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How to Solve the Opioid Epidemic
The worst drug overdose crisis in American history shows no sign of slowing, despite growing public awareness.
More than 50,000 Americans died from drug overdoses in 2015—the most ever. Nearly two-thirds of the deaths were linked to opioids such as OxyContin, Percocet, heroin, and fentanyl.
Drug overdoses are now killing more people than during past heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine epidemics. The 33,091 opioid related deaths in 2015 represents a fourfold increase since 1999. Nearly half of those deaths involved a prescription opioid.
Efforts are underway that could finally produce a breakthrough in the crisis.
Every day, news headlines speak to the deepening opioid crisis. In Eerie County, New York, there were ten opioid deaths during a single week in April. Fifty people recently died in a single day from a batch of heroin in Philadelphia, where 900 people are projected to die from opioids this year. Hennepin County, Minnesota experienced a nearly 60 percent jump in opioid deaths from 2015 to 2016. In Palm Beach County, Florida, opioid overdose deaths nearly doubled in 2016. Colorado saw 56 homicides in 2016, compared to 442 opioid-related deaths.
Our country desperately needs new solutions for this unprecedented public health crisis. Initiatives such as more drug treatment and increasing access to overdose antidotes—while helpful—ignore the role of Big Pharma, which every year floods the market with enough painkillers to provide every U.S. adult with a bottleful. They also ignore the role of prescribing patterns on chronic opioid use.
Many experts believe that a three-pronged approach involving opioid addiction prevention and treatment—as well as pain pill supply control—is needed.
Efforts on the local, state, and national levels are currently underway that could finally produce a breakthrough in the crisis. They include lawsuits against prescription opioid manufacturers and distributors, a special opioid commission created by President Donald Trump, a congressional investigation, and new state laws.
The Challenges of Opioid Litigation
Lawsuits against opioid manufacturers such as Purdue Pharma (maker of OxyContin) have been an uphill battle.
The U.S. opioids market is expected to reach $17.7 billion by 2021.
Big Pharma's deep pockets and cozy relationship with government make it a powerful adversary. The U.S. market for opioids is worth more than $11 billion and is expected to reach $17.7 billion by 2021. Opioid makers' huge profits have allowed them to stack the regulatory deck in their favor and hire high-powered legal teams that include former government insiders.
And even though the actions of opioid makers seem indefensible, pharmaceutical companies have successfully invoked sound legal defenses in many of cases they've faced. The stigma surrounding opioid addiction is yet another factor working in drugmakers' favor.
Individual Lawsuits
Arguing before the Philadelphia Court of Common Pleas in February, Judge Frederica Massiah-Jackson told an attorney (who was trying to convince her that the opioid industry was responsible for his client's overdose death), "I'm not as sympathetic to this whole opiate thing. When it was cocaine and heroin there wasn't all of this."
Judge Massiah-Jackson added, "Find some legal arguments for me."
Unfortunately, the legal arguments often favor opioid manufacturers. A review of cases against Purdue Pharma published in the West Virginia Law Review found that Purdue won most individual plaintiff lawsuits at the summary judgment level by claiming lack of causation, misuse, wrongful conduct, or expiration of the statute of limitations.
Product liability law is the typical recourse for pharmaceutical-related harm. But arguments that OxyContin and other opioid medications are defectively manufactured, defectively designed, or defectively marketed are a tough sell.
Manufacturing defect means that the product is not made to specification. While such opioid cases have succeeded, they're usually limited to a particular opioid product or batch that doesn't work the way it's supposed to.
Lawsuits Seek Justice for Opioid Epidemic
Design defect claims—in particular, arguments related to higher strength opioid pills having an excessive drug dose, lack of antagonistic (euphoria-suppressing) formulations, and the ability of users to bypass time-release mechanisms (by, for example, crushing the drugs and snorting or injecting them)—are more feasible. However, when opioid patients misuse or alter the drugs, which commonly occurs among patients who've become opioid addicts, manufacturers can use patients' behavior as a defense.
Failure to warn claims have been mostly unsuccessful because many opioid pill inserts warn about the drugs' potential toxicity, addictiveness, and potential for abuse. In addition, the "learned intermediary" doctrine followed in many states—whereby the physician serves as the gatekeeper between drugmaker and patient—breaks the chain of causation and provides legal cover for manufacturers.
Drugmakers' aggressive marketing allowed them to alter prescribing patterns and turn drugs like OxyContin into blockbusters.
Also instrumental to opioid makers' legal successes is that they've done relatively little direct-to-consumer advertising, instead targeting physicians in an attempt to alter their prescribing habits. Purdue, in fact, engaged in no direct-to-consumer advertising. This strengthens the physician's role as a learned intermediary and shields drugmakers from failure to warn and other marketing claims.
But while manufacturers' aggressive (and, many argue, false and misleading) marketing allowed them to fundamentally alter opioid prescribing patterns and turn drugs like OxyContin into blockbusters, their tactics have produced legal consequences.
Opioid Class Actions
Class action lawsuits brought by opioid users against drug companies remain a possibility, but they too have failed to gain traction.
Class action lawsuits must receive certification before they can proceed. Certification is based on several requirements; failure to meet any of the requirements results in the case not being certified.
Perhaps most troublesome has been the "commonality" requirement that says there must be a legal or factual question common to all class members. Courts have supported drugmakers' assertion that questions regarding class members' medical histories, the factual circumstances of their addiction, and whether drug companies misrepresented opioids or inappropriately promoted them could only be determined on an individual—not a class-wide—basis.
State Lawsuits
Government legal action against opioid manufacturers has been much more successful than individual and class action lawsuits, although some of the settlements reached are seen as disappointments.
Parens patriae lawsuits—cases in which the state asserts its standing to sue to protect its "quasi-sovereign" interests, such as its interests in the wellbeing of its residents—have effectively allowed state officials to bypass the individual claims requirements that have hampered other lawsuits by naming the state itself as the injured party and seeking damages that can replenish welfare, healthcare, justice, and other social systems stressed by rampant opioid addiction.
Kentucky settled with Purdue Pharma in 2015 for $24 million.
Liability theories also differ in parens patriae cases. For example, they often include public nuisance claims. Public nuisance laws were originally designed to allow the demolition of run-down buildings that threatened the community's safety.
The state of West Virginia and Pike County, Kentucky settled parens patriae cases with Purdue Pharma for $10 million (2004) and $4 million (2013), respectively. Pike County used the settlement money to expand a drug rehabilitation facility.
Non-parens patriae state lawsuits have made inroads against opioid makers as well.
In 2007, Purdue Pharma settled with 26 states and the District of Columbia for $20 million for unlawfully marketing OxyContin. The multi-state class action lawsuit was inspired by the West Virginia settlement and alleged that Purdue misbranded OxyContin as "less addictive, less subject to abuse and diversion, and less likely to cause tolerance and withdrawal than other pain medications."
While a $20 million settlement might seem like a big win, an assistant attorney general in the case expressed "tremendous buyer's remorse" that the case did not settle for more money or lead to substantive changes in opioid prescribing patterns. Indeed, the opioid epidemic has only deepened over the last decade.
Kentucky refused a $500,000 offer in the case, fought for more money, and in 2015 settled with Purdue for $24 million. Former Kentucky Attorney General Greg Stumbo, who filed the 2007 lawsuit, believes the case could be worth $1 billion if it ever reached a jury. But accepting the settlement suggests that the Attorney General's lawyers had doubts about a win at trial.
(Click below for page 2.)
Federal Lawsuits
Federal law enforcement has had its own struggles holding opioid makers accountable.
Beginning in 2011, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) began putting together a case against Mallinckrodt Pharmaceuticals, a major manufacturer of generic oxycodone, for violating laws meant to prevent diversion of legal pain pills to the black market. It was the largest prescription drug case the DEA has ever pursued, spanning six years and five states.
Mallinckrodt's legal team included a former federal prosecutor and a former associate chief counsel for the DEA.
Mallinckrodt, prosecutors contended, manufactured 500 million oxycodone pills between 2008 and 2012 that ended up in Florida—two-thirds of all oxycodone sold in the state over that period—and ignored its responsibility to report suspicious orders.
A single distributor in 2010 sent 41 million of Mallinckrodt's oxycodone pills to Florida, records show, or enough to give every man, woman and child in Florida 2.5 pills. A single physician received more than 92,000 oxycodone pills from the distributor over 11 months. He prescribed 1,000 pills to a patient in just one day—an amount worth $30,000 on the street.
Based on these findings, the DEA stepped up its investigation into Mallinckrodt and pushed for a civil conspiracy charge that could have resulted in $2.3 billion in fines. Mallinckrodt assembled a legal team that consisted of a former federal prosecutor and a former associate chief counsel for the DEA's diversion division.
In the end, no legal action was taken against Mallinckrodt. It has reportedly agreed to pay a $35 million fine and admit to no wrongdoing.
One government official called the fine "chump change" for a company that had $3.4 billion in revenue last year.
Another official said the settlement was about more than money and that it will "put the industry on notice."
Drug Distributor Lawsuits
Aside from targeting opioid manufacturers directly, states have had success going after the drug distributor middlemen that supply pharmacies with drug companies' opioids.
Wholesaler McKesson Corporation finalized a $150 million Justice Department settlement in early 2017 for failure to monitor and report suspicious opioid sales. The settlement stemmed from a 2008 government case for similar violations.
West Virginia, which has the highest opioid overdose rate in the country, is pursuing its own cases against opioid distributors. State Attorney General Patrick Morrisey filed suit against McKesson in January 2016 for failing to stop massive painkiller shipments. Earlier this year, Cardinal Health and AmerisourceBergen agreed to pay the state $36 million. Ten other drug distributors have paid the state a combined $11 million.
West Virginia's recoveries against opioid distributors should pave the way for similar cases by other hard-hit states.
New Lawsuits Bring New Hope for Justice
As the opioid epidemic worsens, new legal avenues are being explored in addiction-ravaged areas that include Chicago, the state of Mississippi, and Everett, Washington.
Everett claims that Purdue Pharma ignored obligations owed to the state of Washington under its 2007 multi-state settlement to implement opioid diversion detection programs. The city is seeking damages for a spike in overdose deaths, homelessness, and crime that it says stems from Purdue allowing its products to flow into "pill mills" and drug rings.
Opioid lawsuits similar to cases that helped bring down Big Tobacco are now being pursued.
Lawsuits in Chicago and Mississippi go a step further in asserting that drugmakers' intentionally deceptive opioid marketing amounts to a fraudulent scheme that directly caused harm to the government and residents.
Mississippi, for example, alleges that medically unnecessary opioid prescriptions led to $5.6 million in spending on claims paid by the state's Medicaid program and an estimated $141 million in increased healthcare costs from opioid abuse.
The Washington Post compared the Mississippi opioid case to "the one that ultimately brought big tobacco to heel."
Mississippi Attorney General Jim Hood told ClassAction.com that, "For over two decades, these pharmaceutical companies have made billions of dollars in profits by misrepresenting to tens of millions of doctors and patients the significant dangers of prescription opioids—marketing the drugs as rarely addictive and a safe substitute for non-addictive pain medications, such as Advil, Motrin, or Aleve."
"The lawsuit seeks to end these deceptive marketing practices, impose civil penalties, and obtain an order requiring the drug companies to address the harms created by their deceptive conduct, including skyrocketing medical costs and crime," said Hood. "I want to make these few drug companies pay for the damage they have done and for treatment of addictions they caused."
Mississippi has so far won two court decisions in the case, which has proceeded further than others have. At the very least, pretrial discovery might force the drug companies to produce internal records—something they have fiercely opposed.
When patients and others have sued opioid makers, the companies have sought protective orders prohibiting company documents used as evidence from becoming public.
Any discrepancies between what manufacturers told doctors, regulators, and patients about opioids, and what they knew or suspected internally, could be the information needed to break through Big Pharma's defenses.
The best case scenario is that Purdue and other opioid makers will have to do in Mississippi what they have so far avoided: face a jury from a community where their products have sown death and destruction.
Other Solutions to the Epidemic
Lawsuits alone won't bring the opioid epidemic under control. Because the problem is systemic, new policies are needed at the state and federal levels that address the factors responsible for widespread opioid addiction.
The FDA's Role in Abetting Big Pharma
Changes should begin at the federal agency that regulates prescription drugs—the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA).
Experts like Dr. Andrew Kolodny of the group Physicians for Responsible Opioid Prescribing (PROP) have described how the FDA changed the rules governing how painkillers are approved to make it easier for companies to sell opioids to not only palliative care doctors and hospices, but also to family doctors.
The FDA went along with Big Pharma's messaging that opioids are safe and effective for common chronic pain, even though there is no evidence to support this notion. In fact, the available evidence suggests opioids can make pain worse. Palliative care medicine, however, doesn't produce blockbuster drugs.
"From the very beginning, had the FDA said to Purdue Pharma, when they released OxyContin… you can't market this to the family doc… Had they done that, I don't think we would have this epidemic," said Dr. Kolodny in a 2015 lecture.
Dr. Kolodny and other addiction experts believe the FDA could—and should—do more. They suggest new policies such as stronger opioid warning labels, technology-based drug packaging and drug designs that deter abuse and diversion, a more stringent risk-benefit analysis for painkillers, and more judicious opioid prescribing guidelines.
The FDA in 2016 agreed to overhaul opioid prescribing policies, but Dr. Kolodny described the announcement as mere "public relations."
Dr. Kolodny also doubts whether President Trump's pick for FDA commissioner, Dr. Scott Gottlieb, who has deep pharmaceutical industry ties, will bring about substantive anti-opioid changes.
Christie Will Chair Presidential Commission
President Donald Trump made opioids a point of emphasis during his campaign. He recently appointed New Jersey Governor Chris Christie to chair a special commission that will identify federal funding streams that could help stem the epidemic.
The commission is also comprised of Attorney General Jeff Sessions, Health and Human Services Secretary Tom Price, Veterans Affairs Secretary David Shulkin, Defense Secretary James Mattis, and an additional five members from state governments, law enforcement, and other groups.
Conspicuously missing from the commission, though, is a representative from the FDA.
McCaskill Launches Investigation
Missouri Senator Claire McCaskill has launched an investigation into opioid manufacturers. Senator McCaskill seeks documents showing what drug companies knew about opioid abuse risks and details of their marketing tactics.
The Senate began an investigation in 2012 into efforts by opioid makers and nonprofit groups to normalize drugs for common conditions like back pain. Findings from the investigation have yet to be made public.
Ten States Enact Laws to Curb Abuse
Ten states now have laws that limit opioid prescriptions to ten days or less.
New Jersey and Ohio were the latest states to crack down on opioid prescribing. New Jersey's law is one of the strictest in the country, limiting opioid prescriptions to a five-day supply (excluding cancer and end-of-life care). The legislation also removes insurance barriers for substance abuse treatment.
Ohio's law limits primary care physician opioid prescribing to seven days—down from 90—and requires doctors to give a specific diagnosis and procedure code for every opioid prescription. Governor John Kasich said that doctors who don't follow the new rules will lose their medical licenses.
Ohio, New Jersey, and states with similar prescribing laws are apparently getting the message from new research that suggests a single opioid prescription can lead to chronic use.
Single Prescription Can Lead to Long-Term Opioid Use
Bills in New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, and Washington State want to force opioid abusers into treatment by changing state mental illness statutes to include drug abuse. The bills, while flawed, address the importance of treating opioid addiction as a mental health issue—something on which health experts agree but that laws often ignore.
Framing the opioid epidemic as fundamentally a disease epidemic, says Dr. Andrew Kolodny, makes it easier to apply principles that are used to control disease outbreaks. Viewed in this light, the opioid epidemic can be solved through containment, treatment, and prevention of new cases.
The opioid epidemic was more than 20 years in the making, and it will take time to solve. But the efforts currently underway are a step in the right direction.
Do your part to fight back against the worst drug crisis in America's history: contact ClassAction.com to share your opioid addiction story, learn your rights, and stay informed.
Hooked on painkillers?


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Leila Farsakh
The Meaning of Palestinian Economic Development: Paradigm Shifts in Understanding the Palestinian Economy
The literature on the political economy of Palestine and the Palestinians has grown over the past two decades, both by mainstream economists and radical economists. It has been guided by an interest to define the economic manifestation of Palestinian resistance and focused on explaining the economic foundation of a future Palestinian state. This literature, though, has been uneven in its coverage of the various Palestinian communities. It has also been biased towards Palestinians living in the West Bank and to some extent those living in Gaza, to the detriment of refugees living in Arab countries or to the Palestinian citizens of Israel. It has adhered to a neo-liberal lens of analysis which is being increasingly contested by a growing number of radical economists, but which remains dominant in the official and mainstream academic circles.
The aim of this paper is to reflect on the way scholars have tried to construct a body of knowledge around the political economy of Palestine and the Palestinians. It seeks to investigate how the locus and boundaries of the Palestinian economy have changed over years and what has determined its delineation. Is Gaza part of a single Palestinian economy or a different entity altogether? Can one exclude the links forged with Palestinian citizens in Israel and how have these changed over the years? Who determines the answer to these questions and what implications do such answers have on the Palestinian people, their cause, the knowledge constructed around them?
Moreover, the paper critically reviews the analytical perspective used so far to explain Palestinian economic performance. It interrogates the extent to which the outcome of the past 40 years has been one of development, stalled growth, de-development or pauperization, as different scholars have argued. It traces the genealogy of two main theoretical paradigms, namely neoliberalism and colonialism, and the shift in their use at various interval of Palestinian historical trajectory. It examines, in particular, the way these two perspectives incorporate- or not- power into its analysis of Palestinian supply and demand forces. It explores which of the two has been more successful in explaining the peculiarity of the Palestinian economic condition, the evolution of its structure and the determinants of its performance condition. The paper gives special attention to the origins and comeback of colonialism as a framework of analysis to understanding the political economy of Palestine and the Palestinians.
Leila Farsakh is associate professor in political science at the University of Massachusetts Boston. She is the author of Palestinian Labor Migration to Israel: Labour, Land and Occupation, (Routledge, fall 2005) and editor of Commemorating the Naksa, Evoking the Nakba, (a special volume of Electronic Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, in Spring 2008), as well as of numerous journal articles on the political economy of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and on the One-State solution. Dr. Farsakh holds a Ph.D. from the University of London and an M.Phil from the University of Cambridge, UK. She has also worked with a number of international organizations, including the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris and since 2008 has been a senior research fellow at the Center for Development Studies at Birzeit University, in the West Bank. In 2001 Dr. Farsakh won the Peace and Justice Award from the Cambridge Peace Commission, in Cambridge-Massachusetts.

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaCommonCrawl


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Внезапно беременна () — американская комедия режиссёра .

Сюжет

В фильме показывается история семейной пары Кёртиса и Анджелы Маркс. Анджела (Хизер Грэм) — сотрудница крупной парфюмерной компании, находящаяся на пике своей карьеры, её муж Кёртис (Джерри О'Коннелл) — успешный адвокат. Их жизнь сосредоточена на своей карьере и несмотря на то, что Кёртис хотел бы иметь детей, Анджела к этому совсем не готова. Их жизнь серьёзно изменяется, когда сначала их лучшие друзья, Дэнни и Сильвия, принимают решение расстаться, а затем Анджела обнаруживает, что она беременна.

В ролях

Даты выхода

Съёмки фильма проходили в 2008 году, на экраны в США он вышел 3 апреля 2009 года. Премьера фильма на DVD состоялась 9 июня того же года .

Примечания

Ссылки

Кинокомедии США
Кинокомедии 2009 года
Фильмы на английском языке
Фильмы о Чикаго

redpajama_set_name: RedPajamaWikipedia


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THE BATTLE FOR MOSUL BEGINS
Posted byJack Harris | JHmin.com October 17, 2016 Posted inArticle, Feature Story, In The News, Situation ReportTags:Iraq, Kurdistan, Mosul, War
An Iraqi operation to recapture the city of Mosul, the last stronghold of the so-called Islamic State (IS) in the country, has started. Artillery began firing on the city early on Monday, in a long-awaited assault from Kurdish Peshmerga, Iraqi government and allied forces. Tanks are now moving towards the city, which has been held by IS since 2014. The BBC's Orla Guerin, who is with Kurdish forces east of Mosul, says tanks are advancing on the city, kicking up clouds of dust.
The UN has expressed "extreme concern" for the safety of up to 1.5 million people in the area.
So reads the latest news out of Iraq from the BBC with the following three subtexts
■ UN prepares for aftermath 'chaos'
An Exodus is expected
Hundreds of thousands of people – possibly a million – are expected to flee Mosul ahead of the forthcoming battle.
A planned military offensive to reclaim Mosul from so-called Islamic State (IS) could see up to a million Iraqis flee their homes. The UN's refugee agency has told the BBC how it and its partners are gearing up to deal with the expected humanitarian crisis by building camps to house those in need.
■ Battle must navigate ethnic rivalries
Plans for the recapture of Mosul, Iraq's second largest city, from the so-called Islamic State are fiendishly complicated. Ethnic rivalries, as well as sectarian and religious sensitivities, will have to be respected if the offensive is not to go horribly wrong.
The Iraqi army which scattered and fled as IS fighters drove and rode into Mosul in 2014 was mocked as I.R.A.Q. or I Ran Away Quickly. But the soldiers may have been running not only from IS. The mostly Sunni Arabs of Mosul resented the domination of the central Baghdad government by Shia Muslims.
Junior ranks in the Iraqi army were afraid that they would be attacked by Sunni Arabs in Mosul as well as IS, taking revenge for the transformation of Iraq into what they perceived to be a Shia state.
But the new prime minister Haider al-Abadi – also Shia of course – has worked hard to bring Sunnis back into the fold.
For example, he has funded and armed Sunni Arab tribal forces which are expected to play a prominent role in the imminent battle for Mosul.
The remaining residents, especially in the city centre, are more likely to welcome them than the mostly Shia Iraqi army, the irregular Shia "Popular Mobilisation Forces", or the Kurdish Peshmerga.
Meanwhile the remaining IS fighters have driven out, or massacred, the Christians, Yazidis and Kurds who used to live there.
Thousands of Sunni Arabs too have also left Mosul. If they ever believed that IS was a potentially sympathetic group of Sunni co-religionists, they were quickly disabused as the conquerors of Mosul revealed themselves to be irrational psychopaths who, for example, force children to watch public executions.
■ Is IS finished?
"Even if the territorial caliphate in Iraq and Syria is dismantled, this doesn't mean the end of the movement," says Fawaz Gerges, author of ISIS: A history.
Although IS shares some of its ideology with other militant groups, such as al-Qaeda, it differs in one key respect: it did not just talk about a caliphate; it conquered cities, erased borders and declared one. And in doing so, says Fawaz Gerges, it has energised global jihadism.
"The caliphate model will likely haunt the imagination of jihadists for many years to come," he says.
So where does all of this leave IS?
A year ago, no-one predicted IS would lose so much so quickly. And as it loses more land in the coming months, it is likely to lose more fighters. After all, what is Islamic State without a state?
So is Islamic State finished? Yes, it will lose its caliphate. But then the insurgency will begin.
While the whole world is looking on our team is on the ground in Dohuk, a mere 28 miles from Mosul prepared to do whatever we can to assist the new flood of IDPs fleeing the battle. We believe we've been strategically placed in northern Iraq just for such a time as this.
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SIGNS, WONDERS, MIRACLES
THE BATTLE FOR MOSUL: A PERSPECTIVE FROM KURDISTAN OF IRAQ


The following is an advertisement.
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Yeah, I know drugs and alcohol addictions is one of the most dreaded social problems even here in my country Malaysia. But my American's friends are very lucky because there's an easily reachable online service called 1800NoDrugs. Yes my friends, you can call them toll-free and speak with one of their high qualified counsellors.
1800NoDrugs is a drug rehab referral service. A free, non-profit drug rehab and addiction treatment placement service.
"We offer an International network of drug rehab treatment centers for all types of alcoholism, drug addiction, substance abuse, dual diagnosis, and chronic relapse clients. Finding a drug rehab program that meets your individual needs can be overwhelming. We can help assist you in finding the right treatment solution for you."Now that I know about 1800NoDrugs, I couldn't help it to compare what I've to face long long time ago when I was still using. I wish I had known about it then. Gee, I didn't know that there are so many types of drug rehab programs. I thought there were no help for me and I kept on using until I was caught by the narcotic policemen and eventually sent to a Government controlled rehab center.
Here, their drug rehab program mode were the notorious tough and ragged, where I was forced to march like an elite special force's soldier till I dropped. I'm not going to list what happened to me in detail because those were one moment in time that I wish to forget. What I'm trying to say my friends is that, there are so many rehabilitation centers and all of them offered differing in recovery approaches. Just thinking about all of the above can make an addict who is sincerely wishes to recover become confused but rest assure my friend, 1800NoDrugs can help you to choose which rehab center and/or program that is suitable for you or for your loved one, friends and families.
You have an absolute right to be treated with dignity and respect by the staff members. You may be an addict, but you are still a valuable person and should be treated accordingly.
I still remember what my beloved wife told me long ago. She is one of the top gun with the Ministry of Internal Security once said, "There is no graduation for an addict."
That's why even though it is now nearly five years I'm in recovery from drug addiction I've got to be aware all the time lest I shall fall back to the old way, living life as an addict. And I can tell you my friends, life as an addict was not very pretty I can assure you that. Been there, done that you see. Call 1800NoDrugs and they can tell you that recovering from any addiction, be it drugs or alcohol is more than that. Believe it or not, you've got to have knowledges and educations. You can learn a lot about yourself, your weakness, your limitations in a rehab center.
Just Call Now! Talk to the Most Experienced Drug Rehab Counselors. 1-800-NO-DRUGS (800-663-7847) At 1800NODRUGS.com Drug Rehab Referral Services know the nation's drug treatment centers, and can place your loved one in the drug rehab center most appropriate for them at no charge.
I am so grateful for the people who make it possible for addicts to find recovery and get help.
Good thing you have recovered!I'm proud of you!!
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Hey there! I'm Sam, one of the many who Micky graced in his list. Please pardon my putting the same comment on your site that I've put on so many others.
I've copied his list (with some omission of content!) and posted in on my site, www.raanch.com. You might want to take a look, for there are 82 blogs listed there. You're bound to find a new friend to follow. Also, I'm offering to everyone the code to put the same list in a post on their site. Lastly, there's a non-link to Micky's site, where folks can post a thank you to him for his service. After all, he really helped us out by compiling this list!
Nice blog you got here buddy and i'm so happy for all those making good recovery. Stay strong.
hallloooooo! where are you? what you doing? you are sooooo quiet?!?!?!?!