, 1998; Davies, 1994; Ingham 2000, 2002; Testard, 2001). This monetary genesis is totally in line with their theoretical conception of money. If money is defined as a pure economic object, as an instrument of exchange, then its genesis stems from a purely functional model: as there is a logistical problem to solve, the device to solve it will be invented accordingly (Ould Ahmed, 2010). In this perspective, the emergence of alternative currencies is understood in terms of currency substitution, of competition between currencies to become the universal means of payment. The substitution of currencies stems from a theoretical conception of money that is based on the postulate of its fungibility, money being seen as a universal means of payment, with no unit bearing any sign that could distinguish it from another of the same value. The use of one currency rather than another is therefore simply the result of optimal monetary arbitrages by agents in terms of yield or of the transactional costs entailed in the use of alternative currencies.
4 For a historical approach to monetary experiments of the 19th century, see North (2007).
13However, the creation and development of CCSs cannot be grasped within this theoretical conception of money. On the one hand, if one analyses the reasons for which CCSs have come into being, these particular monetary arrangements are not the result of arbitrage on the basis of the comparative transaction costs and yields of different currencies; their emergence is not linked solely either to the problem of liquidity shortage of the official currency or to a monetary crisis that could have led to recourse to alternative currencies. This latter type of explanation does hold, however, for the first local monetary experiments of the 19th and early 20th century4. At the time, local currencies usually corresponded to emergencies, appearing during periods of war, monetary crisis or cash-flow difficulties, and disappearing when the monetary and economic conjuncture improved or when the public authorities prohibited their circulation (as in the cases of the Wära, the Valor and the Wörgl). As of the 1990s, however, this was no longer the only explanatory factor involved. Agents' motivations were not exclusively monetary in nature; they also entertained economic, social and/or environmental objectives (Fare, 2011; Seyfang and Longhurst, 2013a). This was the case for example with the local currencies of Transition Towns in the UK, set up with a view to transforming and re-localising sectors such as energy, healthcare, farming, and business – in order to make the territory more resilient and better able to cope with climate change and peak oil.
14On the other hand, in view of their limited functional properties, the use capacity of CCSs in the world of trade is narrow limited in time and restricted to certain types of commodity exchanges. CCSs do not resemble money that is accepted by all concerned parties and is cost-free in the such-and such a geographical area. They are more like "special" purpose currencies, in the terminology of Polanyi (1957). With the development of complementary currencies we see the emergence of heterogeneous forms of money (Ingham, 2001, 2004), and in particular a plurality of territorially confined means of payment with delimited social uses. In this way, money should produce and serve determinate objectives and values (ecological, social, non-capitalist, etc.) claimed by a local market community.
15In the first place, they have territorial limits: they can be used only in specific geographical regions. They can also be limited to particular communities (Blanc, 2002): the circulation and value of currencies have to be validated by voluntary adherents of the systems. The community or association in question has to be set up for the sake of the money, which is created by a citizens' movement (Blanc, 2013). Furthermore, some currencies are used by specific actors. Some initiatives, for example in France, local currencies (the Abeille, the Mesure, the SOL Violette, etc.) promote the direct consumption of socio-economic partners who respect social and environmental criteria that have been incorporated into a charter, following the application of selection criteria (Blanc and Fare, 2016). Although these charters often appear as banners, they affirm the values and the symbolic universe of the payment community. The purchasing power of these currencies can be narrowed still further by rules of usage and mechanisms of monetary issuing and regulation. Most CCSs in circulation are not legally convertible into official currencies (Table 1). Local currencies (often in paper or electronic form), however, assume a possibility of conversion, in particular because they integrate into the circuit enterprises producing and distributing goods and services. A fixed relation of equivalence is set up to link the local to the national currency, and both can be used at any given time. It is possible to enter into the local system from the national one by converting one currency into the other; but exit from the system is not always possible; when it is, it reserved for professionals; penalties (in the form of a conversion tax) are attached to exit, in order to limit the risk of mass sell-offs of the local money (e.g. the Brixton Pound in UK, the Abeille in France).
16Moreover, there are limits to the complementary currencies use in space, but this is not all. Some CCSs have time limits to their validity. Money can carry a demurrage fee, according to a principle devised by the economist Silvio Gesell (1958): its face value decreases regularly (over three to six months), and can be restored only by adding a complement (affixing a stamp that has to be purchased). Conservation fees can thus be attached to the money in order to encourage circulation and discourage accumulation. Money becomes perishable, "like goods and labour" (Gesell, 1958, p. 215). This monetary theory was encouraged by Keynes in The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (book 6, note 23) during the US great Depression. Local currencies based on a system of stamped notes (subject to a cost of demurrage, and depreciating with time) were inaugurated by the Wära that circulated in 1930 in Schwanenkirchen (Germany), followed by the Wörgl in Austria in 1931, the "Valor" in France in 1933, and the Stamp Scrip in the USA, also in 1933 (under the influence of the economist Irving Fisher5). Later, in France during the 1950s, a system of local vouchers was developed in Lignières-en-Berry and in Marans; very much later, in Argentina, in some currencies used by barter clubs; and, as of the new millennium, in Germany, in regional currencies (such as the Chiemgauer); and, last but not least, the Stroud pound, launched in the UK in 2009 (Scott Cato and Suárez, 2012), and in France in local currencies (for example the Abeille).
17A regime of monetary plurality consists in a diversity of units of account and means of payment within a given space (defined in terms of markets and territories). The development of CCSs has set up a particular regime of monetary plurality, characterised by the coexistence of official and community currencies used in compartmentalised commercial spaces that though distinct from one another are nonetheless inter-related. Having briefly revisited monetary approaches that are able to apprehend monetary plurality regimes, we will now examine the limits of these regimes in accounting for the particular case that interests us in this article.
18We have examined in synthesis the way in which the main contemporary economic theories account for – or fail to account for – the regimes of monetary plurality (Blanc et al., 2017). Three sets of approaches have been identified. The first set makes no allowance whatever for monetary plurality. Only State money is perceived as real money, and only the official authorities can issue it. No unofficial means of payment circulating in a territory governed by State authorities can be recognised as money (Lerner, 1947). This is the case in particular with the Chartalist school, following the work of Knapp (1924). Monetarism also reserves for the State alone the right to issue money. If the neutrality of money is to be guaranteed and inflation controlled, money – or rather, the money supply – cannot be allowed to come from a private source. Monetary plurality constitutes a violation of sovereign rights, and alternative currencies are simply forgeries (Wray, 1998).
19A second set of theories recognises a plurality of issuers and of instruments of trade. The space provided is nonetheless conditional: the unit of account must be unique. On the question of the unit of account, however, there are two very different approaches, not only to monetary organisation, but also to economics in general. Post-Keynesianism, post-Marxism and the French Regulation School (Aglietta and Orléan, 2002; Théret, 2008) see monetary plurality as a characteristic of the monetary economy of production. They reject the hypothesis of an exclusive right of the State to issue currency, and recognise a plurality of private issuers (e.g. banks, and even enterprises), who put into circulation a diversity of means of payment (i.e. of private debts). Nonetheless, to enjoy the status of money, these private debts must conform to the monetary rule, i.e. prove their capacity for conversion into the official currency. Approaches of this type are based on a conception of monetary and banking systems as hierarchies over which preside the official currency (the unique unit of account) and the official monetary system. Monetary plurality is seen as an expression of the plurality of instruments of trade, with levels of acceptance (liquidity) that vary (a factor in times of crisis), and/or with varying yields. If these alternative currencies are not convertible, the plurality is seen as a pathology of the monetary system. According to another approach, and in particular to some cash-in-advance models (particularly Sturzenegger, 1992) and search models (Kiyotaki and Wright, 1993; Kocherlakota and Krueger, 1999), monetary plurality is seen as a result of optimal selection by rational economic agents. This operation is framed in a decentralised economy regulated by competition between markets, with money being treated as an instrument of exchange. Simultaneous circulation of different instruments of trade (e.g. fiat money, national currency, foreign currency, interest-bearing check accounts, commodity money, credit cards, and so forth) is seen as problematic, as the currencies are not perfectly interchangeable and have different yields and degrees of acceptability.
20The last set of approaches takes a normative view in advocating monetary plurality. These approaches presuppose the existence of a decentralised market and perfect competition. Examples are Mengerian theories of money (Free Banking; the competitive fiat money model) and monetary theories that integrate financial economics [New Monetary Economics initiated by Black (1970) and Fama (1980)]. Monetary functions are no longer carried out by a single currency; the unit of account is issued either by the central bank (in Free Banking and the competitive fiat money model) or by the market (NME); it is not linked to the plurality of competing bank currencies that serve as instruments of business, the value of which is determined by the market (the financial market in the case of NME). Competitive fiat money models (Hayek, 1978; Klein, 1974) go even further than this, supposing in addition a plurality of units of account: banks have their own trademarks and issue their own scrip as a means of payment. Monetary plurality is analysed as an optimal arrangement that is nonetheless subject to the existence of a unique or common unit of account that regulates the system. NME and the competitive fiat money models envisage regulation by the market only, and reject all rules of convertibility applicable to private moneys on conversion into the central currency. A central currency is nonetheless recognised to guarantee the stability of the system, in the case of competitive flat money. NME sets up competition between private banking currencies treated as (interest-bearing) financial assets, and inter-bank settlements are channelled through clearing houses. Free Banking (Selgin and White, 1994), does not reject centralisation of inter-bank compensation operations and the need to convert one by one private bank currencies into a central public currency (the single unit of account).
21Monetary plurality approaches mark out the limits of possibility as far as the issuer of money is concerned, at the same time as the legal status of the currency itself, the relationship between different currencies within a single space, and the regulation of the monetary system as a whole. We shall now explain why CCS can only be problematic to the hypothetical, theoretical and normative thinking in these approaches.
22As to the issuer, first of all these theories recognise only two types: the State and banks (but also sometimes, though rarely, enterprises). CCSs, however, are issued by none of the above, but by actors who belong to civil society. Monetary specialists presumably greet monetary initiatives of this sort with a sceptical smile; they see money as a mere tool, supposedly technical; its creation and management are matters for technical experts and legitimate official institutions. Creation of money by actors of civil society is a breach of the traditional practice of monetary sovereignty and of the legal status of national currencies, always held in law to be sovereign and exclusive. National and supra-national monetary systems today appear always to be characterised by a unitary conception of money and a hierarchical organisation headed by a central issuing authority ensuring the convertibility of private currencies into the central currency and ensuring the stability of the system. Historically, however, the conception of money as homogeneous and unique has at times been challenged. This conception has not always corresponded incontrovertibly to reality. Considerations of this sort, however, have always remained largely marginal; reminders by the central sovereignty seem to have sufficed to discourage temptations to dissidence. This is why CCSs invite all stakeholders in the economy to question their own roles and positions, and to reflect on the part that could possibly be played by complementary monetary schemes6. What impact would complementary schemes have on the issues raised by the organisation of today's societies (democratisation, new sources of wealth, new values, commons, preservation of resources, transition/transformation of behaviour patterns and levels of awareness, etc.)? Studies on CCS in the political economy of money, and a number of case studies (Argentine barter clubs, SEL in France, LETS in UK, Green Money in Hungary, Green dollars in New Zealand, etc), show that CCSs can play a part in re-territorialising the sphere of politics by creating new spaces for a contestation and liberation of the monetary order (Laacher, 2003; North, 2007; Ould Ahmed, 2009). CCSs can be seen as social organisations with political aims, their objective being to construct, by means of collective action, new economic and social bonds that respect new values rather than the prevalent capitalist norms. In these new systems, the bonds formed between participants are not merely social; they are also "politicised", as Laacher (2003) has rightly pointed out. In most cases these bonds are established outside conventional political structures, representatives and spaces (Ould Ahmed 2014). However, it is above all the leaders and organisers of these CCSs who experience the political component as such; the rank-and-file users' expectations are more practical, both materially and symbolically.
23A second characteristic of money is its status. Monetary theories are based on the idea that the status of money is part of law. Only State money and the official means of payment are recognised as real money. Recognition of the monetary nature of private bank currencies is conditional (according to the theory concerned) on the convertibility of the private currency into other currencies and/or into the State currency. Money is recognised as money by its legality and convertibility. As CCSs exist in a legal vacuum, as is often the case, they do not enjoy legal recognition as money and as legal tender. Absence of legal recognition, however, has not precluded, in some cases, recognition of their social utility (e.g. the case of community development banks in Brazil, which are recognised as instruments that can be used in the struggle against poverty and exclusion). Their legal framework is currently being worked out or is at least being discussed. For example, in 2013, the French supervisory authority on banking and insurance officialised its position on French complementary currency systems, indicating the legal framework that it intended applying to them7; some currencies have been recognized and incorporated into the law on the social and solidarity economy (this is the case in France since 2014). Discussions of the same sort are in progress elsewhere, in particular in Belgium and the UK, and are advancing at various rates. For the time being, however, there is no regulatory framework into which they fit or that recognises their specificity (Blanc and Fare, 2013).
24Most of these currencies have not been recognised by official monetary institutions, whether private or public. They are not officially convertible into either private (i.e. bank) or public (State) currencies. Not being recognised as part of the official monetary system, most of these arrangements are not subject to supervision and regulation by the central banks of their respective countries. Lacking convertibility into other currencies of any sort (community, bank, national, foreign exchange), their existence is usually tenuous. Their purchasing power as we have seen is restricted to the community space in which they circulate. An exception should nonetheless be pointed out: that of local currencies that in fact are convertible into private bank currencies and, are also apparently in some cases subject to supervision by the central authorities. Their capacity for conversion, however, does not flow from a legal obligation but from organisational options taken at the time of their inception.
26A socio-economic and institutional approach to money seems more helpful in revealing the nature, logics and impact of the complementary monetary practices. Research on this specific perspective started out in the field of economic geography and subsequently moved towards those of socioeconomics and institutional economics. They reject the reductive conception of money as merely a universal means of payment. Money is defined as a fundamental social institution of all societies: the institution that enables people to settle debts thanks to the practices of accounting and payment.
27This presupposes on the one hand that a specific method is adopted for evaluating impacts in conducting field surveys that use such methods of sociology and anthropology as participatory observation8 or qualitative field surveys9.
28This methodological pluralism makes it possible to mobilise methods and tools that are proper to the research that is under way or are shared with other disciplines (quantitative and qualitative, using individual and/or collective interviews and surveys based on questionnaires). This combined methodology helps to reveal the multidimensional nature, the specific logics and the implications of CCSs. A perspective of this sort is incompatible with the classic economic view of money as a "natural", neutral element in the economic process, and gives pride of place to money viewed as a social construction. It mobilises a comprehensive set of tools, starting out with an observation of monetary practices, and progressively formulating theoretical concepts and elaborating them on the basis of experience. This orients research towards the production of highly contextualised primary data generated directly in the actual practice of fieldwork. Sociological and anthropological methods are necessary for the proper evaluation of many CCS, especially those that aim to create social bonds of mutual aid and solidarity. As a result, impact studies of CCSs give precedence to the analysis of social utility (Defourny and Nyssens, 2008), in order to deepen the grasp and understanding of CCSs.
29On the other hand, these approaches highlight the fact that money is the common medium or expression of the value that a community returns to each of its members in the form of an act of payment corresponding to that which is deemed to have accrued to the community from the member's activity (Aglietta et al., 2016; Aglietta and Orléan, 1998). By obtaining complementary currency in return for the trade of goods or services, a member obtains purchasing power in this community. This means that constraints on the validity of these currencies can, seen from this point of view, be interpreted as advantages.
30Indeed, seen from the point of view of a local economy, their local validity can be advantageous. In the restricted territory in which they are used, these currencies can have a beneficial effect on local economies, affecting them in an endogenous manner (consumption taking place inside a local monetary and territorial space; creation of resources and of new outlets and of jobs), and thereby promoting a new development model, based on local producers or enterprises and extra-economic values. The combination between microcredit and local currency, as in the Brazilian experiment, constitutes a particularly powerful development tool by financing productive activities inside the territory and improving the local supply. Use of a local and territorial currency can also strengthen local community links and local identity, as for example the community development banks do in Brazil (Neiva et al., 2013; Fare et al., 2015). Under certain conditions a setup of this sort can increase or improve the territorial economic effects of CCSs. Local authorities can play a decisive role here (Blanc and Fare, 2013a). Recognition of the social utility of CCSs by public authorities and economic decision-makers could increase their potential influence on the entire socio-economic system. For example, local authorities could accept the payment of public services and of local taxes in local currencies (this is already the case with the Bristol Pound in the UK, to take one example). When they are combined with other mechanisms and instruments used by the local authorities and their partners, the leverage effect of CCSs also increases by connecting up the logics and tools stemming from the social and solidarity economy (the "third sector") and applying them to social and economic development. Nevertheless, unlike CCSs that have economic objectives, those that have social aims do not seek to expand their scale of application. This is the case in particular with the French SEL (Laacher, 2003; Servet, 1999), with Time banks (Seyfang, 2004), with Accorderie (Fare, 2012) and also with some Japanese local currency systems, the chiiki tsûka (Hirota, 2006; Nakazato and Hiramoto, 2012).
31Last but not least, an institutional approach to money enables us to conceive of monetary plurality regimes and to interpret this plurality in terms of subsidiarity (Fare, 2017) rather than competition. Indeed, the qualitative criteria for conversion and the differentiation inherent in CCSs invalidate the hypothesis of pure fungibility of money (Blanc, 2008). This leads us to prefer a theoretical approach that allows for complementarities, and even for subsidiarity in monetary matters instead of restricting the relationship to one of competition (Fare, 2011). In the matter of sustainable territorial development, Fare (2011, 2017) investigated the conditions affecting the establishment and acceptability of CCS and their appropriate scale, suggesting a monetary design based on subsidiarity in this particular context of monetary plurality, i.e. subsidiarity based on the implementation of monetary schemes at the lowest relevant level. This amounted, finally, to pressing the principle of complementarities to its limit, determining for each currency (taking account of the relevant objectives according to each model of CCS) a single and singular scale for deployment in the framework of rejuvenated territorial governance. The diversity of scheme makes it possible to think of possible complementarity between these currencies so as to satisfy the objectives of sustainable territorial development. Subsidiary currencies thus seek to implement democratically a specific currency at each relevant level and at the best decision-making level for achieving the objectives assigned to them in the perspective of answering the challenges of sustainable local development. Boïk (2014) also suggests using a first-in-class micro-simulation model of a local-national currency system based on the principle of monetary subsidiarity within the framework of LEDDA (Local Economic Direct Democracy Association). LEDDA economic direct democracy is a local, parallel economic system that synthesizes a host of local, open, and participatory approaches to make them scalable, efficient, secure, stable, and user-friendly.
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1 As Lietaer et al., (2010) we use the term of "conventional economic thought" which assumes that the monopoly of fiat national currency is an unquestionable given and therefore which ignores monetary plurality.
5 During the US Great depression in the 1930s, Fisher proposed to set up this kind of monetary rule to Roosevelt (but he didn't convince him) (Gatch, 2012).
6 For an analysis of considerations underpinning the right of non-governmental actors to create new currencies, see in particular Dodd (2014).
8 It's a method stemming from anthropological practice, which favours direct observation by the researcher of practices, and takes time and place into account in the researchers' observations.
9 "Spot" studies, discontinuous but repeated, focused on the life-trajectories of actors (by means of semi-directive surveys and interviews, statistics) stemming from anthropology and qualitative sociology.


text:
Девід Барстоу (; 21 січня 1963, Бостон) — американський журналіст. Він виграв чотири Пулітцерівські премії, починаючи з 2005 року, всі вони пов'язані з його роботою з The New York Times, і був триразовим фіналістом Пулітцерівської премії в 1990-х роках, під час звітів для «Tampa Bay Times».

Життя і робота
Народився в Бостоні, в 1986 році отримав ступінь бакалавра в Школі журналістики Меділь у Північно-західному університеті . Барстоу працював у The New York Times з 1999 року, і з 2002 року є журналістом-слідчим.

Девід працював у «Tampa Bay Times» у Флориді, де був фіналістом трьох репортерських Пулітцерівських премій: підсумкові новини у 1997 році, розслідування у 1998 році і пояснювальна журналістика в 1998 році (тепер вона називається пояснювальною звітністю).

«Нью-Йорк таймс» виграла Пулітцерівську премію за публічну діяльність у 2004 році, посилаючись на «роботу Девіда Барстоу і Лоуелла Бергмана, які невпинно розглядали смерть і травми серед американських робітників та звинувачували роботодавців у порушеннях основних правил безпеки».

У 2009 році Барстоу завоював Пулітцерівську премію за розслідувальні звіти під час роботи у «Таймс», — за «його наполегливу звітність, яка показала, що деякі пенсіонери, працюючи на радіо та телебаченні, співпрацювали з Пентагоном і деякі з них також мали нерозголошені зв'язки з компаніями, які отримували користь від політики, яку вони захищали».

Однією з трьох історій, поданих для Пулітцерівської премії, був дослідницький репортаж «Машина повідомлень: телевізійна аналітика, прихована рука Пентагону» (20 квітня 2008 року). Барстоу повідомив, що Міністерство оборони набрало понад 75 військовослужбовців у відставці, деякі з них мали нерозголошені зв'язки з оборонними підрядниками, і з'являлися на головних каналах у новинах як військові аналітики, коментуючи війну в Іраку на їхню користь. Він писав: «Записи та інтерв'ю показують, як адміністрація Буша використовувала свій контроль над доступом до інформації, щоб перетворити аналітиків на свого роду медіа-троянського коня — інструмент, призначений для формування тероризму з головних телевізійних і радіомереж.» Незважаючи на те, що Пентагон спочатку оприлюднив заяву, що відновлює цю програму, представники офісу генерального інспектора Пентагону пізніше заявили, що вона має певні недоліки, і заява була знята.

Барстоу і Alejandra Xanic von Bertrab поділили Пулітцерівську премію за розслідувальні звіти та премію Gerald Loeb за розслідувальну бізнес-журналістику (розкриття справи, як Wal-Mart використовував хабарництво для того, щоб домінувати на ринку в Мексиці).

За його репортажі в «Нью-Йорк Таймс» про те, як майбутній президент Дональд Трамп і його сім'я уникали сплачувати приблизно півмільярда доларів податків, Барстоу поділив Пулітцерівською премією 2019 за пояснювальну звітність з Сюзанною Крейг і Рус Бютнер.

Історія прихованих рук
Коли доповідь Барстоу була надрукована, стверджуючи, що деякі пенсіонери, які працювали в якості телевізійних аналітиків у прямих ефірах, були таємно обрані Пентагоном, щоб висвітлити своє бачення щодо війни в Іраку, більшість тих же американських телевізійних мереж не змогли назвати ім'я Барстоу в своїх новинах або говорити про його розслідування. Проте після того, як Девід Барстоу виграв Пулітцерівську премію, він висловив думку, що його історія спричинила певні покращення в практиці телерадіомереж.

Бібліографія

Список літератури

Посилання
 Біографія  в The New York Times

Журналісти-розслідувачі

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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Welcome to the ESE Student Zone. Here you can find useful information about what to expect during your stay at ESE in Malta.
The ESE Student Zone aims to provide you with all the information you will need from the day you book your English language course till the day you return home. Log in to do your Placement Test, access our e-Learning programme or find out more about the school and the island of Malta.
On arrival at the Malta International Airport, you will be greeted in the public area of the Arrivals Lounge by a member of the ESE staff. Please look for the ESE logo to the left as you enter into the Arrivals Lounge.
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The Placement test is available to all ESE students and can either be done on line at least 14 days before the course start date or on your first day at ESE. To do your test on line you will need a username and password which are sent to you by your agent or ESE, depending on who you book your course with. Visit our placement test page for more information.
ESE e-Learning is offered to all ESE adult and group students and is available for FREE for three months from course start date.
The ESE e-Learning is an online learning system and study portal. A personal Study Plan adapts to the pace and capability of individuals and lessons expose you, the student, to a range of relevant and authentic online material. By following this Study Plan on line you may start practising and learning English for three months from course start date. You can get extra practice during school and can follow your Study Plan from the comfort of your home. The ESE e-Learning is a support tool directing you to the right material, giving access to supplementary learning sessions whenever you want and wherever you happen to be.
You may also purchase additional time after this period of free access to ESE e-Learning.
Your username and password are the same as those required to do your placement test.


text:
is a syllable in Javanese script that represents the sound /ʈɔ/, /ʈa/. It is transliterated to Latin as "tha", and sometimes in Indonesian orthography as "tho". It has another form (pasangan), which is , but represented by a single Unicode code point, U+A99B.

Pasangan
Its pasangan form , is located on the bottom side of the previous syllable.

Murda
The letter ꦛ doesn't have a murda form.

Mahaprana
Mahaprana letters were originally aspirated consonants used in Sanskrit and Kawi transliterations. However, there are no aspirated consonants in modern Javanese.
The mahaprana form of  is .

Glyphs

Unicode block

Javanese script was added to the Unicode Standard in October, 2009 with the release of version 5.2.

See also
 Ṭa (Indic)

References

Javanese script


text:
package com.dubture.symfony.ui.contentassist;

import org.eclipse.core.runtime.IProgressMonitor;
import org.eclipse.dltk.core.CompletionProposal;
import org.eclipse.dltk.core.IScriptProject;
import org.eclipse.dltk.core.ModelException;
import org.eclipse.dltk.ui.text.completion.MemberProposalInfo;

import com.dubture.symfony.core.log.Logger;
import com.dubture.symfony.core.model.Service;
import com.dubture.symfony.ui.utils.HTMLUtils;

/**
 *
 *
 *
 * @author Robert Gruendler <r.gruendler@gmail.com>
 *
 */
public class ServiceProposalInfo extends MemberProposalInfo {

	public ServiceProposalInfo(IScriptProject project,
			CompletionProposal proposal) {
		super(project, proposal);

	}

	@Override
	public String getInfo(IProgressMonitor monitor) {

		try {
			return HTMLUtils.service2Html((Service) getModelElement());
		} catch (ModelException e) {
			Logger.logException(e);
			return "";
		}
	}
}

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaGithub